¶ The eight books of Caius julius Caesar containing his martial exploits in the Realm of Gallia and the Countries bordering upon the same translated out of latin into English by Arthur Goldinge G.  
¶ Imprinted at London by William Seres Anno. 1565   

¶ TO THE RIGHT honourable Sir William Cecil knight, principal Secretorye to the Queen's majesty, and master of her highness Courts of wards and liveries. Arthur Golding wisheth health and increase of honour.  
ALBEIT (RIGHT Honourable) that the difficultness of this present work, considering mine own want of experience not only in matters of war, but also in divers other things whereof this history entreateth, did dissuade & in manner discourage me from enterprising the translation thereof yet notwithstanding forasmuch as I perceived it to be a work, for the pleasure and profitableness thereof much desired of many, and that such of my simple travels, as I have heretofore bestowed in like matters, have been well accepted at your hand, as well boldened by your favourable encouragement: as also remembering that earnest endeavour overcometh all things: I Went in hand therewith. Not entering at the first beginning of the History, but about the mids of the fifth book where master Brend (whose Copy from your honour came to my hands) prevented by death did leave. The which latter part at such time as I had finished, and was come to perusing it over & correcting it with my friends, there were of them that counseled me to begin the work new again from the first beginning, and to put it out wholly in mine own name whereunto although I could not willingly be persuaded at the first: yet afterward when I had somewhat more deeply weighed the reasons that they alleged: considering with myself how I had sufficient leisure, and that I had overcome a piece of no less difficulty already, than the former part was: lest I might have seemed to seek excuse of slothfulness, or to refuse pains of wilfulness, r●ther than ●o defend myself by unableness: I agreed to their advice, And thereupon laying aside master Brendes copy, to use it rather as a counsellor when the thing was done, than as a president in doing▪ I have begun the whole work new again, and according to the first Author's meaning (as near as I could) translated it throughout. wherein how mi doings may be liked of others I know not. This I most humbly desire your honour, that you will take my pains & travel in that behalf in good worth. For I have not done it, because I thought myself of more skill and experience than master Brend (which I confess miyeres give me not) neither because I would in defacing his glory, (which were a point of lewdness) go about (as the latin proverb saith) to prick out the crows eyes. But I have done it, partly moved by the persuasions aforesaid, and partly because I was defirous to have the body of the whole Story compacted unyforme and of one style throughout. For so I thought it should be both more allowable among such as are of knowledge, and also more acceptable to the reader, when neither part of the work might be an eye sore to the other. Furthermore forasmuch as it is known unto many, that the said Copy was committed unto me, I have forborn to build upon that foundation, lest I might have ministered occasion to such as love cavilling, to say I had either hatched other birds eggs, or else praesumed to finish the picture of Venus that Appelles left unperfect. The which my doings I submit under your favourable protection: not doubting but that your Honour of your accustomed goodness and gentleness to wards me, will patiently bear with mine errors where any happen, and so regard my painful travel, as that my boldness may no whit offend you. At Paul's Belchamp the xxi of October. Anno. 1565.  
Your Honours always most humbly to command Arthur Golding.   

TO THE READER.  
WHEREAS CAESAR in his description of Gallia made in the beginning of this work, may seem dysagreable with other Authors, I thought it expedient for the better understanding of this History, as well to set out a more ample description of Gallia, as also to declare what sundry Nations have since Caesar's time possessed the same. Nevertheless gentle reader, thou shalt not look for a particular declaration of the shifting removing and expulsing of every several kind of people, nor of the alteration of the state of every several country in that Region: for that would rise to an infinite volume, more tedious than profitable, & it is more than I were able to perform. But I purpose to set before thine eyes (as briefly and plainly as my slender knowledge will give me leave) the bounds of that noble country, with th'alteration of such states as have borne chief pre-eminence and sovereinty in the same. first and formest therefore it is to be considered, that in the 693. year after the building of Rome (as affirmeth Eutropius) which was the .3905 year since the creation of the world, and the eight and fifth year before the birth of our saviour christ, julius Cesar the author of this work, (who afterward brought the state of Rome to a monarchy) being created Consul, was sent by the Senate as Lieutenant General with an army against the Galls inhabiting on the hither side of the Alps: whom with in ten years space he utterly subdued and brought in peaceable subjection to the Roman empire. the whole process whereof, he setteth forth so plainly, sincerely, and purely in these Commentaries, without either affectation of vainglory to himself, or suppressing the deserved commendation of others: that it is to be doubted whether he achieved his affairs with more felicity and valiantness, or reported them with more indifferency & faithfulness. And forasmuch as his intent in this work, was only to entreat of the matters of that country which he had in commission to conquer, he suppresseth in his description of Gallia, not only that part which the Romans call Cisalpina because it lieth on the same side of the Alps that Italy and Rome doth, but also the Province of Narbon, as Countries which by coming in subjection to the Roman Empire, were now rather to be counted part of Italy than of Gallia. For the ancient Gallia contained not only▪ whatsoever is included within the mountain Pirene's, the Ocean, the Rhine and the Alps: but also extended over the Alps to the river Rubicon. And therefore by a general division it was wont to be divided into Gallia Cisalpina & Gallia Transalpina. Cisalpina was also called Togata because thinhabiters thereof after the manner of the Romans went in gowns. It is now called lombardy of the lombards a people of Germany dwelling sometime about the mids of the river Albis on the westside thereof, where as be now the territories of the bishoprics of Magdeburg and Halberstade, who in the time of the Emperor justine the second, in the year of our Lord 569. being called into italy by Narses th'emperors Lieutenant there, took possessions of that country and reigned therein by the space of two hundred and four years unto the year of our lord 773. at which time Charles king of France surnamed the great, took Desiderius last king of lombards prisoner and annexed his seniory to the dominion of France. Gallia Transalpina whereof this History entreateth, hath (according to Ptolemy's description) on the west the Mountains Pirene's now called Ronncevall which divide it from spain, and the west Ocean. On the East it hath partly the Alps which divide it from Italy, and the river Rhyne which parteth it from Germany. On the north it hath the british Ocean and on the South it hath a part of the midland Sea called Ligusticus. This is now called France, and it is divided into four parts, Province, Aquitaine, Celticke, and Belgycke. All that lieth from the river Rhone and the mountains Cemenii (now called the mountains of Auverne) unto the midland Sea between the river Uarus which runneth out of the Alps by the city Nicaea, 
Of some called the Levamt sea  and the River Illyberis in the mountains Pirene's, beareth the name of the Roman Province, & was also called Braccata of a kind of short cote which the people of that country did commonly go in. It containeth Savoy, Delphivoys, Languedocke, and Province. Aquitai●e lieth between the mountains Pirene's and the river Loire, which rising out of the Mountains of Auverne falleth into the west Ocean: and is bounded on thoneside with the said mountains of Auverne, which divide it from the Province, and on th'otherside with the west Ocean. It containeth poitiers, Xanton, Lymosin, Berrey, Auverne, and Angolesme, with the duchies of Given and Gascon sometime the inheritance of the kings of England. Celtic, (which was also called Lugdunensis of Lugdunum the chief City of that country now called Lions standing upon Soan not far from the place where it falleth into Rhone,) runneth through the mids of France from the west Ocean and the british sea, unto the upper part of the Rhine: & is bounded on thoneside with the river of Loire, the Mountain of Auverne and the river Rhone which separate it from Aquitain and Province, and on th'otherside with the rivers of Seine and Marne which growing into one channel a little above Paris do fall into the Brityshe Ocean and divide it from Belgic. It containeth little Britain, Normandy, Burgundy, Swicerland with others. Belgic hath on the South the foresaid rivers of Seine & Marne, on the East the neither part of the Rhine, and on the west and north sides the British or english Ocean. It containeth Picardy, Arthoys, Flaunders, Braband, Holland, Gelderland, Lorreine. etc. with all the low country bordering upon the Rhine, and also the isle of France whose head city of Paris standeth upon the river Seine, whereof all the whole country of Gallia took the name. This country hath always been renowned, not only for the fertility of the soil, the temperateness of the air, and the abundance of all things for men's necessities and pleasure: but also (and that chiefly for the valiantness in arms and practice in Chivalry of thin habiters, whereby they both enlarged the bounds of their territory, and also darkened the glory and drowned the name of other Realms that were neighbours unto them: In somuch that the Greeks the chief Registerers of worthy acts, called all th'inhabiters from the river of Danow northward by the name of Celtes or Galls. Of this country were those Galls that under the first burn (who is reported to have been a Briton) burned Rome the .365. year after the building thereof in the time of the elder Dennis king of Sicil. Of this country were those Galls that under the second burn a hundred and nine years after the foresaid burning of Rome slew Ptolemy king of Macedon, & in th'assault of Delphos were oppressed with thunder lightning and tempests. Out of this country issewed those Galls which being called to the aid of the king of Bithynia (as Trogus reporteth) after they had vanquished his enemies, parted his kingdom with him calling the country Gallogrece or Galatia, and themselves Gallogrekes or Galatians. Of whom the prowess was so redowted, that the kings of the East made not any wars wherein they hired not the Galls to serve them: and if they were put from their kingdoms, they resorted not to any other than the Galls for succour. And as that martial offspring held the kings of Asia occupied there: so their mother country in Europe not only troubled their neighbours, but also vexed and disquieted even the victorious Romans, until such time as julius Cesar through his great prowess & good fortune, brought them in subjection to the Roman Empyer. From the which time it received both the laws and language of the Romans and bare their yoke obediently, until the viii year of themperor Honorius which was the .406. year after th'incarnation of christ, at the which time the Frenchmen who as then dwelled upon the Rhine on the further side, being sent for against one Lucius a Roman precedent for ravishing a Senators wife in the City of Triers, took the city, and within a while after subdued all Belgic under them. This was the beginning of the French dominion in Gallia, which as it afterward by little & little came in subjection to them took the name of France of them. For although that mention be made of them in the lives of divers Emperors before, and that from the reign of Galen, themperors from time to time had much a do with them: yet notwithstanding they aspired not to any sovereignty before the said reign of Honorius. Of the Original of them are divers opinions. Some think they inhabited the country by the river Sala towards the rivers Mene & Rhyne, and that in hope of conquest and desire of spoil, at such time as th'empire began to decline and wax weak, they joined unto them the almains and troubled Themperours of the west, by whom they were always repressed, to their great slaughter and damage. Strabo placeth their countrrye between the Norikes and Uindelicians. Othersome affirm them to have been a multitude of all sorts of people of germany united in league together, defending their liberty against the Empire, whereof they took their name, as frank and free people that would not be bond or subject to any man. But whatsoever they were, or wheresoever their dwelling was before they came over the Rhine, sure it is that since they passed into Gallia, they have with great good fortune increased, and pollitiquelye maintained their state unto this day. For after they had laid the foundation of their kingdom at Triers under Pharamund, first overmatching the almains their late fellows and confederates, and anon after subduing the Burgonions who somewhat before them entering into Gallia had seized into their possession the countries of the Heduans and Sequans with a part of the ancient Roman Province, which keepeth their name & progeny unto this day, they made themselves Lords of all Gallia. In process of time also their kings became lords of all Germany & Pannonie, and were invested with the sword of the Empire, which they held certain descents from Charles the great, who received the title and diadem imperial at Rome upon Christmas day in the year of our Lord God. 800 But worldly things never continue at one stay. Partly by civil dissension, and partly by outward war, and partly by composition and gift of kings, not only the name and title of Thempire, but also all the Provinces beyond the Rhine, yea and many on this side the Rhine to, were sequestered from the crown of France. For in the time of Char●es the simple about the year of our Lord .886. the normans (who are supposed to have been people either of Denmark or of Norwey) invading France under their Duke Rollo, (who afterward being christened was named Robert) partly by force and partly by composition seized into their possession that part of the Realm which unto this day beareth of them the name of Normandy: In the which country the posterity of the said Rollo reigned as Dukes a long descent, until Duke William surnamed the Ballard conquering this Realm in the year of Christ's incarnation .1967. brought his right with him into England, with the Princes whereof it continued until such time as the Frenchmen recovered it again in the reign of king Henry the sixth. The Uandales also invaded a part of Belgic, to the which at their departing thence into Spain they left the name of Flaunders. Many other nations likewise have settled themselves in France, who being overmatched by the Frenchmen are grown into the same name with them. But no one Nation since their first coming thither, hath so often and so sore afflicted them as our English Nation hath done: whose kings divers times before, but specially from the time of king Edward the third, have contended with them, not so much for any one part or Province of the country, as for the substance of the crown & possession of the whole Realm, descended to our kings by right of inheritance. And they have both gained and held it many years, until fortune changing her copy, hath transferred the possession again to the Frenchmen, the right remaining still to the Crown of England. In these our days we see how not only Flaunders which hath of long time continued so, but also all the countries bordering upon the Rhine and many cities near unto the Alps are alienated from the Crown of France. Whereof some are under the jurisdiction of the spanish king, some are imperial, and other some are free. Thus as fortune of war disposeth, the bounds of this kingdom have sometime been enlarged and sometime straightened: the which who so desireth to know more particularly, I remit him to the reading of such chronicles and Antiquities as entreat thereof. I trust this shall suffice for an introduction to this history: my pains in translating whereof, I desire thee to accept in good part, and to use them to thy behoof. And as for the old names of the cities, Towns, Countries, Hills and Rivers, how they be called at this day, together with a dyscription of certain Roman engines hereafter mentioned in this book, I refer thee partly to the Notes in the Margin, and partly to the table in the end of this work, where thou shalt find them or at the least the most of them in order of the alphabet.  
Farewell.   

¶ Errors escaped in the printing.  
Fol. 14. b 5. for superstitions read suspicions  
Fol. 16. a. 21: for emcamped read encamped.  
Fol. 16. b. 15. for sarued read served.  
Folly 18. b. 12. for being read were.  
Fol. 24. b. 1. for man's read men's.  
Fol. 25. a. 18. for holding their heads, read holding down their. etc.  
Fol. 43. a. 20. for making read leaving.  
Fol. 44. b. 26. for whereof read thereof.  
Fol. 51. a. 21. read, he led his army. etc.  
Fol. 64. a. 19 for accomt read account.  
Fol. 64. b. 18. for Carunes read Carnutes, and in all places after for Caruntes read Carnutes.  
Fol. 65. a 14. for to read and  
Fol. 69. a. 19 for Uuel●es read U●elles, and so in all places after.  
Fol. 69. b. 9 for to broil read the broil.  
Fol. 70. b. 12. for conveying read coming.  
Fol. 71. a. 15. for Naunets read Nannets.  
Fol. 73. a. 17. put out, the, before linen.  
Fol. 82. b. 10. for Biggerones read Bigerrones.  
Fol. 84. a. 11. for Teucthers read Tencthers and so in all places after.  
Fol. 97. a. 16. for the to read to thee.  
Fol. 105. a. 11. put out, that,.  
Folly, 120. a. 27. for Aucalits' read Ancalits'.  
Fol. 121. a. 16. read he sent. etc.  
Fol. 133. b. 23. for drive read driven.  
Fol. 135. b. 13. for redlly read readily.  
Fol. 144. b. the last line, for psent read spent.  
Fol. 147. a. 1. for thee, read them.  
Fol. 153. b. 21. for parter read parts.  
Fol. 160. a. 8. read, one of the greatest.  
Fol. 164. a. 9 for Minuitius read Minutius  
Fol. 177. b. 4. for Lemoni●es read L●monikes  
Fol. 189. b. 14. &. 25. for Gebenua read Gebenna.  
Fol. 189. b. 26. read, inasmuch as.  
Fol. 195. a. 1. for manes read means.  
Fol. 196. b. 19 read, and both of them. etc.  
Fol. 200. b. 13. for lur●d read alured.  
Fol. 207. b. 1. read, of our soldiers. etc.  
Fol. 217. b. in the. 6. 7. & 8. lines whereas the sentence is thus, all such forasmuch as there were neither woods nor Mountains to hide them, they were as s●ain, read thus: they were all s●aine by cure horsemen, saving such as h●d themselves in the woods and mountains.  
Fol. 219. a. 10. put out, the people of,.  
Fol. 221. b. 24. for Aleria ●ead Alexia.  
Fol. 226. b. 6 for Uellamnians read Uellaunians  
Fol. 234. a. 13. for copasie read compass.  
Fol. 253. a. 16. put out, by,.  
Fol. 256. a. 23. for perisisted read persisted.  
Fol. 260. a. 4. put out, he,.  
Fol. 263. a. 21. read, it was astonished. etc.  
Fol. 268. a. 8. read, did cut of. etc.  
FINIS.   

THE FIRST BOOK of Caius julius Caesar's Commentaries of the wars in Gallia.  
ALL 
The whole country of France  GALLIA IS divided into three parts: Of the which, one is inhabited by the Belgies. An other by the Aquitanes, and the iii by them who in their tongue are called Celtes, and in our Galls. All these differ each from other in Language, Customs, and Laws. The river of Geronde divideth the Celtes from the Aquitanes: and the rivers of Scene and Marne do divide them from the Belgies. Of all these, the Belgies be most puissant, as they which are furthest distant from the delycatenes and civility of the Province, and unto whom is little or no resort of merchants, to bring in things that might effeminate their minds. Besides that, they border upon the Germans, inhabiting beyond the River of Rhyne, with whom they be at continual war. The same thing also is a cause why the 
Now called Swiszers.  Helvetians having daily conflict with the Germans either in their own defence, or by the way of invasion, do in prowess excel the rest of the Galls. That part which is said to be possessed of the 
Celtes a countri of France lying between Gascognie & the countries of Germany.  Celtes, taketh his beginning at the River of Rhone, & is enclosed with the water of Gerownd, with the Ocean Sea, and with the bounds of the Belgies: bordering also upon the Rhine in the countries of the Sequanes and Helvetians, & it bendeth towards the North. The 
Belgia the low countries of Germany, from Trevorse & men's to Flaunders & those parts. Aquitane the countries of Gascognie & Guien.  Belgies begin at the uttermost bounds of Gallia, and extend to the nethermost part of the Rhine, and they lie North and East. Aquitane stretcheth from the river Gerownde to the mountains Pyrenes and the Spanish sea, between the north & the west. There was among the Helvetians one Orgetorixa man of the greatest nobility and wealth in all the country. He in the time that 
Two chief honours of the state yearly changed.  Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso were Consuls of Rome, blinded with desire of sovereignty, conspired with the nobility, and persuaded the City whereof he was, to remove out of their country with all the power they could make: Alleging that it was an easy matter for them to conquer all Gallia, in as much as they excelled all the rest in prowess. It was the easier for him to bring them hereunto, because the 
Swiszers.  Helvetians dwell in such a country as on all sides is by nature fortified. For on the one side they are enclosed with the river of the Rhine a very broad and deep water, which divideth them from the Germans: on an other side with the high mountain 
Mount saint claud or mount jou. Bourgomons  jura, which is between them and the 
Mount saint claud or mount jou. Bourgomons  Sequanes, and on the third side with the lake Leman and the river Rhone, which divideth them from our province. By means hereof it came to pass, that they cold not range very far abroad, nor with their ease make roads against their neighbours: which was a great grief unto them, being a people desirous of war. For in respect of their multitude, and of the renown of their puissance & force in arms, they thought them seluis enclosed in a straight, as whose Country passed not. CCxl. miles in length, and an hundred & four score miles in breadth. Persuaded with these reasons, and moved with the Authority of Orgetorix, they determined to make provision of all things meet for their voyage: As namely in buying of all the carts and carriage beasts they could come by, in employing all their grounds to tillage, to the intent to furnish themselves abundantely with corn in their journey: and in confirming peace and alliance with the cities adjoining. For the performance of these things they thought two years to be sufficient: decreeing by law to set forward the third year. To bring these matters to effect was Orgetorix chosen: And he took upon him to go in ambassade to the Cities. He in that journey persuaded Casticus a 
A Bourgonion.  Sequane, the son of Catamantalis, (whose father had reigned many years among the Sequanes, and was accounted a friend to the Senate and people of Rome) to take upon him the sovereignty in his own country, the which his father had held before him. Also be persuaded Dumnorix the Heduan the brother of Divitiacus (who at that time bore chief authority in his country, and was in greatest favour with the commonalty,) to attempt the like, and thereupon gave him his daughter in marriage. He proved that it was an easy matter for them to bring their enterprises to pass, for as much as he should obtain the government of his own City, and it was not to be doubted but that the Swiszers were able to do more than all France beside, wherefore he should be able with his power and with his army to warrant them kingdoms. Persuaded with this Oration, they gave their faith one to an other, and confirmed it with an oath: Hoping assuredly that seeing three of the strongest and puissanteste nations of all France had bend their force together, it could none otherwise come to pass, but that they must needs be Lords of all the whole country. When this matter was bewrayed to the rest of the Helvetians, according to their custom they committed Orgetorix to prison to answer to his complaint. If he were cast, the law condemned him to be burned with fire. At the day appointed for the pleading of his case, Orgetorix called to the Sessions all his kindred and alliance, to the number of ten thousand men, together with all his reteynours and debtors, of whom he had a great company. By them he so wrought, that he came not to answer his inditement. When the City being stirred herewithal, sowghte to maintain th'execution of their laws by the sword, and that the magistrates were raising a power of men out of the country for the same purpose, Orgetorix died: not without suspicion (as the Helvetians think) of killing himself. After his death, the Helvetians nevertheless proceeded with their fore determined purpose of departing out of their country. And when they thought themselves in a sufficient readiness for the matter, they set on fire all their Cities, to the numbered of twelve, and all their villages, which were about iiii. hundred, together with the rest of their private buildings. Likewise they burned all their corn, saving that which they meant to carry with them, to th'intent that all hope of returning home being taken away, they should more willingly adventure them selves to abide all perils. Commandment was given that every man should carry with him so much meal as would serve him for three months. Moreover they persuaded the 
People about Basil.  Rawracians, 
People about Basil.  Tulingians and 
People about Basil.  Latobrigians their next neighbours, to follow the same trade in burning their towns and villages, and to accompany them in this their voyage, receiving also into league and confederacy the 
People of Toll in Lorraine. People of Losanne. People of Burbone, Bavier or Boeme in Almain.  boians, who not long ago had inhabited on the further side of the Rhine, and were now lately come over into the coast of Noricum, and had there besieged the City 
Norinberg.  Noreia. There were but only two ways for them to pass at out of their country, the one by the 
Burgonions.  Sequanes narrow and uneasy between the mountain jura and the river of Rhone, scarce so broad as that a cart might well be driven through it, so overhanged with the high mountain that a very few had been able to stop them of their passage: Tother through our province, far more easy and readier, because that the river of Rhone which runneth between the borders of the Helvetians and the 
Now the people of Savoy & Delphinoyes.  Allobrogians (who were lately come under the Roman Empire) hath diverse fords and shallow places to pass at. The uttermost town of thAllobrogians and next to the borders of Helvetia is Geneva, out of the which town is a bridge into Swiszerlande. They thought verily they should either entreat the Allobrogians because they seemed not as yet to love the people of Rome from the heart, or else they would compel them by force to give them passage through their country. When all things were in a full readiness for their journey, they appoyneted a day when their whole numbered should meet all together at the River of Rhone, the which day was about the xxviii of March, Lucius Piso, and Aulus Gabinius, being then Consuls of Rome: When tidings hereof was brought unto Cesar, that they went about to pass through our Province, he made haste to depart from the City, and with all speed possible went into the 
The country of France at the foot of the Alps.  further gallia to Geneva, where he gave order for the mustering and levying of as many soldiers as could be made through all the Province, (for there was but one legion at that time in the further Gallia) and commanded the bridge at Geneva to be hewn down. 
Alegion.  Assoon as the Helvetians were advertised of his coming, they sent of the greatest princes of their country in ambassade to him, among whom the chief were Numeius and Ueredoctius, who had in commission to say unto him that the Helvetians were minded to pass through the province without any harm doing, because they had none other way to go: desiring him to give them leave to pass with his favour. Cesar remembering how Lucius Cassius the Consul had heretofore by the Helvetians been slain, and his army vanquished & compelled dishonourably to creep under a yoke, thought it not convenient to grant their request For it could not sink in his head that men bearing a rooted enmity in their hearts against the people of Rome, would after liberty once given them to pass through the province, abstain from injury and evil doing: notwithstanding to th'intent to have respite to assemble his soldiers that he had appointed to be levied, he answered the Ambasssadours that he would take a further time to breathe upon the matter: and that if they were minded to common any further with him, they should return to him again at the vi. day of April next following. In the mean while, with that legion that he had about him and with such soldiers as were assembled out of Province, he drew a ditch and made a wall of xvi. foot high, nineteen miles long from the lake Leman, which falleth into the river of Rhone, unto the mounntaine jura, which divideth the borders of the Borgonions from the Swiszers. Assoon as this work was fully finished, he raised towers upon the wall and put men of war in them, to the intent the better to resist the Helvetians, if they attempted to pass against his will. When the day appointed to the Ambassadors was come, and th'ambassadors returned, He made them answer that without breaking the custom and example of the people of Rome, he could not give any man leave to pass through the Province: which thing if they attempted by force, he told them he would withstand them. The Helvetians disappointed of this their hope, assayed to get over the river, some in barges joined together, and some in boats, whereof they had made great store before hand, and othersome at the fords where the water was shallowest: and this did they often times by day, but oftener by night. Howbeit being repulsed by the strength of our fortification, and the continual resort of our soldiers which held them ever at the sword point, they left of their enterprise. There was yet one way left by the 
Bourgonions  Sequanes, the which nevertheless they could not pass against the Sequanes wills by reason of the straits. Whom when they could not of themselves entreat, they sent messengers to Dumnorix the 
Hedui people of Burgundy about Autumn  Heduane that by his intercession they might prevail in their suit. Dunnorix was very well beloved, and for his liberality was able to do much with the Sequanes, and he bore good will to the Helvetians, because he had married the daughter of Orgetorix out of that country. Moreover being led with desire of sovereignty, he sought innovation of things, endeavouring by his benefits to make many Cities beholden unto him. And therefore he took the matter upon him, and obtained leave of the Sequanes for the Helvetians to pass through their country, causing hostages to be given on both sides, the Sequanes that they should not trouble the Helvetians in their passage, and the Helvetians that they should go quietly without offering injury or evil doing. Anon word was brought unto Cesar that the Helvetians were minded to pass through the countries of the 
They are now both named Burgonious.  Sequanes & 
They are now both named Burgonious.  Heduanes into the borders of Santow which is not far from Tholouse a City in Province. If that were suffered, he knew well it would be greatly to the noyance of the Province, to have such warlike people ancient enemies of the Romans, so near neighbours unto it in Champion and corn countries. For these considerations, he left his lieutenant Titus Labienus behind him to the defence of the fortification already made, and he himself with all speed returned into Italy, where he levied two Legions a new & drew out of the garrysons about Aquileia three other that wintered there, and with those five legions took his neereste way over the Alps toward the further Gallia. There the 
People of Tarantaise in Savoie.  Centrones, the 
People of Tarantaise in Savoie.  Caroceles, & the 
People of Tarantaise in Savoie.  Caturiges having taken the higher places before, went about to stop him from passing with his army. But in many of these battles they went by the worst, and so Cesar in seven days marched from Ocelum which is the furthest town of the hithermost province, unto the borders of the * Uocontians which are in the further province. From thence he conducted his army among the 
A people bordering upon Tarantaise Delphine & Savoy.  Allobrogians, and from the Allobrogians to the Secusianes, which are the first people out of Province beyond the river Rhone. By that time had the Helvetians with all their host passed the straights and the country of the 
People of Savoy and Dauphin. Bourgonions  Sequanes, and being entered the borders of the 
People of Savoy and Dauphin. Bourgonions  Heduanes wasted their fields. The Heduanes feeling themselves to weak to make defence against them, sent messengers to Cesar to desire succour: alledgyngs that their deserts towards the people of Rome had always been such, that it stood not with their honour to suffer their Lands to be destroyed, their children led into captivity, & their towns to be sacked, in manner within the sight of their army. The same time that the Heduanes made this complaint, the 
People about Nevers.  Ambarries being near friends and allies of the Heduanes, advertised Cesar that their fi●ides were already wasted, & that they had much a do to keep their enemies out of their walled Towns. Furthermore the Allobrogians which had lands and possessions on tother side of Rhone, 
People of Savoy and Dausph●ne.  came flying unto Cesar & told him that nothing was left them save the bare ground. Caesar moved with these matters, thought it not good to foreslow the time until the Helvetians having spoiled his friends, were come among the Santones. 
People of Gascognie & near Tolouse  There is a river now called Saone, which through the bounds of the Heduanes and Sequanes entereth into Rhone, so mildly and gently, that it is not possible to be discerned by sight which way the stream runneth. The Helvetians with boats and shallops joined together had passed the same, whereof when Cesar was advertised by his espials, at such time as three parts of their army were already ferried over the river, and the fourth part was yet behind, About the third watch of the night, he set out of his camp with three Legions, and came upon that part that had not yet passed the river: and setting upon them unwares and out of order, slew a great number of them, the rest took them to flight and hid themselves in the next woods. The Canton where this was done was called 
Now called Zurich,  Tigurine. For all the whole country of Helvetia is divided into iiii. Cantons or shires. This same one Canton removing out of their Country in the time of our fathers, slew Lucius Cassius the Consul, and sent his army under a yoke. So, whether it were by chance or by the providence of the gods immortal, the self same part of Helvetia which had brought so dishonourable a reproach upon the Romans, was the first that suffered punishment for it. Wherein Cesar revenged not only the displeasure done to the whole state of his Country, but also the displeasure done to himself in private, for as much as the Tigurines in the same battle that Cassius was slain, slew also his lieutenant Lucius Piso, the grandfather of Lucius Piso, Caesar's father in law. After this discomfiture, to th'intent he might overtake the rest of the Helvetian host, he caused a bridge to be made upon Arar, and so passed over his army. The Helvetians abashed at his sudden approach, when they perceived he had done as much in one day as they were scarce able to do in twenty, that is to say, passed the river, sent ambassadors unto him, whereof the chief was Divico, who in the battle agienste Cassius was captain of the Helvetians. The effect of his treaty was, that if the people of Rome would be contented to make peace with the Helvetians, they would depart into what quarter so ever Cesar would appoint them, and there remain at his pleasure. But if he were purposed to pursue them with battle, they willed him to call to remembrance as well the damage that the Romans had received by their nation in time past, as also the ancient prowess of the Helvetians. And where as he had assailed one Canton unbewares at such time as the rest being passed the river could not rescue their fellows, it was no matter why he should greatly glory in his own prowess, or despise the Helvetians, who had been in such sort trained up by their fathers and ancestors before time, as to contend rather by manhood than by deceit, or to covet conquest by subtlety. Wherefore it was good for him to be well advised that through his oversight the place of their present being took not his name and were made famous by the destruction of the people of Rome and thutter slaughter of his army. To these things Cesar made answer in this wise. That he had so much the less need to doubt what he should do, in that he perfectly remembered the things which the Helvetian ambassadors had made mention of: the which grieved him so much the more, as the people of Rome had less deserved them. For if their conscience had accused them of any wrong done, it had been no hard matter to have shunned thinconvenience. But herein they were deceived, that neither they knew themselves to have committed any thing why they should be afraid, nor thought it meet to be afraid without cause. But admit he could be contented to forget the former reproach done unto the Romans, was it reason he should also wink at their wrongful dealing again of new, in attempting to make themselves passage through the Province by the sword whether he would or no? in that they had molested the Heduanes, the Ambarrians, and the Allobrogians? their glorying so presumptuously in their former victory, and their vaunting of escaping so long unpunished for their wrongful dealings, had brought them to the point they were at. For the gods immortal are wont sometime to grant greater prosperity and longer respite from ponnyshement unto such as they are minded to chastise for their offences, to th'intent that when the change came the grief thereof might touch them more nearer the heart. Now albeit things were as they were, yet notwithstanding if they would give him pledges, that he might perceive they were willing to perform the things they promised, and moreover make satisfaction aswell of the injuries and displeasures done to the Heduanes & their adherentes, as also to the Allobrogians, he was contented to make peace with them. Divico replying said that the Helvetians had been taught of their ancestors, to take and not to give pledges: whereof the people of Rome could bear witness themselves. When he had given this answer, he departed. The next day they removed their Camp from the place where they were, and so did Cesar likewise, who sent out all his horsemen to the number of four thousand (which he had assembled out of all the Province and among the Heduanes and their adherentes) to discover towards what part his enemies were drawn. They pursuing over greedily the rearward of their enemies, encountered with the Helvetian horsemen in a place of disadvantage, and lost certain of their company. The Helvetians being puffed up with the success of this skirmish, because that with five hundred horsemen they had given repulse to so many of our horsemen, began to stay more boldly than they were wont, and sundry times out of their rearward, to provoke our men to the encounter. Howbeit caesar restrained his Soldiers, & thought it enough at that present to prohibit his enemies from wasting and spoiling of the Country. So they continued on their journey by the space of xv days together, in such sort that there was not passed a five or six mile's distance between the rearward of our enemies, & our forward. In the mean while Cesar called daily upon the Heduans, for the grain that they had promised him by their common consent. For by reason of the cold (for asmuch as Gallia as is said before is situate under the north clime) not only the corn was not ripe in the fields, but also there was not sufficient forage to be gotten. As for that corn which he had brought with him by the river Arar, could not handsomely serve his turn, because the Helvetians had withdrawn themselves another way, from whom he was not minded to departed. The Heduans made delays from day to day, saying it was a gathering, it was a bringing, it would be there out of hand. When Cesar perceived himself to be dallied withal to long, and that the day was at hand that it should be measured and divided unto his soldiers, calling unto him their chief noblemen and Princes, of whom he had a great company in his Camp, and amongs other, Divitiacus & Liscus who at that time held the principal office, which they call Uergobret, which is an office that lasteth but from year to year, and for the time hath absolute power of life and death, he sharply blamed them that whereas there was not any corn to be bought, nor to be gotten in the fields, in such a time of necessity, his enemies being so near at hand, he was not succoured nor relieved by them, specially considering that for the most part at their entretance he had taken this war in hand. Wherefore so much the juster cause he had to complain, in that he was disappointed by them. Then at the length Liscus provoked thereto by Caesar's words, disclosed that which hitherto he had concealed: How there were certain persons of great authority among the common people, that could do more than the magistrates. Who with their lewd and seditious talk did put the people in such fear, that they delivered no● the corn, as they ought to have done by promise. Alleging that if they could not now attain the souerein●tie of Gallia themselves, it wer● more reason to prefer thereunto th● Galls rather than the Romans. For out of all doubt, might the Romans ones get the mastery of the Helvetians, they would bring the Heduanes under coram as well as all the rest of the Galls. By these persons our counsels and all that was done in our camp were bewrayed to the enemy. Whose doings it lay not in their hand to bridle: for albeit that utter necessity compelled him to declare thus much unto Cesar, yet was he not ignorant what peril he procured himself in doing thereof, which was the only cause why he had concealed the matter as long as he could. Cesar perceived by these words of Liscus, that Dumnorix the brother of Divitiacus was noted. But because he would not have those matters debated in the presence of many, he soon dismissed the counsel, keeping Liscus still with him. When he had him alone, he required those things of him that he had touched in the counsel: and he uttered them more at large and more boldly. Cesar made privy inquiry for the same things at other men's hands, and found them to be true in deed: as that Dumnorix himself was a man of singular audacity, and in great favour with the commonalty for his liberality, desirous of alteration, & that he had taken to ferm for many years to come at a small price as well the customs for all things that were conveyed in and out of the Realm, as all other taxes & impositions of the Heduanes, because that when he had ones beaten the price no man durst set in his foot against him. By means whereof he had not only his own private substance, but also gotten abundantely wherewith to show himself liberal abroad, in so much that he found a great number of horsemennes always at his own charges and kept them about him, and that he was able to deal liberally not only with his own country, but also among the Cities that were his neighbours. By means of which authority he had bestowed his mother in marriage to a man of the greatest lineage and power in all Berrey, taken a wife from among the Helvetians, and had married his sister by the mother side and diverse other of his kynneswomen into other Cities, the which affinity was an occasion that he favoured and wished well to the Helvetians, and bare ill will to the romans, whom naturally he hated in his heart, because that by their coming his power was abated, and his brother Divitiacus restored to as much favour and estimation as ever he had before. For might the Romans have ill success, he was in good hope through help of the Helvetians to be made king: where as if the Romans obtained the superiority, he was out of all hope, not only of being king, but also of that estimation the he than had.  
Moreover Cesar learned by inquiry, that in the battle of horsemen which he lost a few days before, Dumnorix and his horsemen began first to fly: (for he was captain of the men of Arms that the Heduans had sent to thaid of Cesar) and that by their running away the rest of the men of arms were discomfited. The which things being known, when as beside these superstitions, he had other matters of certainty to charge him withal, as that he had led the Helvetians through the country of Burgundy, that he had caused hostages to be given between them, and that he had done all the said things not only without commandment of him & of the City, but also without their knowledge, for as much as he was accused to him by the chief magistrate of the Heduanes, he thought it sufficient cause either to ponnissh him himself, or to command the city to see him punished. But there was one thing that withstood all these matters: namely that Cesar knew his brother Diuitia●us to bear earnest good will to the people of Rome, and that he heartily loved him, and that he was a man of singular faithefulnesse, justice, and modesty. Wherefore he was very loath to offend his mind with the ponnishement of his brother. And therefore he called Divitiacus unto him, and removing his accustomed interpreters, commoned with him by Caius Ualerius Troacillus chief governor of the Roman Province in Gallia, his familiar friend whom he chief trusted unto in all things. first he put him in remembrance what had been spoken before his face in the counsel of the Galls concerning his brother Dumnorix, and showed him what every man severally had reported of him, to him in secret. Desiring & persuading him, that without his displeasure, he might upon sufficient trial of the matter, either proceed against him himself, or else cause his City to proceed against him according to his deserts. Divitiacus embracing caesar with many tears, began to entreat him that he would not deal over straightly with his brother. He said he knew those things to be true, and no man was more sorry for it than he, because that where as he was of great estimation himself both in his own country and in all Gallia beside, and his brother could do little or nothing by reason of his youth, his brother had been advanced by his means only: the which his wealth and authority although he had abused, not only to the decay of his estimation, but also well near to his own destruction, yet not with standing he was sore troubled inwardly, both for the love he bore to his brother, & for th'opinion of the common people. For if Cesar should chance to deal any thing roughely with him, (he standing so highly in his favour as he did,) every man would think it were done by his consent & procurement, whereby it would come to pass that he should lose the hearts of all the Galls. As he was making this request unto Cesar with many words weeping, Cesar took him by the right hand, and comforting him desired him to make no more entreatance, assuring him that he set so much by him, that at his request he was content to pardon both the injury done to the common weal, & also his own grief, to order all as he thought good. hereupon he called Dumnorix aside: & taking his brother to him, declared what matters he had to charge him with, laying before him what informations were put up against him, & what complaint the city had made of him: he warned him to avoid all causes of suspicion hereafter, upon trust whereof he told him he would (for his brother Divitiacus sake) remit all that was passed. This done he set good watch about Dumnorix, to th'intent to know what he did & with whom he had any conference. The same day being certified by his skowtes that his enemies were emcamped under the side of a hill about viii miles from his camp, he sent to view the nature of the hill, and what coming there was to it on every side round about. word was brought him again that it was very easy. About the end of the third watch he commanded Titus Labienus his lieutenant to take the same men for his guides that had viewed the ground before and knew the way, and with two Legions in all haste possible to take the top of the hill, declaring unto him what his purpose was to do. In the end of the fourth watch, he himself by the same way that his enemies had gone, went toward them, and sent all his men of arms before him. Publius Considius who was counted most expert in feats of chivalry (as he that had sarued first in the army of Lucius Sylla and afterward under Marcus Crassus) was sent before with the skowtes. At the dawning of the day, when T. Labienus had gotten the top of the hill, and that he was not passed a mile and a half from the camp of his enemies, who (as he learned afterward by his prisoners) knew neither of his coming, nor of Labienus being there, Considius came ronning to him upon the spur, and made report unto him, that the hill which he would that Labienus should have taken, was possessed by his enemies: the which he perceived by the arms & antesignes of the Galls. Hereupon Cesar withdrew his army into the next hill, and set his men in order of battle. Labienus (for as much as Cesar had expressly commanded him that he should not join battle with his enemies before such time as he saw his army near unto their Camp, to th'intent that assault might have been made upon them on all sides at ones,) when he had taken the hill, stood still waiting for us, and abstained from fighting. At length when the day was well forth, Cesar understood by his espials, that they were his own men that had taken the mountain, and that the Helvetians had dislodged from thence, & that Considius of a childish fear had reported for a certainty the thing he had not seen. All that day he followed after his enemies with like distance as he had done before, and encamped within three miles of their Camp. The next day because that within two days after it behoved him to distribute corn to his soldiers, and forasmuch as he was not above eighteen miles from Beawbrai which is the greatest and wealthiest City in all the country of the Heduanes, he thought good to make provision for corn, & thereupon turning from the Swissers, he took his way toward Beawuray. This his doing was by certain fugitives of the hand of Lucius Aemilius Captain of a troup of Gallian horsemen, bewrayed to the enemy. The Swissers, (whether it were that they thought the Romans departed from them for fear of them, (which seemed to them so much the more likely to be true, because the day before having taken the higher grounds, they had not given them battle,) or that they were in hope to cut them of from their provision of corn,) altered their purpose, and turning back again, began to pursue us and to assails our rearguard, when Cesar perceived that, he withdrew his host into the next hill, and sent out his men of arms to withstand the brunt of his enemies. In the mean while he ordered his men upon the mids of the hill in three battles of four legions of old expert soldiers: so that above him on the top of the hill he placed the two legions, which he had lately levied in the hither Gallia, together with all the strangers that were come to his aid, and furnished all the hill with men of war. In this time also he caused all the baggage to be brought together into one place, and the same to be fortified by them that stood in the higher battle. The Heluetrans following after with all their chariots, conveyed all their stuff into one place, and they themselves on a thick throng, having put our horsemen aside, cast themselves in a square battle, and pressed under our vanguard. Cesar sending first his own, and then all other men's horses out of sight, (to th'intent that putting them all in like peril he might cut of all hope of flight) encouraged his men, and joined battle. His soldiers by throwing darts from the higher ground, did easily break the battle of their enemies. The which being once disordered, they charged upon them with their naked sword. It was a great trouble to the Galls when they should fight, that many of their targets being stricken through with one blow of a dart, and fastened together in such sort that after the iron was bowed, they could neither pull the Dart out, nor yet handsomely seight by reason their left hands were troubled. So that in conclusion many having a long time wearied their arms, chose rather to cast their targets out of their hands, and to seight with their bodies naked. At length waxing faint with wounds, they began to lose ground, and because there was a hill near at hand about a mile of from the place, they began to draw themselves thither. When they had gotten this hill, and that our men pursued still after them, the boians and Tulingians (to the number of a fifteen thousand men) who closed up the battle of our enemies, and were a rescue to their reregarde, assailing us on the open side as we passed by them, enclosed us about. That seeing the Helvetians which had recovered the hill, pressed forward again, and began the battle a fresh. The Romans turning their Standards, were feign to encounter them both ways at ones. The forward and middelwarde to resist them that even now were as good as vanquished and put to flight, and the rearward to withstand them that came new upon them. So the battle was fore fought a long while ere fortune inclined to either party. At the last not able to withstand our force any longer, th'one part of them retired to the Mountain as they had begun, and tother part drew themselves to their Chariots & their stuff. For during all the time of this battle, which was fought from seven of the clock in the morning until the evening, there was not any of us could say he saw his enemy turn his face from him. Yea and about their stuff the battle was prolonged, until it was far on the night, because they had set against us their Chariots in manner of a Rampire, & threw darts from aloft at us as we came toward them. And many of them from under the Chariots and from among the wheels, did thrust at our men with Pikes and javelins and wounded them. After long fight, we won their carriages and their tents also, in the which the daughter of Orgetorix and one of his sons were taken prisoners. From this battle escaped about an hundred and thirty thousand men: which journeying all that night long continually without ceasing, came the fourth day after into the borders of the 
Now called Langres.  Lingones. Our men being feign to rest themselves there three days for dressing of their wounds, and burying of such as were slain, were not in case to pursue them. Howbeit Cesar sent letters and messengers to the Lingones, that they should not secure them with victuals or any other thing: if they did, he sent them word he would repute them for his enemies no less than the Helvetians. After three days, himself followed them with all his power. The Helvetians constrained with penury of all things, sent Ambassadors unto him to offer submission. Who meeting him by the way, when they had cast themselves at his feet, and with humble words & sorrowful tears besought him of peace, and that he had commanded them to abide his coming in the same place where they than were, they obeyed. As soon as Cesar was come thither, he demanded hostages, their armour, and the slaves that had fled unto them. While these things were a searching out and bringing together, (for doing whereof they had one night's respite,) about six thousand men of that Canton which is called 
Strawsbrough.  Uerbigenus, (whether it were for fear least after surrendringe of their armour they should be punished, or that they were induced with hope of escaping scotfree, because they supposed that in so great a number as were there to be yielded, their flight would either be hidden or not perceived at all) stolen out of the Helvetian Camp the same first night, and took their way toward the Rhine and the borders of germany. Which thing when Cesar had knowledge of, he commanded them by whose country they had passed, that if they would he should hold them excused, they should seek them out and bring them back again. When they were brought back again, he took them for his enemies, & as for all the rest, when they had delivered hostages, armour, and runagates, he took them to mercy. He commanded the Helvetians, Tulingians, and Latobrigians to return into their own country from whence they came. And for asmuch as having wasted all their Corn and fruits, at home in their Country was nothing remaining wherewith to sustain hunger, he gave in commandment to the Allobrogians to furnish them with corn, and willed tother to repair their cities & towns that they had burned. This thing he did chiefly for this intent, because he would not have the place from whence the Heluetians came, to lie uninhabited, lest the Germans that dwell beyond the Rhine, should for the goodness of the soil, remove out of their own Country into Switzerland, and plant themselves by the Province and the Allobrogians. At the request of the Heduanes, he granted that the boians (because they were known to be men of singular prowess) should be placed in their country, and the Heduanes not only gave them ground to occupy, but also afterward admitted them into like estate of freedom and liberty as they themselves had. In the camp of the Heluetians were found tables written with Greek letters, and brought unto Cesar, wherein was expressly contained a register of all the names and what was the number of all those that came out of their country, of such as were able to bear armour by themselves, of the children by themselves, of the old men & women severally by themselves. Of all the which the gross sum was, of Helvetians reckoned by the poll two hundred threescore and three thousand: of the Tulingians six and thirty thousand: of the Latobrigians fourteen thousand: of the Rauracyan three and twenty thousand: of boians two and thirty thousand. Among these there were about four score and twelve thousand that were able to bear armour. The whole sum of them all one with another, was three hundred threescore & eight thousand, or thereabouts. The number of them that returned home again (upon muster taken as Cesar commanded) was found to be an hundred and ten thousand.  
When the war of the Helvetians was brought to an end, the Princes almost of all the Cities of Gallia came ambassadors unto Cesar, to rejoice with him in his good fortune. Declaring that albeit the people of Rome had for wrongs done unto them of old time by the Helvetians, justly now punished them by battle, yet the thing had fallen out no less to the behoof of the Realm of Gallia, than of the Romans, inasmuch as the Helvetians being in the flower of their prosperity, had abandoned their native country, of purpose to make war in all Gallia, to th'intent that having gotten the sovereignty, they might take their choice of all the whole country, to plant and set themselves in that place that should seem most fruitful and commodious for them to dwell in, and to make all the rest of the City's tributary unto them. They made request that it might be lawful for them to summon a Parliament of Gallia at a certain day, and that it would please Cesar to ratify it with his consent: for they said they had certain matters, which they would sew unto him for by a common assent. When their request was granted, they appointed a day for their meeting, and bound themselves with an oath, that they should not any of them disclose the matter, saving unto such as aught to be summoned thereunto. After that this counsel was broken up, the same Princes of the Cities that had been with him before, returned unto Cesar, and desired they might have leave to common with him privily and in secret, of matters concerning the welfare & well doing both of him and of them al. Having obtained their petition, they cast themselves at Caesar's feet, and weeping told him that they sought & endeavoured no less to have the things kept secret which they should speak, then to obtain the things they sewed for, because that if it should happen to be disclosed, they saw they should run in danger of their lives for it. Divitiacus the Heduan was speaker for them. He declared how all Gallia was divided into two factions, of one of the which, the chief ringleaders were the Heduanes, & the men of Awern of tother: Who had contended many years with tooth and nail for the sovereinty, and that at length the men of Auverne and the Sequanes had waged the Germans on their side, of whom at the first there came but fifteen thousand over the Rhine. But afterward when those savage and barbarous people had found a savour in the fertile soil, good fare, and plentiful wealth of the Galls, they had tolled over more of their countrymen, in so much as at that time, there were of them to the number of an hundred and twenty thousand: To whom the Heduanes and their confederates had diverse times given battle: wherein going by the worse, they had received great damage, for they had lost all their nobility, all their counsel, and all their men of arms. Through the calamities of which overthrows, they which heretofore both by their own prowess, and by their alliance and friendship with the people of Rome, had been able to do most in all Gallia, were now brought to such an after deal, that they were constrained to give the noblest men of their country in hostage to the Sequanes, and to bind their City by oath, that they should neither require their hostages again, nor desire aid of the Romans, nor yet refuse to be their subjects & vassals for ever. He himself only of all the City of the Heduanes, was the man that could not by any means be brought, either to be sworn, or to give his children for pledges. And therefore he had been fain to fly his Country, and to resort to Rome to desire help of the Senate, because he only was not restrained either by oath, or giving of hostages. How be it the Sequanes that were conquerors, were in worse case than the Heduanes that were overcome, in that Arionistus king of the Germans had settled himself in their country, and had seized to his own behoof the third part of the lands of Sequanie (which is the best of all Gallia) and had now lately commanded them to surrender one ●ther third part, to th'intent to provide a place of habitation and continuance for the 
The people of Constance.  Harudes, of whom four & twenty thousand men were come to him a few months before. And within few years it would come to pass, that all the Galls should be dispossessed of their country, and all the Germans come over the Rhine. For as the soil of Gallia was not to be compared with the soil of germany, so the usual fare of germany was not to be compared with the fare of Gallia. Now Ariovistus as soon as he had vanquished the power of the Galls, (which was done at the battle of Amagetobria,) began to show himself a proud and cruel conqueror. For he demanded all noble man's sons for hostages: against whom he extended to monstrous villainy and cruelty, if every thing were not done at his beck and pleasure. He was a man altogether barbarous, wrathful, and harebrained, so that it was not possible to endure or suffer his government any lengar. unless there were any help in Cesar and the people of Rome, all the Galls should be driven to do as the Helvetians had done, that is to say, fleet out of their own country to seek some other dwelling place and some other habitation further of from the Germans, and to take in good worth what fortune so ever should betide them. If this gear should come to Ariovistus hearing, he was well assured he would take most grievous punishment of all the hostages that were in his hands. Thonelye hope that remained, was that Cesar might either by his own authority and thauthority of his army, or by the fame of his late victory, or by the name of the people of Rome, set a stay that no more of the Germans should be brought over the Rhine, and defend all Gallia from thoppression & tyranny of Ariovistus.  
After that Divitiacus had made this oration, all that were present began with abundance of tears to desire succour of Cesar. Cesar marked that of all other, only the Sequanes did none of those things that the residue did: but looked sadly upon the ground with their heads hanging down. Wondering what should be the cause thereof, he demanded it of them. The Sequanes gave him not a word to answer, but continued still in the same sadness holding their pieces. When he had oftentimes inquired of them and could by no means cause them to speak, the foresaid Divitiacus the Heduan answered, that so much the more miserable and grievous was the state of the Sequanes than of all the rest, in that they alonely durst not even in secret complain of their misfortune, nor seek for succour, but trembled at the cruelty of Ariovistus being absent, asmuch as if he were there present: because (and if the worst should happen) yet might all others save themselves by flight, but the Sequanes who had received Ariovistus into their country, and put all their walled towns in his hand, must abide all the smart and vexation to th'uttermost. When Cesar understood this, he comforted the hearts of the Galls with fair words, promising them that he would see a redress in the matter. And he was in good hope, that (what by his benefits & what by his authority) he should bring Ariovistus to make an end of his extortion. This oration ended he dismissed the counsel. Besides the premisses, many other things persuaded him to think upon the matter, and to take upon him to redress it. first and formest because he saw the Heduanes (whom the Senate of Rome had oftentimes called their brothers and kynsfolk,) to be held in subjection and bondage of the Germans, and understood that their hostages were with Ariovistus among the Sequanes: that which thing (considering how greatly the Roman Empire was then advanced) he thought would redound to the great dishonour of himself and of the whole state. Moreover he saw that if the Germans should take it up of custom to pass the Rhine, and to come in great numbers into Gallia, it would turn to the prejudice of the people of Rome: for he thought that such savage and barbarous men as they were, would not so bridle themselves, but that when they had subdued all Gallia, they would after the example of the Cimbrians an● Duchmen, pass into the Province▪ and so take their way into Italy specially seeing there was nothing between the Secusianes & our Province, but the river of Rhone. The which things he thought meet to be prevented with all speed. Now was Ariovistus grown to such a haultines and such a pride, that he seemed intolerable. Wherefore he deemed it best to send Ambassadors unto him, to demand of him that he should choose some place midway betwixt them where they might meet to have communication. For he sent him word that he had to talk with him concerning the common wealth, & other weighty matters touching them both. Ariovistus answered to this ambassade, that if he himself had had any thing to do with Cesar, he would have come unto him: & that if Cesar had any thing to do with him, he should come unto him. Besides that, neither durst he come into those parts of Gallia that Cesar ●yd possess, without an army, neither could he assemble an army into ●ne place without great provision and charges. Moreover he marveled what either Cesar or the people of Rome had to do to meddle in his part of Gallia which he had conquered by the sword. Upon the report of this answer unto Cesar, he sent Ambassadors to him again with these instructions. For as much as being benefited so greatly by him and the people of Rome, as that in the time of his consulship the senate had proclaimed him king and their friend, he requited him and the people of Rome with this gentleness, that being requested he disdained to come to communication, presuming that it was not for him to talk or be made privy to matters of the common weal: these were the things that he demanded of him. first that he should not convey any number of men hereafter over the Rhine into Gallia, secondly that he should render such hostages as he had of the Heduanes: and that he should permit the Sequanes to render such as they had, with his favour. And thirdly that he should not offer any wrong to the Heduanes, nor make any war against them or their adherentes. If he so did, both be & the people of Rome would continue his friends & well willers for ever. Otherwise, (for as much as the Senate in the time that Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso were consuls, had decreed that whosoever had Gallia committed to him for his charge, should defend the Heduanes and other friends of the people of Rome, so far forth as he might do it to the furtherance of the common weal,) he would not wink at the injuries of the Heduanes.  
Ariovistus replied hereunto, that it was the law of arms, that such as were Conquerors should in such sort as they thought good reign over them that were subdued, which might be perceived by the people of Rome themselves, who were accustomed to reign over such as they had conquered, not at th'appointment of others, but as they listed themselves. Now like as he took not upon him to prescribe unto the Romans how they should demean themselves in their right, even so no more ought the people of Rome to trouble him in his right. The Heduanes forasmuch as they had tried the fortune of battle, and were over come by him in a pitched field, were become tributaries unto him. Wherefore he thought that Cesar did him great wrong, to dimynish his revenues by his coming. As for the Hostages of the Heduanes, he said plainly he would not deliver them: Neither would he on tother side make any war upon them or their complices to do them harm, so they kept touch with him in those things that they had covenanted, and paid their tribute from year to year. If they did otherwise, the Romans (their brothers as they termed them) should be to far of to rescue them. And whereas Cesar sent him word he would not wink at the injuries of the Heduanes, he said again that never man yet encountered with him but to his own undoing, and therefore come when he would he should be welcome. He would make him understand what force and puissance was in the victorious Germans, men altogether nouzeled in feats of arms, who in xiiii years together had never put their heads under house roof.  
The same time that this countermessage was brought unto Cesar, came also Ambassadors to him from the Heduanes and Trevires: The Heduanes complaining that the Harudes which were lately brought over into Gallia, did forray their country, and that they could not purchase peace at Ariovistus hand, no not upon sufficient pledges: The Treuires that an hundred town ships of the swevians were come to the further side of the Rhine, and went about to pass the River, of whom the Captains were Nasua & Cimberius, brothers. With the which news Cesar being sore moved, thought it stood him in hand to speed his matters betimes, lest if the new power of the swevians should join with the host that Ariovistus had before, he should have more a do to resist them. And therefore furnishing himself of victell with as much haste as he could, he made toward Ariovistus by long journeys. When he was three days journey onward of his way, word was brought him that Ariovistus with all the power he could make was going to take Besancon, which is the greatest town belonging to the Sequanes, and that he was now marched three days journey from his own borders. Cesar thought it stood him upon to beware, that that happened not. For of all things meet for war, there was in that town great scarcity, and the situation thereof was so strong, that whosoever had it, might prolong the war at his pleasure, by reason that the river Alduasdubis environed in manner the whole town like a pair of compasses. That room that the river enclosed not, (which was the space of not above six hundred foot) was fortified with a hill of a great height, so that the foot of it on both sides touched the very brim of the river. This hill was compassed with a wall in manner of a tower, and joined to the Town. Hither came Cesar journeying night and day with as much speed as might be, and taking the town placed a garrison in it.  
While he rested a few days at Besaucon to furnish himself of grain and victual, through the inquiry of our men, and the talk of the Galls and of the Merchauntmen, which reported the Germans to be men of huge stature and bygnes, of incredible force and courage, and of great practise and experience in feats of arms, whereof they had oftentimes had trial by encountering with them, and that they were not able to abide the grymnesse of their countenances and the fierceness of their looks: suddenly there came such a fear over all the army, that it wonderfully troubled the minds and appalled the courages of all men. This fear began first among the Tribunes, and chief officers of the Camp, and such other as had accompanied Cesar in this voyage for friendships sake, and had small skill or none in matters of war: who feyninge, some one excuse and some another, of very earnest business that they had to do, desired leave to depart with his favour. Othersome for shame lest they should be thought to have gone away for fear tarried still. Howbeit these could neither set a good countenance on the matter, nor sometime keep themselves from weeping: but hiding themselves in their tents, either they bewailed their destiny secretly to themselves, or else with their acquaintance lamented the danger that they were all like to fall into. And commonly through the whole camp was nothing but making and signing of testaments. Through the talk and fearfulness of these men, by little and little even they that were of great skill and experience in the camp, namely the old beaten soldiers, and the peticapteynes, & those that had the charge of the men of arms, were sore troubled. Such of them as would seem to be less fearful, said they feared not the enemy, but the narrowness of the ways, and the greatness of the woods that lay between them and Ariovistus: or else they cast doubts how their grain should be commodiously conveyed after them. Many also told Cesar plainly, that whensoever he should give commandment to dislodge the Camp or to advance the Standards, the Soldiers would not be obedient to his word, nor display their banners for fear. When Cesar understood these things, he called a counsel, and assembling thither the Captains of all the bands, rebuked them very sharply. first in that they took upon them to be inquisitive or careful, whether or for what purpose they should be led. As for Ariovistus, he had (in the time that he was Consul) sewed most earnestly for the friendship of the people of Rome: and why than should any man misedeme, that he would so rashly go back from his duty? He believed verily, that if he ones knew his demands, and understood perfectly how reasonable offers he would make him, he would not reject, either his good will, or the good will of the people of Rome. But if he would be so mad and so far overseen, as to make war, why should they be afraid of him? or why should they despair either of their own prowess or of his circumspectness? The enemy that they had to do with, was no such, but that they had tried what he was able to do twice before: First in our father's days, when the Cimbrians and Duchmen were vanquished by Marius in such sort that the whole army deserved no less praise than the Graundcapteyne himself: And now of late again in Italy at the hurlyburly of the bondmen, who were not a little furthered through the practice & discipline which they had received at our hands. Whereby it might be judged, how good a thing it is to be constant: in as much as whom for a time being naked they feared without cause, even the same afterward being both armed and victors, they nobly overcame. And to be short these were none other Germans than those, whom the Helvetians had vanquished in divers conflicts, not only where the Helvetians dwelled themselves, but also often times even at home at their own doors, and yet the same Helvetians were not able to make their part good against our army. But if the late discomfiture and flight of the Galls were the matter that troubled any man's conscience, if they looked well upon the matter, they should find that Ariovistus after he had many months together kept himself within his Camp, and in marisgrounds, and never come abroad into the field to offer battle, when the Galls were now weary with long protracting of the war, and thought of nothing less than that they should have had battle, set suddenly upon them being disordered, and overcame them more by cautel and policy than by force. The which policy, though it had taken place against savage and unskilful people, yet was not Ariovistus so foolish to look that it should prevail against our army too. As for those that laid the cause of their fear to the heard conveying of their victuals and the narownes of the ways, they took more upon them then became them, that they durst presume to teach their graundcapteine what he had to do, as if he had not known what pertained to his duty. And therefore he bade them cast the care thereof on him. The Sequanes, Lewks, and 
people about Langres.  Lingones should serve their turn of grain, and besides that corn was now ripe in the fields. Concerning their journey, they themselves should in short time be able to judge. Whereas it was reported to him that they would not be obedient to his commandment, nor advance their standards, he said he passed not of that matter. For he was well assured that if any army refused to be obedient to their Captein, it was either because of his ill success and misfortune, or else because that by some manifest & notorious deed he was convicted of avarice. That he had clear hands, his whole life, and that he had good success, the war against the Helvetians did declare. And therefore that which he was minded to have driven of a longer time, he would now put in execution out of hand. For the next night following, at the fowrth watch he would dislodge from thence, to th'intent that without further delay he might understand whether shame and duty were able to do more with them, or fear. And though he wist that noman else would follow him, yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth Legion alone, of which he doubted not, and would accept it for his chief band to guard his person. This Legion had Cesar showed special favour unto, and for the valiantness of it he trusted most unto it.  
Upon the making of this oration, the minds of them all were wonderfully changed, and there grew in them a great cheerfulness and desire to fight. First of all, the tenth Legion by their tribunes gave him thanks for the good opinion he had of them. affirming that they were most ready to set forward to the war. Then the rest of the legions by their Tribunes and the Captains of their chief bands, entreated that they might make their purgation unto Cesar: saying they never doubted, nor feared, no nor thought that it pertained unto them to determine of the ordering of the war, but that it belonged altogether to their graundcapteine. Cesar accepting their purgation, and having learned the way perfectly by Divitiacus (because that of all the Galls he trusted him best) to th'intent he might lead his army more than fifty miles compass in open fields, set forward immediately after the iiii. watch as he had said he would do. The vii day, as he continued on his journey still, his espyals brought him word, that we were within fowr● and twenty miles of Ariovistus host. When Ariovistus knew that Cesar was coming towards him, he sent Ambassadors to him, declaring that whereas heretofore he had demanded to come to communication, he was contented so to do seeing he was come somewhat nearer, and that he trusted he might now do it without danger. Cesar refused not the proffer. For thinking he would now come to amendment, considering he offered of his own voluntary will, the thing he had before denied when it was requested, he was in great hope that for the great benefits which he and the people of Rome had bestowed upon him, he would upon knowledge of his demands desist from his stoubernnes. And therefore the .v. day after was appointed for communication. In the mean while as Ambassadors were sent to and fro between them, Ariovistus demanded that Cesar should bring no footman with him to communication, for he said he was afraid to be surprised of him by treason: wherefore both parties to come with their horsemen, otherwise he would not come there. Cesar because he neither was willing that the communication should be broken for any bymatter, nor yet durst put the French horsemen in trust with his life, thought it most for his behoof to take all the Frenchmens horses from them, & to set upon them the Legionary souldi●rs of the tenth Legion which he trusted most unto, that if he stood at any need, he might have a faithful band of his friends about him to guard him. The which thing when he had done, one of the soldiers of the tenth Legion being somewhat merely disposed said, that Cesar did more than he had promised. For whereas he had promised but to accept the tenth Legion in plare of the praetorian Cohort, he had promoted them to be men of arms.  
There was a great plain, and in the same a bank of earth of a good pretty bigness. This place was almost midway between both the camps, and thither they came to communication as is aforesaid. The legion that Cesar had brought thither on horseback, he placed about a two hundred paces from the said bank. And likewise the horsemen of Ariovistus stood a like distance of. Ariovistus requested that they might commune on horseback, and bring each of them ten persons with them to the parley. At suc●e time as they were come thither, Cesar in the beginning of his oration, rehearsed the good turns that Ariovistus had received by him and by the people of Rome: as that the Senate had vouchsafed to give him the name and title of king, and to account him as their friend, and also had sent most honourable and rich presents unto him, the which things he told him had happened unto few others, and were not wont to be bestowed upon any, but such as the Romans thought had highly deserved them for some great good turn that they had done. But he, when as he had neither access unto them, nor any just cause why he should desire any such thing at their hands, had attained those rewards only of the mere courtesy and liberality of him and the Senate. Moreover he did him to understand how ancient and how just causes of alliance and friendship there were between them and the Heduanes: what decrees had been made for them by the Senate, how oftentimes and how honourable: How the Heduanes had ever held the sovereignty of all Gallia, even before such time as they desired our friendship: It was the custom of the people of Rome, that their friends and alyes, should not only not lose any thing of their own by them, but also be increased in favour, dignity, and honour. Now to have that thing wrung from them by force which they had brought with them, when they first entered in friendship with the Romans, who could suffer it? afterward he made the like demand as he had done by his Ambassadors: that he should not make war against the Heduanes or their Alyes, that he should surrender their hostages, that if he could not send home again any part of the Germans, at leastwhyse yet he should suffer no more to pass the Rhine.  
Ariovistus answered little to the demands of Cesar: but vaunted much of his own prowess. He said he had passed the Rhine, not of his own head, but at the request and entreatance of the Galls themselves: at whose pleasure he had left his own country and kindred, not with out great hope & promise of reward for his labour: And now he had settled himself in Gallia by their consent: they had given him hostages of their own free-will, and he took such tribute of them as conquerors are wont to ses●e their subjects at by the law of Arms. He had not made war against the Frenchmen, but the Frenchmen against him. For all the Cities of Gallia were assembled to besiege him, and had encamped themselves against him: all the which power he had in one battle overthrown and vanquished. If they would try the matter by the sword again, he was ready to cope with them. But if they had rather have peace, they did wrong to withhold their tribute which they had paid unto that time with their good wills. As for the friendship of the people of Rome, be thought it ought to be an ornament and stay unto him, and not an hindrance, and that he had requested it in hope to have found it so. But if the people of Rome should seek to release his tribute, and to pull away his vassals that had submitted themselves to him, he was even as willing to forsake their friendship as ever he was to request it. Whereas he brought over great numbers of Germans into France, he did it for to strengthen himself and not to annoy the country. Whereof there needeth none other witness, than this, that he came not but at their own request, and that he had made no war upon other but only defended himself. He was come into France before the people of Rome, who until that time never led their host out of the borders of their own Province. And what should they mean to come within his jurisdiction? For as well was this part of France his province, as the other part was ours. And therefore as he were not to be borne withal if he should have invaded our marches, so did we him wrong to intermeddle within his jurisdiction. And whereas Cesar had said that the Heduanes were proclaimed friends by the Senate, he made him answer he was not so barbarous, nor so unskilful of things, but he knew well enough, that neither the Heduanes aided the Romans in their late war against the people of Savoy and Dauphin, nor the Romans them in their quarrels that they had with him and the Sequanes. Wherefore he had good cause to mistrust that Cesar under the colour of feigned friendship, kept that army which he had in France for none other purpose, but to oppress him. But if he gate him not away, and withdrew his power out of those countries, he would take him no lengar for his friend but for his enemy. And if he could kill him, he was sure he should do a great pleasure to many of the noble men and Princes of Rome. The which thing he had perfect knowledge of by their messengers, of all whom he could purchase the good will and friendship by his death. But if he would departed, and leave unto him the free possession of France, he would reward him highly for his labour, and look what wars soever he would have made, he would dispatch them without putting him to any travel & danger.  
Cesar replied many things to this purpose, why he might not desist from his enterprise: alleging that it stood not with his custom nor with the custom of the people of Rome, to abandon their Allies that had well deserved of them. Neither could he see, why Ariovistus should have more right to challenge France than the Romans. For Q. Fabius Maximus had heretofore vanquished the men of Auverne and the 
People about Rhodes.  Rutenes, and yet the people of Rome pitying them did neither make their country a province, nor put them to any tribute. But if so be that respect ought to be had to time of most antiquity, than had the Romans most just cause to reign over France. Or if the judgement of the Senate ought to be observed, then ought France to be free, for as much as it was decreed that being conquered by battle, it should still enjoy their own laws and customs. While these things were a debating in the treaty, it was told Cesar that Ariovistus horsemen were coming toward the bank, and that riding against our horsemen, they began to throw darts and stones at them. whereupon Cesar made an end of talking, and withdrew himself to his men: commanding them that they should not cast any thing at all again at their enemies. For albeit that without any peril of his chosen Legion, he saw he might have encountered with the horsemen of his enemies: yet notwithstanding he would not give occasion by putting his enemies to flight, to have it said that breaking promise with them he had entrapped them under pretence of communication.  
When it was reported to the common soldiers, how arrogantly Ariovistus had behaved himself in the treaty, forbidding the Romans all France, and that his men of arms had made assault upon ours, insomuch that by means thereof the communication was broken of, our army began to be far more cheerful and far more desirous to fight. Two days after, Ariovistus sent Ambassadors to Cesar, certifying him that he was desirous to entreat with him concerning those things that had been begun to be talked of and not brought to conclusion. Wherefore he would he should either appoint a day to confer again: or if he would not so do, that he should send some men of his with commission to commune with him. Cesar thought it not good to common personally with him any more, the rather because the Germans the day before had no stay of themselves, but that they threw darts at our men. Again he thought that whomsoever of his men he sent commissioner unto him, should go in great danger, and should be cast into the hands of most savage persons. It seemed most expedient to send unto him M. Ualerius Procillus, (the son of C. Ualerius Caburus, a young gentleman of singular virtue and humanity, whose father had been made free of the City by C. Ualerius Flaccus) both because he was trusty, and could speak the French tongue perfectly (the which Ariovistus used much by reason of long conversation among the Frenchmen,) and also because there was no cause why the Germans should work any evil against him. And with him he sent also M. Titius who used to resort as a guest to Ariovistus. To these men he gave in charge that they should diligently mark and justly report unto him what Ariovistus said. Assoon as Ariovistus saw them in his Camp, he cried out to them in the presence of his army, ask them what they had to do there, and whither they came as spies. When they went about to make their answer, he would not suffer them, but by and by committed them to ward. The same day he removed & encamped under a hills side about a six miles from Caesar's Camp. The next day after, he marched with all his power even in the face of Caesar's camp, and pitched his tents a two miles beyond him, of purpose to cut of his grain and victuals that was to be brought to him out of burgundy. From that day forward by the space of five days together, Cesar brought out his men before his camp and had them in order of battle, to th'intent the if Ariovistus lifted to give battle he might have liberty when he would. But Ariovistus all this while kept his footmen within the Camp, and sent out his horsemen daily to skirmysh. This was the kind of fight wherein the Germans were well practised. They were of them six thousand men of arms and as many footmen very swift of foot and strong, whom the horsemen had chosen out of all the whole host, every man one for his faufgard. These they had always at hand with them in battle, and unto these they resorted for secure. If the horsemen were any thing overcharged these stepped ever in. If any of them were sore wounded or unhorsed, these guarded him about. If the matter required either to adventure far forward or to retire quickly back, their swiftness was such through continual exercise, that hanging upon the horse-manes by th'one hand, they would run as fast as the horses. When Cesar perceived that Ariovistus kept him self within his Camp, to th'intent he would not any lengar be stopped from his victuals, beyond the same place where the Germans abode, about syxhundred paces from their Camp he chose a ground meet to encamp in, and came thither in three battles. Two of these battles he caused to stand still ready in array, and the third he willed to fortify the Camp. This place was (as I said before) sixhundred paces from the enemy. Thither sent Ariovistus about syxtene thousand footmen light harnessed, with all his horsemen, to put our men in fear, & to prohybit them from fortifying their camp. Nevertheless, Cesar (as he had before determined) commanded two battles to withstand the enemy, and the third to go through with the work. When he had fortified the Camp, he left two legions there, and part of his hired Soldiers that were there for his aid: and led his other four legions back again into his greater camp. The next day, Cesar (as he had purposed before) brought his whole power out of both his camps, and marching somewhat from his greater camp, set his men in order & proffered to give his enemy's battle if they would. When he perceived that they would not then come forth neither, about Noon he conveyed his army into their Camps again. Then at the length Ariovistus sent part of his power to assault the lesser Camp. The encounter continued very sharp on both sides until the eventide. At the sun setting, after many wounds given and taken, Ariovistus conveyed his army again into his Camp. As Cesar made inquiry of his prisoners what should be the cause that Ariovistus would not encounter with him in a pitched field, he found that the occasion thereof was this: because it was a custom among the Germans, that their ancient women should by casting of lots and soothsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no: and that they said, the Germans might not by any means possible get the victory, if they fought before the new moan. The next day Cesar left a sufficient power in each of his Camps to defend them, and set all his light armed soldiers in the face of his enemies before his lesser Camp, because he had a small number of Legionary soldiers in respect of the multitude of his enemies, to th'intent to use the light armed soldiers for a show. He himself with his men ordered in three battles marched to the Camp of his enemies. Then were the Germans constrained of necessity to bring their power out of their camp. And so they set severally with like distance between them, the 
The people of Constance.  Harudes, the 
* People about Strausbrou●●.  Marcomannes, the 
* People about Worms  Triboks, the 
* People about Spire.  Uangions the 
* People about Zion in Ualoys.  Nemets, the * Sedusianes, and the * swevians every one by themselves: and because there should be no hope left in running away, they environed all their whole battle with their carts and chariots. In them they placed their women, and they at such time as the soldiers should go forth to battle, holding up their hands and weeping besought them that they would not yield them in bondage to the Romans. Cesar assigned to every Legion severally a Lieutenant and a Threasoror, to th'intent they should be as witnesses of every man's valiant behaviour. And he himself gave charge upon his enemies out of the right wing, because he perceived his enemies to be weakest on that side. So assoon as sign of battle was given, our men set courageously upon their enemies. And on tother side our enemies on the sudden came forth against us with such celerity, that we had no leisure to discharge our darts at them: In so much that casting aside Darts the matter came to hand strokes with naked swords. But the Germans quickly knitting themselves close together, broke the force of our swords. Nevertheless there were very many of our men to be found, that flew stoutly upon them, and pulling their targets out of their hands wounded them aloft. Now while the battle of our enemies was on the left wing driven back and put to flight, in their right wing by reason of their multitude they did sore overcharge us. Which thing when P. Crassus a noble young gentleman Lieutenant of the men of arms perceived, (because he was somewhat more at liberty than they that were in the battle,) he sent the rearward to the rescow of our men that were in peril. By means whereof the fight was renewed, and all our enemies too●e them to flight. And they never ceased flying, before they came to the Rhine which was about five miles from the place where the field was fought. There also few of them either trusting to their strength assayed to swim over, or else finding Botes saved themselves by rowing: among the which number Ariou●stus was one, who finding a lighter tied to the bank, fled away in it. Our horsemen overtook all the rest and slew them down right. Ariovistus had two wives, th'one a Swevian borne whom he had brought from home with him, tother of Norimberge the sister of king Uoccio, whom he had married in France, sent thither by her brother: both the which perished in that chase. The two daughters of them also was one of them slain, and tother taken prisoner. Marcus Ualerius Procillus as he was led away by his keepers bound with three chains, chanced to light into Caesar's hand as he pursued the horsemen of his enemies. The which thing was no less joy to Cesar than the victory itself: that one of the honourablest men of all the Province of Gallia his familiar friend, in whose house he had sojourned, was delivered out of his enemy's hands and recovered again by him, and that misfortune had not laid any such calamity upon him as might have abridged any part of Caesar's great gladness and rejoicement. He told Cesar that three times lots were cast upon him before his eyes, whether he should be burned out of hand, or reserved until an other time: and that it was his good luck to be saved by lot. Marcus Titius also was found and brought unto him again. When the brute of this discomfiture was blown over the Rhine, the swevians that were come to the river side began to return home again: whom amazed for fear, the Ubians which are inhabiters on the Rhine pursuing slew a great number of them. Cesar having in one Summer dispatched two great wars, conveyed his army into garrisons among the Sequanes somewhat sooner than the time of the year required, and making Labienus for general in his absens, he himself went into lombardy to hold a parliament there.  
FINIS.   

THE SECOND BOOK of C. julius Caesar's Commentaries of his wars in Gallia.  
DURING THE TIME that Cesar wyntred in Lombary as we have showed before, it was oftentimes reported to him by here say, and he was also certified by letters from Labienus▪ that all the Belgies (which we have declared to be the third part of Gallia) did confederate themselves against the people of Rome and give hostages among themselves. The causes of their confederacy were these. first they feared least after that all the rest of Gallia were subdued our army should come against them. Secondly because they were moved thereunto by divers of the Galls, who partly like as they were loath that the Germans should have tarried any lengar in their country, so likewise it grieved them that the Roman army should winter and continue in France: and partly were such as through unconstancy & lightness of mind, desired th'alteration of the state: Of divers also, who (whereas now it was a common trade through all France, that whosoever was of most power and most ability to hire men, made himself a king) thought they should not so easily come by their purpose if we gate the sovereignty. Cesar being moved with these tidings and letters, levied two new Legions in Lombary, and in the beginning of Summer sent his Lieutenant Q. Pedius with them to conduct them into France. And assoon as there began to be any store of forage in the fields, he himself came unto his army. He gave in charge to the Sevones and the rest of the Galls that were borderers upon the Belgies, to learn what was done amongst them, and to certify him thereof. They all agreed in one report, that there was nothing but mustering of soldiers & assembling of their powers into one place Then thought he verily it was not for him to make any more staying in the matter but even to march against them. So when he had made his provision of corn, he dislodged his camp, and within fifteen days or thereabouts, came into the borders of the Belgies. Assoon as he was come thither, which was upon the sudden and sooner than he was looked for, the men of Rheims who are the uttermost of the Belgies next unto the Celtes, sent Iccius and Antebrogius two of the chief of their City ambassadors unto him, to declare unto him that they submitted themselves and all that ever they had to the courtesy of the people of Rome to do with them what they would: affirming that they had neither been of counsel with the rest of the Belgies, nor conspired with them against the Romans, & in token whereof they were ready both to give them hostages, & to do whatsoever they would command them, whether it were to receive them into their towns, or to furnish them with corn and other things. They told him that the rest of the Belgies were all in armour, & that the Germans which inhabit the further side of the Rhine, did take their part, and that the madness of them all was so great, that they were not able to withdraw somuch as the 
People of Soyssons.  Swessions being their brothers and near kinsmen of their own blood, who used the same laws and customs that they did, and had all one state of government and one magistrate with them, but that they would needs support the same quarrel that the rest of the Belgies did. When he inquired of them what and how great cities were in armour, & what they were able to do in war, he found the matter to stand in this case. That the Belgies for the most part were disceded of the Germans, who passing the Rhine time out of mind, and settling themselves there because of the fertility of the soil, drove out the Galls that dwelled ther● before, and that they only had been they, which (when all Gallia was troubled in the days of our fathers) kept the Duchmen and Cimbrians from entering within their borders. Whereupon it came to pass, that for the remembrance of those things they had challenged great authority and took a pride in their own doings for feats of chivalry & knighthood. As touching their number, the men of Rheims said they knew all things for a certeintye: because that being allied to them by blood & marriage, they understood by their kinsfolk what number every one of them had promised to find to the war, in the parliament of the Belgies. The 
The people of Beawvoyse.  Bellovocanes were they that excelled among them both in prowess, authority, and number of men. For they were able to send a hundred thousand well armed to the field: of the which number they had promised threescore thousand of the best: and therefore they required to have the ordering of the whole war committed unto them. The 
The men of Soysons.  Swessions were next neighbours unto them, and possessed most large and fruitful grounds. Amongst whom had reigned (even sins we might remember) a king called Divitiacus, the puissantest prince of all Gallia, who held the dominion not only of a great part of these Countries, but also of Britain: and now reigned among them one Galba, unto whom for his justice & wisdom the whole charge and administration of the war was by the consent of all men committed. They had walled towns to the number of twelve, and promised to set out fifty thousand armed men: the 
The people about Tour●●● People of Arras.  Neruians as many, who are to be counted the savagest people of them all, and are furthest of: the 
* People of Amiens.  Atrebatians fifteen thousand: the 
* People of Turwin.  Ambianes ten thousand: the 
People of Gelderland & Cleveland.  Morines five and twenty thousand: the Menapians seven thousand: the 
* People of Caui●.  Caletanes ten thousand: the Uelocassians and 
* People of verman●oys  Ueromanduanes as many: the 
* People of Douai.  Catuakes nineteen thousand: the Condrusians, Eburones, Ceresians, and Pemanes, which may be called all by th'only name of Germans, they supposed to be about forty thousand.  
Cesar encouraging the men of Rheims & making them liberal promise of recompense, commanded all their senate to come before him, & all their noble men's sons to be delivered to him for hostages: all that which things were of them diligently performed by a day appointed: Then he greatly commended Divitiacus the Heduane, and declared unto him how much it was for the profit of the common weal, for the armies of their enemies to be kept a sunder, that he were not constrained to encounter with so great a power all at ones. The which thing might be brought to pass, if the Heduanes would with their host enter into the marches of the Bellovacanes and waste their country. With these instructions he sent him away: and when he understood by such skoults as he had sent abroad, and by the information of the men of Rheims, that all the power of the Belgies being assembled into one place, was coming toward him, and was not now far from him, he made all the hast he could to pass his army over the river 
The river of Aesne.  Axona, which is in th'uttermost bounds of the men or Rheims, and there pitched his Camp. In doing whereof he brought to pass, that the banks of the river fortified th'one side of his Camp, and that no enemy could come upon the back of him to do any hurt behind, and that victuals might be conveyed to him from Rheims and other Cities without danger. Upon the same River was a bridge. There he set a garrison of men, and left his Lieutenant Q. Titurius Sabinus with six cohorts on tother side of the river: commanding him to fortify his camp with a Rampire of twelve foot in height, and a trench of eighteen foot in breadth. Eight miles from this Camp was a City belonging to the men of Rheims called 
Called Brai in the county of Rhetell.  Bibrar, the which the Belgies in their way began to assault with great violence. The townsmen had much a do to hold out that day. The manner of assault among the Celts, is all one with the manner of the Belgies. They, assoon as they have beset the walls about with their multitude, and that they have slung stones on all sides, in such sort that the wall is left naked of defendants, do cast their shields over their heads, & approaching to the gates undermine the walls. The which thing was easy to do at that time. For there was such a multitude of them that threw stones and Darts, that no man was able to stand upon the wall. Assoon as night had made an end of th'assault, Iccius of Rheims a man of great birth and favour in his Country, who at that time was captain of the Town, one of them that came of ambassade unto Cesar to entreat for peace, sent unto him by messengers, that if he did not rescue him, he was not able to hold out any lengar. The same day about midnight, Cesar using for guides the same persons that came of message from Iccius, sent certain Numidians and archers of 
Now called Candye.  Creta, and slingars of the Isles 
Now called maiorica & minorica.  Baleares to succour the Townsmen. By means of whose coming, on th'one side the men of Rheims in hope to make their part good became more earnest to abide the push, and on tother side the enemies for the same cause were out of all hope of winning the Town. Wherefore tarrying there but a while, when they had wasted the fields of the men of Rheims, and set on fire all their villages & buildings that they could come by, they marched with all their whole power toward Caesar's Camp, and within less than two miles of him pitched their tents: the which as might be perceived by the smoke and fires, occupied more than eight miles in breadth. Cesar at the first both for the multitude of his enemies and for the singular opinion that was bruited of their manhood, determined, not to be to hasty in giving them battle. notwithstanding, he daily put in proof by skirmishing with his horsemen, both what his enemies by their manhood could do, and what his own men durst do. When he perceived our men to be nothing inferior to their enemies, then in a certain place before his camp of nature mere and convenient to set a battle in, because the same hill where his tents were pitched rising very little above the plain, was no brother before than would suffice to set the forefront of a battle in, and was steep on both sides, and rising a slope in the front, by little and little came again to a plain, he drew from th'one side of the hill to tother a ditch overthwart, of a four hundred paces or thereabouts, and at the ends of the ditches reared up bulwarks and furnished them with ordinance to th'intent that when he had ordered his battles, his enemies abounding in multitude, should not on the sides enclose his men as they were fighting. This done, he left in his Camp the two Legions that he had last levied, that wheresoever should be any need of succour they might be led thither, and set his other six Legions in battle ray before his Camp. His enemies likewise bringing forth their power, set them in order also. Now there was between our army and the army of our enemies a good pretty marisse. This our enemies looked ever when we should have passed over. And our man were ready with their weapons to assail them being troubled, if they had adventured first over it. In the mean while the horsemen of both sides encountered between the two battles. After much straining of courtesy which part should pass over first, and none adventuring to pass, Cesar having gotten th'upper hand of his enemy's horsemen, conveyed all his men again into their Camp. From that place, his enemies immediately took their way to the river 
Now called Disne in Guien.  Arona, the which was showed before to be behind our Camp. There finding fords, they attempted to pass over part of their host: of purpose if they could, either to win the bulwark that Q. Titurius Caesar's Lieutenant kept, and to cut down the bridge: Or at leastwise if they could not so do, to spoil the fields of the men of Rheims which greatly furthered us in our wars, and to keep our men from their vyctuals. Cesar being advertised hereof by Titurius, led over the bridge all his men of arms, & Numidians light harnessed, his slingars and archers, and marched to them himself. There was a sharp encounter in that place. Our men setting upon their enemies troubled in the river slew a great number of them. The residue endeavouring like desperate persons to pass over upon their carcases, they repulsed with force of weapons, and the horsemen enclosing such as had first passed, slew them everyone. When our enemies perceived that their hope deceived them both in winning the Town, and of passing the river, and saw our men would not adventure into a place of dysaduauntage to fight with them, and that their own vyctuals began to fail them, they called a counsel by which they determined that it was best for every man to return home to his own house, and into whose borders so ever the Romans should enter first, with their army, to resort thither out of all parts to defend them: to th'intent they might rather try the matter in their own country than abroad, and have their own household provision and store of victuals always at hand to maintain them with. To consent upon this point, together with tother causes this reason also moved them: because they understood Divitiacus and the Heduanes approached near the borders of the 
People of Beawvoys●  Belloua●anes, who would not by any means be persuaded to tarry any lengar, but that they would go & succour their own. When this thing was fully agreed upon, about the second watch, with great trampling and noise departing out of their Camp, without any certain order or government, every man pressing to be formest on his journey, and making haste to be at home, they demeaned themselves in such wise as that their departure might seem like a running away. Cesar having forthwith knowledge hereof by his spies, and mistrusting some treason, because he perceived not as yet what should be thoccasion why they departed, kept his army & his horsemen still within his Camp. By the dawning of the day, when he was better assured of the matter by his skoults, he sent all his horsemen before to stay their rearward and made Q. Pedius, and L. Aurunculeius Cotta Lieutenants over them: commanding his Lieutenant T. Labienus to follow immediately after them. These overtaking the hyndermost and chase them many miles, slew a great number of them as they fled. While the rearward (whereunto we were by that time come) stayd and valiantly with stood the force of our Soldiers, the formest, because they seemed out of danger and were not restrained by awe or commandment of any man, assoon as they heard the noise, broke their array, and took them every man to his heel's to save himself. So without any danger, our men slew a great multitude of them, and more had slain if the day had been lengar. About the sun setting they retired from the chase and returned in to their Camp, as was commanded. The next day following, before his enemies could recover themselves from their fear and flight, led his army into the country of the 
People o● Soyssons.  Swessions who were borderers upon the men of Rheims, and after a long journey came to 
Noyon.  Noviodnue. Whereas he attempted to have won this town by assault in his way, because he hard say it was unfurnished of men of war to defend it, the dich was so broad and the wall so high, that although there were but few to defend it, yet was he disappointed of his purpose. Wherefore fortifying his camp he made 
An instrument of war made of timber & hurdles for men to go under safely to the walls of a town.  Uines, and began to make provision of things meet for the siege. In the mean while all the multitude of the Swessions that escaped from the chase came the next night into the Town. How beit when the Uines were with good expedition brought to the town, and the Rampyer cast up, and Turrets reered, the Galls being abashed at the hugeness of the works such as they had neither seen nor heard of before, and the celerity of the Romans, sent Ambassadors to Cesar offering to yield up the town, who at the entreatance of the men of Rheims obtained their suit. Cesar taking for pledges the chief of the City, and two of king Galbas' sons, upon delivery of all the armour out of the town, 
People of Soyssons.  received the Swessions to mercy, and led his host against the 
People of Beawvoys.  Bellovacanes: who having conveyed themselves and all that they had into the town of 
Beawvays.  Bratuspantium, at such time as Cesar was come within five miles with his army, all the elder sort of them coming out of the town held up their hands unto Cesar and with piteous voice made token to him that they submitted themselves to his pleasure do with them what he would, & that they would not stand in contension with the people of Rome. Also when he came near the town, and pitched his tents there, the children and women holding abroad their hands from the wall, after their manner desired peace of the Romans. Divitiacus (for after the departure of the Belgies he had dysmissed the host of the Heduanes and was returned unto Cesar) spoke for them in this wise. That the Bellovacanes had at all times continued faithful and friendly to the whole state of the Heduanes: and that but for the persuasion of their noble men (who made them believe that the Heduanes were brought in bondage by the Romans and suffered all kind of villainy and despite at their hands) they had never withdrawn themselves from the Heduanes, nor made war against the Romans. The authors of this counsel because they perceived how great calamity they had thereby brought upon their country, were fled into Britain. Wherefore not only the Bellovacanes but also the Heduanes in their behalf, besought him to use his clemency and gentleness towards them. The which thing if he would vouchsafe to do, he should bring the Heduanes in further credit and authority among all the Belgies than ever they were, as by whose aid and furtherance they were wont to maintain their wars if any happened.  
Cesar for the honour he bore to Divitiacus and the Heduanes, promised to receive them to mercy and to save them harmless. And because it was a great City, excelling among the rest of the Belgies as well in authority as in multitude of people, he demanded six hundred pledges. The which being delivered and all the armour brought out of the town, he marched from thence into the coasts of the Ambianes: who without delay yielded themselves and all that they had unto him. Upon their Country bordered the 
The people ●bout Tournei  Neruians of whose nature and conditions Cesar found thus much by inquiry. That there was no recourse of merchants unto them: That they suffered no wine nor other such things as tend to riot, to be brought in unto them, because they were of opinion that by such things the courage was apalled, and the stoutness thereof weakened. That they were savage people & of great valiantness: often rebuking & finding much fault with the residue of the Belgies, for yielding themselves to the people of Rome, and casting away their ancient prowess: and stoutly affirming that they would neither send ambassadors, nor take peace upon any condition. When he had journeyed a three days through their country, he understood by his prisoners that the river 
Sambre.  Sabis was not passed ten miles of from his Camp. Beyond the which river all the Neruians were gathered together and there abode the coming of the Romans, together with the 
People of Arras.  Atrebatians and 
People of vermandoys  Ueromanduanes their next neighbours. For both those people they had persuaded to abide the like fortune of war with them. Moreover they looked for a power of the 
* People about Bosleduke.  Aduaticks, who were coming towards them. The women and such as by reason of their years were unmeet for the field, they had bestowed in such a place as there was no access unto with an army by reason of the fens. When he knew these things▪ he sent his skoults and peticapteyns before, to choose a ground meet to encamp in. Now whereas very many of the Belgies that had yielded themselves and many of the other Galls that waited upon Cesar, journeyed together with him, certain of them (as it was after known by the prisoners) marking the order & custom of the marching of our army those days, came by night to the Neruians, and showed unto them that between every legion went a great sort of carriages: and that it were no matter at all assoon as the first Legion were come into their camp, and the rest of the Legions were yet a great way of, to set upon it under their burdens, the which being put to flight and their stuff taken from them, it would come to pass that the rest should be out of heart to stand against them. It was a furtherance to the counsel of them that made this report, that the Neruians of ancient time being able to make no power of horsemen, (for even at this day they pass not for it, but all their strength consisteth in the force of footmen) to th'intent they might the easilier trouble the horsemen of their borderers whensoever they came for any booty within their marches, cutting young trees half asunder and bowing down their tops to the ground, and plasshing the boughs that grow thick out of the sides with bushes and thorns between them, they brought to pass that these hedges were as good a defence to them as a w●l: for they were so thick that it was impossible not only to enter, but also even to see through them. When by this means the passage of our army was stopped, the Neruians thought the foresaid counsel not to be overslipped. This was the nature of the place that we had chosen to encamp in. A hill a like level from the top down to the bottom stretched to the river * Sabis that we spoke of before. From the same river with like levelnesse upward rose another hill directly against this about two hundred foot: the bottom whereof was open, and th'upper part so thick with wood that it could not easily be seen inward. Within those woods our enemies kept themselves close, and in the open ground were to be s●ne a few stales of horsemen by the rivers side: and the river was about three foot deep. Cesar sending his horsemen before, followed after with all his power. But the manner and order of their array was otherwise than the Belgies had reported it to the Neruians. For inasmuch as the enemy was at hand, Cesar (as his rustome was to do) led six legions always in a readiness uncumbered with the carriage of any thing: after them he placed the stuff of all the host: and lastly the two legions that were last levied were a rearward to the whole army & guarded the stuff. Our horsemen with the slingars and bowmen passing the river encountered with the horsemen of our enemies. While they receyled back to their company in the woods, & from thence again issued out upon our men, who durst not pursue them any further than the plain and open ground extended, in the mean time, the six Legions that went before, having their work measured out unto them began to fortifiye their Camp. As soon as they that lay lurking in the woods espied the formest carriages of our army, which was the time agreed upon among themselves to give the onset upon us, for the performance whereof they had set themselves in order of battle within the woods and encouraged one another before hand, suddenly they came flying out with all their power and charged upon our horsemen. Having easily put them back & disordered them, with incredible swiftness they came running down to the river: insomuch that well near all at one instant our enemies were in the woods, in the River, and in hand with us. With like swiftness also they rose against the hill to our Camp against them that were occupied about their work. Now was Cesar driven to do all things at ones. The banner was to be displayed: which was the token when weapon was to be taken in hand: warning was to be given by the sounding of a trumpet: the soldiers were to be called back from the work: such as were gone abroad to fetch turf were to be sent for: the battle was to be set in array: the soldiers were to be encouraged: & sign of battle was to be given. Of the which things a great part was interrupted by shortness of the time and the hasty assault of our enemies. Against these distresses two things were a help. first the knowledge and experience of the soldiers, because that through their practice in former battles, they could as good skill to teach themselves, as be taught of others what was to be done: and secondly because Cesar had given commandment to every Lieutenant severally that none of them should be so hardy to depart from the work & from their several legions, until such time as the camp were fortified. These men by reason of the hasty approach of their enemies, looked for no commandment from Cesar, but ordered all things by themselves as seemed best by their own discretions. Cesar having commanded such things as were needful, ran encouraging his soldiers what way soever chance led him, and came to the tenth Legion. He made no lengar protestation to his soldiers but that they should have in remembrance their ancient prowess: and that they should not be discouraged in their hearts, but valiantly withstand the brunt of their enemies. And because his enemies were no further of than a man might throw a Dart, he gave them a sign of encountering: the which done, as he was going to another part to encourage them like wise, he found them fighting already. For the time was so short, and the enemy so earnest to fight and so near at hand, that there wanted leisure not only to place them under their antesignes, but also to put on their skulls, and to pull their targets out of their cases. Look what part every man by chance lighted into from his work, and what antesigne he saw first, there he stayed, least in seeking for his own company he should lose the time which was to be spent in fighting. When he had set his men in array, rather according as the nature of the place, and the fall of the hill, and the necessity of the time would suffer, than as the reason and order of battle required, so that his legions in divers places at ones were fain to encounter their enemies one in one part and another in another, the perfect sight and view being also hindered by reason of thick hedges that were betwixt them, there could not any certain rescue be placed any where, neither could it be seen what was needful to be done in every part, neither could any one man see the order & execution of all things. And therefore in so great uncertainty of things ensued also divers haps of fortune. The Soldiers of the ninth and tenth legions as they stood in the right side of the battle, after the darts were thrown, did quickly drive down from the higher ground into the river, the * Atrebatians (for they by chance were matched with them) then out of breath with running and fortravelled and sore wounded: and pressing after them slew a great part of them with their sword, as they were troubled in passing the water. Moreover they sticked not to pass the river with them: but boldly adventuring into a place of disadvantage, they renewed the battle again against their enemies that returned upon them and made resistance, whom finally they put to flight. Also in another part, two other legions the eleventh and the eight having driven back the * Ueromanduanes (with whom they encountered) from the higher ground fought hard upon the banks of the river. And all our whole Camp well nigh being left naked on the forefront and on the left side, seeing that in the right wing stood the xii legion, and within a little way of it the vii legion: All the Neruians in a very thick battle by the conduct of Boduognatus who was general of the field, made toward the same place. Of whom some began to assault our Legions on the open side, and some to get to the highest place of our Campe. The same time our horsemen and our light harnessed footmen and such as were with them, (who (as I told you) were put to flight at the first shock of our enemies,) as they were retiring into their Camp met their enemies full in the face, and fled again from them another way. And the varlets and pages who from the high gate of our Camp and the top of the hill had seen our men pass the River with conquest, going out to gather the spoil, when they looked back and saw the enemies in our Camp, took them to their beles as fast as they could. Therewithal was also heard a noise and a rose of them that came with the carriages, and every man scattered away for fear some one way and some another. All the which things struck such a fear into the hearts of the horsemen of Triers, who are reputed for men of singular prowess among the Galls, and were sent from their City to aid Cesar, when they had seen that our Camp was replenished with a multitude of our enemies, our Legions sore laid at and in manner beset round about, and that our pages, our horsemen, our slingars of Numidie, fled scattering hear and there every way, thinking there was no hope of recovery with us, took their way home, and reported to their City that the Romans were put to flight & vanquished, and that their enemies had won their Camp and all their carriages. Cesar as he went from encouraging the tenth Legion to the right wing, when he perceived his men to be sore pressed, and the Antesignes gathered together into one place: the soldiers of the xii Legion to be pestered so thick together that one could not fight for another: all the Centurions of the iiii. Cohort slain, the antesigne bearer killed, and the antesigne lost: the captains almost of all tother Cohorts either wounded or slain, among the which number P. Sextus Baculus a very valeant Gentleman chief captein of a band was hurt with so many and so sore wounds that he was now not able to stand on his legs: the residue to wax somewhat faint, and divers forsaken of the hindermost to withdraw out the battle and eschew fighting: his enemies giving no entrance to such as came up against the hill on the forefront from the lower ground, and laying sore to them on both sides, so that the matter was brought to a narrow issue, and no help that could be ministered to relieve them: took a tergat from one of the hyndermost soldiers (for he was come thither without a tergat) and advancing himself into the forefront of the battle, called upon the Centurions by name, and encouraging the rest of the soldiers, he commanded the antesigne to be advanced and the bands to set themselves more at large, to th'intent they might the easilyer wield their swords. By his coming the soldiers being well cheered and gathering courage again, when every man for his part in the sight of his grand captain even at th'uttermost extremity, endeavoured to employ his travel, the brunt of the enemy was a little stayed. Cesar perceiving that the seventh Legion which stood by him was likewise sore overlaid by the enemy, admonished the Tribunes that the Legions should by little and little knit themselves together and turning their antesignes advance them toward the enemy. By means whereof when as one helped another, and that they were out of fear of being enclosed of the enemy behind, they begun to stand more boldly at defence & to lay their hands better about them. In the mean season, the soldiers of the two Legions which in the rearward were a defence to the carriages, hearing of the battle ran thither a pace & were spied by our enemies in the top of the hill. And Titus Labienus having won the tents of our enemies, and beholding from the higher ground what was done in our camp, sent the tenth legion to the rescue of our men. Who learning by the flight of our horsemen and pages in what case the matter stood, and in how great danger both the Camp, and the Legions, and the Captain himself was, made as much haste as was possible. Upon the coming of them there ensued such an alteration of things, that even such of our men as for grief of their wounds were fallen down, leaning upon their shields began to fight again a fresh: the pages perceiving their enemies amazed ran upon them armed being unarmed themselves: and the horsemen to th'intent with valeantnes to wipe away the reproach of their former flight, did in all places put themselves into the battle before the Legionary soldiers. How beit the enemies even in th'uttermost peril of their lives showed such manhood, that as fast as the formest of them were overthrown, the next unto them bestrid them and fought upon their bodies: the which being likewise cast down, and the dead carcases heaped one upon another, those that remained standing upon them as it had been a hill threw darts at our men and latching our Darts sent them again at us: so that there was good cause to deem them men of so haut courage, who durst pass so broad a river, clymb up the high banks, and march up into a place of most disadvantage for themselves: all the which things the nobleness of their courage of most hard, had made very easy. This battle being dispatched, and the nation and name of the Neruians being brought almost to utter destruction, the elder sort who (as we told you) with the women and children were gathered together into out islands & fens, when they heard of this battle, thinking that nothing was able to stay the conquerors, nor nothing able to save such as were vanquished, by the consent of all that were left alive sent ambassadors unto Cesar, & yielded themselves to his mercy, alleging in declaration of the great calamity of their country, that of six hundred Senators they were brought to three, and of threescore thousand men there were scarce five hundred left that were able to bear armour. Whom Cesar to th'intent it might appear he had showed pity to wretches and such as submitted themselves unto him, preserved very carefully, granting them to enjoy still their country & towns, and straightly commanding the borderers to restrein themselves and theirs from doing them any wrong or harm.  
The Aduaticks (of whom we have written before) coming with all their power to aid the Neruians, when news was brought them of this discomfiture, broke of their journey and returned home: and abandoning up all their Towns and Castles conveyed all their goods into one town of nature excellently well fortified: the which on all parts round about having most high rocks and steep fallings, had left on one side an ascent gently rising by little and little, not passing two hundred foot broad. This place they had fortified with a double wall of a very great height, & thereupon had laid in a readiness stones of a great mass & logs of timber sharpened at both ends. Themselves were the offspring of the Cimbrians and duchmen, who at such time as they took their voyage through our Province into italy, bestowed such stuff and cattle of theirs as they could not carry and drive with them on this side the river Rhyne, and left six thousand of their company behind for the safe keeping & defence of the same. These after the death of their companions, being many years together dysquietted by their neighbours while they sometime invaded and sometime defended, concluding peace by general consent, chose this place to inhabit and settle themselves in. And at the first coming thither of our army, they made often salyes out of the town, & skirmished with our men. Afterward being environed with a rampire of twelve foot, of fifteen miles compass about, & beset with castles as thick as one could stand by another, they held themselves within the town. When they saw the Uines framed, the mount raised and a turret a building a far of, at the first they began to laugh at it & to make a continual seoffing at it from the wall, that so huge an engine should be reared so great a distance of, demanding in manner of scorn, with what hands or with what strength, specially men of so small a stature (for in respect of their own ta●nes and goodly personages all the Galls for the most part account us but dwarves) hoped to place a tower of such workmanship upon the wall of the town. But when they saw it removed and approaching near the walls, abashed at the strange and unaccustomed sight thereof, they sent ambassadors to Cesar for peace: who spoke to this effect. That they believed, the Romans did not make way without the assistens of the Gods, which could with such expedition set forward engines of so great a height and bring them to encounter at hand. Wherefore they said they submitted themselves and all that they had unto their courtesy: desiring and humbly beseeching that if of his mere clemency and gentleness which by report he had extended towards other, he could vouchsafe to save the Aduaticks, he would not bereave them of their armour. For almost all their neighbours were enemies unto them, and had spite at their valeant doings, from whom they were not able to defend themselves if they should deliver up their armour. So that it were better for them (if they should be put to that extremity) to suffer any displeasure whatsoever, at the hands of the people of Rome, than to be butcherly murdered by them among whom they had been wont to reign like lords.  
Cesar made answer hereunto, that he would save their City rather of his own accustomed gentleness then for any desert of theirs, so that they yielded before the battle Ram touched the wall: but no condition of yielding should be accepted without delivery of their armour. For he would do by them as he had done by the Neruians, and give commandment to their neighbours that they should not offer any kind of wrong to such as had submitted themselves to the people of Rome. When word hereof was brought to the City, they said they were contented to do whatsoever should be commanded them. hereupon casting a great quantity of armour over the wall into the ditch that was before the town, insomuch that the heaps of armour did rise well near to the top of the wall and the rampire, and yet (as afterward was found) concealing and keeping still within the town, about the third part, they set open their gates, and for that day used themselves peaceably. Toward night Cesar commanded the gates to be shut, & his soldiers to get them out of the town, that the townsmen should not receive any displeasure by them in the night tyme. But they having laid their heads together before (as afterward was understood) forasmuch as they believed that our men upon their submission would either set no watch nor ward at all, or at leastwise keep it more slightly, partly with such armour as they had retained and concealed and partly with targets made of bark or wrought of wicker, which upon the sudden they had covered over with leather as the shortness of the time required, in the third watch, whereas the ground was least steep to come up the hill to our fortifications, issued suddenly out of the town with all their power. But signification was soon made hereof by fires (as Cesar had commanded before) and speedy resort was made thither from the bulwarks. Nevertheless our enemies stood stoutly to their tackling as became valeant men to do in the last hope of their welfare, fighting in a place of disadvantage, against such as threw darts at them from the towers and mounts, considering there was none other shift to save themselves then by their manhood. In conclusion with the slaughter of a four thousand men, the rest were driven back into the town. The next day after, when Cesar came to break open the gates and no man stood at defence, he sent in our soldiers, & sold all the spoil of the town. Such as had bought it, made an accomt to him of the number of three & fifty thousand folk by the pol.  
The same time, P. Crassus whom he had sent with one legion to the Uenets, 
People of Uannes'.  Uuels 
People of perch.  Osisines 
People of Landriguer.  Curiosolits, 
People of Cornwall.  Sesuvians, 
People of Roan.  Aulerks, 
People about Renes. All peoeple of Britain and Normandye.  and Rhedones (which are haven towns & stand upon the Ocean sea,) advertised him that all those Cities had yielded & were brought in subjection to the people of Rome. After that these things were dispatched & all Gallia brought in peaceable obedience there went such a report and estimation of this war among other barbarous people, that from such nations as inhabited beyond the Rhine were sent Ambassadors unto Cesar, proffering to give him hostages and do what so ever he should command them. The which ambassades caesar (for as much as he had then hast into Italy & 
A part of a country now called Sclavony.  Illyricum,) commanded to repair to him again in the beginning of the next summer. And so when he had distributed his legions into garrisons for the winter season among the 
The country about Charters.  Carunes, 
The country of Anjou.  Andians, & 
The countri about towers beneath the river of Loire  Turones which were cities near to those places where he had made war, be took his way in to Italy. And for these things upon the sight of Caesar's letters, general supplication was proclaimed in Rome for fifteen days, which thing before that time had happened to no man.  
FINIS.   

THE THIRD BOOK of C. julius Caesar's Commentaries of his wars in Gallia.  
AT SUCH TIME AS Cesar took his journey into Italy, he sent Servius Galba with the twelfth Legion and part of his horsemen against the 
People between Geneva and S. Mawryce.  Antuats, 
The country about S. Mawrice.  Ueragrines', 
The country about Zion in Ualoys. Being all people in & about the Alps.  and Sedunes which inhabit all the countries from the borders of the Allobrogians to the lake Leman, and the river Rhone, unto the top of the Alps. The cause of his sending thither was that he would have the ways over the Alps which merchants could not pass without great danger and great 〈◊〉 paying, hereafter set open. By gave him leave to place one Legion there in garrison if he thought good so. Galba having fought certain prosperous battles and won divers of their fortresses by force, after that ambassadors had been sent to him from all sides, and that hostages were delivered & peace stablished, determined to leave two Cohortes in garrison among the Antuats, and he himself to winter with the rest of the Cohorts of that legion in a town of the Ueragrynes called 
Now called Martanach and of some Zion in Ualoys.  Octodure, the which being situate in a valley & not much plain ground about it, is environed on all sides with very high mountains. Now whereas this village was divided in two parts with a river, he appointed th'one part of it to the Galls to winter in, & tother part left void by them he assigned to his Cohorts, the which place he fortified with a trench and rampire. When a good part of the Winter was now past, and that he had commanded corn to be brought thither, suddenly he was advertised by his espials, that all the Galls were in the night time departed out of that part of the village which he had limited unto them, and that the hills that overloked the town, were held by an innumerable multitude of the Sedunes & Ueragrines'. There were some causes that moved the Galls, to renew the war thus upon the sudden, and to conspire the destruction of this legion. First perceiving the Legion to want of the full number, because two Cohorts were taken out of it, and many severally were absent that were sent abroad to fetch in victuals, they disdained our small number. secondly by reason of the disadvantage of the place, in that they should run down upon us from the hill unto the valley and cast their darts at us, they thought it was not possible for us to abide the first brunt of them. Moreover it grieved them that their children were taken from them in the name of the hostages, and persuaded themselves that the Romans went about to cease into their hands the tops of the Alps not so much for passage, as for a perpetual possession, and so to lay those places unto their province, which bordered up on them. Galba upon the receipt of these tidings, when as his winter work and fortifications were not yet fully finished, nor sufficient of corn and other victuals provided, by reason that after submission made and pledges delivered he thought there had been no war to be feared, called a counsel with all speed and demanded every man's opinion what was to be done. In the which counsel, because so much sod in danger had happened unlooked for, and that they might see almost all the higher grounds covered with armed men, against whom there could come no succour unto them, no nor any victuals be conveyed in for their relief, the ways being foreclosed by the enemy, in manner despairing of life, some were of this opinion that it was best to abondon all their stuff and carriages, and so issuing out to endeavour to scape with their lives by the same way that they came thither. Howheit it seemed good to the greater part, to reserve this counsel till there were none other shift, and in the mean while to try how the matter would fall out, and to defend their Camp. By and by after, so that there was scarce so much respite as to order and dispose the things they had determined, the enemies at a watch word given, came running down on all sides, and threw stones and darts into the trench. Our men at the first while their strength was fresh, stood stoutly at defence, insomuch that they sent not any dart from the Rampyer, but it was bestowed to some purpose: and what part of the Camp soever seemed to be dysfurnyshed of defenders or overcharged with enemies, thither they ran & reskowed. But herein they had the dysaduauntage, that our enemies when they were wearied with continuance of feyghting, would withdraw them out of the press, and other succeeded fresh and lusty in their steads. Of the which things our men could none do by reason they were so few. In so much that not only he that had been weary had no respite to convey himself out of the battle, but even he that was wounded had no liberty to draw himself somewhat aside out of the place where he stood, to refresh or ease himself. When they had fought by the space of six h●●●●es & more without ceasing, & that not only strength but also weapons began to fail our men, and that our enemies pressed more earnestly upon us, insomuch that our men waxing faint, they began to break down the Rampire and fill up the trench, and that the matter was brought to utter extremity, P. Sextius Baculus captain of the chief band, who as we told you before was near spent with wounds in the battle against the Neruians, and likewise C. Uolusenus tribune of the soldiers, a man of great wisdom and prowess, came running unto Galba, and told him that there was no way to save themselves but one, which was to issue out and to seek succour at their uttermost refuge. Galba therefore calling together the Centuryons, gave the soldiers quickly to understand, that they should by little and little cease from fighting, and only receive the darts that were thrown at them, and refresh themselves of their labour and travel: the which done he commanded that assoon as warning was given them, they should issue out of their Camp, and think to save themselves by their manhood. They did as they were bidden. And issuing suddenly out at all the gates, assailed their enemies with such force, that they could neither tell what to do, nor gather themselves together. Thus fortune changed her copy in such wise, that they fetched in on every side and slew those that stood in good hope and possibility of winning their Camp: and having of thirty thousand men and above, (the which number is certainly known to have come to thassault of our camp,) slain more than the third part, they put the rest to flight and made them so amazed, that they suffered them not to stay, no not in the higher grounds. So having overthrown all the power of their enemies, and turned them out of their harness, they retired into their Camp and fortifications. After this encounter, because Galba would not to often put himself to the courtesy of fortune, remembering he came to winter there for another purpose, & perceiving he had met with other adventures than he looked for, but chief moved thereunto with scarcity of corn and other vyctuals, the next day he set all the houses of that village on fire, and taking his way into the Province, without any enemy to trouble him or stay him by the way, brought his legion safe among the Antuats, and from thence to the Allobrogians, & there wintered.  
Aft●r that these things were dispatched, when Cesar thought there had been no cause of tumult & rebellion left in Gallia, considering how the Belgies were vanquished, the Germans driven out, and the Sedunes overcome in the Alps, and so in the beginning of winter was gone into Illyricum, for that he had a desire to usit those Nations also, and to know those countries, there arose a sudden war throughout Gallia. The cause of that war was this. A young gentleman called P. Crassus, lay in garrison with the seventh legion near unto the Ocean sea among the Andians. 
The people of Anjou.  He, because in those quarters was small store of grain sent out divers of his chief officers and Tribunes into the Cities thereabouts to fetch corn and vyctuals: of the which number were T. Terrasidius sent to the Uuelles, M. Trebius Gallus sent to the Curiosolits, Q. Uelanius and T. Silius sent to the Uenets. This City beareth great authority over all these countries on the Sea coast, both because the Uenets have many ships where with they are wont to sail into Britain: and also because they excel all the residue in knowledge and experience of Sea matters: and moreover because those few havous (as many as be of them) in that raging and main sea be all in their possession, which is a cause that all they that are accustomed to sail those seas, do pay custom to them. These Uenets began to broil in detaining of Silius and Uelanius, because they thought that by their means they should recover the hostages that they had given to Crassus. Their next neibors moved with th'authority of their example, (as the Galies will in deed attempt things suddenly and upon a head) for the same cause detained Trebonius and Terasidius: and out of hand dyspatching. Ambassadors confedered themselves together by their noblemen, to do nothing but by common advyre, & to abide th'uttermost, what fortune so ever should follow: persuading with the rest of the Cities to choose rather to continue in the liberty which they had received from their ancestors, than to continued in bondage under the Romans. When they had quickly alured all the sea-coast to be of their mind, they sent a general ambassade to P. Crassus, th'effect whereof was, that if he would have his men again he should tender unto them their hostages. Cesar being certified of these proceedings by Crassus, because he was at that time somewhat far of, commanded Galleys to be builded in the mean season upon the River of Loire which falleth into the Ocean Sea, & rowers to be fetched out of Province, and mariners and ship masters to be taken up. These things being speedily brought to pass, he himself as soon as the time of the year would suffer him, came to his army. The Uenets & the rest of the confederate cities having knowledge of Caesar's coming, & therewithal weighing what an heinous offence they had committed against him in detaining and casting in prison his ambassadors, (which name had always heretofore been accounted holly and inviolable among all nations) according to the greatness of the danger, determined to lay for the war before hand, and specially to provide things necessary for ships: the which they did with so much the better hope, because they had great trust in the strentgh of the place, from whence they knew all access with an army by land was cut of by salt marshes, & conveying thither by water would be very cumbersome, because the Romans were unacquainted with those countries, and there were few havens to harbour in by the way: and also they believed verily, that our army should not be able to tarry any long time among them because there was so small store of grain. Yea & though all these things should fall out contrary to their expectation, yet notwithstanding they were able to do much with their ships, whereas the Romans had not any power of ships, nor yet knowledge of the shallows, havens, and islands that were in those places where they went about to make war: And they knew right well it was another manner of matter to sail in the narrow seas then in the main and open Oc●an. When they had thus taken advice, they fortified their towns: they conveyed their corn out of the country into the towns: they gathered together as many ships as they could unto Uannes' where it was known that Cesar would first begin the wars: they allied unto them for their more assistance in that war, the 
People of Landriguer.  Osisines the 
The country about Liseaux  Lexobians, the 
The country about Aunts  Naunets, the 
The country about Auranches  Ambiliats, the 
The country about Torowan.  Morines, the Diablinters, and the 
The country of Leondul●. The Guildes and Cleves.  Menapians: and they sent for succour out of Britain which is situate over against those countries. These things above mentioned were such as might greatly trouble and set back the war. howbeit there were many things that enforced Cesar unto this war. As namely the wrongful detaining of the Roman knights: the rebellion after submission: the going back from promise after pledges delivered: the confederacy of so many cities: and in especially lest through his negligence in this behalf, the rest of the country might take courage to do the like. Therefore forasmuch as he perceived how all the Galls in a manner were given to newfangledness, and stirred up to make war upon every light occasion, and that all men of nature are desirous of liberty, and hate the state of bondage: he thought it convenient to divide his host and send them farther abroad, before any more cities were confederate together. And thereupon he sent his Lieutenant T. Labienns with a band of horsemen against the Trevires which are next the river Rhine: giving him in charge to go to the men of Rheims and the rest of the Belgies, and to keep them in their duty, and to prohibit the Germans (who were reported to be sent for to aid the Belgies) from passing the river if they attempted to ferry over by force. P. Crassus with twelve Legionary Cohorts and a great company of horsemen, he commanded to take his journey into Aquitaine, to th'intent there should not out of those countries be sent any aid to the Celts, and so puissant Nations be joined together. He sent his Lieutenant Q. Titurius Sabinus with three Legions against the * Uuels', * Curiosolyts, & Lexobians, to keep that power from joining with the rest. He made Decius Brutus a noble young gentleman admiral of his Navy and of the French fleet which he had assembled from among the 
The people of poitiers.  Pictones & 
The people of Xanton.  Santones, and the rest of the Nations under the Roman jurisdiction: commanding him to set forward against the Uenets assoon as might be: and he himself marched thitherward with his army by land. The situation of the towns for the most part was such, that being set in th'uttermost nooks and mountains reaching into the sea, there was no coming to them on foot, by reason of the rising of the tides, which ever happened twice in twelve hours space: nor yet with ships because that at the falling of the tide, the ships were beaten upon the shallows: so that both ways th'assault of the towns was hindered. And if at any time overcome perchance with the greatness of our works, when we had shut out the sea with jetties and mounts raised as high as the town walls, they begun to have distrust in their estate, by and by arrived a great number of ships, whereof they had plenty at pleasure, and carried away all that they had, and conveyed themselves into the next towns, where they defended them again with the same advantages and commodities of the places. This they did so much the more easily for the most part of the summer, because our ships were kept away with tempests and much a do we had to sail in the main and open sea against so great tides, whereas were havens few or none at all. For their ships were builded and decked in this wise. The keles of them were somewhat flatter than the keles of our ships, to th'intent they might the easilier abide the shallows and the falling of the tide. Their foredecks were very straight upright, and so were also their sternes, made so for the nonce for the better abiding of the greatness of the waves, and of the tempests. All the whole ship was made of heart of Oak, able to endure any force or displeasure were it never so great. Their seats were of planks a foot deep, fastened with nails an inch thick. In stead of Cables the anchors were tied with chains of iron. In stead of the linen cloth their sails were of leather, or else of raw hides dressed thin: which happened for want of hemp and fla● and because they knew not the use of them, or else (which hath a more likelihood of truth,) because they thought that in so great tempests of the Ocean and in so great rage of the winds, ships of so great burden could not well and handsomely be guided with sails of linen. Thencounter between these ships and our navy was such, that only in swiftness and rowing with oars we were to good for them. But all other things according to the nature of the place and the violence of the tempests, were more handsome and agreeable for them than for us. For neither could ours hurt them with their stems, they were so strong made, neither could a weapon easily be thrown up into them by reason of their height: and for the same cause they might not well be kept among rocks. Moreover it came to pass, that when the wind began to be boisterous, and that they had put themselves to the wether, they were both able the better to endure the tempest, and stayed more saufly in shallow places, and when the tide failed them they feared nothing at all the stones and rocks: of all the which things the mischance was to be feared of our fleet.  
When Cesar had won many towns, perceiving that he spent all that great travel in waste, for asmuch as though he took their towns yet they ever scaped his hands, so that he could not hurt them, he determined to tarry the coming of his navy. The which assoon as it was assembled and came within kenning of our enemies, about a two hundred and twenty of their ships in very good readiness, and thoroughly furnished with all kind of artillery launching out of the haven, set themselves against ours. Now witted not Brutus that was admiral of the fleet nor any of the Tribunes or peticapteynes whereof every one had his ship appointed to him severally, what was to be done, or by what means they might maintain the battle. For well they knew that with the stems of their ships they could not annoy their enemies: & albe it they had raised up turrets, yet were the foredecks of the French ships far above them: so that neither any dart could be cast any thing handsomely from bylow, & such as were thrown down by the Galls fell with greater force. One thing which our men had prepared before did us good service: which were sharp hooks fastened unto long steals, not unlike in fashion to Country Scythes. With these they took hold upon the cords that held the saleyards to the masts, and drawing them unto them, cut them a sunder as the Galleys were driven forward with force of oars, so that of necessity the sail yards must needs fall down: to th'intent that the French ships disappointed of their sails and tackling wherein consysted their chief hope, they might at one time be marred for doing any more service. Then remained th'encounter consysting only in manhood, wherein our soldiers easily surmounted. And that so much the more because the thing was done in the sight of Cesar and all his army, insomuch that no deed, were it done any thing valiantly, could escape unnoted. For the army stood upon all the hills and all the high grounds, from whence there was any perfect view into the sea. The sails being (as we said) cut down, when as two or three of our galleys were always about one ship of our enemies, our soldiers endeavoured most earnestly to board them. The which thing when the Frenchmen perceived, after that many of their ships were won from them, and that they could find no remedy against that mischief, they endeavoured to save themselves by flight. But when their ships were now turned to take the wind, suddenly the sea became so still and calm, that they could not stir out of the place. The which thing happened for our purpose as well as we could wish. For our men overtaking them one by one did in such wise board them, that very few of all the whole number escaped to land, and that was by reason the night came so fast on, the battle being continued almost from four of the clock to the sun going down. In the which battle was dispatched the war of the 
People of Uannes' in Britain.  Uenets and of all the sea coast. For not only all the youth, yea & all that were of further years in whom was any wisdom and estimation, were assembled thither: but also they had brought thither all the ships that were to be gotten any where: the which being lost, the rest had neither whither to resort for safeguard, nor wist how to defend their towns. And therefore they yielded themselves and all that they had unto Cesar. Upon whom he determined to take the greater punishment, to th'intent the barbarous people should hereafter take better heed how they demeaned themselves otherwise than well toward ambassadors. wherefore putting all their Senate to death, he sold the rest under a garland for bondmen.  
While these things were a doing about Uannes', Q. Titurius Sabinus with that power which he had received of Cesar, was come among the 
People of perch.  Uuels. The Governor of them was one Uiridovix, & he had the chief charge of all those Cities that had rebelled, out of the which he had gathered a puissant army. And in these few days the 
People of Roan.  Aulerks, 
People of Eureux. People of Liseaux.  Eburoviks, and Lexobians having killed their Senotors because they would not be the authors of this war, had shut their gates & joined themselves with Uiridovix. Besides these, a great multitude of unthrifts and cut throats were flocked thither out of all Gallia, of those sort of rascals whom hope of spoil and desire of war had withdrawn from husbandry and daily labour. Sabinus therefore held himself within his Camp in a place meet for all purposes: When Uiridovix being encamped against him a two miles of, did daily bring forth his army and offer him battle: insomuch that now, Sabinus began not only to be despised of his enemies, but also to be cried out upon and taunted of his own soldiers. And he gave his enemies so much cause to think that he stood in fear of them, that now they durst approach even to the trench of his Camp. The which he did because he thought it was more than a Lieutenant ought to do, to encounter with so great a multitude of enemies specially in th'absence of his general, unless it were in an indifferent place or upon some occasion of advantage given. When he had thus confirmed them in this opinion of his fearfulness, he chose out a meet person for the purpose, a subtle fellow, one of the Galls that he had in his retinue for his aid, and persuaded him with great rewards and large promises, to steal over to his enemies, giving him instructions what he should do. This fellow coming thither like a runagate, reported what fear the Romans stood in: and declared how sore the Uenets had distressed Cesar himself, assuring them that the next night after at the furthest, Sabinus would steal privily with his army out of his camp and take his way toward Cesar to secure him. When this was heard, they cried out all with one voice, that so fair an occasion of good success ought not to be let slip, and that the Camp was to be assaulted out of hand. Many things pricked forward the Galls in this device: as the pausing of Sabinus the days before: the warranting of the runagate: the want of victuals for the which they had made very slender provision: the hop● of the good success of the wars about Uannes: and because men commonly are willing to believe such things as they would have come to pass. Moved with these persuasions, they would not suffer Uiridovix and the rest of the captains to departed out of counsel, before they had granted them that they should arm themselves and march to our Camp. The which thing being agreed unto, they came merrily toward us with their shreds and faggots that they had gathered to fill up the dyches, as if the victory had been their own out of all cry. The place where our tents were pitched, was somewhat high, & rising by little and little from the bottom about a thousand paces. Hither they came running a great pace, to th'intent they would give the Romans as little leisure as they could to gather together and arm themselves: insomuch that by that time they came there, they were clean out of breath. Sabinus after he had encouraged his men, gave them token of encounter which they sore desired. And perceiving his enemies to be troubled with the burdens that they bore, commanded issue to be made out upon them suddenly at two gates. It came to pass by means of th'advantage that we had of the ground, through thunskylfulnes of our enemies that had overwearied themselves before, and through the prowess of our own soldiers practised in former conflicts, that they were not able to abide one push of us, but by and by turned their backs. Whom cumbered in that sort our men fresh and lusty encountering with, slew a great number of them: and our horsemen overtaking the rest left but few of them, that saved themselves by flight. So all at one time Sabinus was certified of the battle on the sea and Cesar of Sabines victory: and immediately thereupon all the Cities yielded to Titurius. For as the hearts of the Balls are cheerful and forward to take wars in hand: so are their courages faint and nothing stout to bear out adversities.  
At the same time almost, P. Crassus coming into Aquitaine, the which (as is said before) both for the largeness of the Countries and multitude of people, is to be counted a third part of Gallia, when he perceived that he must make war in such a place, where a few years before Lucius Ualerius Preconius a Lieutenant was put to flight and his army slain: and from whence L. Manlius the Uiceconsull was glad to scape by flight with the loss of all his stuff and carriages: he saw it stood him in hand to look well about him and to take good heed. Wherefore having made provision of grain, gotten aid as well of horsemen as footmen, and moreover called unto him by name many valeant personages out of Tolowse, Caracassone, and Narbone which are Cities bordering upon the Province of Gallia, he led his army into the country of the 
People about Tolouse  Sontiats. The Sontiats having knowledge of his coming before, assembled a great power both of footmen & also of horsemen wherein consisted their chief strength, and encountering our army by the way, first begun the battle with their horsemen. The which being put to flight, as our men of arms chased them, suddenly they showed their footmen whom they had laid in a valley for a stolen. They setting on our men disordered, began the battle again. The fight was long and cruel: the Sontiats for the trust they had in themselves by reason of their former victories, thinking that the welfare of Aquitaine consisted in their manhood and prowess: and our men desiring to show what they could do without their General, and without the rest of their Legions, having but a young man to their captain. At length our enemies overcome with wounds took them to flight. Of whom after that a great number had been slain. Crassus' in his way began to assault the head City of the Sontiats: and when he saw them stand stoutly at defence, he builded Uines and Towers. They on tother side sometime issuing out, and sometime drawing Mines to the Mount and Uines (in which feat the Aquitaines are very cunning, because that among them in many places are iron mines) when they perceived our men to take so good heed of them that they could nothing at all by those means avail, sent Ambassadors to Crassus and desired that he would take them to mercy. The which request obtained, they delivered their armour as was commanded them. While the minds of all our men were busied herabout, out of another part of the town Adcantuan chief governor of the City with syxhundred sworn brethren whom they call Soldures (whose state and condition is such that they participate and enjoy alike all commodities of this life, with them to whom they have vowed their friendship, and that if any thing happen unto them otherwise then well, that they come to any misfortune, either they take part with them in their adversity, or else kill themselves: In so much that within the compass of man's remembrance there hath not any of them been found, that when his friend (to whom he had sworn himself) was slain would refuse to die,) intended to make a sally upon us. But our soldiers warned by the great shout that was raised by such of our company as warded on that side, resorted to their weapons, & after a sharp encounter drove him back into the town: and yet nevertheless he obtained of Crassus the like benefit of submission as other of the Townsmen had done. After that Crassus had received their armour & hostages, he took his way into the Marches of the * Uocatians & * Tarusatians.  
Then the savage people aggrieved that within so few days after our coming thither we had won a town both by situation and man's hand so well fortified, sent out ambassades on all sides: confedered themselves together: gave hostages one to another: and prepared men of war. Furthermore ambassadors were sent to the Cities of the hythermost part of Spain next unto Aquitaine, and aid of soldiers and Captains were waged from thence. At whose coming they began to set forward the war with great authority and great multitude of people. Those were chosen to be Captains that had served all their time with Q. Sertorius, and therefore were deemed to be men of singular knowledge in feats of arms. These according to the custom of the people of Rome, practised to take places of advantage, to fortify their Camp, and to cut our victuals of from us. The which thing when Crassus perceived, considering that his own army by reason of the slender number thereof could not conveniently be sent divers ways abroad, and that his enemy might both range abroad at pleasure and also forlay the ways, & yet leave sufficient defence in his camp besides, which was a cause that grain and victual could not well be conveyed unto him, and moreover that the number of his enemies daily increased, he thought it best to try the matter by battle without any further linger. Having propounded this matter in counsel, when he perceived all of them to be of the same opinion, he appointed the next day to give battle in. As soon as the day began to break, he brought forth his army and ordering them in two battles placed his aids in the middle ward, waiting what his enemies intended to do. They albeit that in consideration of their multitude, and their ancient renown in chivalry, and the small number of our men, thought they might have given us battle sauflye, yet notwithstanding they thought it a surer way, by forlaying the ways and cutting of our victuals to get the victory with out bloodshed. And if the Romans for penury of corn and vyctuals began to retire, they determined to assail them cowardly as they were troubled in marching with their burdens on their necks. The Captains liked this counsel so well, that as often as the Romans brought their men into the field, they kept themselves within their Campe. Crassus' perceiving that, when he by his prolonging of time and his enemies by pretending such fear, had made our Soldiers more courageous to fight, insomuch that it was hard at every man's mouth that they would to their enemies camp without any further delay, after he had given encouragement unto them, led them thither with willing hearts There while some filled up the ditches, some by throwing darts thick drove the defendants down from their rampires and fortifications, and that the strange soldiers whom Crassus trusted not greatly unto to fight, in ministering stones and weapons unto others, and in bringing turf to make the mount, made a show as though they had fought in deed, and while on the contrary part our enemies fought sloutly and unfearfullye, and that the weapons which came ●●om above lighted not any where in vain, our horsemen ranging about the Camp of our enemies, brought Crassus' word that their camp was not so strongly guarded at the chief gate, and that it was easy to enter at it. Crassus' exhorting the captains of the men of arms to encourage their men with promise of great rewards, declared unto them what he would have done. They according to their commission taking forth four Cohorts which being left to defend the Camp had not been wearied with labour, and leading them a great way about because their enemies should not spy them from their Camp, while all their minds and eyes were occupied earnestly in fighting, came quickly to that side of the fortification that we spoke of before: And breaking it down were entered all within the camp of their enemies, before they could be perfectly discerned by them, or that it could be known what they were a doing. Then was heard a great noise from that part: wherewith our men recovering strength, which commonly happeneth in hope of victory, begun to assault them more fiercely. Our enemies being beset on all sides, and past hope of all recovery, cast themselves down from their fortifications, intending to save themselves by flight. Whom our horsemen overtaking in the champion fields made such a slaughter of them, that of fifty thousand which were known to be assembled thither out of Aquitaine and from among the 
The peoples of Byscay.  Cantabres scarce the fourth part was le●te alive: and so when it was far in the night, he returned into his Camp.  
When this discomfiture was heard of, the most part of Aquitaine yielded unto Crassus, and of their own accord sent him pledges: in the which number were the 
People of Tarbes.  Tarbelles, the 
People of Tarbes.  Bigerrons, the 
People of Bierne.  Precianes, the 
People of Bierne.  Uocats, the 
People about Tur●e.  Tarusats, the 
People about Turf.  Flustats, the 
People of Agenoys.  Garits, the 
People of Agenoys.  Auscians, the 
People of Aux.  Garumnes, the 
People of Aux.  Sibuzats, and the 
People of Aux.  Cocosats. A few of the Cities that were furthest of upon confidence in the time of the year because winter was at hand, drove of from doing so.  
The same time almost, Cesar albeit that the summer was nigh spent, nevertheless forasmuch as when all Gallia was brought to peaceable obedience, the 
People of Tyrwyn.  Morines and 
gelders & Cleves.  Menapians only remained that bare armour against him, and had never sent ambassadors to him for peace: thinking that war might soon be dispatched, led his host thither. But they determined to make war with him far after another sort than the rest of the Galls had done. For in as much as they understood how the greatest nations that had given him battle in the field, had been vanquished and put to flight, and perceived themselves to have main woods and marisgrounds, they conveyed themselves and all that they had into the same. To the entrance of which woods when Cesar was come, and had begun to fortify his camp, and that no enemy in the while appeared, as our men were dispersed about their work, suddenly they came flying out of all parts of the wood, & gave charge upon our men. Our men taking weapon quickly drove them back into the woods, and after they had slain a great number of them, they followed them so far in somewhat unhandsome places, that they lost a few of their company. The rest of the days ensuing, Cesar began to fell the woods: and to th'intent no assault should suddenly be made upon our men unwares from either side as they were working unarmed, all the wood that was cut down he caused to be laid with the ●ops turned to the enemy, and stacked it up on both sides like a rampire. When with wonderful speed we had in few days rid a great deal of ground, so that we had now gained their cattle and hyndermost carriages, and yet they withdrew them still into thicker woods, such tempests ensued that of necessity we were constrained to leave of our work, and the rain continued so long that our men were not able to lie any lengar in the fields. And therefore when Cesar had wasted all their country, and burnt up their towns & buildings, he led back his army again and placed them in garrison among the * Aulerks and * Lexobians and tother cities that had made this last war.  
FINIS.   

THE FOWRTH BOOK of C. julius Caesar's Commentaries of his wars in Gallia.  
THE WINTER THAT followed, which was the same year that Cneus Pompeius & M. Crassus were consuls, the * Usipits Germans and likewise the * Tevetheres, with a great multitude of men passed the river of Rhine not far from the place where it falleth into the sea. The cause of their fleeting was for that they had many years together been vexed and oppressed with war by the swevians, and could not be suffered to till their land in quiet. The Nation of the swevians is of all the Germans greatest and most warlike. They are reported to have a hundred shires, from each of the which they yearly take a thousand armed men and send them out of their country a warfare: they that tarry at home do find both them and themselves. These again ordinarily the next year after go to the wars, and tother remain at home. So neither the tillage of their land, nor the discipline and practice of war is decayed. Howbeit among them there is not any piece of private or several ground. Neither is it lawful for them to abide above one year in a place to dwell: neither do they live much by corn, but for the most part by milk and cattle, and they use hunting very much. The which thing for the kind of meat, and daily exercise, and liberty of life, (inasmuch as from their childhod being acquainted with no duty nor nurture, they are not in any thing broken of their wills,) doth both nourish their strength, and maketh them men of unmeasurable big bodies. And now they have brought themselves to such a custom, that even in most cold places they have none other raiment than leather jerkins, which are so short that a great part of their bodies are left bare: and that they wash themselves in the running waters. They suffer merchants to resort unto them, but that is rather because they would have chapmen to utter such things unto as they have gotten in the wars, than for any need they have of aught to be brought in unto them. Moreover the beasts which the Galls do most delight in and which they pay for excessively, the Germans occupy not if they be brought to them out of any other country: but such as are bred among them though they be little tittes & ill shapen, they make by daily exercise to be very good of labour. In encounters of horsemen, oftentimes they light from their horses and fight a foot: accustoming their horses to keep a standing, unto whom they retire quickly again when need requireth. Neither in their manner is any thing counted more shameful or cowardly, than to use saddles. And therefore a very few of them dare adventure against saddled horses be there never so great a number of them. In any wise they suffer no Wine to be brought in unto them, because they think that thereby men are weakened and disabled to endure pains. As touching their public estate, they count it the greatest praise that can be, for the fields to lie waste a great way of from the marches of their country. For that is as much to say, that a great number of cities were not able to withstand their puissance. And therefore from one side of Sweveland it is reported that the fields lie waste sixhundred miles of together. On another side dwell just by them the 
People of the country about Colon on tother 〈◊〉 of Rhyne  Ubians whose City was sometime both large and flourishing according to the manner of the Germans, & they be somewhat more civil than other people of the same nation and sort, because they border upon the Rhine, and merchants resort much unto them, and they themselves by reason of their nearness unto Gallia, are enured with their manners. Albeit that the Swenians many times and in many battles put them to their shifts and could not drive them out of their country by reason of the largeness and puissance of their City: yet notwithstanding they made them tributaries, and brought them lower, and made them weaker.  
In the same case were the Usipits & Teucthers whom we spoke of before, who when they had many years withstood the force of the swevians, were for all that, at the last put out of their possessions, and after three years wandering in many places of Germany, came to the Rhine whereas the Menapians did inhabit. These Menapians had lands, houses, and towns on both sides the River. Howbeit being stricken with fear at the coming of so great a multitude, they removed out of their ●ouses that they had beyond the river, and dysposing garrisons on this side the Rhine, prohibited the Germans to pass over. They having tried all means, when as they durst neither attempt to pass by force for want of ships, nor could get over by stealth for the Menapians which watched them, made as though they would have returned home into their own country: and going back three days journey, returned again, and coming all that way on horseback in one night, surprised the Menapians nothing at all knowing or mistrusting any such matter, who being advertised by their skoults of the departure of the Germans, had without fear returned into their dwellings on thotherside of the Rhine. These being slain, they took their ships, and passing the stream before that part of the Menapians which were quietly at home in their houses on this side the Rhine could be certified of their doings, took all their houses and kept themselves the rest of the winter with their provision.  
Cesar being advertised hereof, and mistrusting the infirmity of the Galls, because in taking of counsel they be variable, & for the most part are desirous of alteration, thought it not expedient to put them in trust with any thing. This is a common custom among the Galls, to compel even wayfairing men to stay whether they will or no, and to inquire what every of them hath hard or knoweth of every matter. And for the common people to come flocking about merchantmen in Cities, and to constrain them to tell out of what countries they come, & what things they know of there. And being moved with these light reports and here says, they fall to counsel oftentimes even of most weighty matters: where of they must needs repent them by and by after, seeing they are so fond led by uncertain rumours, and that divers persons tell them forged news to feed their fancies withal. The which custom when Cesar understood, to th'intent he might not meet with some worse match than he had made already, he went sooner to his army than he was wont: When he came thither, those things that he mistrusted would come to pass, he found done in deed. That is, how ambassades were sent from many Cities to the Germans, & that they were entreated with to departed from the Rhine, the which don they should have at their hands whatsoever they would demand. With hope whereof the Germans being moved, ranged now further abroad, & were come into the borders of the 
People of Liege or Lukeland.  Eburones and 
People about Aix between Utreight and juliers.  Condrusians, which are retainers to the Treuires. Cesar calling before him the Princes of Gallia, thought it convenient to dissemble those things that he knew: and thereupon appeasing their courages with fair language and quickening their spirits with comfortable words, he commanded them to find him a number of men of arms, in purpose to make war with the Germans. When he had made provision of corn, and taken muster of his horsemen, he marched toward those places in the which he heard that the Germans were. Assoon as he came within a few days journey of them, there came ambassadors from them, th'effect of whose oration was: That the Germans would neither begin to quarrel first with the people of Rome, nor yet refuse to cope with them if they were assailed: It was the custom of the Germans delivered from their auncesors, that who soever made war upon them, to make resistance by force and not by entretance: Nevertheless they had thus much to say for themselves, that they were come against their wills as men cast out of house and home: If the Romans would take them in●o favour, they might be profitable friends unto them, wherefore they required either to assign them lands, or else to suffer them to enjoy such as they had already gotten by conquest: to the swevians only they gave place, whom not even the Gods immortal were able to match: For in all the earth beside there was not any man whom they could not overcome.  
Cesar replied hereunto as he thought good. But the conclusion of his oration was: That there could be no friendship between him and them as long as they abode in Gallia: And that it could not be true that they which were not able to defend their own country, should keep possession of an other man's: and though they could, yet were there not in Gallia any lands that could be given, (specially to such a multitude) without doing wrong unto others: But it should be lawful for them (if they would) to settle themselves in the borders of the Ubians whose ambassadors were then with him to complain of the injuries done by the swevians and to desire help of him: the which thing he promised to obtain of the Ubians for them.  
Thambasssadors said they would make report hereof to their company, and upon good advice taken in the matter, return again to him after the third day: desiring that he would not in the mean time approach any nearer to them with his camp. Cesar answered that they might not obtain so much as that at his hand. For he knew that they had sent a great part of their horsemen certain days afore over the Maze to the 
Brabander●  Ambivarits to fetch in prays & forage. The return of which horsemen they looked for, & therefore (as he thought) sought to have delays in the matter. The river Maze springeth out of the mountain 
People of Langres.  Uosegus which is in the borders of the 
People of Langres.  Lingones, and receiving an arine of the Rhine to it which is called 
walin.  Uacalos, maketh the Island of the 
Hollanders.  batavians, and not passing lxxx. miles fro thence runneth into the Ocean. Now the Rhine riseth among the 
People of Granpunter  Lepontians who inhabit the Alps and from thence runneth swift a long race by the borders of the 
People of Uawd.  Nantuats, Helnetians, Sequanes, 
People of Me●z.  Mediomatrik●, 
People of Strawsoorg  Triboks, and Treuires: and when it cometh near the Ocean, it divideth itself into many streams, making many great islands: whereof a great sort are inhabited by wild and savage peoples: of the which some are thought to live by fish and birds eggs: and lastly falleth with many heads into the Ocean.  
At such time as Cesar was come within twelve miles of his enemies, th'ambasssadors according to appointment returned unto him. Who meeting him in his journey entreated him very earnestly that he should proceed no further. When they could not get grant thereof, they requested him to send out of hand to his horsemen that were the fore-riders of his host, to command them that they should not seight, and that he would give them leave to send ambassadors to the Ubians: whose Noblemen & counsellors if they made them assurance by oath, upon such condition as Cesar should prescribe, they were contented to stand to it. To bring these things to pass, they desired three days respite. All these things Cesar thought tended to this one end, that by driving of of those three days, their horsemen that were then absent might return. notwithstanding he promised to go no further forward but four miles that day, to have fresh water for his Camp: willing them to repair to him the next Morning betimes, to know further of his pleasure touching their demands. In the mean time he sent to the Captains of his horsemen that were ridden before, to warn them that they should not make any assault upon their enemies: and that if any assault were made upon them, that they should forbear them until he might come nearer to them with his whole power. But our enemies, assoon as our horsemen came within their sight, of whom there was the number of five thousand, whereas they had not above eight hundred horsemen in all, because those that were gone over the Maze for forage were not yet returned, while our men feared nothing because their ambassadors were but newly before departed from Cesar, and that they had entreated him for a truce, gave a quick charge upon our men and put them out of array. And when our men returned again to their defence, they according to their custom lighted a foot, and goring our horses and dismounting many of their masters, put the rest to flight: and in such wise chased them in their fear, that they never ceased flying until they came in the sight of our army. In that encounter were slain of our horsemen threescore and fowertene, among whom was one Piso of Aquitaine a very valeant Gentleman borne of a noble house, whose Grandfather had obtained the sovereignty of his own City, and was proclaimed friend of our Senate. This Piso reskowing his brother beset with enemies, delivered him out of danger: & he himself being cast from his horse that was wounded, resisted valiantly as long as he could. But at length being enclosed after he had received many wounds, he fell down. The which his brother (who now was gotten out of the battle perceiving a far of, put spurs to his horse and dashing in among his enemies was slain also. After that this battle was fought, Cesar determined neither to hear th'ambasssadors, nor to accept any of the proffers, of such as deceitfully and traitorously desiring peace, had wilfully moved war: Again, to tarry until the power of his enemies were increased and their horsemen returned, he thought it the point of extreme madness: and considering the infirmity of the Galls (among whom he perceived how much authority his enemies had gotten by that one skirmish) he thought it not good to give them respite, to practise new devices. When he had determined upon these matters and made his Lieutenants and Threasoror privy to his purpose, to the intent he should not have any more days of delay in encountering with his enemies, there happened the best opportunity that could be devised for his purpose: which was this: the next day following, early in the morning, the Germans using the like dissembling & falsehood that they had done before, came to our Camp in great number accompanied with all their nobles and ancient men: both (as they said) to purge themselves, of that contrary to the former treaty and contrary to their own suit, there had been a battle fought, the day before, & also to have wrought some new fetch, to have gotten a truce if they could have compassed it by wile. Cesar being glad that they were fallen into his hands, commanded them to be put in safe keeping. And thereupon he led all his power out of his camp, commanding his horsemen to follow after his host, because he thought them discouraged with their late conflict. Thus with his men in three battles he marched the space of eight miles with such speed, that he came to the camp of the Germans before they could understand what was done. Who being dismayed in all things upon the sudden, both for our hasty approach, and for the departure of their own men, having leisure neither to take counsel nor yet to arm themselves, were so troubled that they wist not whether it were best for them to go forth with their power against the enemy, or to tarry and defend their Camp, or else to save themselves by flight. Our men understanding their fear by the roar and shuffling that was among them, and provoked with their traitorous dealing the day before, dashed into their Camp. In the which place, such as could quickly arm themselves resisted our men a while and maintained the battle among their stuff and carriages. But the rest of the multitude of women and children (for they came from home and passed the Rhine tag and rag) began to fly here and there every way, after whom Cesar sent his horsemen to overtake them. The Germans hearing the cry behind them, when they saw their company murdered, threw away their harness and forsaking their standards fled out of their camp: and when they came to the meeting of the Maze and Rhine, being past hope of flying any further, after that a great number of them were slain, the rest cast themselves into the stream, & there being oppressed with fear, weariness, and the force of the water, perished. Our company without the loss of any one man, saving that a few were wounded, whereas there was to the number of four hundred and thirty thousand of our enemies one and other, returned out of this dread full battle into their Camp. And there Cesar gave licence to departed to such as he had detained. But they fearing that the Galls whose fields they had wasted would punish them and deal cruelly with them, said they would tarry still with him: and Cesar being content therewith granted them their liberty.  
After that this battle against the Germans was dispatched, Cesar thought it expedient to pass the Rhine for many causes, whereof this was the justest, that forasmuch as he saw the Germans so easily persuaded to come into Gallia, he would have them stand in some fear of their own things at home also, when they should perceive that the people of Rome both could and durst pass the Rhine with an army. And to further this matter withal, that company of horsemen of the Usipits and Teucthers, which I said before, were gone a foraging and to fetch booties on tother side of the Maze, and were not at the battle, after the discomfiture of their company, had retired over the Rhine into the borders of the 
The people about Nassaw & Hessen in Germany.  Sicambers, and joined themselves with them. Unto whom when Cesar sent ambassadors, desiring them to deliver into his hands such as had moved war against him and the realm of Gallia, they made answer that the people of Rome had nothing to do beyond the Rhine. For if he thought the Germans did him wrong to come into Gallia with out his leave, why should he challenge any sovereignty or authority at all on tother side of the Rhine. Moreover the 
People about Colon on the further side of the Rhine.  Ubians who alonely of the people beyond the Rhine sending Ambassadors unto Cesar had entered in League with him and given him hostages, made earnest suit to him that he would succour them against the swevians who sore oppressed them. Or if he could not so do, being occupied about other weighty affairs of the people of Rome, they desired that he would do no more but only bring his army over the Rhine: for in so doing he should pleasure them as much as if he had succoured them, and also put them in good hope for ever after. For they said that the name and estimation of the Roman army was so great, since Ariovistus was chased, and now of late this other overthrow given, that the fame & friendship of the people of Rome, might be a protection to them even among the furthest Nations of Germanye. wherefore if he would come, they proffered a great number of Boats to ferry over his army in. Cesar for these causes which I have showed, determined to pass the Rhine. Howbeit to pass in Boats he thought it not without peril, and besides that he thought it stood not with his honour nor with the honour of the people of Rome so to do. And therefore albeit it was a very hard matter to make a bridge, by reason of the brodenesse, swiftness, and deepness of the stream, yet notwithstanding be thought either to go that way to work, or else it was not for him to pass at all with his army. whereupon he framed a bridge in this wise.  
He fastened together a two foot space one from another two pieces of timber of a foot and an half square somewhat sharpened at the lower end, measured according to the depth of the water. These being let down into the river with pulleys, he made to be beaten fast in with Commanders not plomme upright like a post, but shoring like the side of a roof of a house, so as they might lean with the ronning of the stream. Likewise directly against them, he set other two fastened together in like sort, a forty foot distance of beneath, with their heads into the stream. Between both these according to the distance that was between the joints of the two pieces of timber, were let in beams of two. foot square to strain them out fastened on both sides at thend with two braces, the which being once closed and fastened on the wrong side, the strength of the work was so great, and the things were so framed, that the greater violence of water that bare against it, so much the closer did the joints shut & hold the faster together. Upon these were fastened jeests of straight timber, which were covered over with rafters and hurdles. And yet besides this, both on the neither part of the stream there were piles driven one overthwart another the which being set under in stead of a jettye, and joined to the whole work, might break the force of the stream, and other likewise somewhat above the bridge: to th'intent that if the Germans should cast in any bodies of trees into the water, or send any ships down the stream to break down the work, these should be a defence to abate the violence of those things, that they hurted not the bridge. Within ten days after that the stuff was begun to be brought together, the work was fully finished and the host conveyed over.  
Cesar leaving a strong garrison at each end of the bridge, marched into the borders of the Sicambres. By the way there came Ambassadors to him from many Cities, to whom desiring peace & friendship he made very courteous answer, and willed them to bring him hostages. The Sycambres from that time that the bridge was begun to be builded, preparing themselves to flight, had (by the counsel of such of the Usipits & Teucthers as they had with them) fleeted out of their country, and carrying all their goods with them, had hid themselves in woods and wildernesses. Cesar tarrying but a few days in their borders, after he had burned up all their towns and buildings, and cut down their corn, retired into the country of the Ubians. Where promising them his help if they were troubled by the swevians, 
Now called Swoabes.  he learned thus much at their hands. How that the swevians after they knew by their skoults that the bridge was a making, called a council after their manner, and sent messengers every way to give warning that they should departed out of their towns, & carry their wives and children and all that ever they had into the woods, and that as many as were able to bear armour should come together into one place, the which was appointed almost in the heart of those countries which the swevians possess, where they determined to abide the coming of the Romans & to give them battle. The which thing when Cesar understood, forasmuch as he had accomplished all those things for the which he had passed his army over the Rhine, namely in putting the Germans in fear, in revenging himself upon the Sicambres, and in resk●wing the Ubians, after he had spent but eighteen days beyond the Rhine, thinking he had done sufficiently both for his honour and for his profit, he retired into Gallia and hewed down the bridge.  
Although there were but a little of the Summer remaining, and that in those countries (because all Gallia lieth somewhat northward,) winter beginneth betimes: yet notwithstanding he determined to make a voyage into Britain, because he understood that in all the wars that he had had in France, our enemies had always been aided from thence. Albeit that the season of the year meet for warfare failed, yet he thought it might be greatly for his behoof, to go unto the Island and see what manner of men they were, and to view the places, havens, and ryvages, all the which things were almost unknown to the Galls. For lightly there cometh not any man to them except merchantmen, neither is any thing known to the merchant men themselves saving the sea coast and those countries that lie against Gallia. And therefore when he had called the merchants of all quarters before him, he could not learn, neither how big the Island should be, neither what and how puissant nations inhabited it, nor what order they kept in their wars, nor what laws and customs they used, nor what havocs there were able to receive any great number of ships. To know these things, he thought good to send Caius Uolusenus before with a galley, ere he hazarded himself thither: to whom he gave commandment that having searched out all things, he should with all speed return unto him. And he himself took his journey to the 
The people of Torowan and the country about Ca●yce.  Morines, because that from thence is the shortest cut into Britain. Hither he commanded that ships from all places of the sea coast near thereabouts, and that his fleet which he had builded the last summer against the Uenets should assemble. In the mean time his purpose being known and carried into Britain by the Merchants, there came ambssadors from many cities of the isle unto him, proffering to give him hostages, and to submit themselves the to Empire of the people of Rome. Whose message being heard, he made them very liberal promises, and encouraging them to continue in the same mind still, sent them home again, & with them one Comius, whom having vanquished the * Atrebatians he had made king there, whose counsel and valiantness he liked well of, both because he took him to be faithful to him, & also because he was thought to be a man that was able to do much in those countries. He gave him in commission to go to as many Cities as he could, and to persuade them to alley themselves with the Romans, and to tell them it should not be long ere he came thither. Uolusenus having viewed the coast, as far as he had liberty to do (which durst not stir out of his ship and commit himself to the barbarous people,) returned the fifth day unto Cesar, and made report unto him what he had seen. While Cesar tarried there for the furnishing of his navy, there came ambassadors from a great part of the * Morines to excuse them of their folly heretofore used, in that they being rude people and unskilful of our custom had moved war against the people of Rome, promising to do whatsoever he would command them. Cesar thinking that these things fell luckily on his side, because he would neither leave an enemy behind his back, nor could well make war because the time of the year was so far spent, nor deemed these trifling businesses worthy to be preferred before that weighty affairs of Britain, charged them with a great number of hostages. The which being brought, he received their submission. Having assembled together about fourscore hulks, and as many as he thought sufficient to convey over two Legions, he distributed all the Bailyes that he had to the Threasoror & his Lieutenants, and the chief officers of his Camp. There were also besides these, eighteen more hulks, which were held by the wind an eight miles from that place that they could not come all into one have. These he assigned to his men of arms. The rest of his army he committed to his Lievetevants Q. Titurius Sabinus & L. Aurunculeius Cotta to lead against the Menapians, and such towns of the Morines from whence there had come no ambassadors unto him. And he commanded P. Sulpitius Rufus another Lieutenant of his, to keep the haven with such a crew as he thought sufficient for the purpose.  
When he had thus set things in order, having gotten a seasonable wether to sail in, he loosed from the shore almost about the third watch: commanding his horsemen to go to the further haven and there to take shipping and follow after him. Which charge being by them executed somewhat slowly, he himself about four of the clock arrived with his formest ships in Br●taine, and there he saw all the hills covered with armed men. The nature of the which place was such, and the Sea was so enclosed with narrow hills, that a Dart might be thrown from the higher grounds unto the rivage. Thinking this to be no meet place to take land at, he road at anchor until it was nine of the clock, awaiting the coming of the rest of his ships. In the mean season calling his Lieutenants & Tribunes together, he declared to them what he had understood by Uolusenus, and what he would have done: warning them (as the order of war, and specially sea matters required) that forasmuch as they should have a sudden and uncertain removing, all things should be done by them at a beck, as the time would serve. When he had dismissed them, having gotten both wind and tide with him at one's, he gave them sign to way up their anchors, and going forward about an eight miles from thence, arrived at an open and plain shore. But the Britons having knowledge of Caesar's meaning, sent their horsemen and wagoners before, (the which kind of furniture they commonly use in battle) and following after with all the rest of their power, prohibited our men to take land. By means hereof we were in great perplexity, for as much as our ships by reason of their greatness could not come near the shore for want of water: so that it behoved our soldiers in unknown places, with troubled hands, overladen with the great & weighty burden of their harness, both to leap out of their ships, and to stand in the waves, and to fight with their enemies: whereas they on the contrary part standing upon the dry ground, or wading but a little way into the water, having all their limbs at liberty, in places thoroughly known to them, might boldly cast Darts at us, and overcome us with their horses which were enured to the purpose. Our men somewhat abashed at these things, as they that were altogether unacquainted with this kind of fight, showed not the like courage and chierfulnes that they were wont to use in pitched fyelds. The which thing when Cesar perceived, he commanded that the Galleys whereof the fashion was more strange to the savage Britons, and the moving more ready and wieldsome, should be removed a little from the ships of Burden, and rowed forth, and set against the open side of his enemies, and there with slings, shot of arrows, and other artillery to disorder them and send them further of which thing did greatly advantage our men. For the rude people abashed at the fashion of the Galleys, the rowing of them with oars, and the strange kind of artillery that was in them, stood still on a heap, and a little gave back. But when our men stayed and seemed to make curtsy, chief for the deepness of the water, the chief standerdbearer of the ten Legion making earnest protestation to the Gods, that the thing which he purposed to do might happen luckily to the legion, said, leap down my fellows unless you will betray our standard to the enemy: surely I will do my duty to th'uttermost for my common wealth and for my graundcapteine. When he had spoken this with a loud voice, he threw himself out of the ship and began to carry the standard against the enemies. Then our men encouraging one another, not to suffer such a foil, leapt everyone of them out of the vessel. Those that were in tother formest ships seeing them do so, followed after them and approached to their enemies. Thencounter was sharp on both sides. Howbeit our men for as much as they were able neither to keep array, nor to take sure foting, nor to follow their standards, inasmuch as some coming out of one ship and some out of another, they were fain to cluster themselves under that standard that came next to hand, were much troubled. But our enemies being perfect in all the fleet and shallow places, assoon as they espied from the shore any of our company coming out of their ships one by one alone, put spurs to their horses, and ran upon them being troubled in the water, and where they saw few, there would they come by companies and enclose them: & other some from the open side threw darts at the whole rout of us. The which when Cesar perceived, he commanded the Cockbotes & Brigantines to be furnished with soldiers & sent them to succour such as he saw in danger. Assoon as our men were gotten to dry land, the rest of their company followed hard after them, and charging fiercely upon the enemies put them to flight: but they could not chase them far, because our horsemen could not keep their course, and attain to the Island, the which one only thing Cesar missed of his accustomed good fortune. Our enemies overcome in this battle, assoon as they had recovered themselves from the chase, sent Ambassadors by & by unto Cesar for peace, proffering to give him hostages, & to do whatsoever he would command them. With these ambassadors came also Comius of Arras, whom we showed you before to have been sent by Cesar into Britain. For at such time as he came of message from Cesar, they laid hand on him assoon as he came out of his ship, and cast him in prison. But after the foresaid overthrow, they set him at liberty, and when they came to sew for peace, they laid the fault thereof upon the common people defiring pardon of their unskilfulness and folly. Cesar blaming them in that having of their own accord sent Ambassadors to him into Gallia to sew for peace, they had without cause moved war against him, said he was contented to bear with their folly, commanding them to give him pledges: of the which they delivered one half out of hand, and tother half which was to be fetched out of the further parts of the country, they said they would deliver within few days after. In the mean season they bade that every man should return home to his own dwelling: and the noble men resorting to Cesar from all sides, submitted themselves and their Cities unto him.  
Peace being by this means stablished, after the four day of our arrival in Britain, the eighteen ships that we spoke of before, which had the horsemen to convey over, loosened from the further haven with a soft wind. The which when they approached so near Britain that we might see them out of our camp, suddenly there arose so great a tempest that none of them was able to keep his course, but some were driven back again to the place they came fro, and othersome were cast with great danger down to the lower part of the Island which is toward the son setting: the which nevertheless after they had cast Anchor, being filled with waves, were of necessity in the dead of the night constrained to take the main sea again, and so made toward the main land. It chanced that the same night the moan was at the full, which is wont to cause spring tides in the Ocean, and that was unknown to our men. So at one instant the tide filled both those galleys wherein Cesar had conveyed over his army, and also those which he had drawn into harborough: and besides that, the tempest shaked the ships of Burden that road at Anchor. Neither could our men either rule or help the matter by any means possible, when the most of our ships were thus bruised and weather beaten and the residue unmeet to sail in having lost their cables, anchors, and all the rest of their tackling, the whole army (as it must needs come to pass in such a case) was greatly disquieted. For there were none other ships to convey them over in again, and all things wanted wherewith to repair those, and forasmuch as every man looked assuredly to winter in Gallia, there was no provision of grain made in those quarters against the winter. The which things being known, the princes of Britain which after the discomfiture had assembled to execute Caesar's commandments, conferring upon the matter among themselves, when they understood that the Romans wanted both horsemen, ships, and victuals, and perceived by the smallness of our camp, that there was but a thin company of us, which were in deed conveyed in so much the less room, because Cesar had suffered his Legions to bring over no stuste nor baggage with them: They thought it best to rebel, and stopping us from victuals to prolong the matter until winter, believing verily that if they might ge●te the mastery of these, or shut them up from returning, no man would hereafter be so bold to pass into Britain to make war upon them. Wherefore conspiring together again, they began to steal themselves by little and little out of the Camp, & to assemble their men privily out of the country. But Cesar although as yet he knew not what they were about to do, yet not wythstanding both upon the mischance of his ships and in that they made delay in delivering their hostages, he misdemed that which after came to pass in deed: and therefore he laid before hand to have a remedy against all mischyeves. For he both gathered corn daily out of the country into his camp, and also with the timber and iron of such ships as were forest battered, he mended the rest, and such other things as were necessary for the same purpose, he wylled to be brought from the main land. In accomplishing whereof, his soldiers wrought so earnestly, that with the loss of twelve ships, the rest were so well mended that they might well be sailed in.  
While these things were a doing, as one of the Legions which is called the seventh and was ordinarily sent out for forage, was one day abroad, no suspicion of war unto that time rising, when some of the men were yet in the fields and some coming homeward to the camp, those that warded at the gates of the camp, brought Cesar word that they saw a greater dust than customably was wont to be raised, the same way that the Legion was gone Cesar misdoubting the truth of the matter, that the disloyal Britons were practising of some new devise, commanded those Cohorts that warded, to go with him on the way, and two other to supply their rooms, and the rest to arm themselves and follow quickly after him. When he had gone a good pretty way he might perceive that his men were overcharged with enemies, & had much a do to hold out, & that there was throwing of darts on all sides at the Legion which had cast themselves close together. For in asmuchas in all other quarters the corn was reaped down, & none standing any where save in this one place, our enemies mistrusting that our men would come hither, had lain lurking in the woods all the night before, and when they saw our men had laid down their weapons and dissevered themselves busy in mowing and reaping down corn, they broke out upon them suddenly, and after they had slain a few of them, they chased the rest being out of array, and also enclosed them with their horsemen and wagons. This is their order of fight in wagons. first they ride round about on all parts casting of darts: & often times with the terribleness of their horses and the rattling noise of their wheels, they break the array. And when they have wound themselves in among the troops of horsemen, they leap out of their wagons and feighte afoot. In the meanwhile the wagoners withdraw themselves somewhat out of the battle, and set their wagons in such order, that if they be overcharged by the enemy, they may have speedy and handsome recours unto them. By means whereof they are both as ready to remove as the horsemen, and as steadfast to stand in the battle as the footmen & supply both duties in one. And they are come to such a perfectness by daily practise and exercise, that even in steep and falling places they will stop their horses running a full gallop, and guide them and turn them in a short room, and run upon the Uergies, and stand steadfastly upon the beams, and quickly recover themselves back again into the wagons. With the which things while our men were troubled for the straungenesses of the fight, Cesar came in very good season to the rescue: For at his coming the enemies stood still, and our men took heart to them. Notwithstanding forasmuch as he thought the time served not then for his purpose to meddle with his enemies or to give them battle, he kept himself in his place, and anon after conveyed his Legions into his Camp again. As these things were a doing, & that all our men were occupied, the rest that were in the fields went their way. For many days after there followed such continual storms, that we were fain to keep our Camp, and our enemies could not come forth to battle.  
In the mean time the Britons sent messengers abroad into all quarters, publishing every where what small number was of us, and what opportunity both of winning 〈◊〉, and setting themselves at liberty for ever was offered, if they could turn the Romans out of their camp. H●ruppon assebled a great power of ●orsemen and footmen, and came to our Camp. Albeit that Cesar perceived that the same thing was like to happen which had come to pass a few days ago, that if his enemies were put to flight, yet should they by their quickness scape danger, yet notwithstanding forasmuch as he had gotten a thirty horsemen which Comius of Arras whom we have spoken of before had brought over with him, he set his Legions in battle ray before his Campe. When the matter came to be tried by the sword, our enemies were not able to stand any while against the force of our Soldiers, but turned their backs. Whom we purse wing as far as our strength would give us leave to run, slew very many of them, and after we had burned up all the houses a great way about, we retired into our Campe. The same day came ambassadors from our enemies to Cesar to entreat for peace: whom he charged with double number of Hostages, & commanded them to bring them to him into Gallia. And forasmuch as the 
It is the time when the day and night are all of one length which is twice in the year in March and September.  Equinoctial drew near, he thought the winter season was not for him to sail in, his ships being so weak as they were, wherefore having gotten a meet weather, somewhat after midnight he loosened from the shore with his ships: the which came everyecheone of them safe to land. But that two of the ships of burden could not attain to the same haven that the rest did, and were driven somewhat lower. Out of the which when as a threhundred soldiers being set a land were going toward their Camp, the Morines whom Cesar at his setting forth into Britain had left in quiet, alured with hope of spoil, came about them, not with so great a number to speak of at the first, and bade them put of their harness if they loved their lives. When they on tother side casting theimselues in a ring stood at defence, suddenly at the cry that was made, there came together about six thousand men. The which thing Cesar hearing of, sent all his horsemen out of his Camp to their rescue. In the mean while our men withstood the force of their enemies fighting very valeantlye by the space of more than four hours: in the which time few of them being wounded, they slew very many of them. But assoon as our horsemen came within sight, our enemies casting away their weapons turned their backs and a great number of them were killed. The next day, Cesar sent his lieutenant T. Labienus with those Legions that he had brought over again out of Britain, against the Morynes that had made insurrection. Who having not any place to fly unto for succour by reason their fens were dried, which kind of refuge they had used the year before, came almost all in subjection to Labienus. But Q. Titurius, and L. Cotta two other of Caesar's lieutenants which had led certain Legions against the Menapians, having wasted all their fields, cut down all their corn, and burnt up all their buildings, because the Menapians had all hid themselves in the thick woods, returned unto Cesar. Cesar appointed that all his Legions should winter among the Belgies. Only two cities of Britain sent hostages thither, the rest refused to do it. After these things were done upon the sight of Caesar's letters, the Senate proclaimed a general supplication for twenty days.  
FINIS.   

THE fifth BOOK of C. julius Caesar's Commentaries of his wars in Gallia.  
THe same year that Lucius Domitius and Appyus Claudyus were Consuls, Cesar departing from his winter garrisons into italy, as he was yearly wont to do, commanded his lieutenants in whose charge he had left his Legions, that they should in the winter season cause as many news ships to be builded as they could, and the old to be mended, declaring of what receipt and fashion he would have them made. For the more speedy loading and unloading of them, he made them somewhat lower than those that we are wont to occupy in our Seas: and that so much the rather, because that through the often change of the tides, he had perceived that the Seas went rougher there. For the better carrying over of things of great weight and numbers of horses, he made them somewhat broader than those that we use in other seas. All these he commanded to be made in such wise that they might be speedily driven with oars: whereunto their lowness did greatly further. Such things as were necessary for the arming out of the ships, he caused to be brought out of Spain. And after that he had held a parliament of the hither Galia, he took his journey into Illyricum, 
Now called Lombary.  because he hard say that the marches of the Province were wasted by roads made by the Pirustes. 
Certain people of Illiricus now called Scla●ony.  When he came thither, he commanded the Cities to find him men of war, and appointed them a place to meet all at together. The which thing being blown abroad, the Pyrustes sent ambassadors to him, declaring that none of those things had been done by the common consent of their magistrates, and that nevertheless they were content to make him amends for the wrongs that were done, at his pleasure. Cesar accepting their proffer, charged them with hostages, and willed them to bring them in by a certain day: declaring unto them, that unless they did so, he would persecute their City with the sword. When the hostages were brought in by the day limited, he appointed dayesmen between the Cities to consider of the matter in variance, and to ●esse the penalty. Having dispatched these matters, and held a counsel there, he returned again into the hither Gallia, & from thence went to his army. When he came thither, as he went about all his winter garrysons, he found that through the singular diligence of his soldiers wanting in manner all things that should have furthered them, about six hundred ships of the fashion afore declared and eight and twenty o●her galieyes were finished, and as good as at the point to be set a float within few days after. Wherefore commending his soldiers and such as had been the overseers of the works he told them what he would have done, and willed them all to assemble at the haven of Ca●ice: from whence he understood to be the handsomest passage into Britain, as the which was not distant past a thirty miles from that place. For that doing hereof, he left such a number of soldiers as seemed sufficient, and himself with four well appointed Legions and eight hundred horsemen, went into the country of the Treuires, because they neither came to the parliaments, nor did him homage, & were reported to raise the Germans on th'otherside of the Rhine. This City is able to make more horsemen than all Gallia beside, and hath also a great power of footmen, & (as we showed heretofore) bordreth upon the Rhine. In that City two were at strife for the sovereinty, Induciomarus and Cingetorix. Of whom the one as soon as it was known that Cesar would come thither with his army, repaired unto him, making faithful promise that he & all his should become his liegemen, & continued faithful friends to the people of Rome for ever: advertising him what was done among the men of Triers But Induciomarus levied both horsemen and footmen, and bestowing saufly such as for their years were not able to bear armour, in the forest of Ardeine which from the River of Rhine keepeth on still of great wideness through the middle of the country of the Treuires, unto the entrance of the borders of Rheims: determined to lay for war. Notwithstanding, after that divers of the noble men of that country partly moved with th'authority of Cingetorix, and partly afraid at the coming of our army, had repaired unto Cesar and made suit to him for their own peculiar cases, because they could not provide for their whole Country: Induciomarus fearing lest he should be abandoned of all men, sent Ambassadors to Cesar: certifying him that the cause why he would not departed from his men & come unto him, was to th'intent he might the eas●yer keep his country in obedience, lest by the departure of all the noblemen, the common people might for lack of good counsel do amiss. Wherefore the City was at his pleasure, and if Cesar would give him leave, he would come to him into his Camp, & there put into his hands both himself and his City. Albeit that Cesar knew well-enough the very truth of the matter, what things feared him from his determined purpose, yet notwithstanding because he would not be compelled to spend the Summer about the Treuires, seeing he had all things in a readiness for his wars in Britain, he commanded Induciomarus to come to him with two hundred hostages: the which being brought, and amongst them his son and all his kinsfolk, whom he had called out by name: he comforted Induciomarus and exhorted him to continue in his allegiance. And yet nevertheless he called the noble men of triers unto him and reconciled them one by one v●to Cingetorix. The which thing partly he thought he was bound to do of dew desert, and specially he thought it should be much for his own behoof, to set such a one in authority and estimation in his country, whose syngul●r good will towards him he had had trial of before, Induciomarus took this matter to heart, that his own estimation should be diminished among his countrymen, and therefore whereas he hated us in his heart before, the grief hereof made him to hate us much more deadly.  
Cesar having set these matters at a stay, came with his army to Calyce. There he understood how forty of his ships which were made about Meawlr, could not keep their course by reason of a rempest, but were driven back again to the place from whence they set forth. All the rest he found ready to sail and throughly furnished of all things. Thither came the horsemen of all Gallia, to the number of iiii. thousand, and the noblemen of all the Cities: of whom a very few, of whose trustynes towards him, he had had proof before, he determined to leave in Gallia, & to carry the rest with him for pledges, because be feared least in his absence they should make any broil in Gallia. There was together with others, Dumnorix the Heduan of whom we have spoken before. Him in especially Cesar determined to have with him, because he knew him to be a man desirous of alteration, & desirous of sovereignty, of great courage and of great authority among the Galls. Besides this, the said Dumnorix in an open assembly of the Heduanes had said that Cesar had put the government of the City into his hands: the which words the Heduans took in great displeasure, and yet they durst not send Ambassadors to Cesar either to refuse it or to entreat him to the contrary. This fact Cesar learned by such in whose houses he had lodged when he was in that country. At the first he made very earnest suit and entreatance that he might be left behind in Gallia, partly because (as he alleged) being unaccustomed to sail he feared the salt-water, and partly because he said he was letted by vow. Afterward, when he saw that Cesar stood stiffly in denial of his request, all hope of prevailing being utterly taken away, he fell to persuading with the princes of Gallia, calling them back one by one, and exhorting them to tarry still in the main land, and putting them in fear it was done for some further fetch that Gallia was thus rob of all her nobility at ones: for it was Caesar's drift to this end, that whom he was ashamed to put to death in the open sight of Gallia, he might carry them over into Britain and there chop of all their heads. Wherefore he plighted his faith unto them, and demanded them to be sworn to him, that what so ever they should perceive to before the profit of their country, they should do it by common advice. These things were reported to Cesar by divers persons. Whereupon Cesar, for asmuch as he made so great account of the Heduans, determined by some means or other to bridle Dumnorix and to fear him from his pretenced purpose: & because he saw there was no end of his madness, he thought it stood him in hand to foresee that he hurted not the common weal and him. And therefore abiding there about a xxv days, because his sailing was hindered by the Northwest wind, which customably in those coasts, bloweth at all times, he did his good will to have kept Dumnorix in obedience, and yet nevertheless laid to know all his devices and practices. At length obtaining a meet season, he commanded all his power both of horsemen and footmen to go a board. While all men's minds were busied heraboutes, Dumnorix with the Heduan horsemen began to departed homeward out of the camp without Caesar's leave. When Cesar heard tidings thereof, staying his viage and setting all other things aside, he sent a great part of his horsemen after him to pursue him, commanding to fet him back again: and if he made any resistance, & would not be ruled, he bade kill him: for he thought he would not deal like an advised person in his absence, that durst disobey him in his presence. Dumnorix being called back made resistance and began to defend himself with his sword, calling upon his men for help, and crying oftentimes out, that he was a free man & of a free City. notwithstanding, they (as was commanded them) beset him about and slew him: and so all the Heduan men of arms returned unto Cesar.  
After that this matter was dispatched, leaving Labienus in the main land with three Legions, and two thousand horsemen, to keep the havens and provide grain, & to learn what was done in Gallia, and to deal advisedly as time and occasion should require: Cesar himself with five Legions & like number of horsemen as he left in the main land, at the sun going down loosened from the shore, and being driven with a soft south-west wind, the which also about midnight fell, could not keep his course, but being carried further with the tide, about the dawning of the day beheld Britain left a little on the left hand. Then following again the change of the tide, he endeavoured by force of Oars to attain to that part of the Island, where he had found to be best landing the last summer before. Wherein the courage of our soldiers was much to be commended, in that with their ships of burden being heavy laden, through continual rowing without ceasing, they made away as fast as the Galleys. So we arrived in Britain with all our ships even about high noon, neither was there any enemy seen in that place. Howbeit (as Cesar understood afterward by his prisoners,) there was a great power assembled thither: the which being abashed at the number of our ships, whereof together with the victailers' ships and such as every man had made for his own occupying, were above eight hundred in sight all at one time, withdrew themselves from the rivage and hid them in the higher grounds. Cesar after he had set his army a land, and taken a place meet to encamp in, when he had learned of his prisoners in what place the power of his enemy's abode, left ten Cohortes & three hundred horsemen at the seas side to keep his ships, and immediately after the third watch, marched to ward his enemies, so much the less fearing his ships, because he had left them riding at anchor in an woosye and open shore: and he appointed Q. Atrius to see to the safe keeping of his ships. Himself after he had gone about a twelve miles in the night time, discovered the host of his enemies. They coming with their horsemen & chariots to a rivers side, began to beat us back from the higher ground and to encounter with us. But in the end being put to repulse by our horsemen, they hid themselves in the woods, where they had gotten a plot excellently well fortified both by nature and man's hand, the which place (as it should appear) they had prepared before hand as a hold for their own civil wars. For by cutting down the trees every where, they had foreclosed all the entrances in: and they themselves issuing out of the woods here some and there some a few in a company, made defence, and would not suffer our men to come within their fortifications. Nevertheless the soldiers of the seven. legion making a shed and casting up a bank to their fortifications, won the place, and drove them out of the woods, with the receit of a few wounds. Howbeit, Cesar forbade his men to pursue them over far, both because he knew not the nature of the place, & also because the greater part of the day being now spent, he would have some time left for the fortifying of his camp. The next day following early in the morning, he sent his horsemen & footmen forth in three battles, to pursue them that were fled. They had not gone but a little way insomuch that the hindermost were yet in fight, when certain horsemen came from Q. Atrius to Cesar, bringing him word that the last night there arose a marvelous tempest, which had shaken almost all his ships and cast them a land, so that neither anchor nor Cable could hold, nor the shipmen & governors endure against the violens of the storm: by means of the which beating together of his ships, much hurt was done. When Cesar heard these news, he whylled his Legions and horsemen to be called back, and to cease of their journey: and he himself returned to his ships: where he saw as much in manner with his eyes, as was reported to him by messages and letters: so that with the loss of a forty ships, the rest might with much a do be mended. And therefore he chose such as were Shypwryghtes, out of his Legions, and commanded others to be sent for out of the main land. Also he wrote unto Labienus, that he should make as many ships as he could, with the help of those Legions that he had. Moreover although it were a work of great toil and labour, yet notwithstanding he thought it most for his behoof, to have all his ships drawn a land, and joined in one fortification with his Camp. In doing hereof he spent ten days, not respiting his soldiers from their labour, so much as the night tyme. When he had drawn his ships a land, & thoroughly fortified his camp, he left the same power to guard his ships, that was there before, and returned himself to the place he came fro. At his coming thither, a greater power of the Britons was assembled out of all coasts into the same place. The chief government of the Realm and ordering of the wars was by common advice committed to Cassibelan, whose signory is severed from the Cities toward the sea coast by a river which is called Thames about fourscore miles of from the Sea. This Cassibelan in times past had continual war with the Cities adjoining: but the Britons being moved with our coming, had chosen him to be their sovereign, and made him General of the wars.  
The inner part of Britain is inhabited of such as by witness of their ancient records were borne and bred in the isle: and the sea coast by such as have passed thither out of Belgic to fetch bootyes & to make war: All the which well near, are called by the same names that the Cities are where they were borne and from whence they first came, remaining there still when the war was done, and tilling the ground. The country is marvelously well replenished with people, and there be very many buildings almost like in fashion to the buildings of Gallia. There is great store of cattle. The coin that they use, is either of brass, or else rings of iron sysed at a certain weight in stead of money. In the inner parts of the Realm groweth tin: and in the sea coast groweth iron: but hereof is small store. The brass that they occupy is brought in from beyond the sea. There is timber of all kinds as is in Gallia saving Beech and fir. They think it a heinous matter to taste of a hare, and a hen, and a goose. Nevertheless they cherish them for their minds sake and for their pleasure. The air is more temperate in those places than in France, and the cold lesser. The Island is in fashion threecornerd, whereof one side is toward France. Thone corner of this side which is in Kent where for the most part ships arrive out of France, is toward the East: and tother nethermore is toward the South. This side containeth about five hundred miles. Another side lieth toward Spain & the sun going down: on the which side is Irland less than Britain (as is supposed) by th'one half. But the cut between them is a like distance as is the cut between France and Britain. In the mids of this course is an Island called man.. Also there are reported to be many more less Isles about Britain: of the which Isles, some have written that in the winter season when the days are shortest, the nights are a full month long together. We could learn nothing thereof by inquiry: but we saw it tried by how reglasses of water, that the nights were shorter there, then in the firm land. The length of this side is (according to th'opinion of the inhabiters) seven hundred miles. The third side is northward: and against it lieth no land: but the point of that side butteth most toward Germany. This they esteem to be eight hundred miles long. And so the circuit of the whole Island is two thousand miles. Of all the inhabitants of this I'll the civilest are the kentish folk, the which country marcheth altogether upon the sea, and differeth not greatly from the manner of France. Those that dwell more into the heart of the Realm, for the most part sow no corn: but live by milk and flesh, & cloth themselves in leather. All the Britons do die themselves with woad, which setteth a bluish colour upon them: and it maketh them more terrible to behold in battle. They wear their hear long, and shave all parts of their bodies saving the head and the upper lip. They have ten or twelve wives a piece, common among themselves, specially brothers with brothers, and Parents with their children. But the issue that cometh of them, is accounted his that first married the mother when she was a maid.  
The horsemen and wagoners of our enemies gave a hot skirmish to our men by the way: but yet in such wise, that our men were every way to good for them, and drove them into the woods and hills: howbeit by following them evergredilye we lost divers of our company. But they after taking breath a while, when our men thought of no such thing, as they were busy in fortifiing their Camp, suddenly burst out of the woods, and giving a charge upon them that were set to ward before our camp, fought eagerly with them: insomuch that Cesar was fain to send two Cohortes, & those the chief of two Legions, to the rescue: the wh●ch being placed but a little way one from another. When our men begun to be discouraged at the strange kind of fight, broke through the mids of our enemies by fine force, and recovered from thence safe. The same day was Quintus Laberius Durus the Tribune slain: and yet by sending many Cohorts to the rescue: our enemies were put to the worse. In all this kind of conflict forasmuch as it was fought in the sight of all men and in the open face of our camp, it was perceived that our men by reason of the weight of their armour, for that they could neither pursue them when they gave back, nor durst departed from their antesignes, were not meet enough to encounter with such a kind of enemy: and that the men of arms could not fight, but in great peril, because our enemies would many a time and often lose ground for the nonce, and when they had egged our men a little from the main battle, would leap out of their chariots and fight a foot, which was an unequal match. And they kept such an order in their fighting on horseback, that whither our men fled or chased, they were always in like danger. For they never fought in great companies together, but scattering a great way of one from another, and had stales lying in divers places one to serve another's turn, and fresh & lusty men came always in the rooms of such as were weary.  
The next day the enemies stood aloof in the hills far from our camp: and showed themselves here a few and there a few, and began to assail our horsemen more faintly than they had done the day before. But about midday, when Cesar had sent forth a Lieutenant of his called Caius Trebonius with three Legions, and all his men of arms for forage, suddenly they came flying upon the foragers on all sides, in such sort that they would not from our Legions and our Antesignes. Howbeit our men laid so sore to their charge that they put them to the foil, and never left pursuing them, until such time as our horsemen taking courage upon the aid when they saw the footmen at hand behind them, drove their enemies headlong, and slew a great number of them, giving them no respite either to gather themselves together, or to stay any where, or to leap out of their Chariots. Immediately upon this discomfiture, such as were assembled from all quarters to aid in this war, departed: neither did our enemies at any time after that, encounter with us with their whole power. Cesar having knowledge of their intent, marched with his army to the Thames, into the Seniory of Cassibelan. This river can be passed but only in one place a foot and that very hardly. When he came thither, he saw a great power of his enemies in battle ray on tother side of the river. Now was the bank sticked full of stakes sharpened at the fore end, and likewise other stakes of the same making were driven in the channel and hidden with the water. Cesar having understanding hereof by his prisoners and runaways, sent in his horsemen before, and commanded his footmen to follow immediately after them. But our soldiers went with such speed and force having no more than only their heads above the water, that the enemy being not able to withstand the violence of our footmen and men of arms, forsook the banks and took them to flight. Cassibelan (as is above mentioned) despairing of his good success by fighting in plain battle, sent away all his greater powers, and keeping still a four thousand wagoners, watched which way we went, and drew somewhat aside out of the way, hiding himself in cumbersome and woody places: and where so ever he knew our men should march, he drove both cattle and people from thence in to the woods. And when our horsemen ranged any thing freely abroad into the fields for forage or to harry the country, he sent his wagoners by all ways and paths out of the woods upon our men of arms and encountered with them to their great prejudice: through the fear whereof he kept them short from ranging at their pleasure. So the matter was brought to this pass, that Cesar would not suffer his horsemen to stray any farnesse from his main battle of footmen, & adventured no further to annoy his enemies in wasting their fields, & burning their houses, than he was able to compass by the travel of his footmen as they were able to journey.  
In the mean while, the Trinobantes, which is the strongest City well near of all those countries, (out of the which City a young gentleman called Mandubrace upon confidence of Caesar's help coming unto him into the main land of Gallia, had scaped death by flight which he should have suffered at Cassibelans' hand, as his father Imanuence had done, who had reigned in that City) sent Ambassadors to Cesar, promising to yield unto him and to do as he should command them: and they desired him to defend Mandubrace from the tyranny of Cassibelan, and to send him into the City, to take the government and sovereignty thereof upon him. Cesar sessed them at forty hostages, and besides that, to find grain for his army: and he sent Mandubrace unto them. They executed his commandment out of hand, and sent him both his full number of hostages, and also grain for his army. When Cesar had defended the Trinobantes, and saved them harmless from his soldiers, the * Cenimagues, * Segontians, * Aucalits', * Bibrokes', & * Cassians sending Ambassadors to Cesar yielded themselves unto him. By them he learned that not far from the same place was Cassibelans' town fortified with woods & marisgroundes: into the which was gathered a great number of men and cattle. Now the Britons call it a Town, when they have fortified a cumbersome wood with a dich and a rampire: and thither they resort to eschew the invasions of their enemies. To this place marched Cesar with his Legions, he found it excellently well fortified both of nature and by man's devise. Nevertheless he intended to give assault unto it in two places at ones. Our enemies after they had tarried a while, being not able to endure the force of our men, fled out at another part of the town. A great number of cartel was found there, and many being taken in the chase, were slain.  
While these things were a doing in these quarters, Cassibelan sent messengers into Kent, (which we showed before to lie upon the sea, in the which country were four kings, Cingetorix, carvel, Taximagull, and Segonax) commanding them to raise all the power they could make, and suddenly to set upon and assault our camp by the seas side. Assoon as they came to our camp our men breaking out upon them slew a great sort of them, and taking Cingetorix their noble captain, prisoner, conveyed themselves back again in saufty. When Cassibelan heard of this battle, for as much as he had taken so many losses, and had had his country wasted, but chiefly moved with the rebellion of the Cities, sent Ambassadors by Comius of Arras to Cesar to entreat with him of submission. Cesar in as much as he had determined to pass the winter in the firm land because of the sudden commotions in Gallia, and for that there remained not much of the summer, the which he perceived, might easily be trifled out by his enemies: commanded to send him hostages, and sessed the Realm of Britain, at a yearly tribute to be paid to the people of Rome: giving straight charge and commandment to Cassibelan, that he did no displeasure to Mandubrace nor to the Trinovants. Assoon as he had received the hostages, he conveyed his army again to the sea, where he found his ships repaired. When he had set them a float again, for asmuch as he had a great number of prisoners and many of his ships were perished by tempest, he determined to ferry over his army at two conveys. And so it chanced that of so great a fleet, at so many viages, neither this year nor the year before there was not any one ship missing that carried over our soldiers: but of those that should have been sent back again empty from the main land when they had set the soldiers of the first convey a shore, & of those that Labienus raused afterward to be made, which were to the number of threescore, very few could attain to the place, and all the rest were cast back. The which when Cesar had a while tarried for in vain, least through the season of the year he might be disappointed of sailing, because the Equinoctial was at hand, he was fain to pack up his soldiers in less room closer together. And so taking thopportunity of a very calm weather that ensued, he launched forth in the beginning of the second watch, and by the break of the day came safe to land with all his whole fleet.  
When he had drawn his ships into harbour and held a counsel of the Galls at 
Amiens o● Saint Quintin's.  Samarobrina, forasmuch as that year there was some dearth of corn in Gallia by reason of the drowght, he was compelled to place his army in garrison otherwise than he had done the years before: & to disperse his Legions into more Cities. Of the which he committed one Legion to his lieutenant Caius Fabius to be led among the Morines: another to Q. Cicero to be conveyed to the Neruians: the third to L. Roscius, to be conducted to the Essuans: the fowrth he bade should winter among the men of Rheims with T. Labienus in the marches of Triers. Three he placed in Belgic, and appointed Lieutenants of them his treasurer. M. Crassus, and Lu. Munatius Plaucus, and C. Trebonius: he sent one legion which he had last of all levied beyond the River Po, and five Cohorts among the Eburones, the greatest part of whose country is between the Maze and the Rhine, and were under the dominion of Ambiorix and Cativulcus: the charge of these soldiers he committed to his Lieutenants Q. Titurius Sabinus, & L. Aurūculei●s Cotta. By distributing his Legions in this wise, he thought he might make best shift with the scarceness of corn. And yet the garrisons of all these legions, saving of that which he gave unto L. Roscius to be led in to the most quiet and peaceable part of all, were contained within the space of one hundred miles. In the mean season until he knew that his Legions were settled and their garrisons fortified, he determined to abide in Gallia.  
There was among the Carunts a man of great birth called Tasgetius, whose ancestors had reigned in that City. Unto this man for his singular prowess and good will towards him, forasmuch as he had done him very good service in all his wars, had Cesar restored the room of his ancestors. Now at this time in the third year of his reign his enemies aided by many of the City slew him openly: the which thing was complained of to Cesar. He fearing in asmuch as the matter touching many men, lest the City by their compulsion should rebel, commanded Lucius Plaucus to departed with all speed with one Legion out of Belgic to the Caruntes, and to lie in garrison there all the winter time: and to apprehend such as he knew were accessary to the murder of Tasgetius & to send them to him. In the mean time he was certified from all his Lieutenants & Threasorours' to whom he had committed the charge of his Legions, that they were settled in garrison & their garrisons fortified.  
About a fifteen days after they were settled in garrison, there was begun a sudden uproar and rebellion by the means of Ambiorix and Cativulcus: who at such time as they had been priest to entertain Sabinus and Cotta at the marches of their kingdom, and had brought them corn to the place where they lay in garrison: moved thereunto by the messengers of Induciomarus of Triers, raised their people, and suddenly surprising those that were sent abroad for wood, came with a great power to assault our Camp. But when our men had taken them quickly to their weapons, and gotten up upon the Rampire, and had by sending out the Spanish horsemen on th'one side, over matched them in skirmishing on horseback, our enemies despairing in their success, withdrew their men from th'assault. Then after their manner they cried out unto us, that some of our company should come & speak with them for they said they had to commune with us in matters concerning the state, whereby they hoped all controversy might be decided. Hereupon were sent unto them to talk with them Caius Carpineius a knight of Rome one of Titurius familiar friends, & one Q. junius a Spaniard who divers times before was wont at Caesar's commandment to resort to Ambiorix: before whom Ambiorix spoke in this wise.  
That he confessed himself greatly in det to Cesar for his benefits towards him, in that by his means he was discharged of the pension that he paid to the Aduatickes his next neighbours, and for that his own son and his brother's son whom the Aduatickes under the name of hostages had held in bondage and cast into prison, were by Cesar released & sent home again: And that touching th'assault of their camp, he had done nothing of his own head or voluntary will, but by compulsion of his City: among whom his state was such, that the people had as much authority over him, as he had over the people: who were enforced to this war upon this occasion, by reason they were not able to withstand the sudden insurrection of the Galls: whereof his humbleness might be a sufficient proof. For he was not so foolish to think that he with his power were able to overcome the people of Rome: but it was the purpose of all the Galls to do that which was done, and this was the day appointed to assault all Caesar's garrisons at ones, to th'intent one legion should not secure another: Galls could not lightly deny the request of Galls, specially seeing the device seemed to tend to the recovering of the liberty of all Gallia: whom forasmuch as he had satisfied for the natural affection he was bound to owe to his country, he now had also consideration of his duty, and for the benefits of Cesar, admonished them, and prayed Titurius for the mutual entertainment that had been betwixt them, that he would look to the safeguard of himself and of his soldiers. A great number of hired Soldiers of the Germans were passed the Rhine already, and would be there within two days after: wherefore advise themselves whether they thought it good or no to depart with their soldiers out of their wintering places either to Cicero or to Labienus, of whom thene was not past a fifty miles of & tother a little further, before the next borderers perceived it: he promised them thus much, and assured them thereof by oath, that he would give them free passage through his country: in doing whereof he should both do a pleasure to his country in disburdening it of garrisons, and requite Cesar for his deserts.  
Assoon as this Oration was ended, Ambiorix departed: And Carpeneius and junius reported to the Lieutenants what they had heard: who being very sore moved at the sodeynnesse of the matter, although those things were spoken by the enemy: yet they thought them not meet to be passed over lightly. But specially it moved them, for that it was not in manner to be believed that the city of the Eburones being base & of no reputation, durst wilfully without assistance make war against the people of Rome. And therefore they propounded the matter in counsel, where was much debating of it to & fro. L. Aurunculeius & most of the Tribunes and Captains of the chief bands, thought it was not meet to attempt any thing rashly, nor to departed out of their garrisons without express commandment from Cesar: declaring that they were able to withstand never so great a power, yea even of the Germans, having their wintering places fortified: an evident proof whereof was, that they had valiantly withstood the first push of their enemies, putting them to many foils, and they wanted no victuals: In the mean while succour would come out of the next garrisons and from Cesar: and in conclusion what greater point of lightness or what greater shame could there be, than in such wise to bring their chief matters in question, upon the motion of the enemy.  
Titurius earnestly replied hereunto, that it should be to late for them to do so, when a greater power of enemies accompanied with the Germans were assembled against them, or when any displeasure was taken in the next garrysons. The time of consultation was short, & he thought that Cesar was gone into Italy: for otherwise he thought that neither the Caruntes would have conspired the death of Tasgetius, nor yet that the Eburones (if he were in the country) would have come so proudly to our Camp: As for his own part he had not eye to his enemies saying, but to the thing itself: for the Rhine was at hand and he knew well that the Germans were greatly grieved with the death of Ariovistus and our former victories: besides that the Galls fretted inwardly to be brought in subjection of the Roman Empire with so many reproaches and displeasures as they had received, and to have the renown of their former chivalry defaced: finally who could think the Ambiorix would have enterprised such a matter without assured hope? But howsoever the world should fall out, he was sure his opinion could bring no harm. For if there were no evil meant toward them, they might with out peril go to the next legion: or if all Gallia conspired with the Germans, then was there no way to save themselves but only in making away with speed. As for the counsel of Cotta and such as were of contrary opinion, to what purpose was it? through the which, if not present peril, yet assuredly famine was to be feared by long siege.  
When this disputation was had on both parts, and that Cotta & the captains of the chief bands resisted earnestly, do as ye list if you needs will (ꝙ Sabinus): & that was said with a loud voice, that a great sort of the soldiers might well hear him: for I am not he that most feareth the peril of death among you. These shallbe wise: and if any thing chance amiss, they shall ask account at thy hand, in as much as if thou wouldest let them, joining themselves with the next garrisons with in a day or two at the furthest, they might jointly together with them sustain what soever the fortune of battle should lay upon them: and not perish by famine and sword like people cast of and banished from the rest of their company. After these words there was rising on all hands: and hold was laid upon them both, entreatance was made that they would not through their wilful dissension, cast all into utter danger. It made no matter whether they went forth, or whether they tarried still, so they were all of one mind and opinion: but on the contrary part in disagreeing was no likelihood of well doing. The matter through disputation was prolonged until midnight: at the length Cotta being persuaded, yielded to Sabinus, and thereupon the sentence of Sabinus taking place, it was proclaimed that they should set forth by the break of day. The rest of the night was consumed in watching, every Soldier looking about what he had to carry with him, and what he should be constrained to leave behind him of such furniture as he had prepared for winter. All things were devised in such sort as that they could not tarry without peril, and that the danger might be augmented by werying of the soldiers with watching. Assoon as daylight appeared, they set forth of their camp like men fully persuaded that the counsel had been given them, not by Ambiorix their enemy, but by some special friend of theirs, in as slight array as could be, and with as much baggage as they were able to carry. Our enemies understanding of their journey by their noise in the night and their watching, laid a ambushment in two several places of advantage secretly in the woods about a two miles of, and there awaited the coming of the Romans. Assoon as part of our army was entered into a great valley, suddenly they showed themselves on both sides the valley, and began to assail the hindermost of us, and to keep the foremost from rising up the hill again, and to encounter with us in a place of the most disadvantage that could be for us. Then Liturius, as he that had laid for nothing before, trembled and ran up & down to set his men in order: but it was so fearfully and after such a fashion, as if he ●ad been at his wits end: the which thing is commonly wont to happen unto such, as are compelled to take counsel when the thing should be presently executed.  
But Cotta, who seemed to have foreseen that these things might come to pass by the way, and for the same cause would not be author of the journey, was not to seek in any thing that was for the saufrye of them all. For both in calling upon the soldiers and in encouraging them he executed the office of a Graundcaptein: and in feightinge he performed the duty of a soldier. And forasmuch as by reason of the length of their array, he was not able in his own person to see all things done, and to forecast what was to be performed every where, he caused it to be proclaimed that they should forsake their baggage, and cast themselves in a ring. The which counsel although in such a case it be not worthy to be reproved: yet it fell out ill-favouredly. For it both abated the courage of our men. and made our enemies more cheerful to fight, by reason it might seem that that thing was not done but upon great fear and utter despair. Moreover it happened (as it must needs come to pass,) that the soldiers commonly went from their antesignes, and ran to catch and snatch from among the carriages, such things as every of them did set most store by, so that there was nothing but crying and weeping. But the barbarous Galls were not to learn how to demean themselves. For their captains caused it to be proclaimed through all the field, that no man should stir out of his place: the pray was theirs, & all that the Romans had, was reserved for them, and therefore get the victory and all was their own. Our men were equal to them both in number and prowess: and albeit they were destitute both of good captain and of good fortune, yet they reposed all hope of welfare in their manhood: and as often as any Cohort issued out, a great slaughter of enemies was made on that side. The which thing when Ambiorix perceived, he caused it to be cried, that his men should throw Darts a far of, & not encounter at hand: and what way so ever the Romans pressed upon them, to give way, for that by means of the lightness of their harness & their daily exercise, the Romans could do them no harm: and to pursue them when they retired again to their standerdes. The which precept was so diligently observed by them, that as often as any Cohort of ours broke out of the ring, & charged upon them, our enemies flew back as fast as they could. In the mean while there was no shift but that part must be made naked and open to receive the Darts that were sent. Again assoon as they began to retire to the place they came fro, they were enclosed both by them that had given place unto them, and by them that waited at hand upon them. And if they went about to keep their ground, neither could their manhood avail them, neither could they standing so thick together, avoid the Darts that such a multitude did cast at them. And yet being afflicted with so many incommodities at ones, & being sore wounded, they stood still at defence: & when a great part of the day was spent, whereas they fought from the break of day unto eight of the clock, they committed not any thing that might seem uncomely for them to do. Then T. Balbuentius who the year before had had the leading of one of the chief bands, a valiant parsonage and of great authority, was thrust through both the thighs with a javelin. Q. Lucanius of the same degree, feighiing manfully, as he was rescowing his son that was beset with enemies, was likewise slain Lucius Cotta one of the lieutenants, as he was encouraging all the Cohorts rank by rank, was wounded full in the mouth with a sling. O. Titurius being moved with these things, when he had espied Ambiorix a far of encouraging his men, sent his interpreter C. Pompeius unto him, to desire him that he would spare him and his soldiers. Ambiorix being spoken unto, made answer, that if he were desirous to common with him, he should have good leave: for he hoped he should be able to weigh so much with his people, as to save his soldiers, and as for himself, should have no harm at all: for th'assurance whereof he gave him his faith. Titurius communicated the matter with Cotta, who was wounded, that if he thought it good they might departed out of the battle, and jointly go talk with Ambiorix: for he was in hope to entreat him for the safeguard of themselves & of their soldiers. Cotta said plainly he would not go to his armed enemy, and stood styfflye upon that point. Sabinus commanded such of the Tribunes as he had about him at that present, and the peticapteines of the chief bands, to wait upon him. And when he came near to Ambiorix, being willed to put of his armour he did so, and commanded his men to do in likewise. In the mean time, while they debated among themselves, as concerning the conditions, & that Ambiorix for the nonce made a long protestation, he was by little and little enclosed about and slain. Than according to their custom, they cried victory, and made a great shout, and therewith giving a fresh charge upon our men, broke our array. There Lucius Cotta fighting valiantly was slain, and the most part of his soldiers with him. The remnant retired into their camp from whence they came. Of whom L. Petrosidius, the chief standardbearer, when he saw himself overcharged with the multitude of his enemies, threw the standard into the trench, and fighting right valiantly without the Camp, there was slain. The others with much a do endured th'assault until night: & in the night time being in despair of all succour, they slew themselves everichone. A few that escaped fro the battle, came by unknown ways through the woods, to Tit. Labienus where he wintered, and certified him how all things had fallen out. Ambiorix being puffed up with this victory, immediately with his horsemen set forth toward the Aduatickes, who were borderers upon his kingdom, & never rested journeying day nor night, commanding his footmen to follow after as fast as they could. When he had opened the matter, & stirred the Aduatikes, the next day after he came among the Neruians, and exhorted them that they should not let slip this occasion of setting themselves at liberty for ever, and of revenging them upon the Romans for the wrongs they had taken at their hands. He told them that two of their Lieutenants were slain, and a great part of their army brought to nought, affirming that it were no matter at all to come suddenly upon the Legion that wintered with Cicero, & to put them all to the sword, for the performance whereof he proffered himself to be their helper. With this oration, he easily persuaded the Neruians. Whereupon immediately dispatching messengers to the Centrones, Grudies, Levakes, Plewmosians & Gordunes, (all the which were under their dominion) they raised as great a power as they could, and upon the sudden came speedily to the place where Cicero wintered, before that any inkling of the death of Titurius was brought unto him. It happened unto him also (as it cannot otherwise be) that many of his soldiers which were gone abroad into the woods to fetch fuel & timber, were cut short by the sudden approach of the enemies horsemen. These being entrapped, the Eburones, Neruians, and Aduatikes, with the confederates and clients of them all, began to assault the Legion with a great power. Our men took them quickly to their weapons, and gate them upon the Rampire. With much a do they held out that day, because their enemies put all their hope in speed, and if they might get this victory, they believed they should be superiors ever after: By and by Cicero dispatched letters to Cesar, promising great rewards if any would convey them to him. But all the ways were so forlaid, that the messengers were taken. Ye will not think what speed & diligence was used in the camp: for of that stuff that had been conveyed thither for the fortifiing of it, were raised in the night time about cxx Towers, and whatsoever wanted else of the work was finished. Our enemies the next day assembling a far greater power, assaulted our camp again, and filled up the dich: and our men made resistance in like sort as they had done the day before. The like was done divers days after: no part of the night season was discontynued from labour: not the sick, no nor the wounded had any time to rest. Whatsoever was needful to the next days assault, was ever laid for & provided in a readiness the night before. A great sort of stakes hardened in the fire, a great number of Pikes for defence of the wall, were new made: towers were plauncherd, & battlements and portcolyses of timber set up. Cicero himself being a man very sickly, took not so much leisure to rest himself as the night time: insomuch that his soldiers of their own accord, were feign in manner to compel him by entreatance to spare himself. Then the Captains and noble men of the Neruians, which had any entrance of communication and cause of acquaintance with Cicero, bore him in hand that they were desirous to speak with him▪ Having leave to do so, they declared the same things, that Ambiorix had talked of with Tyturius. That is to say: how all Gallia was in arms, how the Germans were passed the Rhine, and how Cesar and the rest of the Romans were besieged in their wintering places: making report moreover of the death of Sabinus. And for the more credit, they showed them Ambiorix. They said they were in a wrong box, if they looked for any help at the hands of them, which were in hazard and not able to help themselves. Nevertheless that they were so well minded toward Cicero and the people of Rome, that they would refuse nothing save only their wintering among them, the which custom they would be loath should be continued. It should be lawful for them without any let on their behalf to departed in sauftye out of their wyntering places, and to go into what quarters they would without fear. Cicero made none other answer hereunto but this only, that it was not the custom of the people of Rome, to take any articles at their armed enemies hand: but if they would lay down their weapons, and use his help in the matter, and send commissioners unto Cesar, there was good hope (considering his uprightness) that they should obtain their requests at his hand. The Neruians disappointed of this their hope, enclosed the place where the Romans wyntred, with a Rampire of xi foot and a dich of xv. foot. These things they had learned of us: partly by being conversant among us certain years before, and partly by the instructions of certain of our army, whom they had taken prisoners. Nevertheless forasmuch as they had not sufficient Iron toll necessary for the compassing of the matter, they were drive to cut up turfs with their swords, & to scrape up the earth with their hands, & to carry it away in their cloaks. Whereby is given to understand, what a multitude of men were of them. For in less than three hours, they finished a fortification of xv. foot ten miles compass. The rest of the days following, they began to prepare and make Towers of the height of the Rampire, and hooks & vaults of boards as their said prisoners had taught them: The seventh day of this siege being a very windy day▪ They begun to cast balls of wyldfier out of slings, and burning darts upon our cabanes, which were covered with thatch after the fashion of Gallia. These cabanes took fire lightly, the which by violence of the wind was carried over all the camp. Our enemies ensuing with a great noise, as if the victory had been theirs out of all cry, began to drive their Towers and engines forward, and to scale the Rampire with ladders. But the valiantness and courage of our soldiers was such, that when the fire round about them scorched them, and that the multitude of artillery overwhelmed them, and that they saw all their baggage yea and all their substance burned before their faces, yet there was not any man that sloonke away to save himself, no nor scarce any that looked back: but every man most valiantly and courageously intended to their feighting. This was the sorest day that our men endured, howbeit this was the end thereof, that the same day were the greatest number of our enemies wounded and slain, as they had clustered and thronged themselves under the Rampire, in such sort that the formest could not retire for them that were behind. Now when the flame began a little to fall, and that in a certain place, a tower of our enemies was brought so nigh the it touched the Uamure, the Captains of the third Cohort, drew back out of the place where they stood, & removing their soldiers, began with signs & voice to call the enemy in, if he would adventure: but there was none of them that durst approach. Then were they on all sides dystroubled with casting of stones, and the Tower was set on fire. There were in that Legion two Centurions valiant Gentlemen, which at that time approached to the forefront of the battle, whose names were Titus Pulfio, & L. Varenus, These twain were at continual debate among themselves, which of them should be preferred before other, and at all times strived with great contention and hartburning which of them should be placed highest. Now at such time as th'encounter was sharpest about their fort, Pulfio said to Uarenus: Uarenus what stickest thou? or what other place dost thou look for, for the trial of thy manhood? this day shall decide our controversies. When he had spoken these words, he proceeded out of the fortifications, & where he saw his enemy thickest, he ran fiercely upon them. Then could not Uarenus hold himself within the trench, for fear lest all men should speak shame of him, and so he followed him. Pulfio leaving a mean space between him and his enemies, threw a dart among them, and struck one of them through as he was coming out of the battle against him. His companions seeing him dead of the stripe, did cover him with their shields, and threw darts on all sides at Pulfio, giving him no respite to retire back. Pulfios' target was stricken through, and the Dart stack fast in his sword girdle. This chance turned aside his scabbard, and so troubled his right hand that he could not readily draw his sword, and his enemies beset him about as he was thus entangled. That seeing his enemy Uarenus, succoured him and relieved him in danger of his life. Immediately all the press turned themselves from Pulfio to him, because they thought that Pulfio had been stricken through with the Dart. Uarenus drew his sword and came to hand strokes, where, having slain one, he put the rest somewhat back. As he followed over greedily upon them, he slided into a low plot and fell down. Then Pulfio rescued him again being enclosed: & so both of them in safeguard, having slain many of their enemies, retired with great praise into their camp. Thus fortune tossed them both, as well in contention as also in encounter, that either of them being enemies should nevertheless help to save the others life, in such sort that it was not to be judged, which of them was to be preferred before tother. The grievous and sharper that the assault daily was, (inespecially forasmuch as a great number of his Soldiers being either dead or maimed with wounds, the matter was driven to so hard a point, that few remained able to make defence,) so much the oftener were letters & messengers dispatched toward Cesar: of whom some being taken by the enemy, were put to death with torments even in the sight of our soldiers There was within a Neruian called Uertico, borne of a worshippeful stock, who at the first beginning of the siege had fled to Cicero, and had served him very faithfully. This man persuaded a slave of his with hope of liberty and great rewards, to convey letters to Cesar. The fellow having them closed in a javelin, went his way with them, and because he was a Gall, he was conversant among the Galls without suspicion, and so escaped unto Cesar. By his means understanding was given of the peril that Cicero and his Legion were in. Cesar upon the receipt of the letters, which was about xi of the clock in the morning, dispatched out of hand a Pursuivant to his Threasoror Marcus Crassus, who wintered among the Bellovacanes, about. xxv. miles of from him. He commanded him to set forth with his Legion at midnight, & to come unto him in all haste. Crassus' came forth with the messenger. He sent another to his Lieutenant C. Fabius, willing him to bring his Legion into the borders of the Atrebatians, through which country he knew that his way did lie. Also he wrote to Labienus, that (if he might do it without damage to the common wealth,) he should come with his Legion into the coast of the Neruians. The rest of his army, forasmuch as it was somewhat further of from him, he thought not meet to tarry for. He gathered unto him about four hundred horsemen out of the next garrisons. About three of the clock, being certified of the coming of Crassus, he marched that day twenty miles. He gave Crassus the charge of Samarobrina, and left one Legion with him, because he had left there, the carriages and baggage of his army, tanguishes of the cities, the public writings, and all the grain that he had provided to sustain the winter withal. Fabius as was commanded, making no long tarience in his journey, met him with his Legion. Labienus having understanding of the death of Sabinus, and the slaughter of the Cohorts, forasmuch as all the power of the Trevires were assembled against him, fearing lest if he should in such sort have departed out of garrison, as that he might seem to be fled, he should not have been able to sustain the force of his enemies, specially whom he knew to be puffed up with their late victory, wrote again unto Cesar, how dangerous a matter it was to lead his Legion out of the place where he wintered: certifying him moreover what was done among the Eburones and declaring that all the whole power of the Treuires, aswell horsemen as footmen, had encamped themselves not passing three miles of from him. Cesar allowing his counsel, although he had no more but two Legions where he looked for three, yet notwithstanding perceiving there was none other hope to save all, but only by making speed, came by great journeys into the borders of the Neruians. There he learned by his prisoners how the world went with Cicero, and in how great peril the matter stood. Then he persuaded one of the Gallian horsemen with great rewards, to convey a letter unto Cicero, the which he wrote in greek letters, to th'intent that if it should happen to be taken by the way, our purposes should not be disclosed to the enemy. And if he could not come at Cicero, he advised him to tie the letter to the thong of a javelin, & so to throw it into his camp. The contents of the letter were, that he was come forth with his Legions, and would be shortly with him: exhorting him to persever in his accustomed valiantness. The Gall for fear of danger, threw in the letter with a Dart as was commanded him: The which by chance sticked in a tower, & for two days together was not perceived of our men, until the third day that a certain Soldier espied it, & taking it down carried it to Cicero. When he had red it over, he rehearsed it again in the open assembly of his soldiers, to the great comfort and rejoicement of them all. Anon after they might see the smoke of our fires a far of: the which thing put them clearly out of doubt of the approach of our legions. The Galls having knowledge thereof by their scoultes, forsook the siege, and with all their power went to meet Cesar. They were to the number of threescore thousand armed men. Cicero after leave given, requested of Uerti●o (whom we spoke of before) the foresaid Gall to carry letters again unto Cesar, warning him to be very circumspect and diligent in making of his journey. He wrote in his letters how their enemies were departed from his camp, and were bend wholly towards him. Cesar receiving these letters about midnight, advertised his men thereof, and encouraged them to thencounter. The next morning by the break of the day, he dislodged his camp, and proceeding the maintenance of four miles or there abouts, espied a multitude of his enemies on the further side of a great valley and a river. It was a matter of great peril, to encounter with so great a power in a place of disadvantage. The which considered, in as much as he knew that Cicero was delivered from besieging, and that he had therefore the less need to make haste, he stayed and fortified his camp in a place of as much advantage for him as he could choose. The which albeit it were of itself very slender, scarcely of seven thousand men, specially having no baggage: yet he gathered them as close together as he could in the narrow ways, of set purpose to bring himself in most contempt of his enemies. In the mean time sending out his scoults into all parts, he searched what way he might best take, to pass the valley. That day after certain light skirmyshes between the horsemen at the water's side, each part kept still their ground: The Galls because they looked for a greater power which was not yet come, & Cesar, if perchance through the pretence of fearfulness, he might allure his enemies to adventure over to his side, to the intent to encounter with them on the hither side of the valley before his camp: Or if he could not bring that to pass, than that he might try out the ways where he might with less peril, pass the Ualley and the river. By the break of the next day the horsemen of our enemies came to our Camp, and encountered with our horsemen. Cesar of set purpose commanded his horsemen to give back and retire into their camp. therewithal he bade that his Camp should be fortified on all sides with a higher Rampire, and the gates to be dammed up, & in doing thereof to make hasty thronging and heaving and shoving with as much pretence of fear as might be. Through all the which things the enemies being enticed, conveyed over their army, and put themselves in battle ray in a place of disadvantage. Also when they saw our men withdrawn from the Rampyer, they began to approach nearer, and threw Darts into our fortifications on all sides. Moreover sending heralds about, they made proclamation, that if there were any Gall, or any Roman, that would turn to them between that and three of the clock, he should be taken to mercy: but if they tarried after that hour, they should have no favour showed them. Finally they set so light by us, that whereas our gates were dammed up but with single rows of Turf for a show: which they thought had been done so substantially, that it had not been possible for them to break through them, some of them fell in hand with pulling down the Rampire, & some with filling up of the ditches. Then Cesar issuing forth at all the gates, and sending out his horsemen, did quickly put his enemies to flight, in such sort that none of them tarried to fight, of whom he killed a great number, & made all the rest to throw away their weapons. Notwithstanding he would not pursue them over far, for fear of the woods and Marysses that were betwixt them, wisely foreseeing that it would be greatly to his hindrance, to forsake that place: and so without any loss or hurt of his men, he came the same day in saufty unto Cicero. He wondered to behold the Turrets, vaults, and fortifications that his enemies had made. And when the legion was brought forth, he found that the tenth soldier was not left alive without a wound: by all the which things he might easily dame, with how great peril, and with how great valiantness things had been attempted and propulsed. Wherefore he highly commended Cicero and his Legion according to their desert, calling out such of the Centurions and Tribunes of the soldiers severally by name, as he had learned by the report of Cicero, to have behaved themselves most valiantly. As concerning the mischance of Corta and Sabinus, he learned the truth more exactly by his prisoners. The next day in an open assembly he declareth the whole matter as it was done, and comforted and encouraged his soldiers. He told them that the loss which was rece●ued through the fault and rashness of the Lieutenant, was so much the lesser to be made account of, in as much as the displeasure being by the favour of the Gods immortal and through their prowess recovered, neither their enemies had any long continuance of their joy, nor themselves long continuance of their sorrow. In the mean while, the men of Rheims with incredible swiftness carried tidings to Labienus of Caesar's victory, insomuch that whereas he was about threescore miles from the place where Cicero wintered, and that Cesar came thither after the nineth hour of the day, before the next midnight, there arose a noise before the gates of his camp, whereby the men of Rheims gave understanding to Labienus of the victory, with great rejoicing for the same. When news hereof was brought to the Treuires, Induciomarus (who was fully minded to have assaulted Labienus in his camp the next day,) fled away in the night, & conveyed home all his army again. Cesar sent back Fabius with his Legion into his wintering place, and himself determined to winter about Samarobrina with three legions in three several garrisons. And forasmuch as all Gallia was in such an uproar, he determined to tarry with his army all the winter. For after the time that the displeasure which we had received by the death of Sabinus was blown abroad, almost all the Cities of Gallia began to consult of war, sending messsengers and ambassadors into all parts, laying wait to know what others purposed, and deliberatinge where it were best to begin the war. They held night counsels in places far from resort. Neither passed there any part of all the whole winter almost, but that Cesar was continually troubled with tidings of the meetings, conspyracies, and insurrections of the Galls. Among other things he was advertised from L. Roscius Thresorer of the host, whom he had made captain of the xiii Legion, that a great power was assembled out of the Cities of little Britain to assail him, and that they were not passed an eight miles from the place where he wyntred: but as soon as they heard news of Caesar's victory, they departed in such sort, as that their departure might seem to be a running away. But Cesar summoning before him the noble men of every city, partly by putting them in fear in declaring that he knew of their doings, & partly by entreating them gently, kept the greater part of Gallia in due obedience & quietness. Notwithstanding the Senones, which is a city very strong and of much authority among the Galls, laid wait by common consent to have slain Cavarine whom Cesar had made king over them, whose brother Moritasgus, held the kingdom at the coming of Cesar into Gallia, as many of his ancestors had done before. The which thing when he foreseeing had fled unto Cesar, they pursued him to the uttermost borders of their territory, and utterly expulsed him both from his kingdom and country, and therewithal sending Ambassadors unto Cesar to excuse the matter, when as he commanded all their counsel to come before him, they refused to obey him. So much it availed among those barbarous people, that there were some found, which durst give th'adventure to rebel. For hereupon ensued such an alteration of minds through all Gallia, that (setting aside the Heduanes and the men of Rheims whom Cesar had ever in chief estimation, th'one for their continual faithfulness toward the people of Rome from of old time, tother for their late friendship in these wars of Gallia) there was in manner no city, which we had not cause to suspect. And I do not think that this their doing is a matter so much to be wondered at, partly for many other causes, but inespecially, considering how great a corsye it was to their hearts for them which bore away the renown of chivalry and feats of war from all other nations, to have lost so much of that their estimation, that they should be brought in subjection and bondage to the people of Rome, the Treuires and Induciomarus, let pass no part of all the whole winter, without sending Ambassadors over the Rhine, stirring the Cities to war, and promosing money, affirming that a great part of our army was slain, and that the remnant was very small. How beit they were not able to persuade any of the Germans to pass the Rhine, who answered, that they had learned twice already by experience, namely in the war of Ariovistus, and the passing over of the Teuctheres, that it was not for them to try the courtsye of fortune any more. Albeit that Induciomarus were disappointed of this hope, yet notwithstanding he nothing foreslowed to muster soldiers, to train them before hand, to get horses of his neighbours, and to allure to him with promise of great rewards the outlaws & condemned persons of all Gallia. By means whereof he gate himself such estimation through all Gallia, that Ambassades resorted to him from all places, seeking his favour and friendship as well in public affairs as private matters. When he saw such voluntary resort unto him, and that on th'one side the Senones and Caruntes were pricked forward with remorse of conscience for their heinous offence, and that on th'otherside the Neruians and Aduatickes prepared war against the Romans, so that he should have enough that would be glad to assist him of their own accord whensoever he began to set forward, he summoned a counsel in armour. This is the manner of the Galls when they begin any wars, wherein by a common law, all the young stryplinges are wont to come together in armour: and he that cometh last of them, is in the open sight of the rest, with all kind of most cruel torments put to death. In this counsel he condemned his son in law Cingetorix, a Prince of the contrary faction, (whom we declared before to have forsaken him and yielded unto Cesar) for a traitor, and did confiscate his goods. When this was done, he declared in the counsel that he was sent for by the Senones and Caruntes and divers other cities of Gallia. He said he would go thither through the Country of the men of Rheims and wast their fields, and ere ever he so did, that he would assault the Camp of Labienus: & therewithal he gave commandment what he would have done. Labienus forasmuch as he had encamped himself in a place both by nature and man's hand very strong and defenfible, feared not any danger that could happen to him & to his Legion. Nevertheless he minded not to let slip any occasion, that might turn to his furtherance. And therefore being informed by Cingetorix & his allies, of the oration that Induciomarus had in the counsel, he sent Messengers to the cities near hand, & called the horsemen about him from all parts, appointing them a certain day to meet together. In the mean while Induciomarus with all his horsemen went up and down almost every day before his camp, sometime to view the situation of the Camp, and sometime to commune with them or to put them in fear, and divers times he would cause his horsemen to throw their Darts all at ones into the Trench. Labienus held his men still within the fortification, and by all means he could devise, gave his enemies occasion to think that he stood in fear of them: Now when Induciomarus every day more proudly and disdeinfully then other, came before his Camp, Labienus one night taking in the horsemen of all the cities thereabout which he had sent for, laid so narrow watch for the keeping of all his men wtihin the camp, that the matter could not by any means be horn abroad or be bewrayed to the Treuires. In the mean season Induciomarus according to his daily custom, resorted to the Camp, and there present a great part of the day. His horsemen threw their darts, & with most spiteful words provoked our men to come forth to fight with them. When they saw that our men gave them none answer, at their pleasure about the Evening, they broke their array, & departed without order. Then Labienus sending out suddenly all his horsemen at two gates, gave them commandment and expressly charged them, that when their enemies were discomfited and put to flight, (the which he foresaw would come to pass as it did in deed) they should all set upon Induciomarus, and that they should not hurt any other man, before they saw him dead, because he would not that he should have leisure to escape while they were occupied about thothers. He promised great rewards to them that slew him, and he sent his footmen after, to the aid and succour of his horsemen. Fortune favoured the device of the man. For inasmuch as all made assault upon him alone, Induciomarus was taken tardy even in the ford of the river, and there slain, and his head car●ed into our Camp. The horsemen in their retire, slew as many as they could come by. When this thing was once known, all the hosts of the Eburones and Neruians that were assembled together, departed, and so by this means for a while after, Cesar had all Gallia in better quietness.  
FINIS.   

THE sixth BOOK of C. julius Caesar's Commentaries of his wars in Gallia.  
CESAR FOR MANY considerations looking for a greater broil in Gallia, determined to make musters by his lieutenants M. silanus, C. Antistius of Rhegium, and T. Sestius. Moreover he requested of Cn. Pompeius the Proconsul, that for as much as he abode with authority about the City for defencs of the common weal, he should command to repair to their standards, and to come unto him, all such as being bound by oath to the Consul, he had levied in Callia Cisalpina. For he thought it should be greatly available hereafter to make all Gallia stand in awe, if it might appear to them that Italy was of such power and ability, as that it could not only repair and amend in short space any loss received by the wars, but also make itself stronger than it was before. The which thing when Pompey both for the common weals sake, and for friendships sake, had granted unto, having speedily made muster by his Captains, and not only raised but also conveyed thither as he was, three Legions before winter was done, and also having dowbled the number of those Cohortes that he had lost with Q. Titurius, through his celerity and power, he gave to understand what the discipline and riches of the Romans were able to do. After that Induciomarus was slain (as I told ye before), the Treuires committed the sovereignty to his next kinsmen, who ceased not to solicit their neighbours the Germans, and to promis them money. When they could not obtain their purpose of their neighbours, they sought to them that were further of. At the last having found some cities pliable to their desire, they bound the one to another by oath, and wrought sure with hostages and money. They entered society and alliance with Ambiorix. The which things when Cesar understood, and saw moreover that on all sides war was reared against him: that the Neruians, Aduatickes and Menapians, with th'assistance of all the Germans on this side the Rhine were in arms: that the Senones came not at his commandment, but took counsel with the Caruntes and other borderers against him: and that the Treuires with often ambassades went about to raise the Germans: he thought it stood him in hand to lay for the wars betimes. And therefore ere winter was fully spent, he brought together four Legions that were nearest to him, & suddenly invaded the borders of the Neruians, and there before they could either assemble to resist him, or fly to save themselves▪ having taken a great booty of men and cattle, the which he gave to his soldiers for a pray, and wasted their fields, he compelled them to submit themselves to him, and to give him hostages. Having quickly thus dispatched this business, he conveyed his Legions again into their wintering places. In the beginning of the spring summoning a counsel of all Gallia, when as all tother came, saving the Senones, Caruntes, and Treuires: conjecturing this to be a beginning of war & rebellion, to th'intent he might seem to set all other things a part, he adjourned the parliament to Lutetia of the Parisians: They were next neighbours to the Senones, and had privileged each other in their cities within man's remembrance: but it was thought they were no partakers of this counsel. This matter being openly pronounced from the bench, he went the same day with his Legions against the Senones, and by great journeys came thither. Acco Prince of the contrary faction having knowledge of his coming, commanded the common people to get them into the Towns. As they were about to do so, before they could dispatch, tidings came that the Romans were at hand, by means whereof constrained of necessity to cease from their enterprise, they sent messengers to Cesar to entreat with him. They made their access unto him by the Heduanes, whose country had continued faithful from of old time. Cesar at the suit of the Heduanes was the wyllynger to bear with them, and accepted their excuse, for as much as he thought that the summer time was rather to be employed about the war that was at hand, then about examination of matters. And so he commanded them to give him a hundred hostages, the which he delivered to the Heduanes to be kept. Thither also the Caruntes sent Ambassadors and hostages, using for their intercessors the men of Rheims, unto whom they were as it were reteyners, and they received like answer. Cesar holdeth out his parliament still, and commandeth the cities to find him horsemen. Having thus pacified this part of Gallia, he applied himself wholly with thought and mind to the wars of the Treuires and of Ambiorix. He commanded Cavarine to accompany him with the horsemen of the Senones, lest there should rise any uproar in the country, either through his irefulnes, or for malice that they bore against him. When he had set these matters at a stay, forasmuch as he knew certainly that Ambiorix would not encounter with him in battle, he forecast in his mind how he might come to the knowledge of all his other devices. There were the Menapians bordering upon the Eburones fenced in with continual fens & woods round about them, who only of all the people of Gallia, had never sent ambassadors to Cesar to entreat for peace, and he was sure that Ambiorix sojourned amongst them. Also he had understanding, that by means of the Treuires, he had entered in league with the Germans. He thought it meet to disappoint him of these helps, ere he assailed him by battle: lest either being brought to utter despair, he might hide himself among the Menapians, or otherwise he himself be compelled to fight with th'inhabiters on the further side of the Rhine. When he had determined upon this devise, he sent all the baggage of his army to Labienus among the Trevires, and bade two Legions go thither to him. Himself with five Legions having nothing to cumber them, set forward against the Menapians. There having not raised any power because they trusted in the strength of the place, they fled into the woods and Marysses, & conveyed all their goods thither. Cesar dividing his army with C. Fabius his lieutenant, & Ma. Crassus his treasurer, and quickly making bridges, assailed them on three parts at ones, and setting their houses and villages a fire, gate a great booty of men and cattle. By means whereof the Menapians were enforced to send Ambassadors unto him to entreat for peace. Receiving their hostages, he threatened to take them for his enemies, if they received either Ambiorix, or his Ambassadors within their borders. When he had set these things at a stay, he left Comius of Arras with a troup of horsemen, as a Warden among the Menapians, and himself went against the Trevires. While Cesar was doing these things, the Treuires having assembled a great host of horsemen and footmen, were about to set upon Labienus who with one Legion had wintered in their borders. And now they were not passed a two days journey from him, when they understood that two Legions more sent thither by Cesar, were come unto him. Wherefore encamping themselves about xv. miles of, they determined to tarry for the aid of the Germans. Labienus having knowledge what his enemies purposed to do, and hoping that through their rashness some occasion of battle would be given, left five Cohorts to defend the stuff, and setting forth toward his enemy with xxv Cohorts and a great power of horsemen, encamped himself within a mile of him. There was between Labienus and his enemies a river with steep banks, hard to be passed. This river he neither purposed to pass himself, neither thought he that his enemies would pass it. Every day they were in greater hope than other of aid. Labienus said in an open assembly, that forasmuch as it was reported that the Germans were near at hand, he would not put both his own goods & the goods of his army in hazard, and therefore would the next morning by break of the day dislodge his camp. These things were soon reported to the enemy, as it is commonly seen that among so many Gallian horsemen as he had, nature compelleth some of them to bear favour to their country affairs. Labienus in the night time calling to him the Tribunes and chief officers of his camp, declared unto them what he minded to do. And to th'intent the eas●yer to blear his enemies eyes with suspicion of fearfulness, he bade that they should remove with more noise and hurlyburly, than the custom of the Romans was to do. By this means, he made his removing seem like a running away. These things also (as it happeneth where two armies encamp so near together) were by spies before daylight carried to the enemy. The rearward was scars out of the camp, but that the Galls encouraging one another, not to let their hoped prey slip out of their hands: In asmuch as it would be to long to wait, lingaring for the aid of the Germans sith the Romans were in such a fear, and it stood not with their honour to be so cowardly, that with so great a power as they had, they should be afraid to assail so small a handful, specially being troubled & flying away: boldly passed over the river, & in a place of disaduauntage gave us battle. Labienus mistrusting as much before, to th'intent to toll them all over the River, kept on his way softly with like pretence of fear as he had used before. At length sending the stuff and carriages somewhat before, and setting them upon a little hill, ye have (ꝙ he) my Soldiers, the occasion that ye wished for. Ye hold your enemy in a place unhandsome and of disaduauntage. Now let us peticapteines see like valiantness in you, as you have oftentimes showed before your Graundcapteine: think that he were now here, and presently beheld your doings with his eyes. With these words he commanded the standard to be turned toward the enemy, and the battles to be advanced. And sending a few horsemen away for the defence of the Carriages, he placed the rest on the sides of his battles. Our men raising a great shout, quickly discharged their darts at their enemies. When contrary to their expectation, our enemies saw us whom they believed to have been fled, return upon them with force of arms, they were not able to abide so much as the onset, but at the first meeting taking themselves to their heel's, fled to the next woods: whom Labienus pursuing with his horsemen, slew of them a great number, and took many more, and within few days after recovered the City. For the Germans that were coming to their aid, hearing of the discomfiture of the Treuires, retired home again. The kinsfolk also of Induciomarus who were thauthors of this rebellion, departed out of the City, and accompanied the Germans. And so the sovereignty and rule of the country, was betaken to Lingetorix, who (as we have declared) continued always faythull from the beginning. After that Cesar was come from the Menapians among the Trevires, he determined for two causes to pass the Rhine: of the which one was because they had sent aid to the Treuires against him▪ tother was to th'intent that Amb●orix should not have any recourse unto them. These matters being determined upon, he purposed to make a bridge a little above the same place, where he had passed his army before. When the manner how he would have it done was once known and the thing set in hand with, his soldiers plied the work so earnestly, that it was finished within few days after. Then leaving a strong garrison among the Trevires for the defence of the bridge, lest they should make any assault upon the sudden, he passed over the rest of his army both horsemen and footmen. The Ubians who before had given him hostages, and submitted themselves unto him, sent Ambassadors unto him to make their purgation, declaring that they had neither sent any aid out of their City to the Treuires, nor broken their allegiance in any point: requesting and beseeching him to spare them, and that for the hatred of the Germans in general he would not punish them being innocentes, as if they had been offenders: If it were his pleasure to demand any more hostages, they were ready to deliver them. When Cesar had examined the matter, he found that the aid was sent by the swevians. whereupon when he had received their satisfaction, he inquired of the passages and ways into Swevia. In the mean time within few days after, the Ubians advertised him that all the swevians had assembled their power together into one place, and that they had sent commandment to all nations that were under their dominion, to send them aid of horsemen and footmen. When he knew this, he provided for grain, & chose a place meet to encamp in. He commanded the Ubians to withdraw their cattle out of the fields, and to convey all that they had into the towns, hoping that those barbarous and unskilful people, constrained for want of vyctualles, might be brought to fight to their own hindrance and undoing. Moreover he willed them to send often spies into Swevia, & to learn what was done there among them. They fulfilled his commandment, and within a few days after, brought him word that all the swevians, after the time they had certain understanding of thapproach of the Roman army, had withdrawn themselves with all the power which they had levied among their confederates, to the furthest part of all their country: In the which place was a wood of exceeding greatness called 
Now called Swartswald  Bacenis, the which ran a great way inward, and being cast of nature as a wall between them, kept the Cherusciens from doing wrong or invading the swevians, and likewise the swevians from doing wrong or invading the Cherusciens: at the entrance of the which wood, the swevians determined to abide the coming of the Romans. Now forasmuch as I am come to this place, I think it not amiss to entreat of the fashions of Gallia and Germany, and to show how those Nations differ one from another. In Gallia, not only in all Cities, and in all villages, & all quarters, but also almost in every house are factions. And the heads of these factions are they, whom they esteem worthiest to have it: at whose arbitrement and determination, their matters of greatest weight and importance, as well in counsel as otherwise, are disposed. And this matter seemeth to be so ordained of old time for this consideration, that none of the communality should want help against his superior. For no man will suffer that such as pertain to him, should be oppressed or deluded by falsehood, if he should otherwise do, he were like to bear no sway among them. To be short this is the manner of all Gallia. For all the Cities are divided into two parter. When Cesar came first into Gallia, the Heduanes were the ringleaders of th'one faction, and the Sequanes of tother. The Sequanes being but weak of themselves, because that of old time the chief authority belonged to the Heduanes, & many retainers hung upon their sleeve, allied unto them Ariovistus & the Germans, whom to their great loss, with large promises they alured unto them. Now when they had fought many battles luckelye, and slain all the Nobility of the Heduanes, they surmounted so much in power, that they withdrew to them many that were allied to the Heduanes, and took their noble men's sons in hostage, & compelled them to swear openly that they should take no counsel against the Sequanes, and held in possession part of the marches which they had taken wrongfully, and finally obteyved the sovereignty of all Gallia. Through which necessity Divitiacus being driven to seek help, & coming to Rome to the Senate for the same intent, returned home without speding of his purpose. But at the coming of Cesar when things were altered, the Heduanes had their hostages redelivered, their old alyes and confederates restored, new brought in by Cesar, (because that they which had inclined to their friendship, saw themselves to be in better case, and more uprightly dealt withal,) and their estate enlarged in all other things with favour and dignity, so that the Sequanes were fain to bisburden themselves altogether of the sovereinty. In their place succeeded the men of Rheims: whom forasmuch as it was perceived to be as far in favour with Cesar as any other, they which by reason of old grudge, could by no means agre with the Heduans, yielded themselves into the tuition of the men of Rheims, and they very earnestly defended them, thereby establishing their new and suddenly gotten sovereignty. The case stood so at that time, that the Heduanes held the chief place, and the Rhemians held the next place of dignity unto them. In all Gallia there be two sorts of men, that are made any account of or had in any estimation. For the communality is kept under in manner like slaves, and of themselves they dare do nothing, neither are they taken to counsel in any matter. Many of them when they be either oppressed with Det, or with the unreasonableness of taxes and tallages, or with wrongs done by those that are mightier than they, do yield themselves in bondage to the Noblemen. And they may lawfully deal with them in all points, as with their slaves. But of the foresaid two sorts, th'one are Druids, & tother are Knights. The Druids are occupied about holy things: they have the doing of public and private sacrifices, and do interpret and discuss matters of Religion. Unto them do resort great numbers of young men to learn at their hands, and they be had in great reverence. For they determine almost of all controversies and matters in variance, as well public as private. And if there happen any thing to be done amiss, if there be any murder committed, if there rise any controversy concerning inheritance or bounds of lands, they take the matter into their hands, and award either recompense or penalties in the case. And if there be any be he private person or be it corporation, that will not stand to their judgement, they interdite him, which punishment among them is counted most grievous. They that are so interdicted, are accounted in the number of wicked and ungracious folk: All men shun them, all men eschew their company and communication: lest by communicating with them, they should defile themselves and receive any harm by them: if they demand law, they may not have it: neither may they enjoy any honour. Over all these Druids there is one Primate, which hath chief authority over them. When he is dead, if there be any of the rest that excelleth in worthiness, he succeedeth. Or if there be many equal, he is chosen by voices of the rest of the Druids. And divers times they strive for the sovereignty by force of arms. These men at a certain time of the year, in the borders of the Caruntes (whose country is counted the middle of all Gallia,) do sit together in a place hallowed, whereunto resort from all places, all such as have any controversies: and look what is decreed & judged by them, that they stand to. This order of discipline is thought to have had beginning in Britain, and from thence to have been brought into Gallia. And at this day, they that are desirous to know the thing more exactly, do commonly repair thither to learn it. The Druids customably are exempted from the wars. Neither do they pay taxes and tallages with other folk: for they are privileged from the wars, and are free from all other burdens. Alured with so great rewards, many even of their own accord do register themselves in the order, and divers are sent thither by their parents and kinsfolk. There they are reported to learn a great number of Verses by heart. Wherefore it cometh to pass, that divers continue twenty years in learning. Neither do they think it lawful to put them in writing, whereas in all other things, for their accounts, as well public as private, they use the Greek letters. This order they seem (in mine opinion) to have taken for two considerations. Partly because they will not have their discipline published among the common people, and partly because they will not that they which shall learn, trusting to much to their books, should have the less regard of remembrance: for as much as it happeneth well near to most men, that upon trust of the help of their book, they are slacker in learning things by heart, & less pass to bear them in mind. This is one of the chiefest things that they labour most to beat into men's heads, that the Souls die not, but do after death pass from one to another: and here by they think men should be most stirred unto virtue, when the fear of death is not accounted upon. Also they dispute many other things: as of the stars, & of their moving: of the bigness of the world and the earth: of the nature of things: of the strength and power of the Gods immortal: and do teach them to yowgeth. The other sort is of knighthod. These when need is, and when any war chanceth, (which before the coming of Cesar chanced almost every year, either upon occasion of wrong done by them unto other, or to withstand other that would do them wrong) they give themselves all to feats of arms, and among them as any man is of greatest birth & ability, so hath he about him most servants and reteyners. And this is th'only grace and power that they know. All the whole Nation of the Galls is very sore addicted to Religion: and therefore they that are diseased with grievous maladies, and they that are in peril or in battle, do either offer or vow to offer men in sacrifice, and do use the Druids as ministers in such kind of sacrifices: because they think that unless one man's life be paid for the life of an other, the wrath of the Gods immortal cannot be appeased. And of these kinds of sacrifices, they have certain solemn rites to be used openly. Other some make unmeasurable huge images: whose bodies being hollow and made of wycker, they stuff with quick men, and setting the images on fire, do smoolder the men within them with the flame which environeth them on all sides. They think that the punishment of such as are taken in stealing or robbing, or in any other fault, is more acceptable to the Gods immortal, howbeit when store of such kind of people saileth, they fall to the punishment of such as are guiltless. Of all Gods they worship chief Mercury: and of him there be many images. They report him to be the finder out of all arts: they report him to be the guide of wayfairing men: him they believe to have most power to the gaining of money and in merchandise. Next him they honour Apollo, and Mars, & jupiter, and Minerva. Of these they have in manner the same opinion, that other Nations have: that is to say: That Apollo driveth away diseases: that Minerva traineth folk in the principles of works and handicrafts: that jupiter holdeth the sovereinty of heaven: that Mars hath the charge of wars. Unto Mars, at such time as they are toward fighting a field, for the most part they vow such things as they shall take in the battle: those things that they take alive, they offer in sacrifice: all the rest of their things they bring together into one place. In many Cities are to be seen great stacks of such things pyled up in hallowed places: and it seldom or never chanceth, that any man is so irreligious that he dareth either hide any thing that is so taken, or pilfer any thing away that is so pyled: and a most grievous punishment with extreme torments is appointed for the offence. The Galls report themselves to be all issued from This the father of hell, and they say that the Druids do so tell them. And for that cause they determine the space of all times, not by the number of days but of nights: & they observe their birth days and the beginnings of months and years in such wise, that the day ever followeth after the night. In their other trades of living, they differ from others in this point, that they suffer not their sons to come in their presence openly, until such time as being men grown, they be able to supply the rooms of soldiers: & they count it a shame, that the son as long as he is a boy, should be seen abroad in his father's company. Look how much money the men do receive with their wives in name of their dowry, they make an estimate of their own goods and lay so much in value thereunto: all the which is occupied together in one stock, and th'increase thereof is reserved, and which of them soever overliveth other, the stock with th'increase of the former years, falleth to the survivor. The men have over their wives like as over their children, authority of life and death. And when a householder of any noble lineage deceaseth, his kinsmen come together, and as touching his death (if there be any suspicion of the matter) have his wives in examination as if they were slaves. And if they find them culpable, they put them to death with fire, and all kind of torments that can be devised. Their burying after the manner of the Galls is honourable and sumptuous. All things that they think the party delighted in when he was alive, they throw into the fire with him, even living things and all. And a little before the time of our remembrance, it was the custom that when the funerals were fully accomplished, the slaves and reteyners whom they set most by, were also burned with them. Such Cities as are esteemed to govern their common weals best, have enacted by law, that if any man understand ought by the borderers concerning the common weal by fame or uncertain report, he shall declare it to the Magistrate, and in any wise not make any other body privy unto it: because it is well known, that rash fellows and such as have no skill, are made afraid with false rumours, and stirred to mischief, and take upon them to consult of the matters of greetest weight. The Magistrates keep secret such things as they think good, and show unto the people such things as they dame meet for them to know. It is not lawful to talk of the common weal, but in the way of counsel. The Germans do much differ from this custom. For they neither have Druids to bear authority in divine matters, nor yet pass upon sacryficing. They account them for Gods, whom they behold, and by whose means they are manifestly helped, that is to weet, the sun, the fire & the moan: as for the rest, they never so much as ones heard of them. All their whole life consisteth in hunting, and in the practice of feats of arms. From their childhod they give themselves to labour and hardness. Those that continue longest without company of women, receive greatest commendation among them. For hereby they think that the stature and power is nourished, and the sinews strengthened. They count it one of greatest shames that may be, to have to do with a woman before th'age of twenty years. The which can by no means be hidden, because they both wash themselves indifferently men and women together in the running waters, & also do wear hides or little short garments scars able to cover any part of their bodies. They give not themselves to tillage: but the chiefest part of their diet, consisteth in whitmeate and flesh. There is not any man that hath any certain quantity of ground, or any bounds of his own. But the Magistrates and Princes from year to year, assign to companies and kindreds of folk which have kept together, so much land as they shall think sufficient, in what place is pleaseth them, and compel them the next year after, to remove some other where, and they allege many reasons for their so doing. First, least alured with continual custom of tarrying in one place, they should withdraw their minds from war and set them upon husbandry. Secondly, lest they should covet to get much land into their hands, and the welthyer sort drive the poorer out of their possessions. Thirdly, that they should not be over curious in their buildings, for thavoidance of cold & heat. four, that there should not grow any covetousness of money, from whence are wont to spring partakings and debates. And finally, to th'intent to keep the common people from grudge and hartburning, when every man seeth that he may be as rich as the richest. It is the greatest praise to a City, to have their borders a great way of wasted, in such sort that it may seem like a wilderness. This they think a point of prowess, to compel their neighbours perforce to forsake their grounds, in such wise that no man dare inhabit near them. Besides that they dame themselves to be the more in saufty, all fear of sudden invasion being taken away. When a City either defendeth or invadeth, there be officers choose for the war, who have authority of life and death. In the time of peace there is no common Magistrate: but the Lords of every shire and town, do minister law among their tenants, and determine controversies. It is counted no shame to rob, so it be without the bounds of every City, for they hold opinion it is a good exercise, to keep their youth from slothfulness. And at such time as any nobleman in open counsel proffering himself to be a Captein, willeth them to show themselves that are willing to follow him, by and by rise up such as like the man and the quarrel, & promise him their help: and they are much commended of the people for their labour. If any of them be not as good as their word, they are esteemed ever after for cowards and traitors, and they are discredited in all respects as long as they live. They think it not lawful to hurt a stranger. Whoso resorteth unto them, for what occasion so ever it be, they defend them from wrong, & esteem them as holy. For every man's house is open to them, and they may take meat and drink at their pleasure. It was so in time past, that the Galls surmounted the Germans in prows, & made war upon them at their pleasure: & for th'abundance of their people, for whom there was not land enough to maintain them at home, sent inhabiters on the further side of the Rhine: Insomuch that the most plentiful places of all germany about the wood 
Hartswald  Hercinia, (the which I see was known by fame to Eratosthenes and certain Greeks, who call it Orcinia) the 
People of Languedoc  Uolces Tegtosages took, and there planted themselves. The which Nation at this present holdeth still the same habitation, and is greatly renowned for justice and chivalry: and even now they continue in the self same poverty, scarcity, and patience that the Germans do, and use the like fare and apparel that they do. The nearness of our Province, and the experience of traveling in strange countries beyond the sea, hath helped the Galls with many things to their enriching and commodity. By little and little being enured to yield, and being vanquished in many battles, they themselves will not make comparison with them in prowess. This forest of Hercinia before mentioned, is as much in breadth as a lightfooteman is able to journey in nine days: for otherwise it cannot be bounded, because they know not how to measure journeys. It beginneth at the borders of the Helvetians, Nemets, and Rauraces, and so right by the coast of the river Danow, stretcheth to the border of the Daces and Auartians. From thence it bendeth on the left hand quite another way from the river, and by reason of his greatness toucheth the borders of many Nations. Neither is there any man of this hither part of Germany, which is able to say, that he hath either seen or heard, where the end of this forest is: and yet there is that hath gone lx days journey out right, and could never learn out of what place it should rise. It is certain that there breed in it many kinds of wild beasts, which are not seen else where. Of the which these are they that most differ from the rest, and seem most worthy to be put in writing. There is a kind of Ox in shape like a Stag, in the mids of whose forehead between his ears is one horn, much higher and straighter than any of the horns that are known to us: at the top whereof do spread out tines and branches a great way of. The nature of the male and female is all one, the shape of body is all one, and the greatness of their horns is all one. There be also beasts that are called Alces. The shape of them and the diversity of the colours of their coats, is like unto Goats, but they be somewhat bigger, and are without horns, and they have legs with out knots or joints, & therefore they lie not down to rest them: and if they happen by any chance to fall down, or to be overthrown, they cannot raise nor help themselves up again. The trees are to them in stead of Couches: to them they lean themselves, and so bowing a very little, do take their rest. By whose footing when the Hunters perceive where their haunt is, they do either undermine, or else cut within the ground, all the trees thereawayes, in such sort that by th'upper part they may seem to stand fast still: so that when they lean against them as they were wont to do, they overlade the weak trees with the weight of their bodies, and fall to the ground with them. The third kind is of them that are named Ures. These are of bigness somewhat less than Elephants, in kind and colour and shape like a Bull. They are of great strength and swiftness. They spare neither man nor beast that cometh in their fight. The Germans are very painful in making pits to take them, and so kill them. Their young men do harden themselves with this travel, and exercise themselves with this kind of hunting. And they that kill most of them, bringing forth the horns for a witness, do receive great praise. But as for to acquaint them with men, and to make them tame it is not possible, though they take them never so young. The largeness of their horns, and the shape and fashion of them, doth much differ from the horns of our Oxen. These they gather most diligently, and binding them about the brims with silver, do use them at their greatest feasts for cups. Cesar when he understood by the Ubian spies, that the swevians had withdrawn them into the woods, fearing scarcity of grain, (because (as I said before) the Germans pass little or nothing upon tillage,) determined to proceed no further. Nevertheless to th'intent he would not put the barbarous people altogether out of fear of his return, and also stay them from aiding the Galls, when he had repassed his army, he cut of the bridge the length of CC. foot toward that side of the river that was next the Ubians, and at the hither end of the bridge, builded a tower of four stories, wherein he left a garrison of xii Cohorts to defend the bridge, and strengthened the place with great fortifications. Of this place and of the garrison there, he made Captein a young Gentleman called C. Uolcatius Tullus: And he himself as soon as corn began to wax ripe, setting forward to make war against Ambiorix, sent before him L. Minuitius Basilius with all his horsemen, through the forest of Ardeine (which is the greatest of all Gallia, and from the banks of the Rhine and the borders of the Treuires extendeth to the Neruians, and is more than five hundred miles in length:) to try if he could get any advantage, by hasting his journey, and by thopportunity of the time. He gave him warning that he should not suffer any fires to be made in his camp, lest his coming should be perceived a far of, saying that he would follow immediately after him himself. Basilius did as he was commanded: and accomplishing his journey with more speed than all men thought it had been possible for him to do, took many tardy in the fields, by whose information he went straight toward Ambiorix in a place where he was said to sojourn with a few horsemen. Fortune beareth a great stroke in all things but specially in war matters. For as it was a great chance that he should fall upon him unwares and unprovided, & that they should see him present with their eyes, before they heard any inkling at all of his coming: so was it a great chance likewise that he should lose all the furniture for the wars that he had about him, and his horses and wagons be taken, and yet himself escape the death. But this came to pass, because the house being environed with wood, (as the houses of the Galls for the most part be, who to eschew the heat of the weather commonly do build near the woods and rivers) his friends & household servants in that narrow room endured for a while the brunt of our horsemen, during the which time, one of his friends set him on horseback, and the woods hid him that he could not be perceived as he fled. Thus both in falling into danger and in avoiding the same, fortune greatly availed. It is to be doubted whether Ambiorix of set purpose had not assembled his power about him, because he looked not for any encounter, or whether the time disappointed him, and the sudden approach of our horsemen letted him, because he feared least the rest of our army had followed immediately after them. But surely he sent messengers abroad into the Country, to bid every man shift for himself: of whom some fled into the forest of Ardeine, and some into the marisses' near hand. Such as were next the Ocean, hid themselves in the Islands which the tide was wont to make. Many forsaking their own country, committed themselves and all that they had to strangers, whom they never saw nor herd of before, Cativulcus king of th'one half of the Eburones, who had associated himself with Ambiorix, being now worn with years, and not able for age to endure the travel either of warfare or of flight, cursing and baning Ambiorix the author of that enterprise, poisoned himself with juice of yewgh, whereof there is abundance in Gallia and in germany. The Segnies and Condruses of the nation and number of Germans, which are between the Eburones and Trevires, sent Ambassadors to Cesar, beseeching him not to take them as his enemies, nor to esteem all the Germans that were on thisside the Rhine, to be as in one case. For they thought of nothing less than of war, neither had they sent any succour to Ambiorix. Cesar having tried the matter by examination of the prisoners, commanded that if any of the Eburones were fled unto them, they should bring them back again unto him. In so doing, he said he would work no displeasure to their country. Then dividing his army into three parts, he bestowed the stuff of all his Legions at Uaruta. It is the name of a castle almost in the mids of the country of the Eburones, whereas Titurius & Aurunculeius had wintered before. Cesar liking well this place for other considerations, and also in that the fortifications made there the year before, remained yet whole and undefaced, to th'intent to ease his soldiers of their toil, left here all their stuff, and appointed for defence thereof, the xiiii Legion, which was one of the three that he had lastly levied and brought with him out of Italy. Over this legion and camp he made Captein Quintus Tullius Cicero, & assigned unto him CC. horsemen. Having thus parted his army, he commanded T. Labienus to set forth with three Legions toward the Ocean, into those coasts that border upon the Menapians. He sent C. Trebonius with like number of legions to waste that country, that lieth upon the Aduatickes. And he himself with tother three, determined to go to the River 
Sambre.  Sabis which runneth into Maze, and to the further parts of the forest of Ardeine, whither he heard that Ambiorix was fled with a few horsemen. At his departure he promised to return again within seven days after, at the which time he knew that corn was to be delivered to the legion that was left in garrison. He requested Labienus and Trebonius that (if they might do it to the behoof of the common weal) they should also return at the same day, to th'intent that laying their heads again together, upon search made what their enemies went about, they might take some other counsel how to proceed in the wars. There was not (as we showed before) any host of men, nor any garrison, nor any town that was able to defend itself by battle: But the common people being dispersed, wheresoever was any blind valley, or any wild wood, or any unhandsome marish where they hoped to find any defence or safeguard, conveyed themselves thither. These places were known to the borderers, and the matter required great circumspectness, not so much for the saving of the whole army, (for there could not happen any peril to the whole power together by men amazed and dispersed) as for preservation of every soldier severally. And yet this thing also in part made to the safeguard of our army. For as the desire of spoil egged forth many a great way from the Camp, so the woods with their blind and uncertain paths was a let that they could not come at them in any great companies. If they were desirous to have the matter dispatched out of hand, and to have the stock of such wicked people utterly rooted up, it behoved them to send forth many armies, and to let the soldiers divide themselves into many companies. Again if (according to the ordinances and custom of the Roman army,) the bands were to be kept to their standards: the place itself was a defence to the barbarous people, who wanted no boldness at all to lay ambushes privily, and to entrap them being dispersed. Wherefore in such distresses, as much as man's policy was able to reach, was foreseen, that (albeit their hearts burned with in them to be revenged) yet somewhat should rather be omitted in doing displeasure to the enemies, than so to displease them as should redound to the hurt of our soldiers. Cesar sent messengers to all the cities near abouts, to allure them forth to the spoil of the Eburones, promising them that all that they could get should be their own: to th'intent that in the forests he might rather put the Galls themselves, than his own soldiers in hazard of their lives: and also to th'intent that being environed with a great number for thaccomplishing of such an act, the offspring & name of the country might utterly be destroyed. hereupon a great number assembled quickly from all coasts. These things were a doing in all quarters of the Eburones, and now approached the seven. day, at the which day Cesar had promised to return to his carriages, and the legion that he left with them. Here it may be perceived, how great a stroke fortune may bear in the wars, and how great casualties she may move. Our enemies (as I have showed) were scattered and amazed in such wise that there was not any host of men, to put us in any fear at all. The report was spread over the Rhine among the Germans that the Eburones were put to havoc, and that every man was called to the spoil come who would. hereupon the Sicambres which dwell upon the Rhine, (whom we have declared before to have received the Teuchthers and Usipites after their dyscomfiture) raised two thousand horsemen, and passed the Rhine in Craers and Barges, a thirty miles beneath the place where the unfinished Bridge was, at the which Cesar had left his garrison. They invade the uttermost bounds of the Eburones, where they recountered many as they fled scattered here and there, and gate a great booty of cattle, whereof the barbarous people are most greedy: wherewithal being more alured, they proceeded further. Neither maris ground nor forest was able to stay these fellows, which were trained up from their birth in war & robbing. They inquired of their prisoners in what place Cesar was: by whom they understood that he was gone far of and that all the army was departed. And one of the prisoners said: what mean you to hunt after this miserable and slender booty? which now if ye list may be most fortunate. In three hours ye may come to Uaruta, where the Roman army hath bestowed all their goods. The garrison is so thin, that they be not able to single man the walls, neither dare any man put his head out of the trench. Upon the hope of this offer, the Germans leaving the pray that they had gotten, in a secret place, made toward Uaruta, using him for their guide, by whose declaration they were informed of the matter. Cicero who all tother days before, had according to the commandment of Cesar, with great advisedness kept his soldiers within his camp, and had not suffered so much as a varlet or a Bage to pass out of the fortifycation, the vii day dystrusting that Cesar would keep promise with him, because he hard he was gone further of, and no tidings came to him of his return, and moreover moved with the words of such as termed his patience in manner a siege, if they might not have liberty to pass out of their camp, looking for no such adventure after the dyspersinge and almost utter destroying of his enemies, against whom were gone forth nine Legions, as to find any thing within three mile's space that might annoy him, sent out five Cohortes into the next cornfieldes to fetch in grain, between the which and his camp there was no more but one little hill only. There were in the camp many that had been left behind out of tother Legions, because they were hurt and diseased. Of the which sort, such as within these few days were recovered, being to the number of a CCC. were sent forth under the banner with the rest. Moreover a great multitude of Uarlettes and a great sort of beasts for burden which had abiden in the Camp followed after. The very same time by chance, came the German horsemen between them and home, and without tarriance with like pace as they had ridden all the way, endeavoured to break into the camp at the chief gate: and they were not espied by reason of the woods that were on that side which letted the view, before they were so near our Camp, that the Merchantmen which lay in hales under the Rampyer side, had no leisure to recover themselves within safeguard. Our men being taken unprovided upon the sudden, were so troubled, that the cohort was scars able to withstand the first brunt. Our enemies spread themselves on all sides about, to see if they could find any entering place, in so much that our men had much a do to defend the gates: for the place was otherwise so strong of itself and so well fortified, that it needed no defence. All the whole camp was in a fear, and every one demanded of another the cause of the tumult, in so much that they wist not which way either to advance their banners, or whither they should assemble themselves. One reports for a certainty that the Camp was already taken: another holds opinion that the Graundcapteine and his army being utterly destroyed, the barbarous were come thither as conquerors: many devised new superstitions to them selves by reason of the place, setting before their eyes, the mischance of Cotta & Titurius, who were slain in the same Castle. Through this fear wherewith all our men were stricken, the rude Germans were confirmed in their opinion which they had conceived upon the report of a prisoner, that there was no strength within. Whereupon endeavouring to break in perforce, they encouraged one another, not to let so good fortune scape out of their hands. There was left behind in the garrison sick, one P. Sestius Baculus (who had had the leading of one of the chief bands under Cesar, of whom we have made mention in the former battles) & he had fasted now five days. He being in despair both of his own life, and of the lives of all his company, came out of his tent unarmed and perceiving his enemies to press sore upon them, and that the matter stood in utter peril, took weapon from such as stood next him, and set himself in the gate. After him followed the Centurions of that Cohort which warded in the Camp, & for a while endured the conflict with him. But at the length Sestius was so sore wounded that his courage failed him, and he sank down, that much a do there was to draw him out of the press and to save his life. During the time of this leisure, the rest took heart to them: in so much that they durst set themselves upon the Rampires, and make a show of defence. In the mean while, our soldiers that went out for forage, having dispatched that they went for, in their return heard the noise, whereupon the horsemen came a false gallop before, & perceived in how great danger the matter stood. But now was there not any place of defence, whereunto they might recover themselves in this their fear. Such as were but newly retained, and therefore were not skilful in matters of war, retired back to the Tribunes and Centurions, looking to receive commandment at their hands what they should do. There was not any of them so stout of stomach, that was not amazed at the sodeinnes of the matter. The barbarous people perceiving the banners a far of, ceased from th'assault. At the first they believed that our legions had been returned, which they had learned by their prisoners to have been gone a great way further of. Afterward disdeining the small number of them, they set upon them on all sides. The varlets ran up to the next hill, from whence being easily driven down, they thrust themselves among the soldiers that were under their standards, and thereby put them in greater fear than they were before. Some thought it best to cast themselves in a wedge & to break through their enemies quickly: affirming that forasmuch as their Camp was so near at hand, although some of them were cut of by the way & slain, yet the rest should save themselves. Other some thought it best to get them to the top of the hill, and there to take what soever should betide them all together. This devise liked not the old soldiers that went out under the standard with them, as we told you before. Whereupon encouraging themselves, and following captain C. Trebonius a knight of Rome who had the charge of them, they broke through the mids of their enemies, and came all safe into the camp, without the loss of any one man. The Uarlets and horsemen following after them with like force, were by the valiantness of the soldiers likewise preserved. But they which had gotten themselves to the top of the hill, having no understanding at all how to demean themselves, had neither the wit to persever in the device which they first allowed in standing still to their defence upon the higher ground, nor yet to use the like force and celerity which they saw do good to their fellows: but for desire to recover to their camp, they cast themselves into a place of disadvantage. The Centurious (of whom many for their prowess and manhood, had from lower rooms of the other Legions, been promooted to the higher rooms of this legion,) lest they should forego the honour in arms which they had gotten before, fighting most valiantly spent their lives together. The enemies bring by their force driven aside, it came to pass that some contrary to all hope and expectation, came safe into the Camp, and some environed by the Germans, were utterly destroyed. The Germans being now passed hope of winning our camp by assault, forasmuch as they saw our men placed upon the rampires, with that pray which they had bestowed in the woods, ga●e themselves over the Rhine again. Howbeit when our enemies were ●●●ght gone, there remained such a fear among our men, that the same night when C. Uolusenus sent thither with the horsemen, came to the camp: he could not make them believe that Cesar was at hand with the army in safeguard. So sore were all their minds ravished with fear, that in manner half beside themselves, they said plainly, all the army was put to the sword, and that the horsemen had saved themselves by flight: for it was not like that while th'army was in good case, the Germans durst adveture to assault our camp. This fear the coming of Cesar took away. Upon his return, being not ignorant how the world went, he found fault at the sending out of the Cohorts out of their fort & garrison: affirming that there ought no gap (though never so small) to be opened unto fortune: forasmuch as fortune by the sudden approach of the enemy, had been able to have done much: yea and much the more, in that they had repulsed the barbarous people well near from the very Rampire and from the gates of the camp. Of all the which things this was most to be wondered all, that the Germans which had passed the Rhine of none other purpose but to waste the country of Ambiorix, bending themselves against the Roman camp, proffered thereby unto Ambiorix the greatest good turn that could have been wished him. Cesar making another voyage to disquiet his enemies, assembled a great power out of the Cities near at hand, and sent them abroad into all quarters. All the towns and all the buildings that came in any man's sight, were set on fire: botyes were driven out of all places: corn was not only by such a multitude of men and cattle consumed, but also was through thunseasonable time of the years, and through continual rain beaten out, or rotten upon the ground: Insomuch that if any had hid themselves out of the way for the time, yet were they like afterward (when th'army was departed) to perish for want of food. And oftentimes it was come to the point, (by reason of so great a number of horsemen sent abroad into all quarters) that the prisoners said expressly, not only that none of them saw Ambiorix fly away, but also constantly affirmed that he was not gone out of sight. insomuch that upon hope of overtakinge him, such as thought to have purchased greatest favour at Caesar's hand, endured infinite labour, yea more than nature could well have borne, but for their earnest desire which surmounted all things, believing always that they were at the very point to have obtained the happiness that they sought for. And yet he wound himself from them continually into woods or forests, and hiding himself in the night time, withdrew him out of one coast into another, guarded with no more than four horsemen, whom only of all men he durst put in trust with his life. When Cesar had in this sort wasted the countries, with the loss of two Cohorts he reduced the rest to 
Rheims in Champanie.  Durocort among the men of Rheims: and summoning thither a parliament of all Gallia, he determined to make straight examination concerning the conspiracy of the Senones and Carunts, and there giving sharp judgement upon Acco chief ringleader of that enterprise, he punished him according to the ancient custom of the country. Many fearing to stand to the trial of the matter in judgement, fled away, whom when he had proclaimed traitors, he placed two Legions in the borders of the Treuires, two among the Lingones, and the other six in the borders of the Senones at Agendicum to winter there: and having made provision of grain for his army, he went into Italy to hold a Parliament, as he was determined before.  
FINIS.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK of C. julius Caesar's Commentaries of his wars in Gallia.  
AFTER THAT GALlia was thus quieted, Cesar (as he was determined before) went into Italy to hold a Parliament. There he hard news of the murder of Clodius: and upon Certificate from the Senate how all the youth of italy did conspire together, he purposed to take musters of all the whole Province. These things were quickly reported into Gallia beyond the Alps. More over (as the matter seemed to require) the Galls forged besides these rumours, that Cesar was detained by means of the Mutinies in the city, and that the dissensions were so great as that he could not come to his army. Taking occasion hereupon, such as before found themselves grieved to be in subjection to the Roman Empire, began more freely & boldly to consult of war. The Princes of Gallia calling secret counsels in forests and places far from resort, found fault with the death of Acco: alleging that the like mischance might also light in their necks. They bewailed the miserable state of all Gallia, promising and proffering any reward that could be devised, to them that would adventure to begin the war, and with the hazard of their lives would assay to set Gallia again in liberty. And this matter (they said) ought to be put in practice, before their secret devices were disclosed: to th'intent that Cesar might be excluded from his army. The which thing was easy to bring to pass, in that neither the legions durst in the absence of their Graundcaptein stir out of their wintering places, neither could the Graundcapteine without saufconduct come unto his army. In conclusion they said it was better to be slain in the field, than not to recover their ancient renown of chivalry, & the liberty which they had received from their ancestors. When these matters had been sufficiently debated. The Caruntes proffered to refuse no peril for the common wealths sake, promising to become the chyf Ringleaders in this war. And forasmuch as the matter could not as than be assured by hostages, lest it should be published, they demanded assurance by oath and fidelity: which was by laying their Antesignes & banners together, (for that is the solemnest ceremony that they use in such cases) least when they should have begun the war, the rest should forsake them. Than giving great praises to the Caruntes, and taking an oath of as many as were present, after time prefixed for the performance of the matter, they broke up their counsel: when the day appointed was come, the Caruntes under the conduct of Cotuat and Co●etodune desperate persons, at a watch word given came together to Genabum, and there slew the citizens of Rome that abode there in the way of traffic and merchandise, (among whom was one C. Fusius Cotta a worshipful knight of Rome, who by the commandment of Cesar was master of the Storehouse) and riffled all their goods. The fame hereof was soon blown through all the cities of Gallia. For when any great or notable thing happeneth, they give knowledge of it by shouting through all the fields and countries about. Others receiving the noise at their hand, send it in likewise to their neighbours: & so it happened at that time. For those things which were done at Genabum by the sun rising, before the first watch was ended, were heard of in the country of Auverne, which is distant the space of Clr. miles. By like means Uercingetorix the son of Celtillus a young Gentleman of great authority among the people of Auverne (whose father had held the sovereignty of all Gallia, and was for that consideration slain of his countrymen because he sought means to make himself king) calling together his retainers, did easily set them on fire. For assoon as they knew of his purpose, they ran to weapon. Uercingetorix was withstood by his uncle Gobanition and the rest of the Princes, which thought it not good to try the courtesy of fortune in that behalf, and was driven out of the town of 
Cleremount in Auverne.  Gergobia. Nevertheless he ceased not from his enterprise, but in the country took musters of beggars & naughty packs. When he had raised this power, he met not any of the City, but he drew him to his opinion. He exhorted them to put on armour for the liberty of their country, and so having gotten a great power, he driveth his adversaries out of the city, by whom he had been driven out a little before. Then they proclaimed him king: and he sending forth Ambassadors every way, besought them to continue faithful in that they had promised. It was not long ere he had allied unto him, the Senones, the Parisians, the Pictones, the Cadurkes, the Turones, the Aulerkes, the Lemonikes, the Andies' and all the residue that lie upon the Ocean. By general consent the government was put into his hands: upon the offer of which authority, he demanded hostages of all the said Cities, and commanded a certain number of men of war to be levied and brought unto him out of hand. He appointed how much armour every City should have in a readiness at home, and what they should do before the time. Chiefly he made provision for horsemen. And as he was very diligent in laying for things before hand, so did he with great severity execute his authority, & with extremity of punishment compelled such as were neuters. For if there were any offence committed, he put them to death with fire and all kinds of torments: and for light faults he sent them home again with their ears cut of, or with one of their eyes put out: to th'intent they should be an example to the rest, and make them afraid with the greatness of their punishment. Having by means of these punishments soon gathered a great power, he sent one Lucterius of Cahors a man of singular audacity with part of his army among the Ruthenes, and he himself went against the people of Bourges. At his coming, the men of Bourges sent messengers to the Heduans (under whose tuition they were) to desire succour, to th'intent they might be the better able to withstand the power of their enemies. The Heduanes by th'advice of the Lieutenants which Cesar had left with the army, sent succour both of horsemen and footmen to the men of Bourges: who when they came to the river of Loire, which divideth the Heduanes from them of Bourges, tarried there a few days, and because they durst not pass the river, returned home again, declaring to their lieutenants, that the cause why they did so, was by reason they feared that the men of Bourges would betray them, whom they knew to have fully determined among themselves, that if they had passed the River, they themselves should have beset them on th'one side, & the men of Auverne on tother. Whether they told our Lieutenants this tale because it was so in deed, or of treachery and falsehood, for asmuch as the truth is not known, I can not affirm it for a certainty. Immediately after their departure, the men of Bourges joined themselves with the men of Auverne. When these things were reported to Cesar in italy, after the time he understood that the matters about the city were through the wise & valiant demeanour of Cn. Pompeius brought to a good point, he took his journey into Gallia beyond the Alps. At such time as he was come thither, he was in great distress, by what means he might come to his army. For if he should send for his Legions to him into Province, he was assured that they should be encountered with by the way, and he could not be thereto assist them: And if he should adventure to go to his army, he saw manifestly that it was not without peril for him to commit his life into the hands, no not even of such as seemed to be at that time most in quiet. In the mean while, Lucterius of Cahors who was sent against the Ruthenes, reconciled that City to the men of Auverne. From thence continuing his voyage against the Nitiobriges and Gabales, he took hostages of them both: and assembling a great power, purposed to make a road into Province toward Narbone. When Cesar heard tidings thereof, all other devices set a side, he thought it most expedient to prevent him in going to Narbone. When he came thither, he cheered such as were fearful, set garrisons among the Ruthenes in Province, the Uolces, the Arecomikes, the men of toulouse, and about Narbone, which places bordered upon our enemies: and commanded part of his power that was in Province, and the supply which he had brought with him out of Italy, to assemble in the country of the Heluians which borders upon the country of Auverne. These things being thus set in order, and having repressed Lucterius, yea and removed him, as who thought it to dangerous an enterprise for him to enter among our garrisons, he took his journey against the Heluians. Now albeit that upon the mountain 
The mountain of Geneva or of Auverne.  Gebenua, which dissevereth the men of Auverne from the Heluians, the snow lay so deep in that dead time of the winter, that it was hard for him to pass, yet notwithstanding casting a side the snow six foot deep, and so making way, with great pain of his soldiers, he came to the borders of Auverne: and oppressing them unbewares, because they thought themselves as surely defended with the mountain Gebenua as if it had been with a wall, in as much never erst, any one man alone had found passage over it at that time of the year, he commanded his horsemen that they should disperse themselves as far abroad as they could, & put their enemies in as much fear as might be. Quyck●y were these things by fame and messengers brought unto Uercingetorix about whom flocked all the men of Auverne amazed, beseeching him to provide some remedy against their misfortune, and not to suffer them to be spoiled of their enemy, specially seeing he perceived that all the brunt of the war was turned upon their necks. Moved with their entreatance, he removed his camp from Bourges towards Auverne. But Cesar after he had tarried two days in those quarters, forasmuch as his mind mysgave him before, that Uercingetorix would do some such thing, upon excuse to raise a new supplement, and to get more horsemen, he departed from his army, and left a young gentleman named Brutus to be captain in his stead. Him he warned to let the horsemen scour the Country every way as far as might be, promising so to use the matter, that he would not be past three days from the camp. When he had ordered these things in this wise, none of his men witting whereabout he went, by as great journeys as could be he came to Uienna. There having gotten a fresh crew of horsemen which he had sent thither many days before, without ceasing his travel day or night, he went through the country of the Heduanes unto the Lingones, where two of his Legions wintered: to th'intent that if the Heduanes also should conspire any thing otherwise than well against him, he might by celerity prevent them. When he came thither, he sent to tother Legions, and assembled them all together into one place, before that any tidings of his coming could be borne to the men of Auverne. Uercingetorix having knowledge hereof, conveyed his army again unto Bourges: and proceeding from thence, determined to assault Gergobine a town of the 
People of Burbone.  boians, whom Cesar (having vanquished them in the battle against the Helvetians) had placed there, and put in subjection to the Heduanes. This matter put Cesar greatly to his shifts what advise he should take. For if he should during the rest of the winter keep his Legions together in one place, it was to be feared lest the hired soldiers of the Heduanes being discomfited, all Gallia should revolt, forasmuch as it might seem to his friends▪ that there was no hope of help and comfort in him: again if he should go over soon out of garrison, it was to be doubted lest he should want v●ctuall for la●ke of carriage. Nevertheless he thought it better to endure all the distresses that might be, then by receiving so great a foil, to withdraw the good wills of all his friends from him. Wherefore exhorting the Heduanes to bring victuals after him, he sent messengers before to the boians, to certify them of his coming, and to encourage them to continue faithful, and to sustain the brunt of their enemies valiantly. He left two Legions and all the stuff of his army at 
Sens.  Agendicum, and with the rest went toward the boians. The next day after, when he came to Uellaunodunum a town of the Senones, to th'intent he would not leave any back friend behind him, and that he might the more speedily have his victuals conveyed to him, he determined to assault it: and thereupon he entrenched it about within the space of two days: the third day when commissioners were sent out of the Town to entreat with him for the giving of it up, he commanded them to bring all their armour in to one place, to bring forth their beasts of carriage, and to deliver him six hundred hostages: and for the accomplishing hereof, he left behind him his Lieutenant C. Trebonius. He himself to make the more speed in his voyage, took his way to Genabum among the Caruntes, who before that time hearing nothing of the siege of Uallaunodunum, for as much as they believed that the matter would have asked a longer time to bring it to pass, began to levy a power to send to 
Orleans.  Genabum for the defence of the town. Cesar in two days came hither, and pitching his tents before the town, because that day was to far spent, delayed th'assault till the next morning, willing his soldiers in the mean while to put all things in a readiness for the purpose. And for because the town of Genabum had a bridge over the river of Loire, Cesar fearing lest they should steal out of the town in the night time, commanded two Legions to watch in harness. The townsmen somewhat before midnight stealing secretly out, began to pass the River. The which when Cesar was informed of by his scoultes, by and by burning down the gates he sent in the Legions which he appointed before in a readiness, and won the town: few or none of his enemies escaping his hands, but that they were all taken prisoners, because the Bridge and the ways were so narrow, that they could not readily pass away. He beat down the town and set it on fire: gave the spoil of it to his soldiers: passed his army over Loire: & came into the marches of Berrey. When Uercingetorix understood of Caesar's approach, he raised his siege and went to meet him. He was purposed to have besieged 
Noyowne in Berrey.  Noviodunum a town in the Country of Berrey standing in his way. Out of the which town when as ambassadors came unto him to entreat for mercy and pardon of their lives, to th'intent to dispatch the rest of his affairs with like speed as he had done many already, he commanded them to bring together their armour, tender up their horses, & to give him pledges. Part of the hostages being already delivered, while tother things were in executing, few of our Centurions and soldiers being let in to fetch out tharmour and horses, the horsemen of our enemies which were the fore-riders of Uercingetorixes' host came within view. Whom assoon as the Townsmen had espied, hoping of rescue and succour, they gave a great shout, and taking them to their weapons, began to shut the gates, and to place themselves upon the batlements of the walls. The Centurions within the town understanding by the signification of the Galls themselves that they went about some treason, drew their sword, and recovering the gates conveyed all their men away in sauftye. Cesar commanded his horsemen to be led out of his camp, and encountered with them on horseback. Now when he saw his men like to go by the worse, he sent to their rescue the number of a CCCC. German horsemen, which from the beginning he had oppoynted to be always about himself. The Galls not able to sustain their force, were put to flight, and with the loss of many retired to their main battle. The which also being put to flight, the townsmen stricken again with great fear, apprehended such as they thought were the stirrers of the people to this treachery, and bringing them unto Cesar, submitted themselves unto him. When Cesar had dispatched these matters, he went to 
Newcastel or Uiarron.  Auaricum one of the greatest and strongest Towns in all the Country of Berrey, situate in a most plentiful and rich soil: because that if he might come by that Town, he was in good hope to bring the City of Bourges itself in subjection. Uerringetorix having received so many displeasures at Uellaunodunum, Genabum and Noviodunum, called his men to counsel. He told them that they must take a clean contrary way in their wars to that which they had hitherto done. This one thing was to be endeavoured by all means, that the Romans might be kept from forage and victuales. The which thing was easy to bring to pass, in as much as they had a greater power of horsemen than they, and that the time of the year should further them. There was no forage abroad for them to cut down: but of necessity they must disperse themselves to fetch it out of houses: in doing whereof they might daily be licked up by his horsemen. Moreover for the common wealths sake, private commodities ought to be neglected, villages and buildings ought to be set on fire, in all the coast from Boia round about every way, as far as the Romans might seem to have any access for forage. On the contrary part of all these things they themselves should have abundance, because they should be found with the goods of them, in whose country they should make war: Whereas the Romans either should not be able to endure the scarcity, or else in straying far from their camp, should ever run in danger of coming short home. And it made no matter whether they slew them out of hand, or put them beside their carriages, the which being once lost, they could in no wise be able to make war. Furthermore all such towns ought to be set on fire, as either by fortifying or situation of the place, were not of sufficient strength to defend themselves from all danger: to th'intent they should not either be lurking holes for such of their people as cowardly slipped aside from the wars, or else be as things of set purpose appointed for the Romans to sack, and victual themselves withal. If these things seemed grievous and bitter, much more grievous and bitter were the consequentes to be esteemed: as namely the drawing into captivity of their wives and children, the slaughter of themselves, which miseries must of necessity happen to them that be vanquished. By the consent of all men this counsel was allowed: and in one day were burnt more than xx. cities of the country of Berrey. The like also was done in the rest of the Cities. In all parts were fires seen: the which although it were a great grief to them all to endure: yet notwithstanding this comfort they set before their eyes, that in getting th'upper hand, they trusted to recover quickly the things they had lost. There was much debating in the common counsel, concerning Auaricum whether it were better to burn it or to defend it. The men of Bourges fell down at the feet of all tother Galls, beseeching them that they might not be compelled to set on fire with their own hands the goodliest city almost of all Gallia, which might be both a defence and a beauty to the common weal. Alleging that they might easily defend it, because of the situation of the place, by reason that well near on all sides it was environed with the river & with marisground, and had but only one way to come to it which was very narrow. At their suit pardon was granted, Uercingetorix at the first persuading the contrary, but afterward relenting unto them upon their earnest entretance and for pity of the people. hereupon were meet persons appointed for the defence of the town. Uercingetorix by easy and small iorneys followed after Cesar, and chose a place to encamp in fortified with woods and marisgroundes, about xv. miles distant from Auaricum. There he understood by his spies every hour of the day from time to time what was done at Auaricum, and likewise sent them word again what he would have done. He watched us continually when we went out for forage or for corn, and suddenly assailed our men scattered, as they had occasion to go any thing far, and did us great displeasure. Albeit as much as could be foreseen by reason, our men prevented them, by going forth divers ways at times uncertain. Cesar planting his siege against that part of the town where as was the narrow passage (as we showed before) between the river and the marris, began to cast up a mount, to make Uines, and to build two Towers: for the nature of the place would not suffer him to entrench them round about. For victual he ceased not to call upon the boians and Heduanes: of whom th'one because they did it more than half against their wills, did not greatly help us: and tother because they were of no great ability, inasmuch as their city was but small and weak, had soon consumed that which they had. Albeit that our army were brought in great distress for want of corn, through the poverty of the boians on thoneside, and the slackness of the Heduanes on tother side, together with the burning of the houses, inso much that many days together the soldiers wanted bread, & were fain to appease their extreme hunger with flesh of beasts only, the which also they fet out of villages a great way of: Yet notwithstanding there was not heard amongst them any talk unseemly for the majesty of the people of Rome, or their former victories. But rather when Cesar as they were at their work, would speak unto them, and tell them that if they took this famine grievously he would break up his siege, they all be sought him he should not so do, for they had served under him now many years together in such sort, that they never yet took any foil, nor never departed from any place with out accomplishing their purpose: Wherefore it should turn to their great shame and reproach, if they left their siege which they had begun: it were better for them to abide all the sorrows that could be devised, than not to revenge the deaths of their countrymen, that were murdered at Genabum through the treason of the Galls. The same things also did they talk to their captains and the Marshals of the host, to th'intent they should make report thereof unto Cesar. At such time as our towers were now near unto the walls, Cesar understood by his prisoners, that Uercingetorix having spent all his forage, had removed his Camp nearer unto Auaricum, and that he himself with his horsemen and the light armed footmen that were wont to fight among the horsemen, was gone forth to lie in Ambush, in that place whither he thought our men should come the next day for forage. Upon knowledge whereof, Cesar setting forth softly about midnight, came in the morning to the camp of his enemies. They having speedy warning by their skoutes of his coming, bestowed their carriages and stuff in close woods, and set all their army in order of battle, in an high and an open ground. When tidings hereof came unto Cesar, he commanded that his men should out of hand lay all their farthels on a heap together, and take them to their weapons. The hill was somewhat rising by little and little from the foot, and was environed almost on all sides with a Lake very hard and troublesome to pass, not above fiyftye foot broad. On this same hill having first broken all the bridges, the Frenchmen trusting to the strength of the place, kept themselves, and dividing themselves into companies every city by himself, kept all the shallows and passages of the lake with a good guard: fully purposed in mind to assail from the higher ground the Romans sticking in the mire, if they attempted to get over by force: So that whosoever had seen how near they stood together, would have thought they had been almost ready to have come to hand strokes: & he that had known th'advantage of th'one part and the disadvantage of tother, might well have thought it to have been but a counterfeit brag. Cesar perceiving his soldiers greatly offended, that their enemies should be able to look upon them having no greater space betwixt them: and thereupon desiring earnestly a token of battle, declared unto them how great loss, & how great slaughter of valiant men that victory would of necessity cost him. And when he saw them nevertheless so affectioned, that they would refuse no peril for his honour, he thought himself worthy to have been condemned of to much wickedness, if he should not have set more by their life, than by his own. And so comforting them, he conveyed them back again the same day into his camp, and went in hand with the accomplishing of the rest of such things, as pertained to the assault of the town. Assoon as Uercingetorix was returned home, he was accused of treason: as that he had removed his Camp nearer to the Romans: that he had departed with all his horsemen: that he had abandoned so great an army without leaving any deputy in his stead: that upon his departure the Romans came with such speed and celerity: all the which things could not have happened by chance: or without advice, unless he had been desirous to have the sovereinty of Gallia by Caesar's permission, rather than by their benefit. He answered to this accusation in this wise. whereas he had removed his camp, it was done for want of forage, and that by their advise. For that he came nearer to the Romans, he was persuaded so to do, by reason of th'advantage of the place, which was so strong of itself, as that it needed none other defence. As for the horsemen there could be no mistre of their help in a fenny and moorysh ground, and they served to a good purpose in the place whither they went. In that at his departure he left no deputy behind him, he did it for the nonce, lest the same what soever he were, through the wilfulness of the multitude, should have been compelled to fight: whereunto of a certain faintness of courage, he saw them all inclined, because they were weary to endure that pain and travel any lengar. If the Romans came in the mean season by chance, they might thank fortune: if they were called by any man's declaration, yet they had cause to thank him, for that he had so placed them that from the higher ground they might both view the slender number of their enemies and despise their valiantness, and who having not the courage to fight, retired shamefulli into their Camp. It was no part of his desire to obtain the sovereignty at Caesar's hand by treason, which he might get by conquest, in manner already assured to him & all the Galls. And yet he was contented to surrender it into their hands again, if they thought that he received thereby more honour, than they did receive saufty by him. To th'intent (ꝙ he) ye may understand that I forge not any thing in this behalf, hear what the Roman soldiers say: And with that word, he brought forth certain slaves whom he had taken a few days before as they went a foraging, and had tormented them with hunger & irons. These being taught before what answer they should make to the demands, said they were soldiers of the Legions, and that enforced by famine and penury they had stolen privily out of the camp, to see if they could find any corn or cattle in the fields: all the whole army was constrained with like distress, in so much that every man's strength began to fail him, and they were not able to hold out with their labour: Whereupon the Graundcapteine was determined to dislodge his army within three days, if he saw no good to be done in th'assault of the town. Lo (ꝙ Uercingetorix) these are the good turns that ye have by means of me, whom ye appeach of treason, by whose working, without shedding of your blood, ye see that huge victorious army, well near pined with hunger, against whose shameful flight and retire, I have provided before hand, that no city shall receive him into their territory. Than all the multitude cried out, and after their manner crashed their harness together, (which thing they are wont to do in his case whose oration they like well of) saying, the Uercingetorix was their chief captain, of whose faithfulness there was no mistrust to be had, and that the war could not have been handled with greater policy and wisdom. They decreed that ten thousand men chosen out of all their host, should be sent into the town: for they thought that the safeguard of the whole common weal, was not to be committed to the men of Bourges alone, because they perceived that the whole stay of victory rested almost in the keeping of that Town. The prowess of our soldiers was not so great, but that the devices of the Galls by all means prevented them: as they are in deed a kind of people most politic, and most apt both to conceive and to work whatsoever is taught them. For with cords they turned away our hokes, and having so stayed them, they drew them in to them with engines, and also abated our mounts with mines: so much the more cunningly, because among them are great iron mines, and all kind of mining is known and practised among them. Moreover they had reared up towers upon the walls round about on all sides, and had covered them with leather. Furthermore issuing out oftentimes both by day and night, they either set fire on our Rampire, or else assaulted our Soldiers as they were busy about their work: And look how much our Turrets grew in height by daily raising of the Rampire, so much did they build theirs higher, by piecing the timber work of them. Also having discovered our mines, they stopped them with stakes sharpened and hardened in the fire, and with boiled pitch, and with stones of unmeasurable weight, & would not suffer them to approach near the walls. All the walls of the Gallian Cities are builded in manner after this fashion. Great posts of straight timber set on a row equally distant a two foot space one from another, are let into the ground and fastened again on the inside, and rammed surely with a great deal of earth. The spaces between the posts are filled up before with great stones, upon the which being well couched and cemented, is wrought another lain, so that the foresaid distance may be continually kept, and the posts not touch one another: but being severed with equal space, every piece of timber may wy●h the stone work that lieth between post and post, be straightly & just closed: continuing after the same sort, until the wall be finished to his full height. This kind of workmanship intermeddled of stone and timber, keeping their courses even and directly by line and level, is no evil sight: partly for the beauty and variety thereof, but specially it is very commodius and profitable for the defence of Cities, because that the stonework withstandeth the fire, and the timberworke the battle Ram. The which timberwork being fastened on the inside with a like row of Rafters for the most part of xl. foot long, can neither be burst, nor pulled a sunder. Albeit that th'assault were with these so many things encumbered, and that our soldiers during all the time were troubled with continual cold and rain, yet with restless labour they overcome all these things: & in xxv. days made a Mount of CCCxxx. foot broad and lxxx. foot high. Now when this mount was at the point to have touched the wall of the town, and that Cesar of ordinary kept watch himself at the work, exhorting his soldiers not to cease at any time from their labour, somewhat before the third watch, it was perceived that the Mount smoked: for his enemies in deed undermining it had set it on fire. And at the same instant raising a great shout from all the wall, a salye was made out at two gates on both sides of the Towers: Some threw a far of fire and dry stuff from the wall unto the Mount: some powered down pitch and other such gear as lightly taketh fire: so that reason was scarce able to teach, to what place were best to run first, or what thing was first to be helped. Notwithstanding, forasmuch as two Legions by Caesar's commandment did continually watch before the Camp, & other two by turns laboured in the work, it quiklye came to pass that some resisted them that issued out, and othersome drew back the towers and cut of the Mount: & all the rest came running out of the Camp to quench the fire. While in all places (the rest of the night being now spent) there was fighting yet still, and that our enemies were ever in better hope of victory, so much the rather, because they saw the penthouses of our turrettes burned down, and that our men could not with ease go uncovered to save them, whereas they themselves ever succeeded fresh in the rooms of them that were wearied, forasmuch as they thought that all the welfare of Gallia lay upon the success of that instant of time: there happened even in our sight a thing worthy memory, which I thought not to be passed over. A certain Gall who standing before the town gate, received by hand balls of tallow and pitch, and threw them into the fire directly against the Turret, was stricken through the right side with the quarrel of a Crossbow and fell down dead. One of his next fellows stepping over him, supplied his office. Who being in like fashion slain with the quarrel of a Crossbow, the third succeeded, and so likewise the fourth: neither was that place left naked of defendants, before such time as the Mount being quenched, and our enemies quite driven away from that part, an end was made of feightinge. The Galls having tried all things and brought nothing to good success, by the advice and commandment of Uercingetorix took counsel the next day after to fly out of the Town. The which thing if they attempted in the still of the night, they thought they might do it without any great loss of their men, because that the Camp of Uercingetorix was not far of from the town, and the marris which was all the way between them, should stop the Romans from pursuing them. Now were they about so to do in the night time: when suddenly the married women came running forth, and casting themselves at the feet of their husbands with tears, besought them most piteously, that they would not abandon them and their children to the cruelty of the enemy, whom the infirmity of nature and want of strength would not suffer to make any shift for themselves by flight. When they saw them continue in their purpose, (for it is commonly seen that in extreme peril fear oftentimes excludeth mercy) they began to shrieke out, and so to give knowledge to the Romans of the townsmen's flight. Whereupon the Galls being stricken in great fear, lest the ways should be forelaid by the Roman horemen, desisted from their purpose. The next day when Cesar had moved forward his tower, and finished the works which he had purposed to make, there fell a great shower of rain. The which he taking for a fit occasion to work some feat, forasmuch as he had a little before perceived the watch upon the wall to be somewhat slightly set, commanded his men also to go about their work more loyteringly, and showed them what he would have done. After he had encouraged his soldiers standing in a readiness with in the Uines, now at the length to reap the fruit of victory due to their so great travels, he appointed rewards to such as first scaled the walls, and therewith gave them a token that they should to th'assault. They made no more a do, but broke out suddenly on all sides, & quickly took the wall. Our enemies dismayed with the suddenness of the matter, and being beaten from the wall & the towers, clustered themselves together in the market and other open places: of purpose that if there were assault made upon them from any side, they might be ready in array to encounter them. When they saw no man come down into the plain ground to them, but that they swarmed still all about the walls, fearing least there should be no means at all for them to scape, they threw away their weapons, and ran as fast as they could to the furthest parts of the town. There some of them as they pestered one another to get out of the gates were slain by the soldiers: and some being gotten out were slain by the horsemen: for there was not any man that gave himself to the spoil. So greatly were they moved to wrath, what with the murder that was committed at Genabum, and what with the pain that they had taken in their work, that they spared neither old men, nor women, nor children. In so much that of all the whole number, which was about forty thousand, scarce eight hundred which at the herring of the first noise had wound themselves out of the Town, came safe unto Uercingetorix. And yet he received those out of the chase very late in the night and very secretly, causing them to be conveyed out of sight and to be saufconducted to their acquaintance by his friends and noble men of the Cities, whom he had placed far of in the way, as every City had been lotted to any part of the camp from the beginning, for fear least upon their repair, through pitifulness of the common people, there might rise any sedition in the camp. The next day calling an assembly, he comforted and exhorted them that they should not be to much discouraged or troubled for the displeasure that had happened, forasmuch as the Romans had not won any thing by manhood or fighting in a pitched field, but by a certain policy and cunning in assaulting, whereof the Galls were altogether unskilful. They were much deceived, if there were any that in war would look to have always good success. As for his own part, he never liked it that Auaricum should be defended, as they themselves were able to witness with him. But it came to pass through thunaduisednes of the men of Bourges, and the over light consent of the rest, that this harm was sustained: and yet he would find the manes ere it were long to make all whole again, yea and that to their furtherance and commodity. For such Cities as now dissented from the rest of the Galls, would he by his industry ally unto them, and make one counsel of all Gallia, against the consent whereof, all the whole world should not be able to make resistance. The which thing he had in manner brought to pass already. Nevertheless it was but right and reason that for the sauftye of the common weal▪ they should condescend to fortify their camp, to th'intent they might the easilier withstand the sudden invasions of their enemies. This oration disliked not the Galls, chiefly for that Uercingetorix was not dysmaid in his mind at the receipt of so great a loss, nor hid himself out of sight, nor eschewed the open face of the world. Yea he was thought to be a man of the more foresight and foreknowledge, in that before any thing was amiss, he was of opinion first that Auaricum should be set on fire, and afterward that it should be abandoned. Therefore as adversity is wont to diminish the authority of other Captains, so clean contrary wise, his estimation was from day to day augmented by receiving this displeasure. And moreover upon his assurance, they had the more hope that the rest of the Cities should be allied with them. Then first of all began the Galls to fortify their camps, and they were so dismayed in heart, because they were men not acquainted with pains taking, that they thought all things that were commanded them, were to be suffered and abidden to th'uttermost. And Uercingetorix endeavoured to have done no less by his good will, than he promised, which was, to knit the rest of the cities in league together, alluring the Princes and noble men of them with gifts and large promises. For the performance whereof he chose out fit personages, even such as were easiest to be caught by subtle persuasion or colour of friendship. He caused all those to be new armed and appareled, that had escaped when Auaricum was won. And therewithal to th'intent his host which was sore dimynyshed, might be supplied again, he appointed every City to find him a certain number of soldiers, the which he commanded to be brought unto his camp by a day limited. Moreover he caused search to be made for all Archers (of whom there was a great company in Gallia,) and made them to be sent to him: By this means was the loss taken at Auaricum son supplied. In the mean season Teutomatus the son of Ollovicon king of the 
The people about Mountpellier.  Nitiobriges, (whose father had been accepted by our senate for their friend) came to him with a great power of his horsemen that he had hired out of Aquitaine. Cesar tarrying many days at Auaricum, and finding there great abundance of corn and other vyctual left by the citizens, relieved his army of their travel and penury. Now at such time as winter was well near spent, and that the very season of the year called him forth to warfare, so that he was fully purposed to go against the enemy, either to train him out of his woods & marisses by some policy: or else to environ him with a siege if it were possible: The Heduanes sent certain of their noblemen Ambassadors unto him, desiring him to come and succour their city either than out of hand or never. For the matter lay in great peril, upon this occasion: that whereas of old time there was wont to be but one magistrate created and he to exercise thauthority of a king for that year, now there were two that bore that office, both of them vaunted themselves to be created by order of law. Of the which th'one was called Conu●tolitane, a noble and lusty young gentleman, tother Cottus, born of an ancient house, a man of very great power and well allied, whose Brother Ualetiacus had borne the same office the year before. All the whole City was in armour, the Senate was divided, the people was divided, and each of them held his faction a part by himself. If this controversy should be nourished any long time, it would come pass that the City should run together by the ears among themselves. The remedy whereof lay only in his speedy assistance & authority. Cesar albeit he thought it a dangerous matter to leave of his wars and to departed from his enemy: yet notwithstanding because be was not ignorant how great inconveniences were wont to grow of dissension, least that so great and so neyghborly a city as that had been to the Romans, the which he had always cherished, and garnished by all the means he could devise, should be put to the hazard of battle, and lest the part that lest trusted him, should send for help to Uercingetorix, he thought it best to prevent the matter betimes. And for asmuch as by the laws of the Heduanes, it was not lawful for them that were chief magistrates, to absent themselves out of the country, to th'intent he would not seem to diminish any part of their right or do any thing against their laws, he went in proper person unto them, and called before him all their counsel, and them between whom the controversy was. When almost all the City was assembled thither, & that information was given him, how by the consent of a few called together privily in other place and other time than was meet, th'one brother had subrogated tother in his stead, contrary to the laws which prohibited two of one lineage being both alive, not only to be created magistrates, but also to be admitted into the Senate, compelled Cottus to give up his office, and commanded Conuictolitane (who according to the custom of the City, upon the ceasing of the former Magistrates had been created by the Priests) to enjoy his authority. After that he had made this decree, having exthorted the Heduanes to forget all controversies and dissensions, and that all these other things set a part, they should bend themselves wholly to this war, assuring them that assoon as he had subdued Gallia he would reward them according to their deserts: and willing them that with all speed they should send him all their horsemen and ten thousand footmen, that he might place them in garrison for the defence of his victuals: he divided his army into two parts. Four Legions he committed to Labienus to lead among the Senones and Parisians: and he himself led six into Auverne to the town of 
Cleremount in Auverne.  Gergovia along the river 
The river of Alier.  Elaver: of his horsemen, part he ga●e to him, and part he kept to himself. The which thing being known, Uercingetorix breaking all the bridges that were upon that stream, began to make his journey on tother side of Elaver. Now when either army was in sight of other, and that they pitched their Camps one in manner right over against another, the enemy continually sending forth scoults that the Romans should any not where frame a bridge to pass over their host, Caesar's affairs were in great distress, lest the river should cause him to lose the most part of the summer, because that Elaver for the most part is not wont to fall so low that men may wade through it, before the latter end of Harvest. Wherefore lest that should happen, he pitched his camp in a woody ground, directly against one of those bridges that Uercingetorix had caused to be hewed down, and the next day lay in Ambush with two legions, sending forward the rest of his army with all their carriages as had been wont, saving a few Cohorts, to th'intent that th'army should seem to consist of his full number of Legions. Having given them commandment to go as far forward as they could, when as he conjectured by the time of the day that they were now lodged in camp, he began to repair the bridge upon the same stoulpes that stood yet whole within the water. The which work being quickly brought of of hand, he passed over his army, and taking a meet ground to encamp in, called back again the rest of his host. Uercingertorix under standing the matter, to th'intent he would not be compelled to fight against his will, went on before by great journeys. Cesar at five removings from that place came to Gergovia, and there making a light skirmish the same day with his horsemen, after he had well viewed the situation of the City, which stood upon a very high hill, and on all sides was hard to come unto, he thought it was not possible to win it by assault: & he determined not to meddle with besieging it, before such time as he had well furnished himself with provision of grain. But Uercingetorix pitching his tents near unto the City upon the top of the hill, had placed round about him a little way one from another, the power of every City severally by the selves: so that it was a terrible sight to behold, how every little knap of the hill, was occupied as far as a man's eye could reach. Also if there were any thing to be consulted upon, or any thing to be put in execution, he commanded the Princes of the Cities whom he had chosen to be of his counsel, to come to him every morning by the break of day. And lightly he did not let pass any day, but that in skirmishing on horseback with archers mixed among them, he made a trial what courage and valiantness was in every of his men. There was over against the town, a little hill hard under the foot of the mountain, notably fortified, and on all sides, pared step, the which if our men might come by, they were like to put their enemies for the most part from watering and from forage at their pleasure. But the same place was kept by them with a slender garrison. Now in the dead of the ●ight, Cesar stealing out of his camp, did cast out the said garrison before that any rescue could come from the town, and keeping the place, lodged two Legions there, and drew a double trench of twelve foot from the greater camp to this less, so that men might walk from th'one to tother even alone without peril of sudden surprisinge by the enemy. While these things were a doing at Gergovia, Conuictolitane the Heduane (whom Cesar (as we have showed before) denounced chief magistrate,) alured with money by the men of Auverne, fell in communication with certain young gentlemen, of whom the chief were Litavicus and his brothers young gentlemen of a very noble house. With these he hath conference first, exhorting them to remember that they were Gentlemen and borne to bear rule. The City of the Heduanes was th'only stay that disappointed all Gallia of most certain victory, as by the authority whereof all the rest were kept in awe, and the which being withdrawn from them, there should be no place in all Gallia for the Romans to rest in. He confessed he had received a great good turn at Caesar's hand, but yet in such wise, as that he could have done no less considering the right of his case: Howbeit he thought he was bound to have more respect to the liberty of his country: for why should the Heduans rather resort to Cesar to debate their laws and customs before him, than the Romans resort to the Heduanes? The young men what with the oration of the magistrate, & what with rewards being soon lured, in somuch that they professed to become chief doers in the enterprise, sought means how to bring the matter to effect. And forasmuch as they were not in any hope that the City would hastily consent to rear war, it was thought good that Litavicus should have the charge of those ten thousand that were to be sent to Cesar, and that he should see them led, and that his brothers should run before unto Cesar. How all other things should be handled, they determined also. Litavicus having received the army, when he came within a thirty. miles of Gergovia, called his soldiers together suddenly, and weeping said: Whither go we my soldiers? all our horsemen, all our nobility is destroyed. Eporedorix and Uiridomarus Princes of our City being appeached of treason, are put to death by the Romans, and their case not tried: inquire the truth hereof, of them that have escaped from the slaughter themselves. For I am so stricken at the heart with sorrow, for loss of my brothers and all my kinsfolk, which are murdered, that I am not able to utter the things that are done. Herewith all were brought forth such as he had taught before what he would have said: who made report to the people, of the same things that Litavicus had spoken before: as that all the Heduan horsemen were slain, upon presumption that they had had communication with the men of Auverne, and that they themselves by hiding them in the throng of the other soldiers, had escaped, even when the slaughter was a doing. Than the Heduanes cried all together unto Litavicus, requesting him to counsel them what they should do. As who should say (ꝙ he) that it were a matter to be taken counsel in, and that rather it stood us not in hand for our own saufty, to go forthwith to Gergovia and join ourselves with the men of Auverne. Can we think any other, but that after the committing of so heinous a cruelty, the Romans are coming hitherward, to murder us in likewise? And therefore if there be any heart in us, let us revenge the death of our friends that are most shamefully murdered, and bathe our sword in the blood of these traitors. With that word he pointed to certain Citizens of Rome, who upon trust of his defence were in company with him. By and by he spoiled a great mass of corn and victuals: killeth them cruelly with torments: and sendeth messengers over all the country of the Heduanes, exciting them with the same forged tale of the slaughter of their horsemen and noblemen: and exhorteth them to revenge their wrongs in like sort as he had done. Eporedorix an Heduan a noble young gentleman of great authority in his country, and one Uiridomarus of like age and estimation, but unlike of birth, whom Cesar upon the commendation of Divitiacus, had raised from low degree to great honour, came both together into the order of knighthod called thereunto of him by name. Between these two was contention for the sovereinty. And in the foresaid controversy of the magistrates, th'one of them had held tooth & nail with Conuictolitane, and tother with Cottus. Now Eporedorix having knowledge of Litavicus enterprise, about midnight bare word of it to Cesar. He besought him that he would not suffer the City to renounce the friendship of the people of Rome, through the lewd counsel of light young men: the which he foresaw would come to pass, if so many thousand men should join themselves with his enemies, the welfare of whom neither their kinsfolk might neglect, nor the City make small account of. Cesar being stricken in great heaviness at this news, because he had always borne a special favour to the common weal of the Heduanes, without making any doubting in the matter, led out of his camp four Legions well appointed and all his horsemen. Neither had he leisure to draw his Camp closer together, in as much as the matter seemed to stand altogether upon speedy dispatch. So he left C. Fabius his Lieutenant with two Legions to depend his camp: and when he had commanded the brothers of Litavicus to be apprehended, he found that they were fled to the enemy a little before. When he had encouraged his soldiers that they should not be discontented with the travel of their journey in the time of necessity, they went all very willingly, and at a xxv. mile's end espying the host of the Heduanes, he sent his horsemen to them, to let them and stay them of their journey, giving straight charge to them all, that they should not slay any man. Eporedorix and Uiridomarus (whom they thought to have been put to death) he wylled to show themselves among the foremost horsemen, and to call to their acquaintance. When this was known, and the deceit of Litavicus brought to light, the Heduanes began to hold up their hands, to give signification that they would yield themselves, and throwing away their weapons, to desire to have their lives spared. Litavicus with his retainers, (to whom by the custom of the Galls it is not lawful to forsake their masters even in most extremity) fled to Gergovia. Cesar after he had sent messengers to the City of the Heduanes to declare unto them that he had of his courtesy saved them whom by the law of arms he might have put to the sword, and given three hours respite to his army to take their rest in, removed his Camp to Gergovia. He was scarce half onward on his way, but that horsemen came to him from Fabius, and told him in how great danger the matter stood. They showed him that the Camp was assaulted with a great power, fresh always succeeding in the rooms of them that were weary, and overtravelling our men with continual toil, who by reason of the largeness of the camp, were fain to abide evermore at one part of the rampire without shifting of their places: many were wounded with shot of arrows, and all other kind of artillery: for the withstanding whereof their engines did them great case: at their coming away, Fabius reserving two gates, had caused the residue to be stopped up, & reared up penthouses upon the Rampire, preparing himself to the like adventure against the next day. When Cesar knew this, he made such speed through the wyllingnes of his soldiers that the next morning by the sun rising he returned into his camp, while these things were a doing at Gergovia, the Heduanes immediately upon the first rumour that Litavicus spread among them, took no leisure to examine the truth of the matter: But being driven a head, some through covetousness, and some through irefulnes and rashness, (as it is in deed a peculiar fault engraffed by nature in that sort of people to take every light report for a matter of certainty) they riffled the goods of the Roman Citizens, murdered divers of them, and took divers of them prisoners to be their slaves. The matter was not so soon set a brooch, but Convictolitane helped to further it: and provoked the people to a frenzy, to th'intent that when they had committed so heinous an act, they might be ashamed to be reform, Mar. Aristius Tribune of the soldiers as he was taking his journey toward his Legion, they conveyed out of the town of Cavillone, upon faithful promise of security, The like also they compelled them to do that abode there in the way of traffic. And when they had them without they set suddenly upon them by the way and stripped them of all that ever they had. The soldiers standing at defence they besieged a whole day and a night, & after that many were slain on both sides, they raised a greater multitude against them. In the mean while when tidings was brought that all their Soldiers were in Caesar's power to do with them what he list, they came running to Aristius, and told him that nothing had been done by commandment of the counsel, promising to make inquisition for the goods that had been ryffled. They ceased upon the goods of Litavicus and his brothers as forfeited, and sent commissioners to Cesar to make their purgation: All the which was done for none other intent but to get their people out of his hands. For being defiled with so heinous a crime, and led with covetousness of the goods that they had gotten, because the case appertained to many, and moreover being afraid of punishment, they began to consult secretly of war, and solicited tother cities by ambassades. The which their doings although that Cesar understood, yet he spoke unto their Commissioners as gently as he could devise, saying he had not any thing the worse opinion of the whole City, for those things that the common people had done of lightness for want of skill, nor yet that he bore the Heduanes any less good will than he did before. Looking in deed for a greater insurrection in Gallia, lest he might be beset of all the Cities at ones, he took counsel after what sort he might departed from Gergovia, and gather together all his whole power again, that his departure rising upon fear of rebellion, might nor seem a running away. As he was devising her of, there seemed a fit occasion to happen of bringing the matter well to pass. For as he came into his lesser Camp to see how the works went forward, he perceived that the hill where his enemies lay, the which heretofore could scarcely be seen for the multitude that swarmed upon it, was now quite naked and void of men. Wondering at it, he demanded the cause of his runagates, of whom a great number resorted to him day by day. It was the opinion of them all, (the which thing Cesar understood by his spies also) that the back of the same hill was in manner a level ground, but yet woody and narrow, by the which there was a way to th'otherside of the town. This place they stood greatly in fear of, & they thought none other, but that the Romans having gained one hill from them already, if they should obtain tother also, they should be as good as entrenched and foreclosed from stirring abroad, or going a foraging. Wherefore Uercingetorix had called them all thither to defend that place. When Cesar knew this matter, he sent forth divers troops of horsemen about midnight to the same place: commanding them to range abroad every where, somewhat more disorderly than their custom was to do. And in the dawning of the day, he willed a great deal of stuff to be taken out of the Camp, and the Mulettors with salads on their heads, as it were for a show of horsemen, to coast about the hills. Among these he appointed a few horsemen to range somewhat abroad for the greater appearance, bidding them fetch a windlasse a great way about, and to make all toward one place. These things might be seen a far of out of the town (as in deed Gergovia overloked the camp very far) but it could not well be discerned so far of, what it should be. Moreover he sent one Legion by the same side of the hill: and when it had gone a little way, he withdrew it into a lower ground, and there hide it among the woods. The Galls mistrusted the matter more and more, and conveyed thither all the power they could make for the strengthening of the place. Cesar perceiving the camp of his enemies to be empty, rolled up his banners, and hid the pennons and antesignes of his soldiers, and conveying his soldiers by slender companies out of his greater camp into the lesser, to th'intent it should not be perceived out of the town, showed the Lieutenants of every Legion, what he would have done. First and foremost he gave them charge, to hold in their Soldiers, that neither for desire of feightinge nor hope of spoil, they strayed to far. Declaring unto them what displeasure the disadvantage of the place might work them, the which might be avoided by swiftness and none otherwise. He said this attempt was to take th'advantage of a present occasion offered, and not to give battle. When he had given these instructions, he gave a sign, and at the same time sent up the Heduanes by another way on the right side of the hill. The wall of the town was disstant from the plain and from the first rising of it, but a thousand and two hundred paces out right, if there had been no windings by the way. Now look how much they were fain to fetch about for the easier climbing of the hill, so much was the length of their way increased. The Galls had drawn along almost from the mids of the hill, as near as the ground would suffer it, a wall of great stone of six foot high, to stop our sudden eruptions: and leaving all the neither part bare, had replenished all the upper part of the hill, even hard to the wall of the town, with tents and pavilions as thick as one could be strained by another. Our soldiers assoon as the watcheword was given, stepped quiklye to the wall, and passing slightly over it, took three Camps. And they made such speed in performing their enterprise, that Theutomatus king of the Nitiobriges being taken unwares in his tent, as he lay at rest about midday with the upper part of his body bare, had much a do to wind himself out of the hands of soldiers, that had entered for spoil, & yet his horse was wounded under him. Cesar having sped his purpose, commanded the retreat to be blown, and therewith the standards of the tenth Legion (to which he had given the warning before, stood stil. But the soldiers of tother Legions hearing not the sound of the Trumpet, because there was a good great bottom betwixt them, were nevertheless by their lieutenants and marshals (as Cesar had commanded) held back for a time. But in continuance puffed up with hope of speedy victory & the flight of their enemies, together with their prosperous success in former battles, they thought there was nothing so far above reach, whereunto by their prowess they were not able to attain: so that in conclusion they could not be stayed from pursuing, until such time as they approached to the walls of the Town. Than in all parts of the City there arose a cry, insomuch that they which were the further of: dismayed with the sudden uproar, and mistrusting that their enemies had gotten within the gates, ran headlongs out of the town. And the married women casting apparel and money from the wall, and advancing themselves with bare breasts, held up their hands to the Romans, beseeching them to spare them, and that they would not (as they had done at Auaricum) destroy both women and children. divers of them also sliding down the wall by their hands, yielded themselves to the soldiers. Luc. Fabius a Centurion of the eighth legion (who the same day as it is known, said to his company that he was so encouraged with his reward at Auaricum, that he would not let it come to pass, that any man should get upon the wall before him,) taking unto him three of his hand, and being lifted up by them, gate up upon the wall. These in like wise did he draw up to him one after another. In the mean while, they which were resorted to the other side of the town (as I showed before) to strengthen it, assoon as they heard the first cry, being also hasted from thence by divers messengers which told them that the town was taken by the Romans, sent their horsemen thither before, and followed after themselves as thick as hops. As every of them came first thither, so took he his place under the wall, and increased the number of his fellows that were fighting: of whom when a great multitude was assembled, the women that late before stretched their hands to the Romans from the wall, began to entreat their husbands, and after the manner of Gallia to show their hear loose about their shoulders, and to bring their children into their sight. The Romans were unequally matched, both in place and number, and therewithal being moreover weary with travel in running and fighting so long a space, they could not easily endure against them that were fresh and lusty. Cesar when he saw how th'encounter was in an unindifferent place, and that the power of his enemies continually increased, fearing the success of his men, sent to T. Sextius his Lieutenant, whone he had left behind for the defence of his greater camp, that without delay he should bring forth his Cohortes, and set them in array under the foot of the hill on the right hand of his enemies, to th'intent that if he saw our men driven from their ground, he should put the enemies in such fear, as they should have less liberty to pursue them. And he himself removing a little forward with his legion out of the place where he stood, abode to see what end thencounterencounter would come unto. At such time as the fight was sharpest, and that the enemies trusted to the place and their multitude, and our men in their manhood and prowess: suddenly on the open side of our men appeared the Heduanes whom Cesar had sent up on the right ●ide by another way, to th'intent to stay the power of our enemies from coming thither. These by reason of the likeness of their armour, did greatly abash our men, & albeit they were known what they were by showing their right shoulders bare, which is wont to be a token of them that are at peace with us: yet notwithstanding our soldiers thought it had been done by their enemies, to th'intent to deceive them withal. The same time L. Fabius the Centurion, & such as had attained the wall with him, were enclosed and slain and cast down from the wall. M. Petreius another Centurion of the same Legion, as he was about to break open the gates, being oppressed of the multitude and despairinge in himself, and besides that sore wounded in divers places, said to his companions that followed him: Forasmuch as I cannot save myself and you too, I will at least wise provide for the safeguard of you, whom I being blinded with desire of vain glory have brought in danger. Sirs save yourselves while you may. Therewythal he thrusteth into the mids of his enemies, and slaying a couple out of hand, driveth the rest somewhat from the gate. As his men went about to help him, it is but folly for you (ꝙ he) to go about to save my life, in whom both blood and strength faileth, and therefore get you hence while you may, and recover yourselves to the Legion. fighting in this wise, within a while after he fell down, and with his own death saved the lives of his men. Our men being overlaid on all sides, with the loss of xlvi Centurions were thrown down from the place. Nevertheless the tenth Legion which stood for a stolen in a ground somewhat more indifferent, stopped the Galls as they followed the chase very whotlye. At the receipt of them again stood the Cohortes of the xiii Legion, which T. Sextius the lieutenant had brought out of the lesser Camp, and placed in a higher ground. Assoon as the Legions came upon plain ground, they turned their faces with displayed banners upon their enemies: And Uercingetorix withdrew his men from the foot of the mountain, into their fortifications. The same day● we lost little less than seven hundred of our soldiers. The next day Cesar calling his army before him, reproved the rashness and greediness of his soldiers, in that they took upon them to be their own masters how far they should go, or what they had to do, and in that they would neither stay themselves when the retreat was blown, nor suffer themselves to be kept in order by their Marshals and Lieutenants. He declared unto them what the disadvantage of a place might do, and what he had counseled them at Auaricum, where finding his enemies without a Captain and without horsemen, he had let an assured victory slip out of his hands, and all for doubt lest never so little loss might happen in th'encounter, by means of the dysaduauntage of the ground. As much as he commended the haut courages of them, whom not the fortifications of the camps, not the height of the Mountain, nor the wall of the town was able to stay: so much again he disallowed their disorder and arrogancy, that they thought themselves able to foresee more as concerning the victory and the sequel of things: than their Graundcaptein: for he thought that modesty and obediens was no less requisite in a soldier, than manhood or haultnes of courage. When he had made this oration unto them, and in the latter end encouraged them that they should not for this occasion be disquyetted in mind, nor attribute that to the manhood of th'enemy, which had happened through the disadvantage of the place, being of the same opinion for his setting forth that he was of before, he led his legions out of the camp, & set them in order of battle in a meet place. When he saw he could never themore thereby allure Uercingetorix into the indifferent ground, he made a light skirmish with his horsemen (but that prosperously), and conveyed his army into their Camp again. Having done as much the next day, deeming it sufficient to abate the bragging of the Galls, and to hearten his soldiers again, he dislodged from thence against the Heduanes, and yet would not his enemies even then pursue him. The third day he repaired the Bridges upon the river Elaver, and passed over his army. There falling in communication with Uiridomarus and Eporedorix Heduans, he understood how Litavicns with all his horsemen was gone to stir the Heduanes to rebellion. Wherefore it was needful that they went before, to keep the City in obedience. Cesar albeit that by many ways he perfectly now understood the falsehood of the Heduanes, and that by the departure of those that were with him he thought the whole City would make the more hast to rebel, yet notwithstanding he thought it not good to keep them still, lest he should either seem to do them wrong, or give them cause to think he stood in fear of them. At their departure, he briefly rehearsed unto them his deserts toward the Heduanes, as namely at how low an ebb he had found them, pestered up in their Towns, amerced with the loss of their lands, bereft of all their men of war, charged with a tribute, constrained to give hostages with as much shame as could be: and to what good fortune, and to how great preferment he had advanced them: insomuch that they had not only recovered their ancient estate, but also (as it well appeared) had aspired to such dignity and estimation, as they never knew of in times past. With this lesson he gave them leave to departed. There was a town of the Heduanes called Noyoune that stood upon the river of Loire in a convenient place. Hither had Cesar conveyed all the hostages of Gallia, grain, common treasure, and a great part of the furniture as well of himself as of his army. Hither had he sent a great number of horses, bought before in Spain and Italy, purposely for this war. When Eporedorir and Uiridomarus came thither, and understood the state of the City, how the Heduanes had received Litavicus at 
Benwin.  Bibracte, which is a town of chief authority among them: and that Conuictolitane the Magistrate and a great part of the Senate were come thither to him: and that ambassadors by public assent were sent to Uercingetorix to conclude peace and friendship with him: they thought that such an opportunity was not to be let slip. And therefore slaying the keepers of Noviodunum, and all such as came thither to buy and sell, they parted the horses and treasure among them, they caused the hostages of the Cities to be conveyed to the Magistrate to Bibracte: the town itself (because they thought themselves not able to keep it) they set on fire, to th'intent the Romans should have no good of it: as much of the grain as could be shipped upon the sudden, they carried a way: the rest they either threw into the River, or else burned it: they themselves levied men out of the next Provinces, and set garrisons and wards along the River of Loire, and sent forth horsemen to range over all the coast, to th'intent to cause us to be afraid, if peradventure they might keep the Romans from victuals, or else bring them to so low an ebb through penury, as that they might be able to drive them out of the Country. The which hope of theirs was greatly furthered, in that the river of Loire was risen so high with snow, that there was not any ford to pass at. When Cesar knew of these things, he thought it meet to make speed, & to attempt to make Bridges, to th'intent he might encounter with them, before any greater power were thither assembled. For as to alter his purpose, and to turn his journey into Province, he thought it behoved him not at the time so to do: partly because the infamy and dishonour of the deed, & the mountain Gebenua which was betwixt him and the country, and the crabbedness of the ways were a let to him: but inespecially for that he was sore afraid for Labienus, who was dissevered from him, and for the Legions that he had sent forth under him. Wherefore taking unmeasurable great journeys night and day, contrary to th'opinion of all men he came to the river of Loire: & finding there a ford by his horsemen such a one as would serve the turn in such a time of necessity, (for they could have no more but their shoulders and arms free above the water to wield their harness and weapons withal) placing his horsemen on each side to break the force of the stream, he so abashed his enemies at the first sight, that he passed his army sauflye: and finding plenty of corn and cattle in the fields, he furnished his army therewith, and took his journey toward the Senones, While these things were in doing with Cesar, Labienus leaving at Agendicum the supplement of Soldiers that came lately out of Italy, to th'intent they should be a defence to the carriages, went with four Legions to Lutetia, which is a town of the Parisians situate in an Island of the River of Scene. Whose coming being known to the enemy, a great power resorted thither out of the Cities thereabout. The government of the whole host was committed to Camulogenus an Aulerk, who albeit he were almost withered for age, yet for his singular knowledge in feats of war, he was called to that honour. He perceiving that the Lake which falleth into Scene was never dry but kept always at one height, and that it greatly annoyed all that quarter, settled himself there, intending to keep our men from passing over. At the first Labienus went about to make Uinets, & to fill up the lake with hurdles and turf, & to force away to pass saufly over, but when he perceived it was to difficult a matter to bring to pass, he went secretly out of his camp in the third watch, and came to Melune the same way that he had gone thence. It is a town of the 
People of Sens.  Senones standing in an Island of Scene, as we said a little before of Lutetia. There taking about fifty Barges, and fastening them quickly together, and putting his soldiers in them, he so amazed the Townsmen with the strangeness of the matter, of whom the greater part had been already called out to the wars, that he took the Town without resistance: and repairing the bridge which his enemies had broken certain days before, conveyed over his ●●my: & kept on his journey down the stream toward Lutetia. His enemies having knowledge of the matter by such as fled from Melune, commanded Lutetia to be burned, and the bridges of the town to be cut down: & they themselves removing from the lake that was upon the bank of the river of Scene, encamped directly over against Lutetia in the face of Labienus Camp. By this time they heard that Cesar was dislodged from Gergovia, and rumours were brought of the rebelling of the Heduanes, and of the prosperous insurrection of Gallia. And now the Galls in their talk assured themselves for a troth, that Cesar being stopped of his journey, and of passage over Loire, was driven for want of corn to make toward province. The people of Beawuoys also who of themselves had before times been disloyal, hearing that the Heduanes had rebelled, began to raise men, and prepare for the war openly. Then Labienus in so great alteration of things, perceived that it behoved him to work far otherwise, than he had heretofore done. Neither studied he now any more how to conquer any thing, or how he might egg his enemies to encounter, but how he might convey again his army safe to Agendicum. For on th'one side, the men of Beawnoys (which City is reputed in Gallia to be of very great force) were ready to sit on his skirts: and again Camulogenus held th'otherside with ●ys army ready and well furnished: Moreover there was a great river between him and home, so that his army could neither recover to their garrison, nor come by their stuff and carriages. Being beset upon the sudden with so many distresses, he saw there was no help to be sought, but by valiantness of courage. Hereupon he called a counsel toward the Evening, and exhorting them to put in execution diligently and polletiquely such things as he should command them, he appointed the Roman horsemen to take the Barges single that he had brought from Melune, and assoon as the first watch were ended, to go their ways with them a four miles down the stream without any noise, and there to abide his coming. Five Cohortes which he thought lest able to endure the brunt of battle, he left behind him to keep his Campe. Thother five of the same legion, he commanded to go up the stream about midnight, with all the stuff and carriages with a great noise. Also he gate together boats, and caused them to be rowed up the stream with much noise of beating with the oars. He himself a little while after, went forth secretly with three Legions toward the same place where he commanded the Barges to arrive. When he came thither, it fortuned by means of a great storm which rose suddenly: that the scoult watch of our enemies as they were placed along the banks on both sides of the River, were surprised unwares by our men: and both our footmen and horsemen by the service of the Roman horsemen whom he had appointed to have the doing of the matter, were quickly ferrried over. Almost at one instant a little be fore day light, tidings was brought to the enemy, that contrary to their custom, the Romans made an uproar in their camp, and that a great company was going up the stream, and a great noise of Oars heard that way, and that a little beneath, men of war were ferrying over in Barges. When they had heard this, forasmuch as they thought that the Legions were passing in three places, and that all of them troubled with the rebellion of the Heduanes, prepared themselves to flight, they also divided their army into three parts. For leaving a convenient number for defence against our camp, they sent a small band toward 
Corbeit.  Metiosedum, which should proceed no further than they saw the Botes go, and with all the rest of their power they went against Labienus. By the break of day, both all our men were ferried over, and the battle of our enemies appeared within sight. Labienus having encouraged his soldiers to be mindful of their ancient prowess, and of so many prosperous fields that they had fought, and to think with themselves that Cesar (under whose banner they had many a time and often foiled their enemies,) was there present, he bade blow up to the battle. At the first encounter, on the right wing where the seventh Legion stood, our enemies were driven back and put to flight: on the left wing, (which place the xv. Legion held,) albeit that the first ranks of our enemies were stricken through with Darts and fell down dead, yet nevertheless the rest stood earnestly at defence, and there was not any man that made countenance to run his way. The captain Camulogenus himself was ever at hand, and encouraged them: While the victory hung yet in doubtful balance. The Marshals of the seven. Legion hearing what was done in the left wing, showed the Legion at the back of their enemies, and advanced their banners against them. Yet for all that, there was not any man even at that time that forsook his ground, but were all enclosed round about and slain everichone. Camulogenus also took such fortune as his soldiers did. Now they that were left for defence against Labienus camp, when they heard that the battle was joined, went to succour their fellows, and took a hill: but they were not able to withstand the force of our soldiers, specially being conquerors. So intermeddling themselves with the rest of their company that fled, all such forasmuch as there were neither woods nor mountains to hide them, they were all slain. When Labienus had dispatched this matter, he returned to Agendicum where the stuff of the whole army was left, and from thence he came with all his power unto Cesar. Upon knowledge that the Heduanes rebelled, the war was increased: Ambassades were dispatched into all parts: as far as either their favour, authority, or money was able to stretch, they strained themselves to solicit the Cities. Having gotten into their hands the hostages that Cesar had bestowed among them, they put the neuters in fear that they would put them to death. The Heduanes requested Uercingetorix that he would come to them, and consult with them for thorder of the war. When they had obtained their request, they sewed to have the chief doing committed to themselves: and they brought the matter so far in controversy, that a counsel of all Gallia was called at 
Beauty.  Bibracte, to the which place resorted great numbers of people from all quarters, and the matter was put to voices: by which it was concluded generally, that Uercingetorix should be Graundcapteine still. From this counsel were absent the men of Rheims, the Lingones, and the Treuires. The men of Rheims and the Lingones were away because they cleaved to the friendship of the Romans: the Treuires by reason they were far distant, and were infested by the Germans, which was the cause, that they came not of all the time of the war, nor sent any aid to any of both parties. The Heduanes took the matter very heavily that they were set beside the sovereinty: they lamented the change of their estate, wishing that Cesar would pardon them. And yet having enterprised the war already, they durst not withdraw themselves to take counsel alone from the rest. Eporedorix and Uiridomarus young gentlemen of great towardness, could ill abide to be at the commandment of Uercingetorix. Howbeit he commanded all tother Cities to give him pledges, and willed them to bring them in by a day. Overmore he bade that all their horsemen to the number of xu thousand should with all speed possible resort hither to him. As for footmen he said he would content himself with those that he had already: for he would neither try the courtesy of fortune, nor put the matter to a pitched field: But forasmuch as he had so good store of horsemen, it was an easy matter to compass, to prohibit the Romans from fetching corn and forage, so that they could find in their hearts to abide the destroying of their own corn and the burning of their own houses, through loss of which their private goods, they saw they should attain sovereignty and liberty for ever. When he had set things thus at a stay, he commanded the Heduanes and Secusianes which were borderers upon the Province, to find him ten thousand footmen, and for an overplus, eight hundred horsemen, over whom he made captein the brother of Eporedorix, commanding him to make war upon the people of Allobrogians. On tother side he sent the Gabales together with the next hundreds of Auverne against the Heluians: and the Ruthenes & Cadurkes to waste the borders of the Uolces in Arminacke. Nevertheless by secret messages and ambassages he soliciteth the Allobrogians, whose minds he hoped were not yet quieted sins the last war. Unto their noble men he promised money, and to the City, the superiority of all the whole country. For a defence against all these chances, were provided before hand two & twenty Cohortes. The which being raised out of the very Province, were by the Lieutenant L. Cesar in all places set as a Bulwark against the enemy. The Heluians of their own head encountering with their borderers, were put to the worse, and with the loss of the Prince of their City C. Ualerius Denotaurus the son of Caburus and many other that were slain in the field, were driven to take their walled Towns. The Allobrogians placing divers garrisons upon the River of Rhone, defended their borders with great care and diligens. Cesar because he perceived his enemies to be better furnished of horsemen than himself, and that all the ways were so forlaid, that he could not be relieved with any thing out of Province or italy, sent over the Rhine into Germanye, unto those Cities which tother years before he had pacified, and demanded of them horsemen, and footmen light harnessed which were wont to fight amongst them. At their coming, forasmuch as they had not so handsome horses, he took the horses from the Marshals and Roman horsemen, and from such as he had raised upon the sudden, and distributed them among the Germans. In the mean time that these things were a doing, the footmen out of Auverne and the horsemen that were enjoined to all Gallia assembled together. The number of these men of war being very huge when they were come together, at such time as Cesar was passing toward the Sequanes by the uttermost borders of Langres, that he might the easilier succour the Province: Uercingetorix lodged in three camps about ten miles of from the Romans, and calling to counsel the Captains of his horsemen, he told them the time of victory was come: for the Romans were flying into Province, and glad to get them out of Gallia. The which sufficed to obtain liberty for the present time, but little or nothing availed, to keep peace and quietness in time to come. For they would return again with a greater power, and never make an end of the war. And therefore now was time to set upon them, while they were troubled with their carriages. For if the footmen adventured to rescue their goods, and made any tarience about it, they could not continue on their journey. Again if forsaking their carriages (which he believed would rather come to pass) they had regard to their lives, they must needs be spoiled both of their furniture and of their honour. For as touching his enemies horsemen, they might well assure themselves that none of them durst be so ●olde as ones to put his head out of the battle. The which thing to th'intent they might with better courage attempt, he said he would stand before his Camp in battle ray, with all his whole power to put his enemies in fear. The horsemen cried out all at ones, that a solemn oath ought to be taken of them, that he should not be received under any roof, nor have recourse to his children, nor to his parents, nor to his wife, that had not twice at the least, road through the battle of his enemies. When the matter was agreed upon and every man put to his oath, the next day severing their horsemen into three battles, two of them showed themselves on the two sides, and the third meeting us face to face assayed to stop us of our journey. The which thing when Cesar hard of, dividing his horsemen likewise into three troops, he commanded them to proceed against their enemies. All the three battles fought at one instant. Our battle of footmen stood close together, and received the carriages in among the Legions. Look wheresoever our men seemed to be in danger or to sore laid at, thither Cesar willed the standerdes to be advanced, and the battle to be turned that way. The which thing was both a stop to the enemies that they could not pursue, and also an encouragement to our men with hope of succour. At the length the Germans on the right side getting the top of the hill, drove their enemies down, and following the chase upon them hard to the river where Uercingetorix abode with his battle of footmen, slew many of them. When the rest perceived that, fearing to be enclosed about, they took them to flight. Than was there nothing but slaughter in all places. Three of the chiefest of the nobility of the Heduanes were brought prisoners unto Cesar: Cottus the Lieutenant of the horsemen who at the last election stood competitor against Conuictolitane. Cavarill who after the revolting of Litavicus became captain of the footmen, and Eporedorix who before the coming of Cesar had been captain General of the Heduanes in their wars against the Sequanes. After that all his horsemen were put to flight, Uercingetorix retiring with his army in the same order that he had set them before his camp, begun forth with to take his journey toward Aleria a town of the Mandubians, commanding his stuff to be brought out the camp with all speed, and to follow after him. Cesar bestowing his carriages in the next hill, and leaving there two Legions for the defence of them, followed after him as far as the time of the day would suffer, and when he had slain to the number of a three thousand or thereabouts of his enemies that were in the rearward, the next day after he pitched his Camp before Alexia. When he had viewed the situation of the town, and put his enemies in fear, because their horsemen (in which part of the army they put greatest trust) were put to flight, encouraging his soldiers to the work, he began to cast a trench about Alexia. The town itself stood upon the top of an hill in a very high place, that it seemed not possible to be won, but by continuance of siege. At the foot of the said hill ran two rivers on two sides thereof. Before the town was a plain of a three miles long. On all other parts the town was environed with divers hills all of a like height, distant a good pretty space one from another. Under the wall, as much of the hill as was toward the sun rising, the Galls had wholly occupied with their tents, & had drawn a trench and a wall of stone without mortar of six foot in height all the way. The compass of that fortification which the Romans were about, was eleven miles. Their tents were pitched in places convenient, & there were reared three and twenty castles, in the which men warded all the day time, that there should not be any sally made out upon the sudden: and the same in the night season were kept with a strong watch and ward to defend them. At the beginning of the work, there was an encounter of horsemen in the plain that we spoke of before of three miles long between the hills. Great prowess was showed on both parts. When our men were in any danger, Cesar sent in the Germans to their rescue, and placed his footmen in battle ray before his camp, lest the footmen of his enemies should suddenly break out upon them. Our men perceiving that the Legions stood ready to rescue them, took heart unto them: insomuch that our enemies being put to flight, did hinder one another with their multitude, and pestered themselves in getting in at the narrow gates. The Germans chased them eagerly even hard to their fortifications. Great slaughter was made: and many forsaking their horses, went about to pass the dyche, and to climb over the wall. Cesar commanded his Legions whom he had set before the Rampyer, to advance themselves somewhat forward. Whereat the Galls that were within hold, were no less troubled than they that were without. For they thought that we had made toward them, and thereupon cried by and by to harness, and divers of them for fear rushed into the town. Uercingetorix bade shut the gates, that the Camp were not left naked. The Germans after they had slain a great number of men, and taken a great sort of horses, retired. Uercingetorix took advice to send away all his horsemen by night, before the Romans had finished their fortifications. At their departure, he gave them commandment, that every man should repair home to his own country, and thrust forth to the wars, all that ever were of years able to bear armour. He putteth them in remembrance of his benefits toward them, desiring them heartily that they would have regard of his welfare, and not abandon him into the hands of his enemies to be put to torture, who had so well deserved in seeking the liberty of all Gallia: considering that through their negligens fourscore thousand chosen men were like to perish with him. Upon account taken, he said he had corn scarce sufficient to find them xxx days: Nevertheless with sparing he thought he should be able to draw it out somewhat further in length. When he had given them this warning, he sendeth away his horsemen secretly in the second watch by that way whither our work was not yet brought, & commanded all the grain to be brought unto him, upon pain of death to such as were disobedient. The cattle whereof the Mandubians had driven thither great store, he distributed by the poll: the grain he purposed to give out by measure sparelye, and by a little at one's: all his army which he had placed without the walls, he received into the town. After this sort he addressed himself to abide the succour of the Galls, and to take order for the war. Cesar having knowledge hereof by such as fled unto him and by his prisoners, began a fortification of this sort. He drew a ditch of twenty foot with straight sides: that look how much distance was between the uppermost brews of the dyche, so broad also was it in the bottom: All his other fortifications he withdrew CCCC. foot from that ditch. He did it for this purpose, that forbecause he was driven of necessity to take in so great a ground, as that his whole work should not easily be beset round about, nor his enemy come hastily with any great number to his fortifications, either on the sudden or in the night time: or be able to throw Darts at our men as they were busy at their work in the day time. This said space of CCCC. foot being left out, he drew two other ditches of xv. foot broad a piece of the same depth: of the which he filled the innermost with water conveyed from the river by the plain and low bottoms. Behind them he cast up a mount and a Rampire of xii. foot. The which also he coped, & set up Battylmentes upon it, with great forked posts stycking out at the joining of the loopeholes and the Battilmentes, to hinder the coming up of th'enemy. Moreover he reared up towers round about the work, lxxx. foot distant one from another. We were driven at that time to this extremity both to fetch in timber & grain, and also to make so great fortifications all at ones, whereby our army was diminished by going far from our camp. And oftentimes the Galls would be busy with our works, and make sallies upon us forcibly at many gates at ones. Wherefore Cesar thought it convenient to add somewhat to these works, whereby they might be defended with less number of soldiers. And hereupon cutting of from the bodies of trees such boughs as were not very strong, and setting the tops of them straight and making them very sharp, he caused long ditches to be drawn of five foot deep: the trees being put into these ditches, and fastened in the bottom that they should not be pulled up, sticked out with their boughs. There were five rows of them joined and twysted one within another, so that whosoever ventured in, must needs gore themselves upon the sharp points of the stakes. These they termed by the name of stocks. Before these were digged in rows indented chequerwise of five points, pits of three foot deep growing slope wise somewhat narrower toward the bottom than above. Wherein were pitched round stakes of the bigness of a man's thigh, sharpened above and hardened in the fire, in such manner that they sticked not past four fingers above the ground. And to th'intent they should stand the stronglier and surer, every one of them were rammed with earth three foot above the bottom of the pit. The rest of the pit was covered over with twigs and brush, to hide the conveyance withal. Of this sort were drawn out eight rows with three foot disstance between each of them. This devise because of the likeness of it to a Lily, they called a lily. Before these were fastened altogether with in the ground scatteringly every where with a little space betwixt them, stakes of a foot long sticked full of Iron hooks, and these they called gads. After that Cesar had finished these things, following the levellest ground he could find as the nature of the place gave, he took in fowertene miles compass, and furnished it with like kinds of fortifications, on the outer side of these, against the foreign enemy, so that not even with a great multitude, (if it should so happen upon his departure) his bulwarks and fortifications could be assaulted round about. And to th'intent they should not be constrained at their peril to go abroad from their camp, he commanded every man to convey in before hand, as much corn and forage, as would serve him for xxx days. While these things were a doing at Alexia, the Galls summoning a Parliament of their noblemen, decreed, not that so many as were able to bear armour (as Uercingetorir had appointed) should be called together, but that every city should be charged with a certain number: lest in such a confused multitude, they should be able neither to rule them, nor to discern one from another, nor to get sufficient victual for them. And therefore they determined that the Heduanes and their adherentes the Secusians, Ambivarets, Aulerkes, Bramnovikes and Brannovians, should find .35000 men: the like number was enjoined to the men of Auverne, together with the Cadurkes, Heleuterians, Gaballes, & Uellannians, which were under the dominion of Auverne: To the Sequanes, Senones, Bituriges, Santons, Ruthenes, Caruntes, 12000. men a piece: To the Bellovacanes, 10000: as many to the Lemovikes: To the men of poitiers, to the men of Turon, to the Parisians, and to the Heluetians eight thousand a piece: To the Swessions, Ambianes, Mediomatrikes, Petrocorians, Neruians, Morines, and the Nitiobrigians five thousand a piece: To the Aulerkes' Cenomannues as many: To the Atrebatians .4000: To the Bellocassies, Lexobians, and Aulerkes Eburones, three a piece: To the Raurakes, and boians 2000 a piece: To all the Cities that border upon the Ocean & which after their manner are called Armorike, in the which number are the Curiosolites, Rhedones, Ambibarians, Cadetes, Osissines, Lemovikes, and Uuelles 6000. Of these, the Bellovacanes sent not their number, because they said they would in their own quarrel and at their own pleasure make war with the Romans, and not be at any stranngers' commandment. Nevertheless at thentreatance of Comius, in respect that he had been a sojourner among them, they sent two thousand. This Comius (as we showed before) had done Cesar faithful and profitable servis certain years passed in Britain. In recompense whereof Cesar had privileged his country from tribute, restored them their laws and customs, and given him the Morines in reward. notwithstanding all this, the consent of all Gallia was such for the defence of their liberty, and for the recovery of their ancient renown in feats of war, that neither benefits nor the remembrance of friendship could move them, but that all together with life and goods they bend themselves to this war: insomuch that they raised a power of eight thousand horsemen, and about two hundred and forty thousand footmen. These were musstred in the borders of the Heduans, and the number taken, and Captains appointed them. Comius of Arras, Uiridomarus and Eporedorix Heduans, and Uergasillaunus of Auverne Uercingetorixes' sisters son, were made Captains General, and unto them were assigned certain chosen persons of the Cities as counsellors for the war. They went all toward Alexia with a cheerful courage in hope of a boon voyage: for there was not among them all, that thought us able to have abidden so much as the sight of so huge a multitude, specially in a doubtful encounter, where the towns men should break out and feyghte with us on th'one side, and such a power of horsemen and footmen come upon us from thopenopen field on tother side. But they that were besieged in Alexia, when the day was past that they looked for the succour of their country folk, having spent all their corn, & knowing not what was done among the Heduanes, summoned a counsel, and consulted of the end of their estate. After sundry verdicts given, of which some persuaded to yield, and some to issue out and feyghte with the enemy, while there remained strength in them: one Critognatus made an oration to them, which for the horrible and singular cruelty thereof, seemeth worthy to be noted. This Critognatus being borne of a noble house in Auverne, and acccompted a man of great authority said: As touching the verdict of them that colour most shameful bondage with the glorious name of submission, I have nothing to say: for I think them not worthy either to be accounted for our countrymen, or yet to be called to counsel. With them have I to do that persuade issuing out, upon whose advise seemeth to be grounded the remembrance of the ancient prowess of us al. This is a faintness of heart and not prowess, not to be able to suffer penury for a while. It is an easier matter to find such as will willingly offer themselves to death, than such as can endure grief patiently. And surely I have so great regard of my worship, that I could well allow this advise, if I saw there were no further loss than of our lives. But in taking counsel, let us have a respect to all Gallia, which we have raised to succour us. I pray you when fourscore thousand of us shallbe slain in one place, what courage shall our n●re friends and kinsfolk have, being constrained to fight in manner upon our carcases? bereave them not wilfully of your help, who for your welfares sake have not regarded their own peril. Nor go not about through your own rashness and folly, or rather through your faint heartedness, to bring all Gallia under foot, and to cast it into perpetual bondage. Are ye in doubt of their faithfulness and constancy, because they are not come at the day appointed? For what purpose think you then, are the Romans day by day so busily occupied in those their outtermoste fortifications? is it but only for pleasure think you? Seing you can receive no comfortable message from your Allies, inasmuch as all the passages are forlaid by the enemy, you need no better witness of their approach, than the Romans themselves, who being strike with fear thereof, stick to their work day & night. You will then ask me what is to be done? It is mine advice to do as our ancestors did in the war of the Cimbrians & Dutchmen, though that war were nothing like this: who being driven into their walled towns and constrained with famine, did there prolong their days and live by the flesh of such as for their years were unmeet for the wars, and would not yield themselves to their enemies. And if we had no such example given us heretofore, yet I would think it the greatest honour that could be, to have it founded by us and left to posterity, in the behalf of our liberty. For what thing was there ever like unto that war? The Cimbrians having wasted our country, and brought us to great misery, at length departed out of our coasts, and went into other lands, leaving still unto us our laws, customs, possessions, & liberties. But the Romans what other thing seek they, or what other thing desire they, but even of very spite to plant themselves in the lands and Cities of such, as they know to be renowned and puissant in battle, and to bring them into endless thraldom. For they never yet made war to any other end. And if you be ignorant of their dealing with Nations a far of, look upon your next neighbour Gallia: the which being brought into thorder of one of their Provinces, hath altered her laws and customs, submitted her neck under the heading are, and is oppressed with continual bondage.  
After that every man had said his mind, they decreed that all such as either by sickness or age were unnecessary for the wars, should void the Town, purposing to make all the shifts that could be, ere they fell to the counsel of Critognatus. Nevertheless they determined to use that to, if the case so constrained them, and their succours tarried over long from them, rather than to admit any condition, either of yielding or of peace. The Mandubians who had received them into their Town, were compelled to departed out themselves with their wives and children. Who coming to the fortifications of the Romans, besought them most earnestly with tears in their eyes, that he would take them to be his bondslaves so he helped them with meat and drink. But Cesar setting watch in divers places of the trench gave straight commandment that they should not be received.  
In the mean season, Comi●s of Arras & the rest of the captains that were put in trust with thorder of the wars, came with all their power to Alexia, and taking an outer hill, rested not passed a mile from our Camp. The next day after their coming, bringing their men of arms out of their Camp, they filled all that plain which we declared to be three miles in length: and they placed their footmen secretly a little from thence in a higher ground. There was a prospect from the town of Alexia down into the field. Assoon as these succours were seen, there was running together: there was recioycinge one with another: and every man's mind was moved to gladness. And thereupon bringing their power forth, they placed themselves before the town, and casting bardles into the ditch that was next unto them, filled it up with turf, putting themselves in a readiness to issue out upon us, and to abide all hazards. Cesar placing all his army on both sides of his fortifications, to th'intent that if need should so require, every man might know his standing and keep him to it, commanded his horsemen to be led forth, and to skirmish with them. There was from all the Camps which were pitched upon the top of the hill round about, a prospect downward, and all the soldiers setting their minds upon th'encounter, were desirous to see what end the skirmish would come unto. The Galls had mingled here and there among their men of arms, arthurs and nimble footmen light harnessed, to succour their own men when they retired, and to break the force of our men when they pursued. Many of our men being wounded by them, drew themselves out of the battle. At such time as the Galls were in hope that their men should have had th'upper hand, and saw our men overpressed with their great number, both they that were within our fortifications, and those that were come to the rescue of the town, with a great shout and cry heartened each of them their fellows. Now forasmuch as the thing was done in the sight of all men, and that nothing whether it were valiantly or cowardly done, could escape unseen, the desire of praise and fear of reproach, enforced either part to valiantness. When the battle had continued in doubtful balance, from noon until the sun was almost down, the Germans knitting themselves close together gave a fresh charge upon their enemies, & made them lose ground: After whose flight the archers were by and by enclosed and slain. Moreover our men out of tother parts following the chase upon them even hard to their camp, gave them no respite to gather themselves together again. They that were come out of Alexia, in manner despairing of all good success, retired with heavy hearts into the town.  
After one days respite, the Galls with a great number of hardles, scaling ladders, and hooks which they had made in that little while, setting privily out of their camp without any noise about midnight, approached to our fortifications that were to ward the champion fields: where suddenly giving a great shout, (which was as a watch word to their fellows that were besieged, to give them understanding of their coming) they begun to throw in their hurdles, and to beat our men from the Rampire with slings, shot of arrows, and casting of stones, and to do all other things that appertain to an assault. Uercingetorix hearing the shout, called his men together by the sound of a Trumpet, and the same instant led them out of the town. Our men according as every man's place was appointed him a few days before, came to the fortifications. There with slings that went with wynches, and stakes which they had pitched in a readiness, & with pellets, they put the Galls in fear. And because the darkness took away their sight, many wounds were received on both sides, and a great number of artillery was discharged together at adventure with engines. But M. Antonius and C. Trebonius lieutenants to whom those parts were allotted to defend, took soldiers out of the further bulwarks, and sent them to the rescue, wheresoever they perceived our men to be overcharged. As long as the Galls were any thing far of from our fortifications, they had th'advantage by reason of the great number of the darts that they threw: but after that they came nearer within our danger, either they gored themselves unwares upon the gads, or else they slided in to the pits and were thrust through, or else were stricken with pikes from the wall and from the Towers and so perished. When they had taken many foils on all sides, and could break through none of our fortifications, and that the day light began to appear, fearing to be beset on thopen side by such as might issue out of our higher camp, they retired back to the rest of their company. And those that were with in, as they were bringing forth such things as had been prepared by Uercingetorix for their issuing ●●te and were filling of the uttermost dikes, about the which things they were fain to spend a good piece of the time, understood that their fellows were departed before that they could come to our fortifications: & so with out accomplishing the thing they came for, they retired into the town.  
The Galls having twice with great loss been put to the worse, consulted what they might do: and called to them such as were skilful of the places. Of them they learned the situation and fortifiing of th'upper part of our camp. There was on the North side a hill, the which because our men for the great circuit thereof, could not comprehend within their work, they were compelled almost of necessity to pitch their tents in an unhandsome place & somewhat a falling ground. The keeping hereof had Ca Antistius of Rhegium, and L. Caninius Regulus two of Caesar's Lieutenants with two Legions. The captains of our enemies learning the places by their spies, chose out of their whole number, three score thousand men of those Cities that had the report of most prows, and agreed secretly among themselves what, and how every thing should be done, appointing a time certain when to go about it, which was even when it should seem to be high none. Of this army they committed the leading to Uergasillaunus of Auverne one of the four principal captains, the near kinsman of Uercingetorix. Who setting out of the Camp at the first watch, and having well near come to his journeys end by daylight, hide himself behind a hill, and bade his soldiers rest themselves after their nights journey. Now when mid day seemed to draw me, he made toward the upper Camp that we spoke of before, and at the same instant their horsemen began to approach to our forfications that were toward the plains, and the rest of their army began to show themselves before their camp. Uercingetorix beholding his company out of the tower of Alexia, marched out of the town, & brought forth with him his Rakes, Poles, Muscules, hooks & such other things as he had purveyed before for to issue out with. Thassault was given in all places at ones, & nothing was left unattempted. Look what part seemed weakest, thither was most resorting. The fortifications of the Romans were of such a copasse, that their power was dissevered far asunder, and could not easily defend many places. To put our men in fear withal, greatly availed the noise that was behind their backs as they fought: because they saw their peril consist in other men's prowess. For commonly those things that are not seen, do more vehemently trouble men's minds than those things that are seen. Cesar having gotten a meet place for the purpose, had word brought him what was done every where, and sent succour to such as were in danger. Both parts did set before their minds, that that was th'only time wherein it behoved to show most stoutness. For the Galls knew that their good days were passed, if they broke not through our fortifications: and the Romans if they gate th'upper hand, looked for an end of all their travels. The greatest danger was at our upper fortifications, whither we told you that Uergasillaunus was sent. The grabbednes of the top of a place to a falling ground hath in it great advantage. Some threw darts: some cast their shields over their heads and pressed upward: fresh men succeeded in the rooms of them that were tired: the Rampire being cast down by them all into the trench, did both make way for the Galls to get up, and also did cover such things as the Romans had hidden in the ground: and now our men had neither weapons nor strength to help themselves with. Cesar having knowledge hereof, sent Labienus with six Cohortes to rescue such as were in peril: and commanded that if he were not able to sustain his enemies, he should issue out with his Cohortes and feyghte with them abroad: but he warned him in any wise not to do so, unless there were none other remedy. He himself goeth to the rest, and heartened them that they should not faint in their travel. He told them that the fruit of all their former encounters, consisted altogether in that day and in that one hour. Those that were within, despairing to do any good at the champion places, because of the hougenes of our fortifications, attempted to get up to the steep places, and thither they carried all their provision. There with the multitude of darts they beat the defendants from the towers: they fill up the dikes with earth and hurdles: and with their hooks rend down the Rampyer and the Uamure. Cesar sent thither first young Brutus with six Cohortes: and afterward his Lieutenant C. Fabius with other seven. and last of all. When thencounter warred somewhat to hot, he himself brought fresh men to their succour. Whereby renewing the battle and driving his enemies back, he went thither as he had sent Labienus. He took with him iiii. Cohorts out of the next bulwark, and commanded part of his horsemen to follow him, and part to fetch a circuit about the uttermost fortifications, and to set upon his enemies behind. When Labienus saw that neither Rampires nor dikes were able to hold against the violence of his enemies, he assembled nine & thirty Cohortes which he met by chance coming out of the next Bulwarks, and sent word by a messenger unto Cesar, what he thought was to be done. Cesar hereupon made haste to be present at the fight. Assoon as he was perceived to be come by the colour of his garment, (the which he used in battles as a mark to be known by) and that the Cohortes and troops of horsemen which he had commanded to follow him, were seen (as they might easily be perceived from such high grounds being so steep and falling,) his enemies gave him battle. A great shout was raised on both sides, and like shoutinge was heard again from the Camp and from all our fortifications. Our men discharging their darts, came to hand strokes. Suddenly appeared our horsemen behind them, and other Cohortes came upon them. Then our enemies turned their backs, and our horsemen meeting with them made a great slaughter of them. Sedulius captain and Prince of the Lemovikes was slain: Uergasillaunus of Auverne was taken alive in the chase: threescore and fowretene banners and antes●gnes were brought unto Cesar: few of that great number recovered safe into their Campe. The Townsmen beholding out of the Town the flight and slaughter of their company, casting away all hope of welfare, withdrew their army from our fortifications. Immediately upon the receipt of this heavy tidings, the Galls fled out of their camp: insomuch that if our soldiers had not been fortravelled with rescowing so many sundry places, and with the toil of that day, all the whole power of our enemies might have been destroyed utterly. Our horsemen being sent out after midnight, overtook their rearward, and slew and took prisoners a great number of them: the rest scaped out of the chase into the next Cities.  
The next day, Uercingetorix calling an assembly, declared unto them how he had taken that war in hand, not for any necessity that he was driven to himself, but for the liberty of the whole Realm: and for asmuch as there was no shift but to give place unto fortune, he offered himself unto them both ways, choose whether they would satisfy the Romans with his death, or yield him into their hands alive. Hereupon were Commissioners sent unto Cesar. He commanded them to deliver up their armour, and to bring forth their noblemen. He sat upon the Rampyer before his Camp, and thither were the captains brought unto him. Uercingetorix was yielded, and the armour cast out before him. Reserving the Heduanes and the men of Auverne, to th'intent to recover their countries by them, if it might be, all the rest of the prisoners he dystrybuted among his soldiers every man one in name of a prey. When he had dispatched these matters, he went among the Heduanes, and recovered their City again. Thither came ambassadors to him from the men of Auverne, proffering to be at his commandment. He put them to a great number of hossages, and sent his Legions into garrison. He delivered about twenty thousand prisoners of the Heduanes and men of Auverne without ransom. T. Labienns he commanded to take his journey with two Legions and his horsemen against the Sequanes, appointing M. Sempronius Rutilus to assist him. He placed his Lieutenant C. Fabius and Lu. Minutius Basilius with two Legions among the men of Rheims, to th'intent they should not take any wrong at the hands of the Bellovacanes their next neighbours. He sent C. Antistius of Rhegium to the Ambivarets: Titus Sextius to the people of Berrey, and Caninius Rebilus to the Ruthenes, & with each of them a Legion. He placed Q. Tullius Cicero and P. Sulpitius, th'one at cabilon and tother at Matiscone, among the Heduanes by the river of Soan, to make provision of corn and victuals: and he himself determined to winter at Bibracte. When these things were known at Rome by his letters, common supplications were proclaimed for twenty days.  
FINIS.   

The preface of A. Hircius, or Opius upon the last book of the Commentaries of the wars in Gallia.  
COMPELLED BY THY continual calling upon me, (my friend Balbus: lest through my daily refusal I might seem, not so much to excuse myself by the difficulty of the matter, as to seek delay for slothfulness, I have taken in hand a right difficult matter: I have patched up the Commentaries of our Caesar concerning his doings in Gallia, nothing comparable either to the things he wrote before or since: and I have finished his last book which he left unperfect, from the things that were done at Alexandria, unto the end, not of the civil discord whereof we see no end, but of the life of Caesar. The which who so ever shall read, would God they knew how unwillingly I took upon me to wright them, to th'intent I be not blamed of folly and arrogancy for intermeddling myself with Caesar's writings. For all men agree upon this, that there is no thing done so workmanly by others, which giveth not place to the elegancy of these commentaries: which were put forth by him to th'intent that wrighters should not want the knowledge of so noble deeds: and they are so highly allowed by the judgement of all men, that occasion of matter may seem not to be ministered, but rather to be quite taken from other wrighters. The which thing I must needs more wonder at than all others. For other know how well & exquisitely, & I know beside also, how easily & swiftly he performed them. There was in Caesar, not only abundance of matter and elegancy of writing, but also most certain knowledge how to express his devices and conceits. For my part, I had not so good chance, as to be present at the wars of Egypt and Africa: the which wars although they be partly known to me by the report of Cesar: yet notwithstanding we are wont to hear those things that with their strangeness do delight us or make us to marvel, after another sort than those things which we are minded to report again as upright witnesses. But whiles I unadvisedly gather together all the causes of excuse, for the which I should not be compared with Caesar? I do● thereby run in danger of the reproach of arrogancy, in that I surmise any man to be so far overseen, to compare me with Caesar.  
Far well.   

THE EIGHTH BOOK of A. Hircius concerning those things that were left unperfect by C. julius Caesar of the wars in Gallia.  
AFTER THAT ALL Gallia was subdued, forasmuch as Cesar had respited no part of the former summer from war, he was desirous to refresh his soldiers after so great pains taken, with the rest of the winter season, when news was brought him that many Cities at the self same time, did lay their heads together again about war, and make conspiracies. Whereof there was reported a very likely cause, in that it was known to all the Galls, that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place, as should be able to withstand the Romans. Neither if many Cities at ones made war in divers places at one instant, could the army of the people of Rome have sufficient, either of aid or of time, or of men of war to pursue all at ones: And there ought not any City to refuse the lot of their misfortune, if by the respite thereof, the rest might set themselves at liberty. The which opinion to th'intent it should not settle in the minds of the Galls, Cesar leaving M. Antonius his treasurer with charge of his winter garrisons, went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of December from Bibracte to his xii Legion, which he had placed not far from the borders of the Heduanes in the Country of Berrey, and taketh thereunto the xi. Legion which was next unto it. Leaving two Cohortes to defend his stuff and carriages, he led the rest of his army into the most plentiful fields of Berrey: the which being a large Country and full of Towns, could not be kept in awe with the garrison of one Legion, but that they prepared for war and made conspyracyes. By the sudden coming of Cesar, it came to pass (which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad) that such as were tilling the ground without fear, were surprised in the fields by our horsemen, before they could get them into the Towns. For at that time, the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses, was by Caesar's commandment laid away, lest they should either want forage and corn if they were minded to make any further road into the Country, or else that their enemies for fear of the fierce, should convey themselves out of the way. After that many thousands of men had been taken, the men of Berrey being sore afraid, such of them as could escape out of the Romans hands at their first coming, upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them, by reason of resorting a guestwyse one to another, or of their mutual agreement and partaking in the same devices, fled into the next cities: but all was in vain. For Cesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places, that he gave not any city leisure, to think of the safeguard of other folks rather than of themselves. Through the which speed, he both kept his friends faithful unto him, and put the wavering sort in such fear, that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace. The matter standing in this case, when the men of Berrey saw that through Caesar's gentleness, there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again, and that the next Cities had delivered him hostages and were thereupon received to mercy without further punishment: they themselves did in like wise. Cesar for because his men had patiently endured so great travel in the winter days, in most cumbersome ways, in untolerable cold, and continued most earnestly in the same to the uttermost, promised to give to his soldiers 
* Which after iiii. s. the ounce amounteth to xxv s a piece.  C C. sefterties a piece, and to the 
* After the same rate amounted to xii. li. x. s. a piece.  captains two thousand a piece, in the name of a pray: and so sending his Legions again into their wintering places, he himself returned to Bibracte the xl day after his setting forth. There as he was minystring of justice, the men of Berrey sent messengers unto him desiring help against the Caruntes, whom they complained to make war upon them. Upon the receipt of this news, when he had not lain in garrison passed eighteen days, he draweth the xiiii. and xvi. Legions out of garrison from the river of Soane, where he had placed them for the speedy purveyance of corn and victual, as was showed you in the last book: and with those two Legions went to persecute the Caruntes. When our enemies heard of the coming of our army, the Caruntes moved with the calamity of others, left up their towns and villages that they dwelled in, which they had made upon the sudden with little cottages for necessities sake to keep of the winter: (for sins they were conquered a late, they had lost many of their walled towns) and fled scattering abroad. Cesar forasmuch as he would not put his soldiers to thabiding of thunreasonable sharp storms which chiefly at that time fell, encamped himself within Genabum a town of the Caruntes and housed his soldiers partly in the buildings of the Galls, and partly in such buildings as being unfinyshed they thatched in haste with the straw that was brought in to cover their tents and Cabanes. Nevertheless he sendeth abroad his horsemen and footmen strangers, into all coasts whither he heard his enemies resorted: and that was not in vain. For commonly our men returned ever with a great booty. The Carunts being oppressed with the hardness of the winter, and the terror of the danger, being driven out of house and home, and daring not stay any where any long time, the woods being not able to defend them from the cruelness of the storms, were scattered abroad, and with the loss of a great part of them, dispersed into the next Cities. Cesar in that hardest time of the year, thinking it enough to disperse the powers that were assembling, to th'intent no beginning of war might spring up, forasmuch as he could not perceive so far as reason was able to reach, that any great war of the whole country could be reared in the beginning of the next summer: he placed C. Trebonius in garrison at Genabus with those two Legions that he had there about him: and for asmuch as he was by often messages certified from the men of Rheims, that the Bellovacanes (who excelled all the Galls and the Belgies also in the renown of chivalry) and the Cities adjoining unto them, by the conduct of Corbey of Beawvoys and Comius of Arras, levied men of war and assembled them into one place, to th'intent with their whole power to invade the marches of Soyssons, which was an appurtenance of the men of Rheims: thinking it stood not only upon his honour, but also upon his good success hereafter, to save his allies which had deserved well of the common weal, from displeasure and damage, he called the eleventh Legion again out of garrison. Moreover he wrote to C. Fabius to bring the two Legions that he had, into the marches of Soyssons: and sent for one of those two Legions that were with T. Labienus. So according as his garrisons lay for the purpose, and as the state of the war required, to his own continual pain, he put sometime one sort of his Legions and sometime another, to make voyages by turns. With this power that he had assembled he went against the Bellovacanes: and pitching his camp in their country, sent abroad his horsemen into all quarters to lick up some of them, by whose means he might learn what his enemies purposed to do. His horsemen doing their duty, brought word how few were found in the houses, and those not of such as had abidden behind to till the ground, for they were advisedly removed out of all places: but of such as had been sent back agian to spy. Of whom Cesar inquiring in what place the power of the Bellovacanes were, & what was their intent, found that all the Bellovacanes were gathered together into one place: and that the Ambianes, Aulerkes, Caletanes, Uelocassians, and Atrebatians had chosen a very high ground to encamp in, enclosed with a troublesome marris, and had conveyed all their stuff into woods that were further of, of the which war there were many noblemen that were ringleaders, but the multitude obeyed Corbey most, because they understood that he hated most the name of the people of Rome: And that Comius of Arras was a few days before gone to fetch aid of the Germans, who were their next neighbours and swarmed in multitude of people. He learned moreover at their hands, that the Bellovacanes by the consent of all the noblemen at the earnest instance of the commons, were determined if Cesar came (as it was said he would) but with three legions, to offer him battle, lest afterward to more disadvantage and hindrance they should be compelled to encounter with his whole host: And if he brought a greater power with him, then to keep themselves still in the same ground that they had chosen, and to lay ambushes to keep the Romans from forage (which by reason of the time of the year was scarce, and also lay scattering) and from corn and other victuals and things necessary for their host. The which things when Cesar understood by the agreeable report of many, considering how the device of them was full of wisdom and far from the rashness that barbarous people are wont to use, he determined to take opportunity in all things, to th'intent his enemies disdaining his small company, should make the more haste to come into the field. For he had three old practised Legions the. vii.viii. and ix of singular manhood and prowess: and the xi which was of chosen young men of great hope and towardness, the which having at that time received eight years wages, was notwithstanding in comparison of thothers, not yet come to the like worship of continuance and prowess. Wherefore summoning an assembly, and there declaring all things that had been reported unto him, he strengthened the hearts of the common soldiers, if peradventure with the number of three Legions he might tol out his enemies to fight with him in the field. He set his battles in such order, that the. vii.viii. and ix Legions went before all the carriages, and that the xi. closed in the array of all the carriages, the which notwithstanding was but mean, as is wont to be in roads: lest the enemies might think they saw a greater number than they required themselves. By this means, in a square battle almost, he brought his host in sight of his enemies sooner than they looked for him. The which Legions so suddenly set in order, when the Galls beheld marching toward them a measurable pace as it had been in a pitched field, whereas it was reported to Cesar that they had purposed matters before of a stout courage, whether it were for the peril of thencounterencounter, or the sodeinnesse of our coming, or that they looked to see what we intended to do, they set themselves in order of battle before their camp, and would not descend from the higher ground. Albeit that Cesar was desirous to have fought with them, yet because he marveled at the great number of his enemies, he pitched his camp directly over against theirs, on tother side of a valley, which was more in deepness downward than in wideness any way in the bottom. This Camp he commanded to be fortified with a Rampire of xii foot, and an open gallery to be builded upon it according to the measure of the same height: and a double dike to be made of xv. foot a piece with sides plomme down: and many turrettes to be reared of three stories height, and to be joined together with draw bridges to let down at pleasure, the frontes whereof were fenced with grates of wicker▪ to th'intent the enemy might be repulsed with double rows of defendants: of the which th'one from the bridges the more out of danger they were by reason of the height, so much the boldlier and the further of might they send their darts: tother the nearer they were placed to their enemy upon the Rampire, so much the better should they be covered aloft from thartillery that might fall down upon them: and over the gates he made high towers. This kind of fortification was to two good purposes: for by the greatness of his works and his pretence of fear, he hoped to set the barbarous Galls in a great pride, and whensoever he should have occasion to send out any thing far for forage or victuals, he saw that the camp might be defended with a small power, the strength of the fortifications was so great. In the mean while, divers times a few of both sides would go out and skirmish in the marris that was between our two camps, the which oftentimes either the Galls & Germans that were of our host would pass and eagerly pursue their enemies: or else in like manner our enemies passing over it, did send our men further of. It happened in our daily foraging (as there was none other shift, forasmuch as we were fain to fetch forage at houses that stood scattering far asunder) that our foragers being dissevered in unhandsome places, were entrapped. The which thing as it was some loss to us of our beasts of carriage and slaves, so it kindled the foolish courages of the barbarous Galls: and that so much the more, because Comius of Arras (whom we declared before, to have been gone to fetch aid of the Germans,) was come with horsemen: of whom although there was not above the number of five hundred, yet the Galls were puffed up at the coming of the Germans.  
When Cesar perceived how his enemies held themselves many days together within their camp, which was fortified both with a marris and also with advantage of the ground: and that he could neither assault them without manifest peril, nor enclose the place where they were with any fortifications, without a greater army, he directed his letters to Trebonius, that he should with all haste possible send for the xiii. Legion which wintered in Berrey under T. Sextius his Lieutenant, and so with three Legions make long journeys to come to him. In the mean season he sent out ever by turns the horsemen of Rheims and Langres and of other Cities, of whom he had called forth a great number, to saufconduct the foragers and to withstand the sudden assaults of the enemy. The which being done day by day, and our men taking now less heed, because it was an ordinary matter with them, which thing for the most part cometh to pass by daily custom, the Bellovacanes with a band of choose footmen, knowing the places where our horsemen daily kept their standings, laid ambushes in woody places: and the next day, they sent thither their horsemen, first to toll out our men into the danger of their bushmentes, and than to assail them as they were enclosed. The lot of this evil luck lighted upon the men of Rheims, whose turn it was to supply that room that day. For they, when they had espied the horsemen of their enemies upon the sudden, dyspising them because they were not of like number to them, followed them over greedily and were enclosed by the footmen. Whereby being put out of array, they retired more hastily than horsemen are accustomed to do in battle, with the loss of Uertisco the Prince of their City, and Captain of their horsemen. Who being scarce able to sit upon a horse by reason of his age, would notwithstanding according to the custom of the Galls, neither seek to disburden himself of the Capteinship by excuse of his age, nor suffer th'encounter to be fought without him. With this lucky battle wherein they slew the Prince and captain of the men of Rheims, the courages of our enemies were inflamed and quickened: and our men were taught by their own harm, to search the places better where they should keep their standings, and to follow their enemy more advisedly when he fled. In the mean while ceased not the daily skirmishes in the sight of both our camps, which were made at the fords and passages of the marris. In the which kind of exercise, when as the Germans (whom Cesar had for the same purpose fet over the Rhine, that they should fight intermeddled with his horsemen in the battle,) had all stoutly passed the marris, and slaying a few in making resistance, followed eagerly upon the rest of the multitude: not only they that were overthrown at hand or wounded aloof, but also they that were wont to succour a far of, were so stricken with fear, that they ran away shamefully: and never left flying, from higher ground to higher which they oftentimes lost, before they either recovered into their Camp, or (as some did for very shame) fled further of. With the danger of whom the rest of the host was so sore troubled, that it can scarcely he judged, whether good success (were it never so small) would make them more arrogant, or a misfortune (were it never so mean,) would make them more fearful.  
After they had lurked many days in the same Camp, when the captains of the Bellovacanes understood that C. Trebonius one of Caesar's Lieutenants was at hand with more Legions, fearing the like siege as was at Alexia, they sent away in the night all such as by reason of years or otherwise wanted strength, and all such as wanted armour among them, and with them they sent away also their carriages: of whom while they were setting forth the troubled and confused company, (for the Galls even when they go lightest, are wont to have a great multitude of Cartes following them) daylight came upon them, and therefore they set their men in battle ray in their camp, lest the Romans should pursue them, before the company of their carriages could get any thing forward. But Cesar thought it not good to assail them being ready at defence, having so high a hill to mount up unto them, and yet he thought to come so near them with his host, as that our enemies might not depart out of the place where they were, without danger, our men being hard at hand ready to fall upon them. Wherefore whereas he perceived that the troublesome marris parted Camp from camp, (the unhandsome passage whereof might hinder the speedy pursewt of our enemies) and that the same ridge of the hill which went from the further side of the marris almost to the Camp of his enemies, was parted from their said Camp with a mean valley: He made bridges over the marris and passing over his army, gate quickly into the plain of the said ridge, the which on two sides was fortified with a steep falling. There setting his men in array, he came to the furthest end of the ridge: and ordered his battles in such a place, from whence with an engine artillery might have been shot among the thickest of his enemies. The Galls trusting to th'advantage of the place, when they would neither have refused th'encounter, if perchance the Romans would have adventured up the hill against them, nor yet durst by little and little diminish their battle by severing themselves, lest when they had been out of array, they might hap to have been troubled, kept themselves still in order of battle. Whose wilfulness Cesar perceiving, kept twenty Cohortes in a readiness, and pytching his tents in the same place, commanded his Camp should be fortified. Assoon as the works were finished, he set his Legions in array before the Rampire, and appointed the horsemen to their standings with their horses ready bridled. When the Bellovacanes saw the Romans in a readiness to pursue them, and that themselves could not without peril either lodge that night, or continue any lengar in the same place where they were, they devised this shift to recover themselves. In the place where they were set together, (for it is declared in Caesar's former commentaries how the Galls are wont to sit down in the battle) they received from hand to hand one of another, bundles of straw and faggots, whereof there was great store in their Camp, and cast it all on a heap before their battle, and in the latter end of the day, by a watchword that was given, they set it on fire all at one instant: by means whereof the continual flame suddenly took away the sight of all their army from the Romans: and therewithal the savage Galls fled away as fast as their legs could bear them. Albeit that Cesar could not perceive the departing of his enemies by reason of the flame that was betwixt them, yet notwithstanding forasmuch as ●e suspected it to be a practice wrought by them, that they might the sauflier fly away: he removed his footmen forward, and sent his horsemen to pursue them. Howbeit for fear of treason, lest perhaps his enemies should stay still in the same place and egg us forth into a ground of disadvantage, he went the slower pace. His horsemen fearing to enter into the smoke and thick flame, and if any were so earnest as to enter in; they could scarce see the formest parts of their own horses, for doubt to be betrapped, gave the Bellovacanes free liberty to recover themselves whither they would. Thus our enemies through their flight which was full both of fear and wiliness, escaping without any loss, went but ten miles of, and encamped themselves in a very strong ground. From whence by laying bushments oftentimes both of horsemen and footmen in divers places, they did the Romans great displeasures as they went a foraging. After it had happened so many and sundry times, Cesar learned of a certain prisoner, that Corbey captain of the Bellovacanes, had chosen out of his whole host, six thousand of the valeantest footmen, and a thousand horsemen, the which he had laid in ambush in the same place whither (for the plenty of forage and corn that was there) he judged the Romans would send for forage.  
The which purpose being known, Cesar brought forth more legions than he was wont, and sendeth before his horsemen after the same manner he was wont to send them to saufconduct his foragers. Among them he intermeddled for their assistance a number of light armed footmen, and himself with his Legions followeth as near them as he can. His enemies that were laid in ambush, having chosen a field for their purpose, not passing a mile wide accounting every way, environed round about, either with cumbersome woods, or else a very deep river, beset it with their ambushment, as it had been with a toil. Our men forasmuch as they were privy to the devise of their enemies before hand, being ready both with heart & hand to fight, seeing their Legions followed hard after them, would refuse no encounter: but went rank by rank down into the said place. At the coming of whom▪ Corbey thinking an occasion of good luck to be fallen into his hands, is one of the first that showeth himself with a few, and giveth charge upon the next troops. Our men stoutly withstand the brunt of those that lay in wait for them, and flock not many into one place at ones: that which thing in skirmishes on horseback is wont commonly to happen upon some fear, and their clustringe together turneth to their own loss. At such time as setting themselves in several places by their troops, they fought a few at ones by turns, and would not suffer their fellows to be assaulted on the sides, the rest broke out of the woods while Corbey was fighting. Then was thencounter hot and divers. After it had continued indifferent a good space, by little and little came their footmen in array out of the woods, which compelled our horsemen to give back. They were quickly res●owed again by the light armed footmen, which I told you were sent before our Legions, who being intermeddled among the horsemen fought boldly. Thencounter continued a good while indifferent. afterward as th'order of battle required, they that had withstood the first brunt of them that lay in ambush for them, had hereby thadvantage, because they received not unwares any foil at their hands that lay in wait for them. In the mean while our Legions drew nearer hand, and divers messengers brought word both to our men and to our enemies at one time, that the Graundcaptein was at hand with his host in battle ray. The which thing being known, our horsemen trusting to the help of the Cohorts, laid their hands about them very eagerly, lest if they should have foreslowed the matter, they might seem to have made the footmen partakers of thonour of the victory. Therewithal our enemy's hearts began to quail: and they sought to fly by divers ways: but all was in vain. For by the disadvantage of the same places in which they would have enclosed the Romans, were they themselves taken tardy and could not get out. notwithstanding, being vanquished and altogether discouraged, when they had lost the greatest part of their company, like men amazed they gave themselves to flight, and some made toward the woods, and some towards the river, the which being overtaken by our men that followed eagerly upon them, were all slain: when in the mean time, Corbey whose heart could by no misfortune be overcome, never departed out of the battle, nor made toward the woods, neither could by thentreatance of our men be persuaded to yield himself: but that feightinge most valiantly, and hurting many of our men, he set the conquerors in such an anger, that he enforced them to throw darts at him.  
When the matter was dispatched in this wise, Cesar entering into the place immediately after the battle was ended, for asmuch as he thought that his enemies being discouraged with so great a misfortune, would immediately upon the news thereof, forsake the place where they were encamped which was said to be not above eight miles from the same place where the slaughter was made, although he saw it would be some trouble to him to pass the river: yet passed he his army & marched towards them. But the Bellovacanes and tother Cities upon the sudden retire of a few and those wounded, out of t●e chase, which had scaped the mischance by benefit of the woods, understanding by them their own great misfortune and misery, as by the death of Corbey, the loss of their horsemen, and the slaughter of their stoutest footmen, and mistrusting that the Romans would out of hand come upon them, immediately called an assembly by the sound of a Trumpet, and cried all with one voice to send ambassadors and hostages to Cesar. When Comius of Arras perceived that this devise should take place, he fled to those Germans of whom he had borrowed aid to that war. The rest sent ambassadors out of hand unto Cesar, desiring him to content himself with that punishment of his enemies, the which if he might have laid upon them with out battle in their chief prosperity, they were well assured that of his gentleness and courtesy he would not. The Bellovacanes said their power was abated by the loss of their horsemen, many thousands of their chosen footmen were perished, scarce escaped any to bring tidings of the slaughter: and yet considering their great misfortune, they had by that battle received a great good turn, for that Corbey the author of the war and raiser of the multitude, was slain. For as long as he was alive, the Senate could never bear so great sway in the City, as the unskilful commonalty. As th'ambasssadors were speaking these things, Cesar put them in remembrance, that about the same time the last year before, the Bellovacanes and tother Cities of Gallia reared war, and that they above all others stood most stiffly in their opinion, and would not be brought to conformity by the submission of the rest. He told them he knew and understood it was an easy matter, to lay the fault of their offence upon them that were dead. And he was sure that there was no man of so great power, that against the noblemen's wills, the Senate resisting him, and all good men withstanding him, could with a weak handful of the commonaltye, raise war and go through with it. Nevertheless he was contented with that punishment which they had brought upon themselves. The night following, th'ambasssadors brought answer to their heads, and made hostages. Then also th'ambasssadors of tother Cities which lay in the wind to see what success the Bellovacanes should have, came thither a pace, delivering hostages and executing his commandment, saving Comius who durst not for fear commit his life into any man's hands. For the year before, Titus Labienus perceiving how while Cesar was ministering justice in the hither Gallia, Comius stirred up the Cities and made conspiracies against Cesar, thought he might without any spot of unfaithfulness revenge his traitorous demeanour. And thereupon because he thought he would not at his sending come into the camp▪ to th'intent he would not by tempting him make him more ware, he sent C. Uolusenus Quadratus to murder him under pretence of communication with him: and for the performance of the matter, he appointed him certain chose peticapteines for the purpose. When they came to communication, and that Uolusenus (as was agreed upon) had caught Comius by the right hand, one of the peticapteines as if he had been moved at some strange matter, gave Comius a sore blow on the head with his sword, howbeit he could not kill him out of hand, because his friends stepped in and saved him. By and by was drawing of sword on both sides, & yet none of both parts minded to fight, but to fly away: our men because they believed that Comius had had his deaths wound: the Galls because perceiving there was treason wrought, they feared there had been more behind than they saw. Upon the which fact it is reported, that Comius vowed he would never come in the sight of any Roman.  
When Cesar had subdued the Nations that were most warlike, perceiving there was now no City that prepared war, to stand against him, but that many to eschew the present yoke of the Roman Empire, fleted out of their towns and fled out of the fields, be determined to send his army abroad into divers quarters. M. Antonius his treasurer with the xii. Legion he took to himself. C. Fabius his Lieutenant with xxv. Cohorts he sendeth into the furthest part of all Gallia, because he heard say that certain Cities were there in arms, and that he thought his Lieutenant C. Caninius Rebilus had not a sufficient strength of those two Legions that were with him already. T. Labienus he called from the place where he was unto him: and the xii. Legion which wintered under him, he sent into Togata Gallia to defend the towns that the Romans had newly peopled with their own Citizens, lest any like harm should happen to them by invasion of the barbarous people, as had happened the summer before to the 
Their City is now called Triest.  Tergestines, who were surprised and spoiled of their goods by their sudden invasions. He himself set forward to waste and spoil the borders of Ambiorix, whom flying for fear from place to place when he saw there was no hope to get into his hands, he thought it was most for his honour, in such wise to spoil his country, of people, buildings, and cattle, that his countrymen might so hate him (if fortune reserved any country men for him,) that for the calamities he had brought upon his country, he might never have access thither again. After he had sent abroad his host into all parts of Ambiorixes' country, and wasted all places with slaughter, fire, and ravishing, having slain and taken prisoners a great number of men, he sent Labienus with two legions among the Trevires: whose country by reason of the nearness thereof unto Germany, being daily enured to the wars, is not much unlike to the Germans in rude trade of living and savageness, neither did they obey the commandments of Cesar at any time, lengar than we had an army in their country to compel them.  
In the mean● season Ca Caninius the Lieutenant, understanding by the messengers and letters of Durace, (who had continually perisisted in the friendship of the people of Rome,) that a great number of enemies were assembled in the borders of the Pictones, forasmuch as a piece of that City had renounced their obedience, went to the town of Lemovicum. When he came near the town, and had understood by his prisoners, how that Dumnacus captain of the Andians, with many thousands of men had enclosed Durace, and that Lemovicum was besieged: he durst not with his weak Legions adventure upon his enemies, but pitched his Camp in a strong ground. Dumnacus hearing of the approach of Caninius, turned all his power against the Roman host, determining to assault them in their Camp. After he had spent many days therein, and had lost many of his people, & yet could not break down any part of their fortifications, he returned again to besiege Lemovicum. The same time, C. Fabius receiveth many cities by composition, and bindeth them with hostages: and is advertised by Caninius letters, of those things that were done among the Pictones. Upon the knowledge whereof, he setteth forth to rescue Durace. But Dunnacus having understanding of Fabius coming, forasmuch as he thought he should be in hazard to lose all, if at one instant he should be compelled both to abide the Romans his foreign enemies, and also to have an eye & stand in fear of the towns men, retired suddenly with all his power out of the same place, & he could not think himself to be sufficiently in saufty, before he had passed his army over the river Loire, which because of the greatness thereof, was to be passed by a bridge and not otherwise. Although that Fabius was not yet come with in sight of his enemies, nor had joined himself with Caninius, yet forasmuch as he was throughlie informed by such as knew the coast of the country, he believed verily that his enemies would not go to that place toward the which they made their journey. Therefore he marcheth with his army too the same bridge where his enemies had passed, and commanded his horsemen to go no further before the battle of his footmen, than they might when they were at the furthest, retire into the same camp without tiring of their horses. Our men of arms as was commanded them, overtook the host of Dumnacus and set upon them, and assailing them flying and amazed under their farthels, as they journeyed, slew a great number and took a great prey: and so with good success retired into their camp. The next night following, Fabius sent his horsemen before, so furnished, as that they might encounter, and stay all the whole army until he might overtake them. Q. Titatius Uarus the Lieutenant of the horsemen, a man of singular courage and wisdom, exhorted his company to follow this his counsel: who overtaking the host of his enemies, disposed certain of his troops in places convenient, and with the rest of his horsemen gave charge upon his enemies. The horsemen of the enemy fought with them so much the more boldly, because the footmen served them by turns, who through the whole battle as often as their horsemen had occasion to stay, did succour them against our men. Thencounter was very sharp. For our men despising their enemies whom they had vanquished the day before, and remembering that the battle of their footmen followed at hand, for shame to give ground, and for desire to dispatch the battle before their coming, fought very valiantly against the footmen. On tother side our enemies believing that no greater power more had followed after, according as they had seen the day before, thought a meet opportunity had been offered them, to destroy our horsemen utterly. When they had fought a good while very eagerly, Dunnacus made a battle to rescue his men of arms by turn. But suddenly our enemies espied our Legions come close together, at the sight of whom, their horsemen were stricken in such a fear, & the footmen were so amazed, that breaking through the array of their carriages, with a great noise and trampling they gave themselves every where to flight. Then our men of arms, who a little before had their hands full, being heartened with joy of the victory, raised a great shout on all sides, and casting themselves about them as they gave way, made slaughter of them as far as their horses breaths would serve to pursue them, and their arms would serve to strike them. Insomuch that having slain above twelve thousand of armed men and of such as for fear had cast away their armour, they took all their carriages as many as were of them. Out of the which chase, for as much as it was certainly known, that there escaped Drapes the Senon, who assoon as Gallia first began to r●bell, gathering to him the ruffions out of all places, calling the bondmen to liberty: and enterteyning the outlaws of all countries: had like a thief cut of the carriages & victuals of the Romans: was going toward the Province with a five thousand men and not above, which he had gathered out of the chase, and that Lucterius of Cahors allied himself with him, who in the former treatise is known to have made a voyage into Province at the first insurrection of Gallia: Caninius the Lieutenant with two Legions, pursued after them, lest to the disquietness and loss of the Province, some great dishonour might be received by the thevery of those lewd unthrifts.  
C. Fabins with the rest of th'army, went against the Caruntes and tother cities, whose power he knew to be abated in the same battle that was fought against Dumnacus. For he doubted not, but he should find them more treatable to deal with, by reason of the late overthrow: whereas if he should give them time of respite, by thinstigation of the said Dumnacus, they might be raised again. In the which enterprise, Fabius had marvelous good luck and speed to recover the Cities. For the Caruntes, who had been disquieted oftentimes before, and yet would never make mention of peace, now ge●ing hostages, came in subjection. And the rest of the Cities which are situate in the furthest parts of Gallia bordering upon the sea, which are called Armorike, following th'example of the Caruntes, at the coming of Fabius with his Legions, condescended to his commandments without delay. Dumnacus being driven out of his own country, wandering and lurking in corners alone, was compelled to seek th'uttermost countries of all Gallia. But Drapes and Lucterius, when they understood that Caninius approached with his army, perceiving they could not without manifest peril enter within the bounds of the Province, considering how the army pursued them, nor yet range abroad and go a thevinge at their pleasure, stayed together in the country of the Cadurkes. There Lucterius, who in times past while he was in his prosperity, was able to weigh greatly with his country men, and had gotten great estimation among the rude people, as one that was ever a practiser of new devices: he took with his own power and the power of Drapes, a Town called Urellodunum, which had been in his tuition, a place excellently well fortified, by the situation thereof, and causeth the townsmen to take part with him. Unto the which town when Caninius out of hand was come, perceiving that all parts of the same were fortified with cragged cliffs, insomuch that though no man were there to defend it, yet were it a hard matter for men in harness to get up, and seeing that the movables of the towns men were great, the which if they should go about to steal privily away with, they could not only not escape their horsemen, but also not escape their fot●men: he divided his Cohorts into three parts, and made three Camps upon a very high ground: from the which by little & little as much as his host was able, he determined to cast a Rampire round about the town. The towns men perceiving that, and remembering the miserable case of Alexia, feared the like chance, and that above all others Lucterius who had tasted the smart of that misfortune warned them to lay for corn before hand, they determined by general consent, that leaving a part of th'army there for the defence of the town, Lucterius and Drapes with the best furnished, should go forth to fetch in corn. This counsel being allowed, the next night, Drapes and Lucterius leaving two thousand armed men behind them, led the rest out of the town. They after a few days tarriance, brought in a great mass of grain out of the country of the Cadurkes, who partly were willing to help them therewith, and partly durst not gainsay their taking of it, because they were not able to make their part good against them. Often times also they would make roads in the night, and assault the castles of our camp. For the which consideration C. Caninius stayed in making fortifications round about the town, for doubt lest he should not be able either to defend the whole work when it was finished, or else should make himself weak by setting his men toward in so many places at ones. When they had brought together a great mass of grain, Drapes and Lucterius took up their standings not passing ten miles from the town, to th'intent by little & little to convey it in: and they parted the charge between them. Drapes tarried behind with part of tharmy to keep the Camp. Lucterius drove the beasts with their carriages toward the town: and setting stales there for his defence, about ten of the clock in the night purposed by narrow ways through the woods, to convey the corn into the Town. The trampling of whose feet the watch men of our Camp hearing, and the scoultes being sent out reporting what was a doing, Caninius caused his Cohorts to arm them quickly, and about the break of day made assault out of the next castles upon the foragers. Who being feared with the sodeinnesse of the mischief, fled to their stales. The which assoon as our men perceived, they flew more fiercely upon the armed men, and suffered none to be taken alive. Luccerius fled from thence with a few, but he returned not to his Camp. After this good success, Caninius understood by his prisoners, that part of the army was behind in the Camp with Drapes, not past a xii. miles of. The which thing when he had learned by many to be of truth, perceiving that one of the captains being already put to flight, the remnant of the company aflighted might easily be oppressed: he thought it a token of great good luck, that none escaped from the slaughter into the Camp, to carry tidings of the mishap unto Drapes. And forasmuch as he saw there was no danger in putting the matter in proof, he sent all his horsemen and the German footmen swift and nimble fellows, before, to the Camp of his enemies. One of his Legions he distributed in his camp, and tother disburdened of all carriages he took with him. When he came near his enemies, his scoultes that he had sent before him, brought him word that (as the custom of the barbarous nations commonly is) they had abandoned the higher ground, and encamped themselves by the River side, & that our horsemen and the Germans had flown upon them suddenly ere they were aware, and given charge upon them. Assoon as he knew that, he hasted forward with his Legion well armed and well appointed: and so giving suddenly a token on all sides, the higher places were taken. At the doing whereof, the Germans and our men of arms seeing the standards of our Legion, fought very vehemently: and by and by all our Cohortes gave charge upon them round about, so that in conclusion, all were either stain, or caught prisoners, & a great booty taken. Drapes himself was also taken in the same conflict. Caninius having accomplished his matter most luckily without almost any hurt at all to his soldiers, returned to besiege the towns men, and now having destroyed his foreign enemy, for fear of whom he durst not heretofore divide his garrisons, nor environ the town with fortifications, he commandeth the works to be gone forward with round about the town. The next day came thither C. Fabius with his power, and took another part of the town to besiege.  
In the mean time, Cesar left M. Antonius his treasurer with xv. Cohortes among the Bellovanes, to th'intent the Belgies should not have any liberty to practise new devices again: and he himself went unto tother Cities, and there chargeth them with more hostages, & with comfortable words healeth the fearful hearts of them al. When he came among the Caruntes, in whose country (as Cesar hath declared in his former treatise) the war first of all begun, forasmuch as he perceived them to be chief afraid for remembrance of their crime, to th'intent he might the more speedily deliver the country from fear, he required to have Guturnate the chief worker of that mischief, & raiser of the rebellion delivered unto him to be punished: who albeit he betook not himself even to his own country men, yet all men made so diligent search for him, that he was soon found out and brought to the camp. Cesar contrary to his own nature, was compelled to punish him whether he would or no, by the importunateness of his soldiers, who imputed all the perils and losses that they took by this war unto Guturnate: insomuch that his body after it astonished with whipping, was beheaded. There by many letters from Caninius, he was advertised what was done about Drapes and Lucterius, and in what mind the towns men persevered: the small number of whom although he despised, yet he deemed their wilfulness worthy grievous punishment: least they might give occasion to all Gallia, to think that they wanted not strength, but constancy to withstand the Romans: or lest by their example, other cities of Gallia trusting to thopportunity of the places, should attempt to set themselves at liberty: specially seeing he was sure that all the Galls knew how his commission lasted but one summer longer, the which if they could hold out, they should need to fear no danger hereafter. And therefore leaving his Lieutenant C. Calenus behind with his footmen to follow leisurely after him by reasonable journeys, he himself with all his men of arms went in all haste to Caninius.  
When Cesar contrary to all men's expectation was come to Uxellodunum, and saw the town environed with fortifications, perceiving that it was not for him to break up his siege for any condition, and learning moreover by runneawayes that the towns men had great abundance of victuals: he assayed to cut of the water from his enemy. Now there was a river that ran through the bottom of the valley, the which environed well near all the hill whereon the town stood rough & steep on all sides. The nature of the place would not suffer this stream to be turned any other way. For it ran in such sort at the very foot of the hill, that there could be no dike cut low enough to drain it. The towns men had hard and very step coming down to it, in so much that if our men withstood them, they could not without wounds or danger of their lives, either come down to the river, or get up the steep hill again. The which distress of theirs Cesar knowing of, disposed archers & slingers & other artillery also against such places whereas was easiest coming down, to keep the towns men from the water of the river: who afterward resorted for water all to one place. For almost hard under the walls of the town there gushed out a great springe of water, on that side where there was a space almost of three hundred foot unenuironed with the river. Now when all the rest wished, & only Cesar perceived, that this spring might be taken from the towns men, he began to raise Uines directly against it toward the hill, and to make mounts, with great travel and continual fighting. For the towns men came running down from the higher ground, and fought with our men aloof without danger, and wounded many of them that pressed up wilfully Notwithstanding, our men were not feared from bringing forward their Uines, endeavouring to overcome the crabbedness of the place, with very labour & works. The same time they drew secret mines to the head of the spring, the which kind of work they might do without any danger or mistrust of their enemies. A mount was cast up of a six foot high, & thereupon was raised a Tower of ten stories, not such a one as might reach to the height of the walls, (for that was not possible to be done by any work) but such a one as might exceed the top of the spring. From the which when darts were sent with engines to the brim of the spring, so that the towns men could not fetch water without danger, not only all sorts of cattle, but also a great number of men died for thirst. With the which distress the townsmen being greatly feared, filled barrels with grease, pitch and shingles and setting them on fire rolled them down upon our works, and at the same time also fought very earnestly, to th'intent with the peril of fighting, to keep the Romans from quenching the fire. suddenly there was a great flame in our works. For whatsoever was thrown down from that steep place, the same being stayed against the Uines and rampire, took hold upon the things that stayed them. On the contrary part, our soldiers albeit they were hindered both with the perlousenes of th'encounter, & with the disadvantage of the place, yet they bore out all things with a stout courage. For the thing was done both in a high place, and also in the sight of our army: and a great cry was raised on both sides. So that as much as every man could, (specially he that was notable,) to th'intent his hardiness might the better be known & witnessed,) offered himself to the fire and the weapons of his enemies. Cesar when he saw very many of his men wounded, commanded his Cohorts to make a climbing up the hill on all sides of the town, and to raise a noise as if they purposed to take the walls. wherewith the townsmen being put in fear, for as much as they witted not what was a doing in other places, called back their armed men from assaulting our works, & placed them upon the walls. So our men having respite from fighting, did quickly either quench the works that were a fire, or else cut them of from the rest. When the townsmen wilfully resisted, yea even after they had lost a great number of their company by thirst, continuing still all in one mind, at the length the veins of the spring were cut of within the ground by mines, & turned another way. By means whereof the fountain of the running water, was now drained: the which thing so daunted the hearts of the townsmen, that they believed it not to be wrought by man's policy, but by the will of God: & therefore when they saw there was none other remedy, they yielded themselves. Cesar being assured that his gentleness was thoroughly known to all folk, & therefore needing not to fear that it would be imputed to the cruelness of his nature, if he dealt any thing sharply with them: and besides that, perceiving it might well be thought he smallly regarded the good success of his own affairs, if by such sufferance, divers other should begin to rebel in sundry places: deemed it requisite to put the rest in fear, by the punishment of them. And therefore he cut of the hands of as many of them as were able to bear armour, and let them live still, to th'intent the punishment of evil people might be more manifest to the world. Drapes whom I declared to have been taken by Caninius, whether it were for treafnes & grief that he was in hands, or for fear of more grievous punishment, fasted a few days from meat, & so starved. The same time Lucterius that escaped by flight from the battle (as I showed before,) fell into the hands of Epasnactus of Auvern. For in often fletinge from place to place, he was feign to commit himself to the courtesy of many, because he thought he could never continue any long time in a place without danger, forasmuch as his heart misgave him how much he had deserved to have Cesar his heavy master. Epasnactus of Auverne being a faithful friend to the people of Rome, assoon as he had gotten him into his hands, carried him without any further delay bound unto Cesar.  
In the mean while Labienus feighteth prosperously against the Trevires: and having slain many both of the Trevires and also of the Germans, who denied no man help against the Romans, gate the chief of them alive into his hands, among whom was Surus a Heduan a man both for manhood and for birth greatly ennobled, who all only of the Heduans had unto that day continued in arms against the people of Rome. When Cesar knew thereof, forasmuch as he saw his affairs went well forward in all parts of Gallia, weighing with himself how all Celtica and Belgica were the former summers conquered and subdued, and that he had never hitherto visited Aquitaine, saving that he made a kind of entrance into it by certain victories gotten by P. Crassus: He went thither with two Legions, to th'intent to bestow the latter time of his summers there. The which thing (as he had done all other before) he dispatched quickly & luckily. For all the Cities of Aquitain sent ambassadors unto him, and gave him hostages. After thaccomplishment of which things, he went to Narbone with his guard of horsemen, & sent his footmen into their wintering places by his Lieutenants. Four Legions he placed in Belgica under his Lieutenants M. Antonius, & C. Trebonius, & P. Uatinius, & Q. Tullius. Two he set over the Heduans, whom he knew to be of greatest authority in all Gallia. Two more he set over the Turones in the borders of the Caruntes, to be a stay to all that country that lay upon the sea coast. The other two he placed in the borders of the Lemovikes not far from Auverne, to th'intent there should not be any part of Gallia without an army. After he had tarried a few days in Province, & there with speed perused all their Courts, sitting upon public controversies, & awarding recompense to such as had deserved well, (for he had great desire to understand how every man had been minded toward the common weal in the time of the general rebellion of all Gallia, the which he had born out through the faithfulness & assistance of the said Province) assoon as he had dispatched these things, he returned to his Legions into Belgic, & wintered at Nemetocerna There he had knowledge given him, how Comius of Arras had encountered with his men of arms. For after that An●ony was come into his wintergarrison, & that the city of Arras continued in obedience, Comius who after his wounding that we spoke of before, was wont ever to be ready at hand to his country men at every stir, to th'intent that if they would practise any new den●ses, they should not want a head & a captain for the wars: as long as the city obeyed the Romans, he with his horsemen found himself & his retinue by thieving, and for laying the ways, cut of many conveys that were going with provision to the Roman garrisons. There was appointed to Antony for Lieutenant of his horsemen C. Uolusenus Quadratus, to winter in garrison with him: him did Antony send to pursue the horsemen of his enemies. Uolusenus besides the singular prowess that was in him, did also bear a great hatred toward Comius, which was a cause that he so much the more willingly executed the thing that was commanded him. Wherefore laying divers ambushes, he oftentimes set upon Comius horsemen and put them to the worse. Last of all when the contention grew more vehement, & that Uolusenus for desire to cut of Comius himself, followed him somewhat more eagerly with a few: & that Comius on tother side fled the faster away, to th'intent to draw him further from his company, at length espying his advantage Comius suddenly cried out upon all his men, that as they were true unto him they should aid him, & not suffer the wound that was given him under colour of friendship, to be unrevenged: & therewithal turning his horse, somewhat unadvisedly he letteth him run from the rest of his company upon Uolusenus. Al his horsemen did the like, & because there were but a few of our men, they made them turn head & pursued them. Comius putting spurs to his horse, encountered the horse of Quadratus, & with his spear ready charged in the rest, thrust Uolusenus by great violence through the thigh. When our horsemen saw their captain wounded, they bestirred themselves, & turning their horses put their enemies back. After the which chauns, many of our enemies being amazed at the great force of our men, were wounded: of whom some were overthrown in the chase, & some were taken prisoners. The which misadventure like as Comius escaped by the swiftness of his horse: so our captain being by him in this prosperous battle sore wounded, was carried into the camp in such case, as it was not likely he should have lived. And Comius, whether it were that he thought his grief sufficiently revenged, or because he had lost a great part of his company, sent messengers to Antony, assuring him by hostages, that he would continue where it should please him to appoint, & do whatsoever he should command him. Only one request he made, wherein he besought him to bear with his fearfulness, that he might not come in the sight of any Roman. The which request for as much as Antony judged it to proceed of fear in deed, & not without good cause, he pardoned him according to his desire, and received his hostages.  
I know that Cesar made of every year by itself a several treatise: the which thing I thought was not need full for me to do, because the year following when L. Paulus, & C. Marcellus were Consuls, there were no notable feats done in Gallia. Nevertheless to th'intent men may know in what places Cesar & his armies were at the same time, I have thought good to wright yet a little more and to annex it to this treatise. During the time that Cesar wintered in Belgic, this one thing was his chief purpose, to keep the Cities together in amity, & to minister no hope nor cause of war, for he minded nothing less, than to deal in such wise, as he should he constrained to have war at the time of his departure: lest when he would withdraw his army, there should be left any war behind, the which all Gallia could willingly find in heart to enterprise, so it might be without present peril. And therefore, by entreating the Cities honourably, by rewarding the noble men highly, by burdening the country with no new impositions, he easily kept in quiet under a better state of obedience; all Gallia, which now was wearied with so many unfortunate battles. When winter time was expired, contrary to his custom, he goeth into Italy with as much expedition as might be, to talk with the fraunchised & new inhabited towns, and to commend unto them the suit of his treasurer M. Antonius for the high Priesthood. For he made all the friendship he could, both gladly because the same Antony whom he had sent before to sew for that promotion, was his very dear friend, and also earnestly, as in despite of the partaking and forcible working of a few men, who by serting antony beside his purpose, sought means to disgrace Cesar now going out of his office. Albeit he had tidings by the way before he came near italy, that antony was made Augur, yet he thought he had as good cause as before, to go unto the fraunchised & new towns, to th'intent to give them thanks for making their appearance, and for their gentleness showed in the behalf of Antony: and also to commend unto them his own case, for the honourable rou●●e which he purposed to sew for the next year following: & that the rather, because his adversaries proudly made their boast, that L. Lentulus & C. Marcellus were created Consuls, to bereave Cesar of all honour and authority: and that the consulship was wrested from Sergius Galba when he had more favourable voices on his side, because he had been allied to Cesar by familiarity & friendship, and had been bound unto him as his Lieutenant. Cesar at his coming among the fraunchised & new towns, was entertained wonderful lovingly and honourably. For that was the first time that he came from the general wars in Gallia. Nothing was omitted that could be devised for the decking and garnisshing of the gates, & ways, & places, where Cesar should pass. All the commons came forth with their children to meet him by the way: sacrifices were every where offered: the temples and market places were hanged with clothes of Tapisrie & Arras: that a man would have thought by their gladness, there had been some great triumph looked for and laid for before: So great costliness was among the richer sort, and so earnest desire was among the meaner sort.  
When Cesar had lightly passed through all the Countries of Gallia 
Now called lombardy.  Togata, he returned with all speed to his army at Nemetocerna, & calling all his Legions out of their wintering places into the country of the Treuires, he went thither and there took musters of them. T. Labienus he made governor of Gallia Togata to th'intent thereby to get him the more favour and estimation toward his suit for the Consulship. He himself made so many journeys as he thought sufficient for change of the places for healthsomnesse. There albeit he hard oftentimes that Labienus was moved by his enemies, and was also advertised how it was done by th'advise of a few, to th'intent that by the commandment of the Senate he might be spoiled of part of his army: yet not withstanding he neither gave credit to any thing that was reported of Labienus, no nor would be moved to do any thing contrary to the authority of the Senate. For he believed that if the Senators might give their verdicts freely, he should easily obtain his purpose. For C. Curio Protector of the commonalty, who had taken upon him to defend Caesar's cause and dignity, had oftentimes proffered, that if the fear of Caesar's power hindered any man, and seeing that the lordliness & power of Pompey did put the Court in no small fear, let both of them lay down their weapons and dysmysse their armies: and so should the City be at liberty to use her own right as she listed. And he not only proffered this thing, but began of himself to withdraw his power: which thing the Consuls & the friends of Pompey commanded should not be done: and so ruling the matter as they listed, they departed. This was a great witness of the whole Senate, & agreeable to the former act. For Marcellus the next year after, when he impugned Caesar's estimation contrary to the law of Pompey and Crassus, had put up a bill to the Senate for the charge of Cesar before the time of his commission was expired: & when the sentences were pronounced, Marcellus who sought all his estimation by working spite against Cesar, departed aside▪ and the Senate fell all of them by & by to other matters. Whereby the courages of Caesar's enemies were no whit appalled, but rather stirred up to make more friends, thereby to compel the Senate to allow that which they had determined. hereupon was made a decree, that Cneus Pompeius should send one Legion and Cesar another, to the war against the Parthians. But it was easy to be seen, that both these Legions were taken from Cesar. For the first Legion which Cneus Pompeius had sent unto Cesar levied in the musters of the Province, he gave unto Cesar as one of his own number. Nevertheless albeit that no man need to doubt that Cesar was spoiled at the pleasure of his enemies, yet he sent Pompey his Legion again: and in his own name he willed the xu Legion which he had in the hither Gallia, to be delivered to him by the decree of the Senate. In stead thereof he sent the xiii Legion into Italy, to lie in garrison in the same place from whence the xu was set. Then he distributed his army into garrisons. C. Trebonius with iiii. legions he placed in Belgic: C. Fabius with as many, he conveyeth to the Heduanes. For so he thought Gallia should be in most saufty, if the Belgies who were of most prowess, & the Heduans who were of most authority, had armies among them to keep them in obedience. This done, he took his way into italy. When he came thither, he understood by Caius Marcellus the Consul, that the two Legions which he had dismissed, which by the decree of the Senate should have been led to the Parthian war, were delivered to Pompey & kept still in Italy. Although by this dealing it was evident to all the world, what was purposed against Cesar, yet Cesar determined to suffer all things, as long as he had any hope left to decide his controversies rather by the law than by the sword.  
FINIS.   

¶ Imprinted at London by William Seres.   

AN EXPOSITION OF the old names of the Countries, Cities, Towns, Hills, and Rivers mentioned in this book, together with a description of certain Engines of war used in those days by the Romans.  


ADVATICKES. PEOple of Belgic between Lovan and Aldenburg in Braband now called people of Bosleduke.  
Agendicum. a Town of the Senons in Celticke called Sens or Province.  
Alduasdubis, or after Ptolemy Alduasdusius a River of Celticke, rising about the mount S. Claud and dividing Burgundye from Swicerland, which falleth into the river Soan not far from the City cabilon: it is now called in Latin Dubius and in French Doux.  
Alexia, a Town of Celticke in burgundy not far from Langres now called Alse●, or Lausoys or Alyse, as Raymund Marlian affirmeth in his Annotations upon Caesar's Commentaries. But according to th'opinion of joseph Molet in his Commentaries upon Ptolemy's Geography it is a town of Artoys in Belgic called Arras.  
Allobrogians people of Province containing the Countries of Savoy and Delphinoys.  
Alps the high hills which divide France and Italy a sunder.  
Ambarrrians, people of Celticke supposed of some to be the people of Bourbon: & of some, the people of Nivers. jucundus calleth them the people of Semar and Montar.  
Amagetobria a place in Celticke where Ariovistus king of the Germans vanquished the power of the Galls, not far from the Rhine, supposed to be called Toast.  
Ambians a people of Picardy about the city Amiens: it is in Belgic.  
Ambibarets' people also adjoining to the city Amiens.  
Ambibarians a people of little Britain in Celticke.  
Ambiliares the people of Auranches in little Britain.  
Ambivarits, the people of Braband in Belgic  
Andians, the people of Anjou in Celticke.  
Antuates the people of Uawd in Savoy.  
Aquileia a town of Italy at the Gulf of Venice upon the river Natisone.  
Armoricke the country of little Britain.  
Ardeine a forest in Belgic beginning at the Rhine and so running by the space of more than five hundred miles through the territory of Triers to the entrance of the bounds of Rheims.  
Arar a river of Celticke now called Soan which springeth in the borders of Burgundy and Loreyn not far from the mountain Uosegus, and falleth into Rhone at Lion's  
Ar●comikes, or Aremikes, or Artomikes people of Arminacke in Province.  
Atrebatians' the people of Artoys in Belgic  
Auaricum the town of Uiarron, or Bourges in Berrey in Celticke.  
Auenticum the town of Auench in the country of Uaud. or the town of Wilburg.  
Au●erkes people of Celticke sometime reteyners of the Heduanes, now called people of Auge or of Roan.  
Aulerkes' Cenomannes, the people of Main in Celticke.  
Aulerkes Diabolites, or Diablinthres, the people Leondu●l.  
Auscians, or Auscitanes people about Aux in Aquitaine.  
Axona the name of two rivers th'one called Disne in Guien, and tother in Belgic in the country of Rheims called Aesne.    


B.  
Bacenis a forest in germany which some suppose to be part of the forest Hercinia which runneth through Germany even to the borders of the Dacers, and the ten of Meotis, it is now called Swartswald.  
Baleares are two islands in the midland sea near unto Spain, whereof th'one is called Maiorica and tother Minorica.  
batavians the Hollanders a people of Belgic.  
Bellocassians a people of Celtic about Bayews.  
Bellovacanes the people of Beawuoysin in Celtik.  
Bibract the town of Beawne in the Duchy of Burgundy.  
Bibrax the town of Bray by the river Aesne in Belgic.  
Biturigians the people of Berrey in Celtic  
Bibrokes' people of great Britain inhabiting the sea coast whose english name is yet unknown.  
Bigerrones the people of Bierne and Bigor in Aquitaine.  
Boians a people sometime of Germany marching upon Franconia, th'Alps of Italy, the sowtherne Swoabes, & the river Danow, the which country is now called Bavier. These passing the Rhine in the time of Cesar and taking part with the Helvetians, against him, being vanquished were placed by him under the jurisdiction of the Heduanes (which now with the Sequanes are called Burgonions,) in the country which now is called Bourbon in Celticke.  
Brannovians or Bramnovikes people of Celticke called Moriane near unto Burgundy.  
Bratuspantium a town of Beawuoysin.    


C.  
cabilon the town of Chalons in Burgundy upon the river Soan.  
Cadetes the people of Hipercorentine or (as some think) of Castlebriant in little Britain.  
Cadurkes the people of Cahors in Celticke.  
Cherusciens people of Germanye inhabiting sometime those countries whereas are now the territories of the Princes of Anholt, Stolberg, Maunsfield, and Swartzburg.  
Ceresians' a people of Germany.  
Caletanes the people about Calis in Belgic  
Cantabrians the people of Biscay in Spain.  
Carnutes the people about Charters in Celticke.  
Carcason a city in Province called Caracasson  
Catuakes people about Douai.  
Caturigians these with the Garoceles and Centrones are now the people of Tarantayse under the dominion of the Duke of Savoy.  
Cavillon beareth the same name still. it is a city in Province.  
Centrones look Caturigians. the chief city of this country is called Munster.  
Cimbrians people of Germany which held sometime all the coast of Megalburg even unto Cimbrica.  
Chersonesus. These passing the Rhine before Caesar's time & leaving certain to keep their stuff & baggage which they left in France, made a voyage into italy. of them descend those that are now th'inhabiters of Zealand.  
Condrusians' the people between Utreight & juliers.  
Creta the Isle of Candy.  
Curiosolites the people of Cornewal in little Britain.    


D.  
Diablinters people about Londull in little Britain.  
Daces a people beyond the Rhine bounding upon the River Danow and the forest of Hartswald who are supposed to have sometime inhabited a piece of Hungary and from thence removed to the hither part of Norwey.  
Danow one of the famousest rivers in Europe which (as So●mus affirmeth) rising in the hills of Germany and receiving into it lxx. rivers all able to bear ships, lastly falleth with seven mouths into the sea called Pontus.    


E.  
Eburones the people of Liege in Belgic.  
Eburonikes or Eburovikes the people of Eureux in Celticke.  
Elaver a river of Celticke now called Allyer running by Cleremount in Auverne.  
Essuans the people of Reteiois beyond Touray.    


F.  
Flustates the people of the county of Flusse in Aquitaine.    


G.  
Gaballes the people of Ledesue in Celticke.  
Garites the people of Agenoys in Guien.  
Garumnes' people of Aquitaine by the River Gerond whereof they take their name.  
Gerond a river that springeth out of the mountains Pyrenes and falleth into the west Ocean according to Cesar, it divideth Aquitaine from Celticke.  
Garocels look in Caturigians.  
Gebenna the mountains called also Cemenij now named the mountains of Auverne, which separate Celticke from Province according unto Cesar.  
Genabuin the city of Orleans upon the river Loire.  
Geneva a city of Savoy standing upon Rhone not far from the Lake Losan, out of the which town there is a bridge into Swicerland.  
Gergobia or Gergovia the Town of Cleremount in Auverne.  
Gordunes the people of Gaunt in Flaunders  
Grudians' people about Louane.    


H.  
Harudes people inhabiting upon the further side of the Rhine about the city Constance.  
Heduanes a people of Celticke who together with the Sequanes are now the Burgonions.  
Helvetians the Swissers or swizzers and (and as some hold opinion) the Quades.  
Heluians people bordering upon Auverne now called Albians.  
Hercinia look Bacenis.    


I.  
jura, or jurassus, a Mountain in Celticke which divideth burgundy from Swicerland. it is now called mount S. Claud. of the swizzers it is called Leverberg: and of the men of Savoy jarten.  
Itius portus the town of Calis.  
Illericke. this and Dalmatia are called both by the name of Slavony.    


L.  
Lacobrigians or Latobrigians or Latovikes the people of Losan. under the Duke of Savoy. or the people of Ualoys.  
Leman, the Lake of Geneva called also Lake Losan.  
Lemovikes the people of Limosins in Celticke  
Lepontians the people of Graundpunter, or (as Marlian saith) the people called Switers inhabiting between the head of the river Rhone and the Alps of Rhetia, among whom springeth the River Rhine. Giles Tschude affirmeth they be now called Rhin walders.  
Levakes the people of Louane according to Marlian.  
Lewkes the people of the Bishopric of Tul or Toll in Celticke.  
Lexobians or Lexovians the people of Lysiewx in Celticke in the duchy of Normandy  
Lingones the people of Langres in the said Bishopric of Tull in Celticke.  
Loire a river which springeth in low Burgundy and running through Celticke (according to Cesar) falleth into the west Ocean. but according to Ptolemy it divideth Celticke from Aquitaine.  
Lutetia the City of Paris standing upon Scene accounted unto Belgic. it is now the head city of France.    


M.  
Menapians the people of Gelderlande and Cleveland. or as some suppose the people of juliers in Belgic.  
Mandubians a people of Celticke about the City Alexia called now Lausoys.  
Marcomannes' people of germany beyond the Rhine which came over with Ariovistus and afterward inhabited the valley that bordereth upon Swicerland which is called Marecomana next unto high Burgundy & the mountain jura: with whom M. Antonius th'emperor surnamed the Philosopher had long and perilous war, until at length being vanquished by the prayers of the Christians they submitted themselves.  
Marne, a river rising in the borders of Langres which runneth through Shalons in Campaine and dividing partly the Celtes from the Belgies falleth into Scene a little about Paris.  
Matiscon a city of Celticke by the river Soan in the borders of low Burgundy between the towns of Lions and Cavillon. it is now called Mascon or Macon.  
Maze or meuse a river which springeth out of the mountain Uogesus in Celticke in the borders of Langres not far from the heads of Marne and Soan, and taking into it an arm of the Rhine called walis about fourscore miles from the sea it maketh an Island which is called Holland.  
Mediomatrikes the people of Lorein about Mets.  
Meldians' people of Meaulx.  
Melodunum a town in an Island of the river Scene near unto Paris called Melune.  
Metiosedum or josedum a town upon the river Scene called Corbeil.  
Morines' the people of Tirwin in Belgic. or (as joseph Molet saith) the Flemings.    


N.  
Nannets' people of Nauntes in Britain Britonant.  
Nantuates or Antuates people of Germany on this side the Rhine about Constance, called the people of Uawd.  
Narbone the chief City of Province whereof all the province was called Narbonensis.  
Nemets the people about Spire.  
Nitiobriges or Nitiobrigians people of Mount pelyer in Celticke, Uzes.  
Neruians the people about Tornay in Belgycke.  
Noreia the city of Norimberg in Germanye.  
Noricum the country about the said city.  
Noviodunum the name of three cities. whereof one is in Belgic, not far from Paris, and is called Noyon. tother two are in Celtycke th'one in the country of Berrey near unto Bourges, and tother in low Burgundy at the river Loire.  
Numidians people of Affrycke.    


O.  
Ocelum, (which also is called Oscelium) a town in Piemount by the river Duria.  
Octodure the city Martanach in lower Ualoys.  
Orcinia look Bacenis.  
Osissines the people of Landgriguer in britain.    


P.  
Parthians a people of Asia.  
Petrocorians the people of Perrygort in Aquitaine.  
Pictones the people of poitiers in Aquitain.  
Pleumosians the flemings.  
Precianes' people of Aquitaine near unto Bierne.  
Pirustes people of Dalmatia which now is a part of Slavony.  
Po, the chief river of Italy which riseth at the foot of the mountain Uesulus and afterward receiving thirty. rivers into him falleth with seven channels into the Adriatic sea.  
Pyrenes, the Mountains which divide France from Spain they are now called the mountains of Foyes and Rounceval.    


R.  
Rauracians people of Celticke about basil.  
Rhedones people about Rhein's in Britain.  
Rhegium a tow in italy on the sea coast over against the promontory of Sicill called Pelorus.  
Rheims a town in Champain in Belgycke and the people of the country thereabout.  
Rhone a river rising out of th'Alps which divideth the Roman province from the Swycers, and then turning into the south, cutteth through the mids of the Province, and lastly falleth into the mydland sea.  
Ruthenes a people of the province called Rhodes.    


S.  
Sabis the river Sambre in Belgyck which runneth into Maze by the Town of Namures.  
Samarobrina the town of Cambray in Belgycke.  
Santones the people of Santon in Aquitain.  
Scaldis the river Skeld in Belgycke it runneth through Cornay & falleth into Maze.  
Scene a river rising near the borders of Langres and low Burgundy in the country of Alfet. It runneth through Paris, & dividing Celticke from Belgic falleth into the british Ocean by Newhaven.  
Sebusians, Secusians, or Segusians' people of Celticke near unto Savoy and Burgundy between the dyocesses of Lausan and Lions which by conjecture should be about the City Biz●nce. or the people of Bresse.  
Sedunes or Sedusians the people about Zion in Ualoys.  
Senons' the people of Sens in Celticke.  
Sequanes look Heduans.  
Sycambers the people of Gelderland.  
Swessions' the people of Soysons in Belgic.  
Swevians people on the furthersyde of the Rhine now called the Swoabes, or (as Melancthon affirmeth) the Pomeranes.  
Soan look Arar.    


T.  
Tarbelles the people about Tarb or Bayon in Guienne.  
Tarusats' people about Turse in Guienne.  
Tectosages the people of Languedoc in Province.  
Teucthers' sometime a people of Germany beyond the Rhine now thought to be the people of Julyers on this side the Rhine.  
Tiguryne the Canton of Zurich in Swicerland.  
Tolous a city in province.  
Tolosatians' people of the country about the city.  
Treuires people of triers and the country thereabouts.  
Triwkes the people about Strawsbrough  
Turones the people about Towers upon Loire in Celticke.  
Tulingians the people of Loreyne.    


U.  
Uangions the people of wormbes and thereabouts.  
Uatuca, Uaruta, or Ratuca as some suppose was a Castle whereas is now the town of julyers.  
Uacalos an arm of the Rhine called walis which falleth into the river Maze.  
Ubians the people about Colon on the other side of the Rhine.  
Uellaunians the people of Uellay about S. Flower in Celticke.  
Uellaunodunum Uilleneuf in Lorraine.  
Uenets the people of Uannes' in Britain,  
Ueragrians people of lower Ualoys about Martanach.  
Ueromanduans the people of Uermandoys in Picardy.  
Uesontio the City Besanson in Burgundy.  
Uienna the city of Uien in Delphynoys.  
Uuelles the people of perch.  
Uocontians' look in Centrones.  
Uogesus or Uosegus a Mountain in the marches of Langres, out of the which the Maze springeth.  
Uolces Tectosages are the people of Langnedocke about Avinion.  
Uolces Arecomickes, look Arecomikes.  
Urellodunum the City Cadenacke in Quercye in Celticke.    
FINIS:   

OF the battle Ram Uegetius in his iiii. book of chivalry maketh a short dyscription, 
Battle Ram.  lykening it to the engine called a Tortoise, in these words. Of timber and words is framed the Tortoise: which because it should not be hurt with fire, is covered with raw hides, or with hairs and course cloth. This inwardly receiveth a train which is armed before with a hooked piece of iron called a Sith because it boweth inward to pull stones out of the wall with. Or else is the head thereof clad with steel, and it is called a Ram, either because it hath a very hard front, which pusheth up the walls, or else because after the manner of Rams it goeth bask to th'intent to strike with greater violence. Now the Tortoise hath his name of his likeness to the true Tortoise: because that as the Tortoise sometime putteth forth her head & sometime draweth it into her shell again: so the engyre doth one while put back the beam and another while thrust it forward again to th'intent it may strike with greater violence. these are the words of Uegetius. josephus in his book of the wars in jewry describeth it in this wise. The manner of the iron Ram saith he is thus. first they take a great long thick beam: upon the forepart whereof they put a great strong head made like unto a Rams head with horns all of pryncipal strong iron the weight whereof is asmuch as half the beam, and covereth the beam also to the ●yds. Then fasten they into the ground against the place that they intent to batter, two great trees like mas●es of ships, between which they hang the beam that is called the Ram with strong ropes of hemp and iron wire twysted together. At the hinder part of this beam from the wallwarde are rings of iron fastened with like ropes of hemp and iron wire tied to them, that when thassaulters will batter the walls, they push forward the beam as though it were a spear, and fasten his strong horns among the stones of the wall, then hang they weights at the rings in the hinder part, and much people a f●r of take hold of the ropes that come through the rings behind, and hale the hinder part of the beam upon the ground, by such means that they shake the wall, and wrinch out the stones, so that afterward the walls fall down. There be also (as the same author in the same place affirmeth) other Bammes that are driven upon wheels by force of people after the same sort ●nd fashion. Leonarde Are●●n● in his first book of the wars in italy against the Goths describeth it in this wise. Four posts (saith he) of like height equally distant are set square one against another, and fastened with four beams above and as many beneath, so that they stand like a pretty square house: the which is covered over with leather, to th'intent that such as are within it should not be hurt from the walls. Aloft is laid a beam overthwart, at the end whereof hangeth down another beam, as it were to the middle of the pillars fastened with plates of iron, the which hath a great square head of steel like an Anuield. The whole engine is drawn upon four wheels fastened in the feet of the pillars, and when it is removed, there are not fewer than fifty soldiers within it to drive it forward. who after the time they have brought it to the wall, do with a winch weigh up the foresaid beam, and when they have it aloft let it fall with all the sway and violence it hath. Then the head of the beam being let down, partly with violence of the men and partly with weight of itself, falling upon the wall doth batter and break in pieces all that ever it lighteth upon. There are also other fashions of the Battle Ram: which whoso desireth to know, shall find them plainly described, about the latter end of the tenth book of Robert Ualtur concerning Chivalry.  
¶ Uines or Uinets are engines compacted of smaller timber eight foot high, 
Uines or Uinets.  seven foot broad, and six foot long. the roof whereof is made both of timber and boards, and the sides are splented to defend them that are within from Stones and other weapons and artillerye sent from the walls and to save theme from her they be covered with raw hides. Many of these were wont to be made and set one by one on a row for men to go under saufly to ●udermyne and dig down the walls of Towns. 
muscules.   
¶ Muscules so called of their likeness to the muscles in the sea, were lesser engines much of the same making that the Uinets are, under which men of war went safe to fill up the ditches and to make plain and level the way▪ for the movable towers to come to the walls. ¶ Pluties 
Pluties.  (which in this book I have translated penthowses and sheds) were engines of wycker made like a helmet covered over with raw hides or hairs which went upon three wheels whereof two were before and one in the mids, and were movable every way at pleasure like a waggon. Under the defence of the which, soldiers did beat the defendants from the walls with shot of arrows, crossbows, slings. etc. that their fellows might the caslier come to scaling. They were also Penthowses joined to the movable towers to bear of the violence of artillery from them that fought within at the loopeholes and windows.  

Legion. Cohort.  ¶ Every Legion (as saith Uegetius) consisted often Cohortes. Whereof the first Cohort had in it a thousand a hundred and five footmen, and a hundred and two and thirty horsemen. The second Cohort had in it five hundred fifty and five footmen, and threescore and six horsemen, and so had likewise all the other eight so that a full Legion consisted of six thousand and a hundred footmen and seven hundred xxvi. horsemen.  
¶ Of Tribunes (which we call Marshals) there were two in every Legion. 
Tribun●  The high or chief Marshal was always admitted and assigned by the letters patents of the Emperor, and before there were Emperors by the Lieutenant general of the field. The under marshal was promoted thereto for his good service. The Tribune or Martial had always the leading of the first Cohort. and his duty was to see all the whole Legion well furnished, decked, garnished, practised, and exercised, and therefore it behoved him to be a man of great knowledge and experience.  
¶ There were in every Legion. 155. 
Centurion  Centurions of whom the chief▪ who was called Centurio primipili (or Captain of the chief band) had the charge of .400. soldiers.  
¶ The Lieutenant according to his name supplied the room of the General when he was absent. 
Lieutenant.   
FINIS.   

Imprinted at London by William Seres, dwelling at the west end of Paul's, at the sign of the Hedgehog.