A book, or counsel against the disease commonly called the sweat, or sweeting sickness.  
Made by John Caius doctor in physic.  
Very necessary for every person, and much requisite to be had in the hands of all sorts, for their better instruction, preparation and defence, against the soubdein coming, and fearful assaulting of the same disease. 1552.   

To the right honourable William Earl of Pinbroke, Lord Harbert of Cardife, knight of the honourable order of the garter, and precedent of the kings highness counsel in the marches of Wales: John Caius wisheth health and honour.  
IN the feteful time of the sweat (right honourable) many resorted unto me for counsel, among whom some being my friends & acquaintance, desired me to writ unto them some little counsel how to govern themselves therein: saying also that I should do a great pleasure to all my friends and countrymen, if I would devise at my laisure some thing, which from time to time might remain, whereto men might in such cases have a recourse & present refuge at all needs, as then they had none. At whose request, at that time I wrote diverse counseiles so shortly as I could for the present necessity, which they both used and did give abroad to many others, & further appointed in myself to fulfil (for so much as say in me) the other part of their honest request for the time to come. The which the better to execute and bring to pass, I spared not to go to all those that sent for me, both poor, and rich, day and night. And that not only to do them that ease that I could, & to instruct them for their recovery: but to note also thoroughly, the cases and circumstances of the disease in diverse persons, and to understand the nature and causes of the same fully, for so much as might be. Therefore as I noted, so I wrote as laisure then served, and finished one book in English, only for English men not learned, one other in latin for men of learning more at large, and generally for the help of them which hereafter should have need, either in this or other countries, that they may learn by our harms. This I had thought to have set forth before christmas, & to have given to your lordship at newyeres tied, but that diverse other businesses letted me. Nevertheless that which then could not be done cometh not now out of season, although it be never so simple, so it may do ease hereafter. which as I trust this shall, so for good will I give and dedicated it unto your good Lordship, trusting the same will take this with as good a mind, as I give it to your honour, which our Lord preserve and grant long to continued.  
At London the first of April. 1552.   

¶ The book of John Caius against the sweeting sickness.  
MAN being borne not for his own use and commodity alone, but also for the common benefit of many, (as reason will and all good authors writ) he which in this world is worthy to live, aught all ways to have his hole mind and intent given to profit others. Which thing to show in effect in myself, although by fortune some ways I have been letted, yet by that which fortune cannot debar, some ways again I have declared. For after certain years being at cambrige, I of the age of twenty years, partly for mine exercise and proof what I could do, but chiefly for certain of my very friends, did translate out of Latin into English certain works, having nothing else so good to gratify them with. Whereof one. of S. chrysostom de modo orandi deum, that is, of the manner to pray to god, I sent to one my friend then being in the court. One other, a work of Erasmus de vera theologia, the true and ready way to read the scripture, I did give to master Augustine Stiwarde Alderman of Norwiche, not in the full as the authore made it, but abbreviate for his only purpose to whom I sent it, leaving out many subtle things, made rather for great & learned divines, than for others. The third was the paraphrase of the same Erasmus upon the Epistle of. S. Jude, which I translated at the request of one other my dear friend.  
These I did in English the rather because at that time men ware not so given all to English, but that they did favour & mayteine good learning contained in tongues & sciences, and did also study and apply diligently the same themselves. Therefore I thought no hurt done. Sense that time diverse other things I have written, but with intent never more to writ in the English tongue, partly because the commodity of that which is so written, passeth not the compass of England, but remaineth enclosed within the seas, and partly because I thought that labours so taken should be half lost among them which set not by learning. Thirdly for that I thought it best to avoid the judgement of the multitude, from whom in matters of learning a man shallbe forced to dissent, in disproving that which they most approve, & approving that which they most disallow. Fourthly for that the common setting forth and printing of every foolish thing in english, both of physic unperfectly, and other matters undiscreetly, diminish the grace of things learned set forth in the same. But chiefly, because I would give nove example or comfort to my country men, (whom I would to be now, as here tofore they have been, comparable in learning to men of other countries) to stand only in the English tongue, but to leave the simplicity of the same, and to proceed further in many and diverse knoweleges both in tongues and sciences at home and in universities, to the adourning of the common wealth, better service of their king, & great pleasure and commodity of their own selves, to what kind of life soever they should apply them. Therefore whatsoever sense that time I minded to writ, I wrote the same either in greek or latin. As first of all certain commentaries upon certain books of William framinghan, master of art in Cambrige, a man of great wit, memory, diligence and learning, brought up in the same schools in England that I was, ever from his beginning until his death. Of the which books ii of cō●inētia (or continence) were in prose, the rest in metre or verse of diverse kinds. One a comfort for a blind man, entitled ad Aemilianum caecum consolatio. one other ●cpyros●s, seu incendi● sodomo●●, the burning of Sodom. The third Laurentius, expressing the torments of Saint Laurence. The fourth, Idololatria, Idolatry, not after the trade and vein of scripture (wherein he was also very well exercised) but conformable to scripture and after the civil and human learning, declaring them to worship Mars, that war, or fight: Venus, that live incontinently: Pluto, that follow riches covetousely: and so forth through all vices used in his time. The fifth book Arete, virtue: the sixth, Epigrams, contained in two books, which by an epistle of his own hand before the book yet remaining, he dedicated unto me, purposing to have done many more pretty things, but that cruel death prevented, and took him away where he and I was borne at Norwiche, in the year of our Lord M.d.xxxvii. the xxix day of September, being then of the age of xxv years, seven. Months, and vj. days, a great loss of so notable a young man. These works at his death he willed to come to my hands, by which occasion after I had viewed them, and perceived them full of all kinds of learning, thinking them no works for all men to understand with out help, but such as were well seen in all sorts of authors: I endeavoured myself partly for the help of others, & partly for mine own exercise, to declare upon them the profit of my study in civil and human learning, and to have before mine eyes as in a work (which was always my delight) how much I had profited in the same. This so done, I joined every of my commentaries to every of his said books, fair written by Nicolas Pergate pupil to the said Master Framyngham, minding after the judgement of learned men had in the same, to have set them forth in print, if it had been so thought good to them. For which cause, at my departing into Italy, I put an Epistle before them dedicatory to the right Reverend father in God Thomas Thirlbye, now Bishop of Norwiche, because the same master Framyngham loved him above others. He after my departure delivered the books to the reverend father in god John skip, late bishop of Hereforde, then to. D. Thixtle, tutor to the said master framynghan, from him to sir Richard Morisine, now ambassador for the kings majesty with th'emperor, then to D. Tailor Deane of Lincoln, and sir Thomas Smithe secretary after to the kings Majesty, all great learned men. Fron these to others they went, among whom the books died, (as I suppose,) or else be closely kept, that after my death they may be setforth in the names of them which now have them, as their works. How soever it be, well I know that at my return out of Italy (after uj years continuance there) into England, I could never understand where they were, although I both diligently and desirousely sought them. After these I translated out of Greek into Latin a little book of Nicephorus, declaring how a man may in praying confess himself, which after I did give unto John Groom bachelor in art, a young man in years, but in wit & learning for his time, of great expectation. That done I began a chronicle of the city of Norwiche, of the beginning thereof & things done there from time to time, The matter whereof yet rude and undigested lieth by me, which at laisure I mind to polished, and to make an end of that I have begun. And to be short, in physic diverse things I have made & settefurth in print both in Greek and Latin, not minding to do other wise, as I have before said, all my life: For which cause all these things I have rehearsed, else superstitious in this place. Yet see, meaning now to counsel a little against the sweeting sickness for help also of others, notwithstanding my former purpose, two things compel me, in writing thereof, to return again to English, necessity of the matter, & good will to my country, friends, & acquaintance, which here to have required me, to whom I think myself borne.  
necessity, for that this disease is almost peculiar unto us English men, and not common to all men, following us, as the shadow the body, in all countries, albeit not at all times. therefore compelled I am to use this our English tongue as best to be understand, and most needful to whom it most followeth, most behoveth to have speedy remedy, and often times least nigh to places of succourre and comfort at learned men's hands: and least needful to be setforth in other tongues to be understand generally of all persons, whom it either haunteth not at all, or else very seldom, as ones in an age. Thinking it also better to writ this in English after mine own meaning, then to have it translated out of my Latin by other after their misunderstanding.  
Good will to my country friends and acquaintance, saying them with out defence yield unto it, and it fearfully to invade them, furiously handle them, speedily oppress them, unmercyfully choke them, and that in no small numbers, and such persons so notably noble in birth, goodly conditions, grave sobriety, singular wisdom, and great learning, as Henry Duke of Suffolk, and the lord Charles his brother, as few hath been seen like of their age: an heavy & pitiful thing to here or see. So that if by only learned men in physic & not this way also it should be helped, it were needful almost half so many learned men to be ready in every town and city, as their should be sweating sick folks. Yet this notwithstanding, I will every man not to refuse the counsel of the present or nigh phisicen learned, who may, according to the place, person, cause, & other circumstances, give more particular counsel at need, but in any wise exhort him to seek it with all diligence. To this enterprise also among so many learned men, not a little stirreth me the gentleness and good wills of all sorts of men, which I have well proved heretofore by my other former books. Minding therefore with as good a will to give my counsel in this, and trusting for no less gentleness in the same, I will plainly and in English for their better understanding to whom I writ, first declare the beginning, name, nature, and signs of the sweeting sickness. Next, the causes of the same. And thirdly, how to preserve men from it, and remedy them when they have it.  
In the year of our Lord God, 
The beginning of the disease.  M. CCCC.lxxxv. shortly after the vij day of august, at which time king Henry the seventh arrived at ●…ilford in walls, out of France, and in the first year of his reign, there chanced a disease among the people, lasting the rest of that month & all september, which for the soubdeine sharpness and unwont cruelness passed the pestilence. For this commonly giveth iu or four often vij sometime ix. as that first at Athenes which Thucydides describeth in his second book, sometime xj and sometime xiiij days respect, to whom it vexeth. But that immediately killed some in opening their windows, some in playing with children in their street doors, some in one hour, many in two it destroyed, & at the longest, to them that merrily dined, it gave a sorrowful Supper. As it found them so it took them, some in sleep some in wake, some in mirth some in care, some fasting & some full, some busy and some idle, and in one house sometime three sometime five, sometime seven sometime eight, sometime more some time all, of the which, if the half in every Town escaped, it was thought great favour. How, or with what manner it took them, with what grief, and accidents it held them, hereafter them I will declare, when I shall come to show the signs thereof. In the mean space, know that this disease (because it most did stand in sweeting from the beginning until the ending) was called here, the Sweeting sickness: and because it first began in England, it was named in other countries, the english sweat. Yet some conjecture, that it, or the like, hath been before seen among the Greeks in the siege of Troy. In th'emperor octavius wars at Cantabria, called now biscay, in Hispaine: and in the Turks, at the Rhodes. How true that is, let the authors look: how true this is, the best of our Chronicles she with, & of the late begun disease the fresh memory yet confirmeth. But if the name were now to be given, and at my liberty to make the same: I would of the manner and space of the disease (by cause the same is no sweat only, as her after I will declare, & in the spirits) make the name Ephemera, which is to say, a fever of one natural day. A fever, for the fervour or burning, drieth & sweeting feure like. Of one natural day, for that it lasteth but the time of 24 hours. And for a distinction from the common Ephemera, that Galene writeth of, coming both of other causes, and with unlike pains, I would put to it either English, for that it followeth so much English men, to whom it is almost proper, & also began here: or else pestilent, for that it cometh by infection & putrefaction, otherwise then doth the other Ephemera. Which thing I suppose may the better be done, because I see strange and no english names both in Latin and Greek, by common usage taken for English. As in Latin, Feure, Quotidian, Tertian, quartan, Air, Infection, Pestilence, Uomite, Person, Reins veins, pains, Chamere, Numbered, etc. a little altered by the common pronunciation. In Greek, pleurisy, Ilchiada, Hydrops, Apostema, Phlegma, and Chole: called by the vulgar pronunciation, Schiatica, Dropsy, Impostume, Phleume, & Choler: Gyne also, and Soutyre, Sciourel, Mouse, Rophe, Phrase, Paraphrase, & cephe, whereof cometh Chaucer's covercephe, in the romant of the Rose, written and pronounced commonly, zz in the south. & courchief in the north. Thereof every head or principal thing, is commonly called cephe, pronounced & written, chief Very many other there be in our common tongue, which here to rehearse were to long. These for an example shortly I have here noted. But for the name of this disease it maketh now no matter, the name of Sweat being commonly used. Let us therefore return to the thing, which as occasion & cause served, came again in the. M.d.vi the xxii year of the said King Henry the seventh. Aftre that, in the year M.D.xvii. the ix year of King Henry the viii, and endured from july, unto the midst of December. The iiii time, in the year. M.D.xxviii. the xx. year of the said King, beginning in th'end of May, & continuing june and july. The fifth time of this fearful Ephemera of England, and pestilent sweat, is this in the year. M.D.LI of our Lord GOD and the fifth year of our Sovereign Lord king Edward the sixth, beginning at Shrewesbury in the midst of April, proceeding with great mortality to Ludlowe, Prestene, and other places in Wales, then to Westchestre, Coventre, Oxenfoorde, and other towns in the south, and such as were in and about the way to London, whether it came notably the seventh of july, and there continuing sore, with the loss of vii C.lxi from the ix day until the xvi day, besides those that died in the vii and viii days, of whom no registre was kept, from that it abated until the xxx day of the same, with the loss of. C.xlii more. Then ceasing there, it went from thence through all the east parts of England into the north until the end of August, at which time it diminished, and in the end of Septembre fully ceased.  
This disease is not a Sweat only, (as it is thought & called) but a fever. as I said, in the spirits by putrefaction venomous, with a fight, travail, and labour of nature against the infection received in the spirits, whereupon by chance followeth a Sweat, or issueth an humour compelled by nature, as also chanceth in other sicknesses which consist in humours, when they be in their state, and at the worst in certain days judicial, aswell by vomits, bledinge, & fluxes, as by sweats. That this is true, the self sweats do show. For as in utter businesses, bodies that sore do labour, by travail of the same are forced to sweated, so in inner diseases, the bodies travailed & laboured by them, are moved to the like. In which labours, if nature be strong & able to thrust out the poison by sweat (not otherwise letted) the person escapeth: if not, it dieth. That it is a fever, thus I have partly declared, and more will straight by the notes of the disease, under one showing also by the same notes, signs, and short tarriance of the same, that it consisteth in the spirits. First by the pain in the back, or shoulder, pain in the extreme parts, as arm, or leg, with a flusshing, or wind, as it seemeth to certain of the pacientes, flying in the same. Secondly by the grief in the liver and the nigh stomach. thirdly, by the pain in the head, & madness of the same. Fourthly by the passion of the heart. For the flusshing or wind coming in the utter and extreme parts, is nothing else but the spirits of those same gathered together, at the first entering of the evil air, against the infection thereof, & flying the same from place to place, for their own safeguard. But at the last infected, they make a grief where they be forced, which commonly is in tharme or leg (the farthest parts of their refuge) the back or shoulder: tying their first a brunt as good soldiers, before they will let their enemy come further into their dominion. The other griefs be therefore in tother parts aforesaid & sorer, because the spirits be there most plenteous as in their fountains, whether always th'infection desireth to go. For from the liver, the nigh stomach, brain, and heart, come all the three sorts, and kinds of spirits, the governors of our bodies, as first sprung there. But from the heart, the livish spirits. In putrifieng whereof by the evil air in bodies fit for it, the heart is oppressed. Whereupon also followeth a marvelous heaviness, (the fifth token of this disease,) and a desire to sleep, never contented, the senses in all parts being as they were bound or closed up, the parts therefore left heavy, unlivishe, and dull. last followeth the short abiding, a certain Token of the disease to be in the spirits, as well may be proved by the Ephemera that Galene writeth of, which because it consisteth in the Spirits, lasteth but one natural day. For as fire in hurds or straw, is soon in flame & soon out, even so heat in the spirits, either by simple distemperature, or by infection and putrefaction therein conceived, is soon in flame and soon out, and sooner for the vehemency or greatues of the same, which without linger, consumeth soon the light matter, contrary to all other diseases resting in humours, wherein a fire one's kindled, is not so soon put out, no more than is the same in moist wood, or fat Sea coals, as well by the particular Example of the pestilence, (of all others most like unto this) may be declared, which by that it standeth in evil humours, tarrieth as I said, sometime, from. iiij.vii.ix. & xj. until xiij days, differently from this, by reason thereof, albeit by infection most like to this same. Thus under one labour shortly I have declared, both what this disease is, wherein it consisteth, how and with what accidents it grieveth and is different from the Pestilence, and the proper signs, and tokens of the same, without the which, if any do sweat, I take them not to Sweat by this Sickness, but rather by fear, heat of the year, many clotheses, great exercise, affection, excess in diet, or at the worst, by a small cause of infection, and less disposition of the body to this sickness. So that, insomuch as the body was not all void of matter, sweat it did when infection came: but in that the matter was not great, the same could neither be perilous nor painful, as in others, in whom 〈◊〉 was greater cause.  
Hitherto I have showed the beginning, 
The causes.  name, nature, & signs of this disease: now I will declare the causes, which be ij: infection, & impure spirits in bodies corrupt by repletion. Infection, by th'air receiving evil qualities, distempring not only the heat, but the hole substance thereof, in putrifieng the same, & that generally two ways. By the time of the year unnatural, & by the nature & site of the soil & region. whereunto may be put the particular accidents of this same. By the time of the year unnatural, as if winter be hot & dry, summer hot and moist: (a fit time for sweats) the spring cold and dry, the fall hot & moist. To this may be joined the evil disposition by coustellation, which hath a great power & dominion in all earthly things. By the site & nature of the soil & region, many ways. First & specially, by evil mists & exhalations drawn out of the ground by the sun in the heat of the year, as chanced among the Greeks in the siege of Troy, whereby died first dogs & mules, after, men in great numbered: & here also in England in this m.d.lj year, the cause of this pestilent sweat, but of divers nature. Which mist in the country where it began, was seen fly from town to town, with such a stink in mornings & evenings, that men could scarcely abide it. Then by damps out of the earth, as out of galen's Barathrum, or the poets avernun, or aornun, the damps whereof be such, that they kil the birds flying over them. Of like damps, I heard in the north country in coal pits, whereby the labouring men be straight killed, except before the hour of coming thereof (which they know by the flame of their candle) they avoid the ground. Thirdly by putrefaction or rot in grounds after great bloods, in carrions, & in dead men. After great floods, as happened in the time of Gallien th'emperor at rome, in Achaia & Libya, where the seas suddenly did overflow the cities nigh to that same. And in the xi year of Pelagius, when all the bloods through all italy did rage, but chiefly Tibris at at Rome, which in many places was as high as the walls of the city.  
In carrions or dead bodies, as fortuned here in England upon the sea banks in the time of King Alured, or alfred, (as some Chroniclers writ) but in the time of king Ethelred after Sabellicus, by occasion of drowned Locusts cast up by the Sea, which by a wind were driven out of France thither. This locust is a fly in bigness of a man's thumb, in colour brown, in shape somewhat like a grasshopper, having vi fiete, so many wings, two tiethe, & an head like a horse, and therefore called in Italy Cavalleto, where over the city of Padua, in the year m.d xlij. (as I remember,) I, with many more did see a swarm of them, whose passage over the city, did last two hours, in breadth inestimable to every man there. Here by example to note infection by dead men in Wars. either in rotting above the ground, as chanced in Athenes by them of Ethiopia, or else in being buried overly as happened at Boulogne, in the year M.d.xlu the year aftre king henry th'eight had conquered the same, or by long continuance of an host in one place, it is more plain by daily experience, than it needeth to be showed.  
Therefore I will now go to the fourth especial cause of infection, the penned air, breaking out of the ground in yearthquakes, as chanced at Venice in the first year of Andrea Dandulo, then Duke, the xxiiii day of Ianuarye, and xx. hour after their computation. By which infection many died, & many were borne before their time. The v. cause is close, & v●stirred air, & therefore putrefied or corrupt, out of old wells, holes in the ground made for grain, whereof many I did see in & about Pesaro in Italy, by opening them after a great space, as both those countrymen do confess, & also by example is declared, for that many in opening them unwarely be killed. Out of caves, & tombs also, as chanced first in the country of Babilonia, proceeding after into Grece, and so to Rome, by occasion that the soldiers of th'emperor Marcus Antoninus, upon hope of money, broke up a golden coffin of Auidius Cassius, spying a little hole therein, in the temple of Apollo in Seleucia, as Ammianus Marcellinus writeth. To these may be joined the particular causes of infection, which I call the accidents of the place, augmenting the same. As nigh to dwelling places, merishe, & muddy grounds, puddles or donghilles, sinks or canales, easing places or carious, dead ditches or rotten grounds, close air in houses or valleis, with such like. Thus much for the first cause.  
The second cause of this english Ephemera, I said were thimpure spirits in bodies corrupt by repletion. Repletion I call here, abundance of humores evil & malicious, from long time by little & little gathered by evil diet, remaining in the body, coming either by to much meat, or by evil meat in quality, as infected fruits, meats of evil juice or nutriment: or both jointly. To such spirits when the air infective cometh consonant, them be they distempered, corrupted, sore handled, & oppressed, them nature is forced, & the disease engendered. But while I do declare these impure spirits to be one cause, I must remove your minds from spirits to humours, for that the spirits be fed of the fivest parts thereof, & after bring you again to spirits where I took you. And forsomuch as I have not yet forgotten to whom I writ, in this declaration I will leave a part all learned & subtle reasons, as here voided & unmiete, & only use such as be most evident to whom I writ, & easiest to be understanden of the same: and at ones therewith show also why it haunteth us English men more than other nations. Therefore I pass over the ungentle savour or smell of the sweat, grossness, colour, and other qualities of the same, the quantity, the danger in stopping, the manner in coming forth readily, or hardly, hot or cold, the notes in the excrements, the state longer or sore, with such others, which may be tokens of corrupt humours & spirits, & only will stand upon iii reasons declaring that same sweat by great repletion to be in us not otherwise for all the evil air apt to this disease, more than other nations. For as heraftre I will show, & Galen confirmeth, our bodies cannot suffer any thing or hurt by corrupt & infective causes, except there be in them a certain matter prepared apt & like to receive it. else if one were sick, all should be sick, if in this countri, in all countries where the infection came, which thing we see doth not chance. For touching the first reason, we see this sweating sickness or pestilent Ephemera, to be often in England, but never entereth Scotland, (except the borders) albeit they both be joinetly within the compass of on sea. The same beginning here, hath assailed Brabant & the costs nigh to it, but never passed Germany, where one's it was in like fashion as here, with great mortality, in the year m.d.xxix 'Cause whereof none other there is natural, than the evil diet of these three countries which destroy more meats and drinks without all order, convenient time, reason, or necessity, them either Scotland, or all other countries under the sun, to the great annolance of their own bodies and wits, hindrance of them which have need, and great dearth and scarcity in their common wealths. Wherefore if Esculapius the inventor of physic, the saver of men from death, and restorer to life, should return again into this world, he could not save these sorts of men, having so moche sweeting stuff, so many evil humours laid up in store, from this displeasant, fearful, & pestilent disease: except they would learn a new lesson, & follow a new trade. For other wise, neither the avoiding of this country (the second reason) nor fleeing into others, (a common refuge in other diseases) will preserve us English men, as in this last sweat is by experience well proved in Cales, Antwerp, and other places of Brabant, where only our countrymen ware sick, & none others, except one or two others of th'English diet, which is also to be noted. The cause hereof natural is only this, that they carried over with them, & by like diet there increased that which was the cause of their disease. Wherefore let us asserteine ourselves, that in what soever country like cause and matter is, there coming like air and cause efficient, will make like effect and disease in people of agreeable complexions, age, and diet, if the time also do serve to these same, and in none others. These I put, for that the time of the year hot, maketh moche to the malice of the disease, in opening the pores of the body, letting in the evil air, resolving the humores and making them flowable, and disposing therefore the spirits accordingly, beside, that (as I showed in the first cause of this pestilent sweat) it stirreth and braweth out of the earth evil exhalations and mists, to th'infection of the air and displeasure of us. Diet I put, for that they of the contrary diet be not troubled with it at all. Age and complexion, for this, that although it spareth non age of both kinds, nor no complexion but some it touch thee, yet for the most part (whereby rules and reasons be always to be made) it vexed them of the middle age, best lust, and them not much under that, and of complexions hot & moist, as fittest by their naughty & moche subtlety of blood to feed the spirits: or nigh and like to the same in some one of the qualities, as choleric in heat, phlegmatic in moister, except tother their qualities, as dryness in choleric, & cold in phlegmatic, by great dominion over tother, did let. For the clean contrary complerions to the infected air, always remain healthful, safe and better than tofore, the corrupt and infected air notwithstanding. Therefore cold and dry persons either it touched not at all, or very few, and that with no dangers such I say as beside their complexion, (which is so hard to find in any man exact and simple, as exact healths) were annoyed with some corrupt humours & spirits, & therefore meet by so much to receive it, & that by good reason. For nothing can naturally have power to do aught against any thing, except the same have in itself a disposition by like qualities to receive it. As the cause in the foot cannot trouble the flank and leave the knee (the mean betwixt) except there were a greater consent and likeness of nature in sufferance (which we call sympathian) betwixt those then tother. Nor fire refusing stones, ca●●e burn hurds, straw, sticks and charcoal, oil, wax fat, and seacole, except these same first of all were apt, and by convenient qualities disposed to be inflamed and burned. Nor any man goeth about to burn water, because the qualities thereof be contrary, and the body undisposed to the like of fire. By which reason it may also be perceived, that the venomous quality of this corrupt is hot and moist. for it readily enfectethe the like complexions, and those nigh unto them, and the contrary not at all, or hardly: & easily doth putrefy, as do the south winds. Therefore next unto those cold and dry complexions, old men escaped free, as like to them by age: and children, as void of repletion consumed by their great heat, and therefore always ready to eat. But in this disease the subtle humour evil and abundant in full bodies feeding the spirits, is more to be noted then the humour complexional, which notwithstanding, as an helper or hinderer to the same, is not to be neglected. For else it should be in all countries and persons indifferently, where all complexiones be. The third and last reason is, that they which had this sweat sore with peril or death, were either men of wealth, ease, & welfare, or of the poorer sort such as were idle persons, good ale drinkers, and Tavern haunters. For these, by the great welfare of the one sort, and large drinking of thither, heped up in their bodies much evil matter: by their ease and idleness, could not waste and consume it. A comfirmation of this is, that the laborious and thin dieted people, either had it not, because they did eat but little to make the matter: or with no great grief and danger, because they laboured out moche thereof. Wherefore upon small cause, necessarily must follow a small effect. All these reasons go to this end, that persons of all countries of moderate and good diet, escape this English Ephemera, and those be only vexed there with, which be of immoderate and evil diet. But why? for the evil humores and corrupt air alone? No. for them the pestilence and not the sweat should rise. For what then? For the impure spirits corrupt in themselves and by the infective air. Why so? for that of impure and corrupt humores, whether they be blood or others, can rise none other than impure spirits. For every thing is such as that whereof it cometh. Now, that of the best and finest of the blood, yea in corrupt bodies (which best is naught) these spirits be engendered and fed, I before expressed. Therefore who will have them pure and clean, and himself free from sweat, must keep a pure and clean diet, and then he shallbe sure.  
Infection by the air, 
The preservation.  and impure spirits by repletion thus found and declared to be the causes of this pestilent sweat or English ephemera, let us now see how we may preserve ourselves from it, and how it may be remedied, if it chance, with less mortality. I will begin with preservation. That most of all doth stand in avoiding the causes to come of the disease, the things helping forward the same, & removing that which is already had & gotten. All be done by the good order of things pertaining to the state of the body. Therefore I will begin with diet where I left, & then go forth with air where I began in treating the causes, and declare the way to avoid infection, and so forth to the rest in order. Who that lust the to line in quiet surety, out of the sudden danger of this English ephemera, he above all things, of little and good must eat & spare not. the last part whereof will please well (I doubt not) us English men: the first I think never a deal. Yet it must please them that intend to live without the reach of this disease. So doing, they shall easily escape it. For of that is good, can be engendered no evil: of that is little, can be gathered no great store. Therefore healthful must he needs be and free from this disease. that useth this kind of living and manner in dieting. An example hereof may the wise man Socrates be, which by this sort of diet escaped a sore pestilence in Athenes, never fleeing ne keeping close him self from the same. Truly who will live according to nature and not to lust, may with this diet be well contented. For nature is pleased with a little, nor seeketh other then that the mind void of cares and fears may be in quiet merrily, and the body void of grief, may be in life sweetly, as Lucretius writeth. Here at large to run out until my breath were spent, as upon a common place, against the intemperance or excessive diet of England, thincommodities & displeasures of the same many ways: and contrary, in commendation of mean diet and temperance (called of Plato sophrosyne, for that it conserveth wisdom) and the thousand commodities thereof, both for health, wealth, wit, and long life, well I might, & loose my labour: such be our English fashions rather then reasons. But for that I purpose neither to wright a long work but a short counsel, nor to weary the readers with that they lust not to here, I will let that pass, and move them that desire further to know my mind therein, to remember that I said before, of little & good eat and spare not, whereby they shall easily perceive my meaning. I therefore go forth with my diet, wherein my counsel is, that the meats be healthful, and handsomely killed, sweetly saved, and well prepared in roasting, seething, baking, & so forth. The bread, of sweat corn, well leavened, and so baked. The drink of sweet malt and good water kindly brewed, without other dross now a days used. No wine in all the time of sweeting, except to such whose sickness require it for medicine, for fere of inflaming & opening, nor except that half be well sudden water. In other times, old, pure, & small. Wishing for the better execution hereof & oversight of good and healthsome victalles, there were appointed certain masters of health in every city and town, as there is in Italy, which for the good order in all things, may be in all places an example. The meats I would to be veal, mutton, kid, old lamb, chikyn, capone, hen, cock, pertriche, phesane, felfare, small birds, pigeon, young peacocks, whose flesh by a certain natural & secret property never putrefy, as hath been proved. Coneys, pork of mean age, neither fat nor leave, the skin taken away, roast, & eaten cold: Tarts of prunes, gelies of veal & capon. young beef in this case a little powdered is not to be dispraised, nor new eggs & good milk. Butter in a morning with sage and rue fasting in the sweeting time, is a good preservative, beside that it nourisheth. Crabs, cravesses, picrel, perch ruff, gogion, lampreiss out of gravelly rivers, smeltes, dace, barbell, gornerd whiting, soles, flunders, plaice, miller's thumbs, minues with such others, sod in water & vinegar with rosemary time, sage, & hole maces, & served hot. Yea sweet salt fish and linge, for the salts sake wasting the humores thereof, which in many fresh fishes remain, may be allowed well watered to them that have none other, & well like it. Nor all fishes, no more than all fleshes be so evil as they be taken for: as is well declared in physic, & approved by the old and wise romans moche in their fishes, lusty chartusianes never in flesh's, & healthful poor people more in fish then flesh. But we are now a days so unwisely fine, and womanly delicate, that we may in no wise touch a fish. The old manly hardness, stout courage, & peinfulnes of England is utterly driven away. in the stead whereof, men now a days receive womanlines, & become nice, not able to withstand a blast of wind, or resist a poor fish. And children be so brought up, that if they be not all day by the fire with a toast and butire, and in their furs, they be straight sick.  
Sauces to meats I appoint first above all things good appetite, and next Olives, capers, juice of lemones, Barberies, Pomegranetes, Oranges and sorrel, veriuse, & vineigre, juice of unripe Grapes, thepes or Goseberies. After meet, quinces, or marmalade, Pomegranates, Oranges sliced eaten with Sugar, Succate of the pills or barks thereof, and of pomecitres, old apples and peers, Prunes, Reisons Dates & Nuts. Figs also, so they be taken before dinner. else no fruits of that year, nor raw herbs or roots in sallattes, for that in such times they be suspected to be partakers also of the enfected air.  
Of air so much I have spoken before, as apperteinethe to the declaration of enfection thereby. Now I will advise and counsel how to keep the same pure, for so moche as may be, or less enfected, and correct the same corrupt. The first is done in taking a way the causes of enfection. The second, by doing in all points the contrary thereto. Take away the causes we may, in damning ditches, avoiding carrions, letting in open air, shunning such evil mists as before I spoke of, not opening or stirring evil breathing places, landing muddy and rotten grounds, burying deed bodies, keeping canelles clean, sinks & easing places sweated, removing dongehilles, box and evil savouring things, enhabiting high & open places, close toward the sooth, shut toward the wind, as reason will & th'experience of. M. varro in the pestilence at Corcyra confirm the. Correct in doing the contrary we shall, in drying the moist with fires, either in houses or chambers, or on that side the cities, towns, & houses, that lieth toward the infection and wind coming together, chiefly in mornings & evenings, either by burning the stubble in the field, or windfallynges in the woods, or other wise at pleasure. By which policy skilful Acron delivered Athenes in Gretia, and divine Hypocrates abderan in Thratia from the pestilence, & preserved from the same other the cities in Grece, at diverse times cunning with the wind from aethiopia, illyria & paeonia, by putting to the fires well smelling garlands, flowers & odours, as Galene and Soranus writ. Of like policy for purging the air were the bonfires made (as I suppose) from long time he thereto used in the mids of summer, and not only for vigiles. In comforting the spirits also, and by altering the air with sweet odours of roses, sweat perfumes of the same, rosemary leaves, bay, and white sanders cut, afewe cloves steeped in rose water and vinegar rosate, the infection shallbe less noious. with the same you may also make you a sweet house in casting it abroad therein, if first by avoiding the rushes and dust, you make the house clean. Have always in your handcercher for your nose and mouth, both with in your house and without, either the perfume before said, or vinegar rosate: and in your mouth a piece either of setwel, or of the rote of enula campana well steeped before in vinegar rosate, a mace, or berry of juniper. In want of such perfumes as is beforesaid, take of myrrh & dry rose leaves of each a like quantity, with a little frank incense, for the like purpose, and cast it upon the coals: or burn juniper & their berries. And for so moche as clenelines is a great help health, mine advise is, that all your clotheses be sweet smelling and clean, and that you wash your hands and face not in warm water, but with rosewater and vinegar rosate cold, or else with the fair water and vinegar wherein the pills or barks of oranges and pomegranates are sodden: or the pills of pomecitres & sorrel is boiled. for so you shall close the pores against the air, that it readily entre not, and coal and temper those parts so washed, according to the right intent in curing this disease. For in all the discurse, preservation, and cure of this disease, the chief mark & purpose is, to minister such things as of their nature have the faculty by cooling drying and closing, to resist putrefaction, strength and defend the spirits, comfort the heart, and keep all the body against the displeasure of the corrupt air. Wherefore it shall be well done, if you take of this composition following every morning the weight of two d. i●. vi. spoonfuls of water or ●uleppe of sorrel, & cast it upon your meat as pepper. ℞. seins citri, acetoes, ros. rub, sandal. citrin, amn, 3. i, boli armeni oriental. 3. ●. 8, terr. sigil. 3. 8, margarit. 3. i, fol. auri puri. no. iiii, misce. & f. pull. dividatur ad pond. 3.8. Or in the stead of this, take fasting the quantity of a small been of Mithridatum or Venice treacle in a spoonful of sorrel, or Scabious water, or by the self alone. And in going abroad, have in your hand either an handekercher with vinegar and rose water, or a little musk ball of nutmegs, maces, cloves, saffron, & cinamome, of each the weight of ii d. fively beaten. of mastic the weight of ij. d. ob. of storax .v. d. of ladane ten d. of Amber grise vi grains, of Musk iii grains dissolved in right Muscadel: temper all together, & make a ball. In want of Mithridatum or such other as I have before mentioned, use daily the Sirupes of Pome granates, Lemones, and Sorrel, of each half an ounce, with asmuch of the waters of Tormentille, Sorrel, and Dragon's, fasting in the morning, and one hour before supper. A toast in vinegar or veriuse of Grapes, with a little powder of cinnamon and Settewelle cast upon it. Or two figs with one nut carnelle, and ten leaves of rue in each, and a little salt. Oboutire, rue, and sage, with bread in a morning eaten next your heart, be as good preservatives, as they be easy to be had. These preservatives I here appoint the more willingly among many others further to be fetched, because these may easilier behadde, as at hand in niede, which now to find is my most endeavour, as most fruictfulle to whom I writ. And this to be done I counsel in the sickness time, when first you hear it to be coming and begun, but not in the fit. Always remembering, not to go out fasting. For as Cornelius Celsus writeth, Uenime or infection taketh hold much sooner in a body yet fasting, then in the same not fasting. Yet this is not so to be understand, that in the morning we shall straight as our clotheses be on, stuff our bellies as full as English men, (as the French man saith to our shames,) but to be content with our preservatives, or with a little meat both at breakfast (if custom and need so require) dinner and supper. For other wise nature, if the disease should take us, should have more a do against the full belly and fierce disease, than it were able to sustain.  
Aftre diet and air followeth filling or emptieng. Of filling in the name of repletion I spoke before. Of emptieng, I will now shortly writ as of a thing very necessary for the conseruavation of man's health. For if that which is evil within, be not by good means & ways well fet out, it often times destroyeth the life. Good means to fet out the evelle stuff of the body be two, abstinence, & avoidance.  
Abstinence, in eating and drinking little, as a little before I said, and seldom. For so, more goeth away then cometh, and by little and little it wasteth the humours & drieth. Therefore (as I wiene) through the counsel of Physic, & by the good civil, & politic ordres, tendering the wealth of many so much given to their bellies to their own hurts & damages, not able for want of reason to rule themselves, & thereby inclined to all vices and diseases: for thavoiding of these same, increase of virtue, wit and health, saving victuals, making plenty, avoiding lothesomenesse or weariness, by change, in taking sometime of that in the sea, and not always destroying that of the land, an order (without the which nothing can stand) and common wealth, days of abstinence, and fasting were first made, and not for religion only.  
Avoidance, because it cannot be safely done without the help of a good Phisicien, I let pass here, expressing how it should be done duly according to the nature of the disease and the estate of the person, in an other book made by me in Latin upon this same matter and disease. Who therefore lusteth to see more, let him look upon that book. Yet here thus much will I say, that if after evacuation or avoiding of humours, the pores of the skin remain close, and the sweeting excrement in the flesh continueth gross (which thing how to know, hereafter I will declare) then rub you the person meanly at home, & bathe him in fair water sodden with Fenel, Chamemil, rosemary, Mallows, & Lavendre, & last of all, power water half cold over all his body, and so dry him, & cloth him. All these be to be done a little before that end of that spring, that the humours may be seatled, and at rest, before the time of the sweting, which cometh commonly in summer, if it cometh at al. For the tormoiling of the body in that time when it aught to be most quiet, at rest, and armed against his enemy, liketh me not best here, no more then in the pestilence. Yet for the present need, if it be so thought good to a learned and discrete Phisicien, I condescend the rather. For as in this, so in all others before rehearsed, I remit you to the discretion of a learned man in physic, who may judge what is to be done, and how, according to the present estate of your bodies, nature, custom, and proprety, age, strength, delight and quality, time of the year, with other circumstances, and thereafter to give the quantity, and make diversity of his medicine. Other wise look not to receive by this book that good which I intend, but that evil which by your own folly you vudiscretelye bring. For good counsel may be abused. And for me to writ of every particular estate and case, which be so many as there be men, were so great almost a business, as to numbered the sands in the sea. Therefore seek you out a good Phisicien, and known to have skille, and at the least be so good to your bodies, as you are to your hosen or shoes, for the well making or mending whereof, I doubt not but you will diligently search out who is known to be the best hosier or shoemaker in the place where you dwell: and fly the unlearned as a pestilence in a common wealth. As simple women, carpenters, pewterers, braziers, sopeballe sellers, pulters, hostellers, painters, apothecaries (otherwise then for their drugs.) avaunters themselves to come from Pole, Constantinople, Italy, Almain, Spain, France, Grece and Turkey, Ind, Egypt or jury: from the service of Emperors, kings & quienes, promising help of all diseases, yea uncurable, with one or two drinckes, by waters six months in continualle distilling, by Aurum potabile, or quintessence, by drinks of great and high prices, as though they were made of the sun, moon, or stars, by blessings and Blowinge, Hipocriticalle prayenges, and foolish smokynges of shirts Smocks and kerchieffes, with such others their fantasies, and mockeries, meaning nothing else but to abuse your light believe, and scorn you behind your backs with their medicines (so filthy, that I am ashamed to name them) for your single wit and simple belief, in trusting them most, which you know not at all, and understand least: like to them which think, far fowls have fair feathers, although they be never so evil favoured & foul: as though there could not be so cunning an Englishman, as a foolish running stranger, (of others I speak not) or so perfect health by honest learning, as by deceitful ignorance. For in the error of these unlearned, resteth the 〈◊〉 of your honest estimation, diere blood, precious spirits, and swiete life, the thing of most estimation and price in this world, next unto the immortal soul.  
For consuming of evil matter within, and for making our bodies lusty, galliard, & healthful, I do not a little commend exercise, which in us English men I allow quick, and livishe: as to run after hounds and hawks, to shoot, wrestle, play at tennis and weapons, toss the wind ball, skirmish at base (an exercise for a gentleman, much used among the italians) and vaughting upon an horse. Bowling, a good excercise for women: casting of the bar and camping, I account rather a laming of legs, than an exercise. Yet I utterly reprove them not, if the hurt may be avoided. For these a convenient time is, before meat: due measure, reasonable sweating, in all times of the year, saving in the sweating time. In the which I allow rather quietness than exercise, for opening the body, in such persons specially as be liberally & freely brought up. Others, except sitting artificers, have their exercises by daily labours in their occupations, to whom nothing niedeth but solace only, a thing convenient for every body that jousteth to live in health. For else as non other thing, so not health can be long durable. Thus I speak of solace, that I mean not Idleness, wishing always no man to be idle, but to be occupied in some honest kind of thing necessary in a common wealth. For I account them not worthy meat & drink in a common wealth, that be not good for some purpose or service therein, but take them rather as burdennes unprofitable and heavy to the earth, men borne to fill a numbered only, and waste the fruits which th'earth doth give, willing sooner to fiede the Lacedæmonians old & crooked ass, which laboured for the living so long as it could for age, than such an idle Engisshe man. If the honesty and profit of honest labour and exercise, conservation of health, preservation from sickness, maintenance of life, advancement, safety from shameful deaths, defence from beggary, displeasures by idleness, shamefulle diseases by the same, hatefulle vices, and punishment of the immortalle soul, can not move us to reasonable labour and excercise, and to be profitable members of the common wealth, let at the lest shame move us, seeing that other country men, of naught, by their own wit, diligence, labour and activity, can pick out of a cast bone, a wrethen straw, a light feather, or an hard stone, an honest living: Nor ye shall ever hear them say, alas master, I have non occupation, I must either beg or steal. For they can find other means between these two. And forsomuch as in the case that now is, miserable persons are to be relieved in a common wealth, I would wish for not favouring the idle, the discretion of. Marc. Cicero the roman were used in healping them: who would compassion should be showed upon them, whom necessity compelled to do or make a fault: & no compassion upon them, in whom a fault made necessity. A fault maketh necessity, in this case of begging, in them, which might labour and serve, & will not for idleness: and therefore not to be pitied, but rather to be punished. Necessity maketh a fault in them, which would labour & serve, but cannot for age, impotency. or sickness, and therefore to be pitied & relieved. But to avoid punishment & to show the way to amendment, I would again wish, that forsomuch as we be so evil disposed of ourselves to our own profits and commodities with out help, this old law were renewed, which forbiddeth the needy & impotent parents, to be relieved of those their welthi children, that by them or their means were not brought up, either in good learning and Science, or honest occupation. For so is a man without science, as a realm without a king. Thus much of exercise, and for exercise. To the which I would now join honest company between man and woman, as a part of natural exercise, and healpen to that emptieng & lightning the body in other times allowed, in this sweeting time for healths sake, & for fear of opening the body, and resolving the spirits, not approved, but for doubt, that with lengthing the book, I should weary the reader. Therefore I let that pass & come to sleeping & waking, which without good order, be greatly hurtful to the body. For avoiding the which, I take the mean to be best, and against this sweat most commendable. But if by excess a man must in either part offend, I permit rather to watch to much, then to lie in bed to long: so that in watching, there be no way to surfeiting. All these things duly observed, and well executed, which before I have for preservation mentioned, if more over we can set a part all affections, as fretting cares & thoughts, doleful or sorrowful imaginations, vain fears, foolish loves, guawing hates, and give ourselves to live quietly, friendly, & merrily one with an onther, as men were wont to do in the old world, when this country was called merry England, and every man to meddle in his own matters, thinking them sufficient, as they do in italy, and avoid malice and dissension, the destruction of common wealths, and private houses: I doubt not but we shall preserve ourselves, both from this sweating sickness, and other diseases also not here purposed to be spoken of.  
But if in leaving a part these or some of them, 
The cure or remedy.  or negligently executing them, it chanceth the disease of sweeting to trouble our bodies, then passing the bonds and compass of preservation, we must come to curation, the way to remedy the disease, & the third and last part (as I first said) to be entreated in this book. The principal intent hereof, is to let out the venom by sweat according to the course of nature. This is brought to pass safely two ways, by suffering and serving handsomely nature, if it thrust it out readily and kindly: and helping nature, if it be letted, or be weak in expelling. Serve nature we shall, if in what time so ever it taketh us, or what so ever estate, we straight lay us down upon our bed, if we be up and in our clotheses, not taking them of: or lie still, if we be in bed out of our clotheses, laying on clotheses both ways, if we want, reasonably, and not loading us therewith unmeasurably. Thus laid and covered, we must endeavour ourselves so to continued with all quietness, & for so much as may be without fear, distrust, or faintehartednesse, an evil thing in all diseases. For such surrendre and give over to the disease without resistance. By which occasion many more died in the first pestilence at Athenes, that I spoke of in the beginning of this book, than other wise should. Our keepers, friends and lovers, must also endeavour themselves to be handsome and diligent about us, to serve us readily at all turns, and never to leave us during four and twenty hours, but to look well unto us, that neither we cast of our clotheses, nor thrust out hand or foot, during the space of the said four and twenty hours. For albeit the great daungere be paste after twelve hours, or fourteen, the last of trial, yet many die after by to much boldness, when they think themselves most in surety, or negligence in attendance, when they think no necessity. Whereby it is proved that without doubt, the handsome diligence, or careless negligence, is the saving, or casting away of many. If two be taken in one bed, let them so continued, although it be to their unquietness. For fear whereof, & for the more quietness & safety, very good it is during all the sweeting time, that two persons lie not in one bed. If with this quietness, diligence, and order, the sick do kindly sweat, suffer them so to continued, without meat all the xxiiij hours: without drink, until the fifth hour, if it may be. Always taking heed to them in the fourth, seventh, ninth, & eleventh hours specially, and fourteenth also, as the last of trial and danger, but of less in both. For these be most perilous, as I have observed this year in this disease, having the hours judicial, as others have their days, and therefore worse to give any thing in, for troubling nature standing in trialle. Yet where more danger is in forbearing then in taking, I counsel not to spare in these hours to do as the case requireth with wisdom & discretion, but less than in other hours. In the fifth hour give them to drink clarified ale made only doulcet with a little sugar, out of a cruet, or glass made in cruet fashion, with a neb, for fear of raising themselves to receive the drink offered, & so to let the sweat, by the air striking in. But if the sick on this wise beforesaid cannot sweat kindly, than nature must be helped, as I said before. And for so much as sweat is letted in this disease four ways, by disorder, weakness of nature, closeness of the pores in the skin, & grossness of the humours: my counsel is to avoid disorder by such means as hitherto I have taught, and next to open the pores if they be close, and make thin the matter, if it be gross, and provoke sweat, if nature be week. Those you shall do by gentle rubbings, this by warm drinckes as hereafter straight I will declare. And for that every man hath not the knowledge to discern which of these is the cause of let in sweeting, I will show you plainly how to do with most surety and lest offence. I will beginnne with weakness of nature. Therefore remember well that in treating the causes of this disease, I said that this sweat chanceth commonly in them of the mid age and best lust, the infection having a certain concordance, or convenience with the corrupt spirits of them more than others. Know again that nature is week, ij. ways, either in the self, or by the annoyance of an other. In the self, by want of strength consumed by sickness or other wise. By annoyance of an other, when nature is so overlaid with the quantity of evil humours that it can not stir. Between thes two set your wit, and see whether the person be lusty or sickly. If he be lusty, understand that the sweat doth not stop for weakness of nature in itself. Then of necessity it must be for some of tother causes. But for which, thus know. Consider whether the lusty person were in foretime given to much drinking, eating and ravening, tomoch ease, to no exercise or bathings in his health, or no. If all these you find in him, know that both nature is weakened by the annoyance of the humours, and that the skin is stopped, and the humour gross, and that for this the sweat is letted. If you find only some of these, and that ravening, annoyance is the cause. If want of exercise or bathings, stoppings of the pores and closeness, or grossness of humours, or both, be the cause of not sweeting. On the otherside, if the person be sickly, it is easily known that his weakness consisteth in nature the self. And for so moche as week folks and sick shall also by other causes not sweat, consider if in his sickness he hath sweat moche or not, or hath been disposed to it and could not. If he neither hath sweat, nor could sweated disposed, know that closeness of the skin, and grossness of the humour is the cause. Therefore every thing in his kind must be remedied. weakness of nature, by drinks provoking sweat: closeness, & grossness, by rubbing, as I said. But be ware neither to rub or give drinks, except you see cause as beforesaid. Forother wise, the one hindrethe nature, and tother letteth out the spirits & wasteth the strength. Therefore accordingly, if rub you must, give to the sick in to their beds a new and somewhat hard kerchief, well warmed but not hot, and bid them rub all their bodies over therewith under the clotheses, neither to moche neither to little, nor to hard or to soft, but meanly between, taking you heed which be about them, that by stirring their arms they raise not the clotheses to let in the air. This done, if case so require, give them a good draft of hot possette ale made of swiete milk turned with vinegar, in a quart whereof percely, and sage, of each half one little handful hath been sodden, with three sliftes of rosemary, ij. fenel roots cut, and a few hole maces. Always remembering here, as in other places of this book, to heat the herbs in a pewter dish before the fire, or wash them in hot water, before you put them in to the posset ale, and that you put their to no cold herbs at any time during the hole fit. Or give them posset ale hot with rosemary, dittane, & germander. Or bay berries, anise seeds, & calamints with claret wine sodden and drunk warm. Or white wine with hoar and wild tansy grown in medes sodden therein, and two. d. weight of good treacle, drunk hot, or in that stead of that, wild tanesy, mogwort or feverfue. These provoke sweat, may easily be had, & be meetest for them which have all the causes beforesaid of letting the same. But specially if for cold and gross humours, or for closeness of the skin, the sweat cometh not forth. If with one draft they sweat not, give them one other, or ii, successively, after half one hour between, and increase the clotheses, first a little above the mean, after, more or less as the cause requireth, & make a little fire in the chamber of clean wood, as ash & oak, with the perfume of bdellium: or swiet wood, as juniper, fir, or pine, by theimselues: remembering to withdraw the fire, when they sweated fully, and the clotheses above the mean, by little and little as you laid them on, when they first complain of fainting. And after xii or xiiii hours, some also of the mean, but one after an other by half one hour successively with discretion, always not looking so moche to the quantitte of the sweat, as what the sick may safely bear. And in such case of fainting, suffer competent open air to come into the chamber, if the same and the wether be hot, for smodering the patient, by such windows as the wind lieth not in, nor openeth to the south. Put to their noses to smell vinegar and rose water in an handkerchief, not touching them there with so nigh as may be. 'Cause them to lie on their right side, and bow themselves forward, call them by their names, and beat them with a rosemary branch, or some other sweet like thing. In the stead of posset ale, they which be troubled with gouts, dropsies, rheums, or such other moist evil diseases, chancing to sweated, may drink a good draft of the stronger drink of Guaiacum so hot as they can, for the like effect, as also others may, not having these diseases, if it be so ready to them as the other. After they ones sweat fully, mine advise is not to give any more posset ale, but clarified ale with sugar, during the hole fit, neither unreasonably, nor so oft as they call for it, neither yet pinching them to much when they have need, always taking heed not to put any cold thing in their mouth to coal and moist them with, nor any cold water, rosewater, or cold vinegar to their face during the sweat and one day after at the least, but always use warmeth according to nature, never contrariing the same so nigh as may be. If they rave or be phrenetike, put to their nose the same odour of rose water & vinegar, to let the vapours from the head. If they sleep, use them as in the case of fainting I said, with beating them and calling them, pulling them by the ears, nose, or here, suffering them in no wise to sleep until such time as they have no lust to sleep, except to a learned man in physic the case appear to bear the contrary. For otherwise the venom in sleep continually runneth inward to that heart. The contrary hereof we must always intend, in provoking it outward by all means during the fit, which so long lasteth in burning and sweeting, as the matter thereof hath any fiery or apt parts therefore. For as great & strong wine, ale, or bear, so long do burn as their is matter in them apt to be burned, and then cease when that which remaineth is come again to his first nature: that is, to such water clear & unsavoury, as either the brewer received of the river, or vine of theearth: even so the body so long continueth burning and sweeting, as their is matter apt therefore in the spirits, and then leaveth, when the corruption taken of the finest of the evil blood is consumed, and the spirits left pure and clean as they were before the time of their corruption.  
This done, and the body by sufficient sweat discharged of the venom, the person is safe. But if he by unruliness & breaking his sweat, sweateth not sufficiently, them he is in danger of death by that venom that doth remain, or at the least to sweated ones again or oftener, as many hath done, falling in thrice, six times, yea, xii, times some. If sufficiently the sweat be come, you shall know by the lightness & cheerfulness of the body, & lanckenes in all parts, by the continual sweeting the hole day and out of all parts, which be the best and wholesome sweats. The other which come but by times & only in certain parts, or broken, be not sufficient nor good, but very evil, of whose insufficiency, ij. notes learn: a swelling in the parts with a blackness, & a tingling or pricking in the same. such I advise to appoint themselves to sweated again to rid their bodies of that remaineth, & abide it out until they feel their bodies lank & light, and to move the sweat as before I said, if the same come not kindly by the self. If they cannot forbear meat during the space of their fit, and fast out their xxiiij hours, without danger, give them a little of an alebrie only, or of a thin candle of an egg sodden with one hole mace or ij. If they be forced by nature to ease themselves in the mean time, let them do it rather in warm sheets put into them closely, then to arise. After they have thus fully sweat, convey closely warm clotheses into their beds, and bid them wipe themselves there with in all parts curiously: and be aware that no air entre into their open bodies (and specially their arm holes, the openest & rarest part thereof) to let the issue of that which doth remain. The like may be done in the rest of their fit, with like wareness, for that cleanliness comforteth nature, and relieveth the patient. If in during out the four and twenty hours there be thought daungiere of death without removing, rather warm well the other side of the bed, and will him to remove himself into it, them to take him up & remove him to an other bed, which in no case may be done. For better is a doubtful ware hope, than a certain adventured death. The four and twenty hours passed duly, they may put on their clotheses warm, arise, and refresh themselves with a caudle of an egg swietelye made, or such other meats and sauces reasonably and smally taken, as before I meucioned. And if their strength be sore wasted, let them smell to an old swiet apple (as Aristotle did by his report in the book de pomo) or hot new bread, as Democritus did, by the record of Laertius in his life, either by itself alone, or dipped in well smelling wine, as Maluesey or Muscadelle, & sprinkled with the powder of mints. Oranges also and Lemones, or such musk balls as I before described, be things meet for this purpose. For as I said in my ij. little books in Latin de medendi methodo, of devise to cure diseases, there is no thing more comfortable to the spirits then good and swiet odours. On this wise advised how to order yourselves in all the time of the sit, now this remaineth, to exhort you not to go out of your houses for three days, or two at the lest after the fit passed, and then wisely, warily, and not except in a fair bright day, for fear of swooning after great emptiness, and unwont air, or for forcing nature by soubdaine striking in of the same air, cold, or evil, in to the open body. For nature so forced, maketh often times a sore and soubdaine flux, as well after avoidance of these humores by sweat, (as was this year well seen in many persons in diverse countries of England for none other cause) as of others by purgation.  
Thus I have declared the beginning, name, nature, accidents, signs, causes, preservations, and cures natural of this disease the sweeting sickness, English Ephemera, or pestilent sweat, so shortly & plainly as I could for the common saufty of my good countrymen, help, relieve, & defence of the same against the soubdaine assaults of the disease, & to satisfy the honest request of my loving friends and gentle acquaintance. If other causes there be supernatural, them I leave to the divines to search, and the diseases thereof to cure, as a matter with out the compass of my faculty.   

IMPRINTED at London, by Richard Grafton Printer to the kings majesty.  
Anno. Do. 1552.  
Cum privilegio ad impri● mendum solum.