A CARRIER TO A KING. OR doctor Carrier( chaplain to K. james of happy memory) his motives of renoncing the Protestant Religion, & embracing the Cath. Roman. Directed to the said K. majesty.  
My hart is endyting a good matter: I tell my deeds unto the King.  Psal. 44. 
Permissu Superiorum. 1632.   

To the Reader.  
GEntle Reader,  
The author of the ensuing Discourse is M. benjamin Carrier, doctor of divinity: A man( as is well known unto the world) of no small Name and Credit among the Protestants whiles he lived, as having been a TEACHER in their colleges, a famous PREACHER in their Pulpittes, a DOCTOVR in their schools, a CHANON in their Churches, chaplain to the King his most excellent majesty flowing in wealth, supported with the credit of the Court, & very likely in short time to haue been promoted to higher Ecclesiastical Dignities, had he persisted in the course of his formour Profession.  
Notwithstanding all these worldly allurements, which are no small cuticing-baytes to entangle, and bewitch an vnstayed soul; he having from his greener yeares, even wallowed himself in the choicest writings of the most learned Protestants, and confronting in his mature age their wavering opinions with the uniform and settled consent of the ancient Fathers, found the new so opposite to the old, that at length( receiving light from the Father of lights) he resolved to wander no longer, like a lost sheep in the desert of darkness, but to repair unto the fold of the catholic Roman Church; choosing rather a voluntarily banishment from his own country, & like a zealous Moyses to be afflicted with the people of God, then to live in the sinful pleasures, and puddles of this world.  
These, and the like pregnant points are very learnedly, and pithily debated in this Treatise; the which I wish thee, good Reader, to peruse with heedful attention, to the end the authors pains and labour may turn unto thy profit, if by chance thou be alienated from the catholic Roman Religion; together with humble supplication unto our Lord Iesus, that he would vouchsafe, to illuminate thy understanding in this daungerous passage of thy eternal salvation; that so thou mayest prefer light before darkness, Truth before falsehood, catholic Religion, before particular opinions, as Doctor Carrier did vpon such sound grounds, as he hath here briefly laid down unto thy view, in the ensuing discourse.   

TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT majesty.  
MOST RENOWNED sovereign,  

It is not unknown to all such as knew me in England, that for these many yeares I had my health very ill. And therefore having from time to time used all the means and medicines that my Country could afford last of all by the aduise of my Phisitians, I made it my humble suit unto your majesty, that I might travell unto the Spaw for the use of those waters, purposing with myself, that if I could recover, I go would from thence to Heydelberg & spend this winter there. But when I was come from the Spaw as far as Aquisgrane, & so to Cullen, I found myself rather worse then better. And therefore I resolved that it was high time for me to settle my thoughts vpon another world; and being out of hope to enjoy the health of my body, at least to look unto that of my soul, from whence both Art & Experience teacheth me, that all my bodily infirmities haue their beginning  
For if I could by any study haue proved the Romā Religion to be false, or by any means haue professed it to be true in England; I doubt not, but the contentment of my soul would haue much helped the health of my body. But the more I studied the Scriptures and the ancient Fathers to confute it, the more I was compelled to see the truth thereof. And the more I laboured to reconcile the Religion of England thereunto, the more I was disliked, suspected, and condemned as a common Enemy. And if I would haue been either ignorant or silent, I might perhaps with the pleasures and commodities of my preferments haue in time wholly cast off the care of all Religion. But seeing my study forced my to know, and my place compelled me to preach, I had no way to avoid my grief, nor means to endure it.  
I haue therefore taken hold of the opportunity of my Licence to travell, that I may withdraw myself for a while from the sight and offence of those in England who hate the catholic Religion, and freely and fully enjoy the presence of my Blessed saviour, in the unity of his catholic Church, wherein I will never forget, at the daily oblation of his most blessed Body & blood, to lift up my heart to him, and to pray for the admission of your royal majesty thereunto. In the mean time I haue thought it my duty, to writ this short Treatise with my own hand, wherein, before I publish myself unto the world, I desire to show your majesty these two things: 

1. The means of my conversion to catholic Religion.  
2. The hopes I haue to do your majesty no ill service therein.     

The means of my Conuersion to catholic Religion.  
I. I MVST confess to Gods Honour, and my own shane, that if it had been in my power to choose, I would never haue been a catholic. I was born, and brought up in schism, and was taught to abhor a Papist as much as any Puritan in England doth. I had ever a great desire to justify the Religion of the State, and had great hope to advance myself thereby. Neither was my hope ever so great as, by your Maieiesties favour, it was at the very instant of my resolution for catholic Religion; and the preferment I had, together with the honour of your majesties service was greater by much, then without your majesties favour I can look for in this world.  
But although I was as ambitious of your majesties favour, and as desirous of the honours and pleasures of my Country, as any man that is therein; yet seeing that I was not like any long while to enjoy them, & if I should for my private commodity speak or writ, or do any thing against the honor of Christs Church, & against the evidence of my own conscience, I must shortly appear before the same Christ, in the presence of the same his Church, to give an account therof. Therefore, neither durst I any further to pursue my own desire of honour, nor to hazard my soul any further in the justification of that Religion which I saw was impossible to be justified by any such reason, as at the day of iudgement would go for payment. And that it may appear that I haue not respected any thing so much in this world as my duty to your majesty, and my love to my friends & country, I humbly beseech you to give me leave as briefly as I can to recount unto you the whole course of my studies, and endeavours in this kind, even from the beginning of my life, until this present.  
II. I was born in the year 1566. being the son of Antony Carrier, a learned and devout Man, who although he were a Protestant, and a Preacher, yet he did so season me with the principles of piety and devotion, as I could not choose but ever since be very zealous in matters of Religion. Of him I learned, that all false Religions in the world, were but Policies invented of men for the temporal service of Princes and States, and therfore that they were diverse, and always changeable, according to the diuers reasons & occasions of State. But true Christian Religion was a truth revealed of God, for the eternal salvation of souls, and therefore was like to God, always one & the same; so that al the Princes & States in the world never haue been, nor shal be able to overthrow that Religion. This to me seemed an excellent ground, for the finding out of that Religion, wherein a man might find rest unto his soul, which cannot be satisfied with any thing but eternal Truth.  
III. My next care then was after I came to yeares of discretion by all the best means I could to inform myself, whether the Religion of England were indeed the very same, which being prefigured, and prophesied in the old Testament, was perfected by our B. saviour, and delivered to his Apostles and Disciples, to continue by perpetual succession in his visible Church, until his coming again: Or whether it were a new one, for private purposes of Statesmen invented, and by human laws established. Of this I could not choose but make some doubt, because I heard men talk much in those dayes of the change of Religion, which was then lately made in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths reign.  
IIII. I was sorry to hear of Change, and of a new Religion, seeing, me thought in reason, if true Religion were Eternal, then new Religion could not be true. But yet I hoped that the Religion of England was not a change, or new Religion but a restitution of the old, and that the Change was in the Church of Rome, which in process of time might perhaps grow to be superstitious and Idolatrous; and therefore, that England had done well to leave the Church of Rome, and to reform itself: and for this purpose I did at my leisure, and best opportunity, as I came to more iudgement, red over the chronicles of England, & observed all alterations of religion that I could find therein. But when I found there, that the present Religion of England, was a play no change, and change vpon change, & that there was no cause of the change at all of the first, but only that K. Henry the VIII. was desirous to change his old bed-fellow, that he might leave some heirs male behind him( for be ●ike he feared that females would ●ot be able to withstand the Ti●le of Scotland) & that the change was continued, and increased ●y the posterity of his latter wy●es, I could not choose but sus●ect some thing: but yet the love ●f the world, and hope of pre●erment would not suffer me to ●elieue, but that all was well, & ●s it ought to be.  
V. Thus I satisfied myself ●t school, and studied the arts ●f Philosophy, & other human ●… arning, until being master of ●rts, & fellow of Corpus Chri●… i college in Cambridge, I was at the last by the Statutes of that house, called to the study of divinity, and bound to take vpon me the order of Priesthood; thē I thought it my duty, for the better satisfaction of my own soul, and the saving of other mens, to look as far into the matter as possible I could, that I might find out the truth. And having the opportunity of a very good Library in that college, I resolved with myself to study hard, and setting aside all respect of men then alive, or of writers that had moved, or maintained controversies( further then to understand the question which was betwixt them) I fell to my prayers, and betook myself wholly to the reading of the Church-history, and of the ancient Fathers which had no interest in either side: and especially I made choice of S. Augustin because I hoped to find most comfort in him, for the confirming of our Religion, and the confuting of the Church of Rome.  
VI. In this sort I spent my time continually for many yeares, and noted down whatsoever I could gather, or rather snatch either from the Scriptures, or the Fathers to serve my turn. But when after all my pains, and desire to serve myself of antiquity, I found the doctrine of the Church of Rome to be every where confirmed, and by most profound Demonstrations out of holy Scripture, made most agreeable to the truth of Christs gospel, & most conformable to all Christian souls; and saw the Current opinions of our great Preachers to be every where confuted, either in plain terms, or by most unanswerable consequences: although my understanding was thereby greatly edified( for which I had great cause to render immortal thankes to our Blessed saviour, who by these means had vouchsafed to show himself unto me) yet my heart was much grieved that I must be fain either not to preach at all, or else to cross, and vary from the doctrine which I saw was commonly received.  
VII. Being thus perplexed with myself what course I were best to take, I reflected back again vpon the Church of England, and because most of those Preachers which drew the people after thē in those dayes, were puritans, & had grounded their divinity vpon Caluins Institutions; I thought peradventure that they having gotten the multitude on their sides, might wrong the Church of England in her doctrine, as well as they desired to do in her discipline, which indeed vpon due search I found to be most true; for I found the Common prayer-book, and the catechism therein contained, to hold no point of Doctrine expressly contrary to antiquity, but onely, that it was very defective, and contained not enough. And for the doctrine of Predestination, of Sacraments, of Grace, free-will, sin &c. the new Cateehismes and Sermons of those Preachers, did run wholly against the Common Praier-Booke and catechisms therein, and did make as little account of the Doctrine established by Law, as they did of the Discipline; but in the one they found opposition by those that had private Interest; in the other they said what they list, because no man thought himself hurt.  
VIII. This truly was a great increase of my grief: for knowing diuers of those Preachers to be very honest men, and such as I did love with all my heart, I was exceeding loathe to dissent from them in private, and much more loathe to oppose thē in public. Yet seeing I must needs preach, I was loathest of al to oppugn my own conscience, together with the faith wherein I was baptized, and the souls of those to whom I preached. nevertheless, having gotten this ground to work vpon, I began to comfort myself with hope to prove, that the Religion established by law in England, was the same, at the least in part, which now was, and ever had been held in the catholic Church, the defects whereof might be supplied whensoever it should please God, to move your majesty thereunto, without abrogating of that which was already by law established( which I still pray for and am not altogether out of hope to see) & therfore I thought it my duty as far as I durst, rather by charitable constructions to reconcile things that seemed different, that so our souls might for ever be saved in unity; then by malicious calumniations, to maintain quarrels, that so mens turns might for a time, be served with dissension.  
IX. In this course although I did never proceed any further then law would give me leave, yet I always found the puritans & calvinists, and all the Creatures of schism to be my utter enemies, who were also like the sons of Seruiah, too strong for david himself; but I well perceived that all temperate and understanding men who had no interest in the schism, were glad to hear the truth honestly and plainly preached unto them. And my hope was by patience & continuance, I should in the end unmask Hypocrisy, and gain credit unto the comfortable doctrine of antiquity, even amongst those also, who out of misinformation and prejudice, did as yet most dislike it. And considering with myself that your majesties Right unto the crown came only from catholics, and was ancienter then the schism, which would very fain haue utterly extinguished it; and that both your disposition by nature, your amity with catholic Princes, your speeches, and your Proclamations did at the beginning all tend to peace and unity; I hoped that this endeavour of mine, to enforce catholic Religion, at the least, as far as the Common prayer-book, and catechism would give me leave, would be well accepted of your majesty, & be as an Introduction unto a further peace, and unity with the Church of Rome.  
X. But when after my long hope, I at the last did plainly perceive that God for our sins had suffered the divell, the author of dissension, so far to prevail, as partly by the furious practise of some desperate catholics, and partly by the fiery suggestions of all violent puritans, he had quiter diverted that peaceable and temperate course, which was hoped for; and that I must now either alter my iudgment which was impossible, or preach against my conscience, which was intolerable; Lord what anxiety and distraction of soul did I suffer, day & night! What strife betwixt my iudgment which was wholly for the peace and unity of the Church, and my affection, which was wholly to enjoy the favour of your majesty, and the love of my friends & country! This grief of soul growing now desperate, did still more & more increase the infirmities of my body, and yet I was so loathe to become a professed catholic, with the displeasure of your majesty, and of all my honourable and loving friends, as I rather desired to silence my iudgement with the profits & pleasures of the world which were before me, then to satisfy it with reconciling myself unto the catholic Church. But it was Gods will, that ever as I was about to forget the care of Religion, and to settle myself to the world among my neighbours, I met with such humours, as I saw, by their violence against Catholiks & catholic Religion, were more like to waken my soul by Torture, rather then bring it asleep by Temper. And therefore I was driven to recoil to God, and to his Church, that I might find rest unto my soul.  
XI. And yet because I had heard often that the practise of the Church of Rome, was contrary to her doctrine, I thought good to make one trial more before I resolved; and therfore having the aduise of diuers learned Phisitians to go to the Spaw for the health of my body, I thought good to make a virtue of necessity, and to get leave to go, the rather for the satisfaction of my soul, hoping to find some greater offence, in the service of the Church of Rome, thē I had done in her books; that so I might return better contented to persecute and abhor the catholics at home, after I should find them so wicked, and idolatrous abroad as they were in every pulpit in England affirmed to be. For this purpose before I would frequent their Churches, I talked with such learned men as I could meet withall, and did of purpose dispute against them, and with all the wit and learning I had, both justify the doctrine of England established by law, and object the superstition & Idolatry which I thought they might commit, either with the Images in the Churches, or with the Sacrament of the Altar.  
XII. Their common answer was that, which by experience I now find to be true, viz. that they do abhor all Idolatry and superstition, & do diligently admonish the people to take heed thereof. And that they use Images for no other purpose, but only for a devout memory, and representation of the Church triumphant, which is most fit to to be made in the time, & place of prayer, where after a more special manner we should with all reverence haue our conversation amongst the Saints in heaven: And for the B. Sacrament they do not worship the Accidents which they see, but the substance which they believe; and surely if Christ be there truly & really present( as your majesty seemeth to grant) he is as much to be worshipped, as if we saw him with our bodily eyes. neither is there any more Idolatry in the one then in the other. If our B. saviour himself should visibly appear in person as he was vpon the Earth, Iewes and Infidels would hold it for Idolatry to worship him, and would crucify him again; & so would all heretics also, who refuse to worship him in the Sacrament where he is really present.  
XIII. After diuers other objections which I made, not so much because I was not, as because I desired not to be satisfied, I came to the Popes supposed pride, and tyranny over Kings & Princes, and  told them of the most horrible treason intended and practised by catholics against your majesty, which hath not yet been judicially condemned by the Church of Rome. They all seemed to abhor the fact, as much as the best subiects in the world, and much more to favour, and defend the Authority of their Kings and Princes, then heretics do. And they said, that although your majesty were out of the Church, yet they doubted not, but if complaint were made in a judicial proceeding, that fact would be judicially condemned. In the mean time it was sufficient, that all catholic writers did condemn it, and that the Pope by his Breue had condemned it, exhorting the catholics of England to all Christian patience, and obedience. As for any other authority, or superiority of the Pope, then such as is spiritual, and necessary for the unity of the Church, I haue met with none that do stand vpon it.  
XIIII. So that, whereas my hope was, that by finding out the corruptions of the church of Rome, I should grow further in love with the Church of England, & joyfully return home, and by inueighing against the Papists, both enjoy my present preferments, and obtain more and more; I saw the matter was like to fall out quiter contrary. It is true indeed, that there are many corruptions in all States. God hath no wheat field in this world wherein the divell hath no tares growing; and there are no tares more rank, then those that grow among the wheat, for optimi corruptio pessima: and where grace aboundeth, if it be contemned, there sin aboundeth much more. But seeing both my reading, and experience hath now taught me, that the truth of Christian Religion taught & practised at this day in the Church of Rome, and all the obedient members therof, is the very same in substance, which was prefigured and prophesied from the beginning of the world, perfected by Christ himself, delivered to his Apostles, and by them and their successors perpetually, & universally, in one uniformity practised until this day, without any substantial alteration; and that the new Religion of England, wherein it doth differ, hath no ground, but either the pleasure of the Prince and parliament or the common cry and voice of the people, nor no constancy or agreement with itself, whatshould I now do? It is not in my power, not to know that which I do know, nor to doubt of that wherein I haue spent so much time, and taken such pains, and bestowed so much cost, & made so many trials to find. And yet I know, if I should yield to be reconciled to this Church, I should be, for this world, in all likelihood, utterly undone; and that, which grieved me most, I should be rejected of your majesty, my most Redoubted Lord & master, and despised by all my dear friends, and louers in England.  
XV. These very my thoughts at the Spaw, which did so vex and afflict my soul, as that the waters could do my body no good at al, but rather much hurt. nevertheless I avoyded the company of catholics, abstayned from their Church, & did both dispute, and writ against the Church of Rome as occasion was offered. I still hoped that time would give me better counsel, and therefore resolved to go from the Spaw to Heidelberge to do my duty there. In the mean time I thought with myself; It may be, God hath moved his majesties heart to think of peace and reconciliation. I know his disposition was so in the beginning, & I remember M. Casaubon  told me when I brought him out of France, that his errand was nothing else, but to mediate peace betwixt the Church of Rome, & the Church of England. Therefore I thought, before I would submit myself to the Church of Rome, I would writ unto master Casaubon such a letter as he might show unto your majesty, containing such conditions as I thought might satisfy your majesty, if they were performed by the Church of Rome. The copy of which letter is to long heer to be set down. But when M. Casaubon answered me, that he knew your majesty was resolved to haue no society with the Church of Rome vpon any condition whatsoever, and that it would be my undoing, if those my letters should come to your majesties hands, or of those that bare the sway, I began to despair of my return into England, unless I would overthrow both the health of my body, and the quiet of my mind; and either utterly damn my own soul, or greatly endanger not onely my living and credit, but my life itself also, by reason of your majesties displeasure, and the severity of the Statutes made, and in force against catholics, and catholic Religion.  
XVI. There is a statute in England made by King Henry the 8. to make him Supreme Head of the Church in spiritual and ecclesiastical causes, which statute inioines all the subiects of England, on pain of death to believe, & to swear, they do believe that it is true. And yet all the world knows, if K. Henry the 8. could haue gotten the Pope to divorce Q. catherine● that he might mary Anne Bullen, that statute had never been made by him. And if that Title had not enabled the King to pull down Abbeys, and Religious houses, and give them to lay men, the Lords and Commons of that time would never haue suffered such a statute to be made. This Statute was continued by Q. Elizabeth, to serve her own turn, and it is confirmed by your majesty to satisfy other men. And yet your majesty yieldeth the Church of Rome to be the Mother-Church, and the Bishop of Rome to be the chief Bishop or Primate of all the western Churches: which I do also verily believe, and therefore I do verily think he hath, or ought to haue some spiritual jurisdiction in England. And although in my younger dayes, the fashion of the world made me swear, as other men did( for which I pray God forgive me) yet I ever doubted, & am now resolved that no Christian man can take that oath with a safe conscience; neither will I ever take it, to gain the greatest preferment in the world.  
XVII. There is another Statute in England, made by Queen Elizabeth, and confirmed by your majesty, That it is death for any English man to be in England, being made a Priest by authority derived, or pretended to be derived from the Bishop of Rome. I cannot believe that I am a Priest at all, unless I be made by authority derived from Gregory the Great, from whence all the Bishops in England haue their being, if they haue any being at all.  
XVIII. There is another Statute in like manner made and confirmed, That it is death to be reconciled by a catholic Priest, to the Church of Rome; I am persuaded that the Church of Rome is our Mother-Church, and that no man in England can be saved, that continues wilfully out of the visible unity of that Church; & therefore I cannot choose but persuade the people to be reconciled thereunto, if possibly they can.  
XIX. There is another Statute in like manner, made & confirmed, That it is death to exhort the people of England to the catholic Roman Religion. I am persuaded that the Religion prescribed, and practised by the Church of Rome, is the true catholic Religion, which I will particularly justify, and make plain from point to point, if God give time and opportunity, and therefore I cannot choose but persuade the people thereunto.  
XX. It may be, these are not all several Statutes, some of thē may be members of the same,( for I haue not my Books about me to search) but I am sure all of them do make such felonies and treasons, as were the greatest virtues of the primitive Church, & such as I must needs confess, I cannot choose if I live in England but endeavour to be guilty of; and then it were easy to find puritans enough to make a jury against me, and there would not want a Iustice of Peace to give a sentence: and when they had done, that which is worse then the persecution itself, they would all swear solemnly that D. Carrier was not put to death for catholic Religion, but for felony, and treason. I haue no hope of protection against the cruelty of those laws, if your majesty be resolved vpon no comditions whatsoever, to haue society at all, nor communion with the Church of Rome. And therfore whilst the Case so stands, I dare not return home again. But I cannot be altogether out of hope of better news before I die, as long as I do believe, that the Saints in heaven do rejoice at the conversion of a sinner to Christ, and do know that your majesty by your birth, hath so great an interest in the saints of heaven, as you shall never cease to haue, until you cease to be the son of such a Mother, as would rejoice more then all the rest for your conversion. And therefore I assure myself, that she with all the rest do pray, that your majesty before you die may be militant in the communion of that Church, wherein they are triumphant.  
And in this hope I am gone before, to join my prayers with theirs in the unity of the catholic Church. And do humbly pray your majesty to pardon me for doing that which was not in my power to avoid; and to give me leave to live, where I hope shortly to die, unless I may hope to do your majesty service; and without the prejudice of any honest man in England, to see some unity between the Church of England, & her Mother the Church of Rome. And now having declated the means of my Conuersion to catholic Religion, I will briefly also show unto you, the hopes I haue to do your majesty no ill service therein.   

The hopes I haue to do your majesty no ill service, being a catholic.  
1. MY first hope is, that your majesty will accept of that for the best service I can do you, which doth most further the glory of our Blessed saviour, & my own salvation. Indeed there are kingdoms in the world, where the chief care of the governors is, Non quam bonis prosint, said quam subditis: such were the heathen kingdoms which S. Augustine describes in his 2. book de civit. Dei ca. 20. In such Common wealths the way to be good subiects is not to be a good man, but to serve the times, and the turns of them that bear the sway, whatsoever they be. But if it be true, as some Holy and learned Fathers teach, that in a well-ordered government, there is eadem faelicitas unius hoins, ac totius civitatis; then I am sure, that it must follow, that in a Common wealth truly Christian, there is, eadem virtus boni viri, ac boni civis. And therfore being a Minister and Preacher of England, if I will rather serve your majesty then myself, & rather procure the good of your kingdom then my own preferment, I am bound in duty to respect, and seek for those things above all other, that may advance the honor of God, and the salvation of my own soul, and the souls of those which do any way belong to my charge. And being sufficiently resolved, that nothing can more advance the honor of our saviour, and the common salvation, then to be in the unity of his Church; I haue done you the best service I could at home, by preaching peace & reconciliation: and being not able for the malice of the times to stand any longer in the breach at home, I think it safest in this last cast, to look to mine own game, and by my daily prayers & dying, to do your majesty the same service in the unity of the church, which by my daily preaching and living I did endeavour to do in the midst of the schism.  
II. And although it be sufficient for a man of my profession to respect only matters of heaven, and of another world, yet because this world was made for that other, I haue not regarded my own estate, that I might respect your majesties therein; & after long and serious meditation, which Religion might most honor your majesty even in this world, I haue conceived undoubted hope, that there is no other Religion, that can procure true honour & security to your majesty, and your posterity in this world, but the true catholic Roman religion, which is the very same, whereby all your glorious predecessors haue been advanced, and protected on Earth, and are everlastingly blessed in heaven.  
III. The first reason of my hope is, the promise of God himself to bless and honour those that bless his Church and honour him; and to curse and confounded those that curse his Church & dishonour him: which he hath made good in all ages. There was never any man, or city, or State, or Empire so preserved, & advanced, as they that haue preserved the unity, and advanced the prosperity of the Church of Christ: Nor ever any been made more miserable and inglorious, then they that haue dishonoured Christ, and made havoc of his Church, by schism & heresy.  
IV. Yf I had leisure & books, it were easy for me to enlarge this point with a long enumeration of particulars. But I think it needles, because I cannot call to mind any example to the contrary, except it be the state of queen Elizabeth, or some one or two other, lately fallen from the unity of the catholic church; or the state of the Great turk, that doth still persecute the Church of christ, & yet continue in great glory in this world. But when I consider that of queen Elizabeth, I find in her many singularities: she was a woman, and a Maiden-Queene, which gave her many advantages of admiration. She was the last of her race, and needed not care what became of the world after her own dayes were ended. She came vpon the Remainders of devotion, and catholic Religion, which like a bowl in his course, or an Arrow in his flight, would go on for a while by the force of the first mover; and she had a practise of mayntaining warres among her Neighbours( which became a woman well) that she might be quiet at home. And whatsoever prosperity or honour there was in her dayes, or is yet remaining in England, I cannot but ascribe it to the church of Rome, and to catholic Religion, which was for many hundred yeares to gather, the first mover of that government, and is still in every settled kingdom, and hath yet left the steps, and shadow therof behind it, which in all likelihood cannot continue many yeares, without a new supply from the fountain.  
V. As for the honor & greatness of the turk and other Infidels, as it reacheth no further thē this life, so it hath no beginning from above this world: and if we may believe S. Ambrose( in luke. 4.) those honours are conferred rather by gods permission, then by his donation, being indeed ordained, and ordered by his providence, but for the sins of the people, conferred by the Prince that rules in the air. It is true, that the Turkish Empire, hath now continued a long time, but they haue other principles of State to stand vpon: The continual guard of an hundred thousand soldiers, whereof most of them know no parents, but the Emperor: The tenor of all his subiects who hold all in capite ad voluntatem Domini, by the service of their sword: Their enjoined silence, & reverence in matters of Religion, & their facility in admitting other Religions as well as their own to the hope of salvation, and to tolerate them so that they be good subiects. These, and such like are principles of great importance to increase an Empire, and to maintain a temporal state. But there is no state in christendom that may endure these principles, unless they mean to turn Turks also: which although some be willing to do, yet they will neither hold in Capite, nor hold their peace in Religion, nor suffer their King to haue such a guard about him, nor admit of catholic Religion, so much as the turk doth.  
VI. It is most true, which I gladly writ, and am wont withall the honor I can of your majesty to speak, that I think there was never any catholic King in England, that did in his time more embrace, and favour the true Body of the Church of England, then your majesty doth that shadow therof, which is yet left: and my firm hope is, that this your desire to honour our Blessed saviour in the shadow of the church of England, will move him, to honour your Majesty so much as not to suffer you to die out of the Body of his true cath church; and in the mean time to let you understand, that all honor that is intended to him by schism and heresy, doth redound to his great dishonour, both in respect of his real, and of his mystical Body.  
VII. For his real Body, it is not as the Ubiquitaries would haue it, every where, as well without the Church as within, but only where himself would haue it, and hath ordained that it should be; and that is, only amongst his Apostles & Disciples, & their successors in the catholic church, to whom he delivered his Sacraments and promised to continue with them until the worlds end: so that, although christ be present in that schism, by the power of his Deity( for so he is present in hell also) yet by the grace of his Humanity( by participation of which grace only there is hope of salvation) he is not present there at all, except it be in corners, and prisons, and places of persecution. And therfore whatsoever honor is pretended to be done to Christ in schism & heresy, is not done to Him, but to his utter Enemies.  
VIII. And for his Mystical body which is his Church & kingdom, there can be no greater dishonour done to christ, then to maintain schism, and dissension therein. What would your majesty think of any subiects of yours, that should go about to raise civil dissension, or wars in your kingdom, and of those that should foster, and adhere unto such men? It is the fashion of all Rebells when they are in arms, to pretend the safety of the King, and the good of the country; but pretend what they will, you cannot account such men any better then Traytors. And shall we believe, that our Blessed saviour, the King of Kings, doth sit in heaven, and either not see the practices of those that under colour of serving him with Reformation, do nothing else but serve their own turns, & distracted his Church, that is, his kingdom on earth, with sedition? Or shall we think, that he will not in time reuenge this wrong? Verily he seeth it, and doth regard it, and will in time reuenge it.  
IX. But I hope, and pray that he may not reuenge it vpon you, nor yours, but rather that he will show that your desire to honor him, is accepted of him, and therfore will move you to honor yourself, & your posterity, with bestowing the same your favour vpon his Church, in the unity therof, which you do now bestow in the schism; and that he will reward both you & yours for the same, according to his promise, not onely with everlasting glory in heaven, but also with long continued temporal honour & security in this world. And this is the first reason of my hope, grounded vpon the promise of God.  
X. The second Reason of my hope, that catholic Religion may be a great means of honour and security to your majesties posterity, is taken from the consideration of your Neighbours, the Kings and Princes of christendom; among whom there is no State ancient, and truly honourable, but only those that are catholic. The reason whereof I take to be, because the Rules of catholic Religion are eternal, universal, and Constant unto themselves, and withall consonant unto majesty and greatness, as they haue made, and preserved the catholic Church most reverend & venerable throughout the world for these 1600. yeares. And those temporal States that haue been conformable thereunto, haue been always most honourable, and so are like to continue, until they harken unto schism. And as for those that haue rejected, and opposed the Rules of catholic Religion, they haue been driven in short time to degenerate, and become either Tyrannicall, or popular. Your majesty, I know doth abhor Tyranny: but if schism and Heresy might haue their full swing over the seas, the very shadow and relics of majesty in England, should be utterly defaced, and quickly turned into Heluetian, or Belgian popularity; for they that make no conscience to profane the majesty of God & his Saints in the Church, will after they feel their strength, make no bones to violate the majesty of the King, and his Children in the Common wealth.  
XI. I know well that the puritans of England, the huguenots of France, and the Geuses of Germany, together with the rest of the Caluinists of all sorts, are a great faction of christendom, & they are glad to haue the pretence of so great a majesty to be their chief, and of your posterity to be their hope: But I cannot be persuaded, that they ever will, or can join together to advance your majesty, or your children, further then they may make a present gain by you. They are not agreed of their own Religion, nor of the principles of universal and eternal truth; & how can they be constant in the Rules of particular, and transitory honor? Where there is nullum Principium Ordinis, there can be nullum principium Honoris: such is their Case. There is a voice of Confusion among them as well in matters of State as of Religion. Their power is great, but not to edification, but to destruction: They join together onely a 'gainst good Order, which they call the Common Enemy; and if they can destroy that, they will in all likelihood turn their fury against themselves, and like devils torment, like Serpents devour one another. In the mean time if they can make their burghers, Princes, and turn old kingdoms into new States, it is like enough they will do it: but that they will ever agree together, to make any one Prince, King or Emperour over them al, & yield due obedience unto him further, then either their gain shall 'allure them, or his sword shall compel them, that I cannot persuade myself to believe. And therfore I cannot hope that your majesty, or your Posterity can expect the like honour or security from them, which you might do from catholic Princes, if you were joined firmly to them in the unity of Religion.  
XII. The third reason of my hope, that catholic Religion should be most available for the honor and security of your majesty, and your children, is taken from the consideration of your subiects, which can be kept in obedience to God, and to their King by no other Religion, and least of all by the calvinists. For if their Principles be received once, and well drunk in, & digested by your subiects, they will openly maintain, that God hath as well predestinated men to be traitors, as to be Kings: and he hath as well predestinated men to be Theeues, as to be Iudges: & he hath as well predestinated that men should sin, as that Christ should die for sin. Which kind of disputations I know by my experience, that they are ordinary among your country Caluinists, that take themselves to be learned in the Scriptures, especially when they are met in the Alehouse, and haue found a weaker Brother, whom they think fit to be instructed in these profound mysteries. And howsoever they be not yet all so impudent, as to maintain these Conclusions in plain terms; yet it is certain they all hold these principles of doctrine; from whence working heads of greater liberty do at their pleasure draw these consequences, in their lives and practices. And is this a Religion fit to keep subiects in obedience to their sovereign?  
XIII. here I know the great masters of schism, will never leave obiectinge the horrible Treason of certain Catholiks against your majesty, which if the divell had not wrought to their hands, they had had little to say against catholic Religion before this day. But I humbly entreat that the fact of some few men, may not be for ever objected against the truth of a general Rule. It is not the question, Which Religion will make all your subiects true, but which Religion is most like to make all true? It is certain there be Traitors against God and man, of all Religions; & catholics as they are the best subiects, so when they fall to it, they are the worst Traitors. But if we will look vpon Examples, or consider of reasons, The catholic is the only religion, which as it doth duly subordinate kings unto God, so doth it effectually bind subiects to perform all lawful obedience unto their kings. I will not here stand vpon repetition of examples, because the ancient are tedious, and the present are odious. But if there can be but one King name in all the world, that did ever receive honor from Caluinists further then to be their Champion, or Protector until their turns were served, then I will be content to believe that your majesty, and your family shall receive perpetuity from them. But if your Caluinists do profess to honour you, and all other calvinists do overthrow their kings and Princes wheresoever they can prevail; I can hardly believe that yours do mean any more in good earnest then the rest. There is certainly some other matter, that they are content for a time to honour your majesty; it cannot be their Religion that ties them to it, for it doth not tie them to itself. There is no Principle of any Religion, nor no article of any faith, which a Caluinist will not call in question, and either altogether deny, or expound after his own fancy; and if he be restrained, he cries out by and by, that he cannot haue the liberty of his conscience. And what bond of obedience can there be in such a Religion?  
XIV. It is commonly objected by States-men, that it is no mattet what opinions men hold in matters of Religion, so that they be kept in awe by Iustice, & by the sword. Indeed for this world, it were no matter at all for Religion, if it were possible without it to do Iustice, and to keep men in awe by the sword. In Military Estates, whilst the sword is in the hand, there is the less need of Religion; and yet the greatest and most martiall States that ever were, haue been willing to use the conscience, and reverence of some Religion or other, to prepare the subiects to obedience. But in a peaceable government, such as all christian kingdoms do profess to be, if the reins of Religion be let loose, the sword commonly is to weak, and comes to late, and willbe like in●… ugh to give the day to the rebel. And seing the last, and strongest bond of Iustice is an oath, which is a principal Act of Religion, and were but a mockery, if it were not for the punishment of Hell, and the reward of heaven; it is unpossible to execute Iustice without the help of Religion. And therefore the neglect & contempt of Religion hath ever been, & ever shal be the fore-runner of destruction, in all settled States whatsoever.  
XV. The divell, that intendeth the destruction as well of bodies as of souls, & of whole States, as of particular men, doth not commonly begin with mens bodies, & with matters of State; but being himself a spirit, & the Father of lies, he doth first insinuate himself into mens understandings, by false principles of Religion, wherein to he hath the more easy entrance, because he hath persuaded their governors to believe, that it is no great matter what opinions men hold in matters of Religion, so that they look well into their actions, and keep them in obedience. Which persuasion is all one, as if the Enemy that beseigeth a city should persuade the Garrison that they might surrender the Castle unto him well enough, and keep the lower town, and all the people of the town to themselves. But when the divell hath prevailed so far, as by false opinions in matters of the first truth, that is of Religion, to get the understanding in possession, which is the Castle as it were, & watch-tower both of the soul, body, state, & all; he will peradventure dissemble his purpose for a while, & by slandering of the truth, & pleasing them with the Trifles of the world( which by Gods permission are in his power) make men believe, that the world is amended, for Nemo repentè fit pessimus; But shortly after, when he seeth his time, he will out of his arsenal of false apprehensions in understanding, sand forth such distorted Engines of life & action, as will easily subdue both body, and goods, and states, and all to his devotion.  
XVI. The calvinistical Preacher, when he hath gotten his honest abused, & misguided flock about him, will cry out against me for this Popish collection, & call God & them to witness, that he doth daily in his Sermons exhort men to good works, and to obedience unto the Kings majesty: And am not I, & my brethren( saith he) and our flock, as honest, and as civil men, as any Papist of them all? For my own part I will not accuse any Caluinists, though I could, neither can I excuse all Papists, though I would:— Iliacos intra muros peccator, & extra.—  
But I must never forget that most true and wise observation which the Noble & learned sir Francis Bacon, maketh in one of his first essays, viz. that all schismatics utterly failing in the Precepts of the first Table, concerning the religion & worship of God, haue necessity in Policy to make a good show of the second Table, by their civil and demure conversation towards men. For otherwise, they should at the first, appear to be( as afterwards they show themselves to be) altogether out of their Ten Commandements; and so men would be as much ashamed to follow them at the first, as they are at the last.  
XVII. It is a sure Rule of Policy, that in every mutation of State, the Authors of the change, will for a while show themselves honest, rather of spite then of conscience, that they may disgrace those, whom they haue suppressed; but it doth never hold in the next generation. You shal scarce hear of a Puritan father, but his son proves either a catholic, or an Atheist. Mutinous soldiers, whilst the Enemy is in the field, will be orderly, not for love of their general, but for fear of the Enemy: but if they be not held in the ancient discipline of wars, they will vpon the least Truce, or Cessation of arms quickly show themselves.  
XVIII. And as for their Exhortations to obedience to your majesty, when they haue first infected the understanding of your Subiects, with such Principles of Rebellion, as haue disturbed, and overthrown all other States where they had their will; it is a ridiculous thing to think vpon such Exhortations, and all one as if a fantastical fellow, finding a heard of young cattle in a close, should first break down the hedges, & then cry aloud to the cattle, that they do not venture to go out, nor to seek any fatter Pasture, for fear they be put into the Pound. And if they chance to feed where they are, because they haue no experience of other, and to tarry in the Close for an hour or two, then the unhappy fellow should run to the owner of the cattle, and tell him what great service be had don him, & how he had kept his cattle in the close, by his goodly charms, & exhortations. Let them say what they list of their own honesty, & of their Exhortations to Obedience; as long as they do freely infect the peoples souls, with such false opinions in Religion, they do certainly sow the seeds of Disobedience, and Rebellion in mens understandings; which if they be not prevented by your majesties giuing way to catholic Religion, will in all likelibood spring up in the next generation to the great prejudice and molestation of your majesty, & your posterity. So that whether I do respect heaven, or earth, my own soul, or the service of your majesty, God, or your Neighbours, or your subiects, my assured hope is, that by joining myself to the catholic Church, I neither haue done, nor ever shall do any ill duty, or service, unto your majesty.  
XIX. But perhaps there is such opposition both in matter of Doctrine, and in matter of State, as it is unpossible that ever there should be any Reconciliation at all betwixt the Church of England, and the church of Rome; of which I humbly pray your majesty to give me leave to show to you what I haue observed. It is true, the breach hath continued now these many yeares, and it is much increased by by so long continuance, so that it was never greater, thē it seems to be at this day, nor never more dangerous to deal with all. For if a man do but go about to stop it, there ariseth presently a great and fearful noise, and roaring of the waters against him; but yet nevertheless the greatness of the noise ought not to discourage us, but rather to give us hope, that although it be wide, yet it is but shallow, as proceeding from affection, which is sudden and violent, and not from iudgment, which is quiet, constant, and always like itself. For if a man ask in could blood, whether a Roman catholic may be saved? the most learned Churchman will not deny it. And if a man ask, whether a Roman catholic may be a good subject? the most wife States-mā will easily grant it. May we be both saved? Then we are not divided in God. May we be both good subiects? Then we are not divided in the King. What reason is there then, that we should be thus hoatly & vnplacably divided?  
XX. Truly there is no reason at all, but only the violence of affection, which being in a course cannot without some force be stayed. The multitude doth seldom or never judge according unto truth, but according unto custom. And therfore having of purpose been bread, & brought up in the hatred of Spaniards & Papists, cannot choose but think they are bound to hate them stil; and that whosoever speaketh a word in favour of the church of Rome, or of catholic Religion, is their utter enemy. And the puritanical Preacher, who can haue no being in Charity, doth never cease by falsifications, & slanders, to blow the coals, that he may burn them, and warm himself. But if your majesty shall ever be pleased to command those Make-bates to bold their peace a while, and to say nothing but what they are able to prove by sufficient authority, before those that are able to judge, & in the mean time to admit a Conference of learned and moderate men on either side the people who are now abused, and with the light of the gospel held in extreme ignorance, are not yet so uncapable, but they will be glad to hear of the truth, when it shalbe simply, and evidently delivered by honest men, and then they will plainly see, that their Light of the gospel, which they so much talk of, is but a counterfeit light in a Theeues lantern, whereby honest mens eyes are dazzled and their Purses robbed. And it will also appear, that there is not indeed any such irreconcilable opposition betwixt the Church of England, & the Church of Rome, as they that live by the schism, do make the world believe there is, neither in matter of Doctrine, nor matter of State.  
XXI. For matter of Doctrine there is no reason, that your majesty, or the kingdom should be molested, or burdened for the maintenance of Caluinisme, which is as much against the Religion of England, as it is against the Religion of Rome, and will by necessary consequence overthrow, not only the catholic Church, the Communion of Saints, and the forgiveness of sins; but also all the articles of the Creed, saving only so much as the turk himself will be content to believe: which willbe easy to prove vpon better leisure. The Doctrine of England is that which is contained in the Common prayer-book & Church-Catechisme, confirmed by act of parliament, and by your majesties Edict, wherein all Englishmen are baptized, and ought to be confirmed, and therfore there is some reason that this should be stood vpon.  
XXII. But this Doctrine in most of the main points therof, as hath been touched before, & requireth a just Treatise to set down in particular, doth much differ from the Current opinions and Cathechismes of Caluinisme, or doth very near agree with, or at least not contradict the Church of Rome, if wee list with patience to hear one another. And those points of doctrine wherein we are made to be at wars with the church of Rome whether we will or no, do rather argue the Corruptions of that State from whence they come, then are argued by the grounds of that Religion whereupon they stand; and the contradiction of doctrine hath followed the alteration of State, and not the alteration of State been grounded vpon any truth of doctrine. For when the breach was resolved vpon for the personal and particular end of King Henry the 8. & the Children of his latter wives, it was necessary to give every part of the Common wealth contentment, for which they might hold out in the heat of affection and study to maintain the breach; otherwise it was likely that in the clearness of iudgment it would quickly haue grown together again, and then the Authors therof must haue been excluded, & given account of their practise.  
XXIII. Therfore to the lords and favourites of the Court were given the lands, and inheritance of the Abbeys, and Religious houses, that having once as it were washed their hands in the bowels, and blood of the Church, both they and their posterity might be at utter defiance therwith. And so having overthrown and profaned the good works of the Saints, it was necessary for them to get them Chaplains that might both dispute, preach, & writ against the merit of Good works, the invocation of Saints, the Sacrifice of the Altar, Prayer for the dead, and all such points of catholic doctrine, as were the grounds of those Churches, and Religious houses, which they had overthrown and profaned. And it was not hard for those Chaplains by some show of Scripture, to prove that which their lords, and their followers were so willing to believe.  
XXIV. To the Commons was given great hope of belief for their poverty, ease of Subsidies, & of the burden of so great a Clergy, and many other goodly gay-Nothings. And for the present they should haue liberty and the benefit of the Common law, that is, leave to live by such laws as themselves list to make, and to contemn the authority of the Church; which although it were for their benefit every way, yet because it crossed their affections, like way ward children they could never abide it. And was not this reason enough for them to hold out the breach, & to study Scripture themselves, that they might be able to confute Confession, Satisfaction, Pennance, and to declayme against all that Tyranny of the Church of Rome, by which themselves, and their forefathers had been kept in awe and obedience unto God, and their Kings?  
XXV. To the Clergy-men that would turn with the times, besides the possibility of present preferment by the alteration, was given shortly after leave to mary, and to purchase, and to enjoy the profit, and pleasure of the world, as well as the Laity. And what carnall-minded monk, or Priest, would not with might & main keep open the breach, after he was once plunged in it, rather then be in danger to foregoe so pleasing a commodity. Hence did arise a necessity of speaking and writing against vows, Virginity, poverty, Fasting, Praying, Watching, Obedience, & all that austerity of life, which is by the laws of the Church required in monastical, and Priestly conversation.  
XXVI. Vpon these conditions, the Lords, the Commons, and the Clergy, were content to believe, that the King was supreme Head of the Church of England, not that they did think so indeed, or that they desired to augment his authority, but that they might be protected by him, and freely enjoy those commodities, which they saw schism had brought unto them, & feared, the unity of the Church might again take from them. Hence did arise a necessity of inueighing against the Pope, and the Church of Rome, as against Antichrist & Babylon, & the greatest Enemies of the State of England. In so much that that Clergyman was most acceptable to them, and in their opinion most worthy of preferment, that could most confidently preach, and writ the most foul, and monstruons assertions of the Pope, & the Church of Rome, though they were never so false. These, and such like are those temporal respects, which would fain seem the daughters of those doctrines which themselves haue brought forth, and to be divided from the catholic Church by doctrine, when they themselves haue caused the doctrine of division.  
XXVII. In all these, and all other doctrine of division, men haue received great countenance, and encouragement from Geneua: for although M. John Caluin were never any good subject, or friend to Bishop, Duke, or King, yet he did so fit the Common People, with new doctrine, that no gospel can be so pleasing to them, nor so lightsome as his. For finding Geneua to be fallen out both with their Bishop, who was their ancient Prince, and their Duke to whom they pretended against their Bishop, and to be al in a combustion among themselves for want of government, although he were then a stranger, and a very young man of some 26. or 27. yeares old at the most, yet he thought good, vpon the opportunity, to give the adventure, and to step in himself, to be the founder of a new Church, and State amongst them; and for that purpose, he found them out such a catechism, as they might easily contemn all ancient learning, and authority, and save themselves by a strong Fancy, which he called faith. And this pleased the burghers of Geneua so well, that they called a meeting, and caused all the citizens to swear, that that catechism was true, & that all Popery was false, as may appear in Caluins life, written by Beza himself, & prefixed to his Epistles. And although the ministerial presbytery of Geneua, haue lost much of M. Caluins greatness, yet the city hath had the fortune ever since by the help of their neighbours, to hold out against their Bishop, & their Duke, and all their ancient Gouernours.  
XXVIII. Now, it is the Nature of all Common People, especially of islanders, not only still to affect more and more novelty and Liberty, & to be weary of their old Clergy, but also to admire any thing that comes from beyond the seas, & to cherish, and comfort one another with reporting the good success, which schismatics, & Rebells happen to haue against their lawful Prelates, & Ancient Gouernours, and to impute all their good fortune unto their new Religion. Hence it is come to pass that that Doctrine, which is indeed the lawful doctrine of the church of England, is neglected, & contemned as a relic, or a Rag of Popery, and Caluins Institutions being come from Geneua, & fairly bound up, with the Preface of the gospel, is dispersed throughout al schools, cities, and Villages of England; & hath so infected both Priest, and People, as although it be against Law, yet it is cried up by voices to be the only Current divinity in Court, and country; in hope belike, that it may one day serve the turn in England, as well as it hath done in Geneua, & in other places, where it hath prevailed.  
XXIX. These Reasons or rather Corruptions of State, haue so confounded the doctrine of the Church of England, and so slandered the doctrine of the church of Rome, as it hath turned mens brains, and made the multitude on both sides like two fools, who being set back to back, do think they are as far asunder as the orisons are which they look vpon. But if it might please your majesty to command them to turn but each of them a quarter about, and look both one way to the service of God, & your majesty, and to the salvation of souls, they should presently see themselves to be a great deal more near together in matters of doctrine, then the puritanical Preachers on both sides do make them believe they are I cannot in the brevity of this discourse descend into particulars: but if it please your majesty, to command me, or any other honest man that hath taken pains to understand, & observe all sides freely, and plainly to set down the difference betwixt Caluinisme, and the doctrine of England established by law, and then to show Locos concessos, and Locos controuersos, betwixt the Church of England, and the Church of Rome, I doubt not but the distance that willbe left betwixt, for matter of doctrine, may, by your majesty, be easily compounded.  
XXX. But perhaps there is so great oppositions in matter of State, that although the Doctrine might be compounded, yet it is unpossible to hear of agreement. And if there be the same reason of State, which there was in the beginning, and continued all Q. Elizabeth dayes, there is as little hope now that your majesty should harken unto Reconciliation, as there was that King Henry the 8. or Q. Elizabeth would. But when I do with the greatest respect I can, consider the State of your majesty, your lords, your Commons, & your Clergy, I do find as little cause of holding out in reason of State, as I do in truth of Doctrine  
XXXI. King Henry the VIII. although he had written that learned book against the schism of Luther, in defence of the Sea apostolic, for which he deserved the Title of Defensor Fidei, yet when be gave way to the lust of Anne Bullen, and the flattery of his favourites, & saw he could not otherwise haue his will, he excluded the Pope, & made himself supreme Head of the church, that so he might not only dispense with himself for his lust, but also supply his excess with the spoil of the Church, which was then very rich. But when he saw God blessed him not, neither in his wiuing, nor in his thriving, he was weary of his Supremacy before he died, and wished himself in the Church again: but be died in the curse of his Father, whose foundations he overthrew, and hath neither child to honor him, nor so much as a tomb vpon his grave to remember him; which some men take to be a token of the curse of God.  
XXXII. queen Elizabeth, although she were the Daughter of schism, yet at her first coming to the crown, she would haue the Common prayer-book, and catechism so set down, that she might both by English service satisfy the Commons, who were greedy of Alteration, and by catholic opinions give hope to her Neighbour-Princes that she would herself continue catholic. And all her life long she carried herself so betwixt the catholics, & the Caluinists, as she kept them both still in hope. But yet being the daughter of the Breach-maker and having both her crown, & her Life from the schism, it was both dishonourable, and dangerous for her to harken to a Reconcilement. And therfore after she was provoked by the Excommunication of pus Quintus, she did suffer such laws to be made by her parliaments, as might cry quittance with the Pope and the church of Rome. And this course seemed in Policy necessary for her, who was the daughter of King Henry the 8. by Anne Bullen, born with the contempt of Rome, the disgrace of spain, and the prejudice of Scotland.  
XXXIII. But now that your majesty is by the consent of all sides come to the crown, and your vndobted Title settled with long possession, the case is very much altered. For your majesty hath no need of dispensations, nor no will to pull down Churches, nor no dependence at al on Henry the 8. And if this schism could haue prevented your Title with the divorce of one wife, and the marrying of five more, neither your Mother, nor yourself, should ever haue made Q. Elizabeth afraid with your Right to the crown of England. And therefore although it were necessary in reason of state to continue the doctrine of division, as long as the fruit of that doctrine did continue; yet now the fruit of schism being all spent, & that Parenthesis of State is at an end, there is no reason, but that the old sentence may return again, and be continued in that sense, as if the Parenthesis had been clean left out; and that God had of purpose crossed the fleshly pretence of schism, & raised your majesty to restore it, as your most Wise, and catholic Progenitor King Henry the seventh did leave it.  
XXXIIII. But perhaps the schism, though it serve you to no use at all for your Title, yet it doth much increase your authority, and your wealth, and therefore it cannot stand with your honour to further the unity of the Church of Christ. Truly those your most famous and renowned ancestors, that did part with their authority, and their wealth, to b●stow them vpon the Church of Christ, and did curse & execra●e those that should diminish them and take them away again, did not think so, nor find it so: and I would to God your majesty were so powerful, and so Rich, as some of those Kings were, that were most bountiful that way. You are our sovereign Lord, all our Bodies, and our Goods are at your command; but our souls, as they belong not to your charge, but as by way of protection in catholic Religion, so they cannot increase your Honor or Authority, but in a due subordination unto Christ, & to those that supply his place, in iis quae sunt juris divini. It was essential to Heathen Emperours to be Pontifices as well as Reges, because they were themselves authors of their own Religion. But among Christians, where Religion comes from Christ, who was no worldly Emperour( though above them all) the spiritual and temporal authority haue two beginnings, & therefore two Supremes, who if they be subordinate, do uphold, and increase one another. But if the temporal authority do oppose the spiritual it destroyeth of self, & dishonoureth him from whom the Spiritual authority is derived. Heresy doth naturally spread itself like a Canker, and needs little help to put it forward, so that it is an easy matter for a mean Prince, to be a great man amongst heretics, but it is an hard matter for a great King to govern them. When I haue sometimes observed, how hardly your majesty could effect your most reasonable desires amongst those that stand most vpon your Supremacy, I haue been bold to be angry, but durst say nothing; only I did with myself resolve for certain, that the keys were wont to do the crown more service, when they were in the arms of the mitre, then they can do now they are tied together with the sceptre; and that your Title in spiritual affairs doth but serve other mens turns, and not your own.  
XXXV. As for your wealth, it is true, that the crown hath more Pence payed unto it now, then in catholic times it had, but it hath never the more Wealth. It is but the gain of the Tellers to haue more money: true wealth is 〈◇〉, he is the richest Prince, that hath means to maintain the greatest Army, and to do most magnificent works both in war and in peace, wherein the facts of your catholic Ancestors do appear vpon good Record; your majesties are but yet hoped for, and if ever you haue the help of catholic Religion to assist you. I hope you shall excel them a●l; otherwise I assure myself, the schism will do what it can to make you poor, and then complain that you are not Rich. It was indeed one of the main pretences in the Statutes of Henry the VIII. that the schism might enrich the King, & maintain his wars. but God did not bless it, for notwithstanding all the Church-Landes, and Goods, and Tenths, and fruits, & Premumires, King Henry the 8. was fain to aba●e his coin more then once, and yet he died not so rich as his catholic Father left him. And since his time what is become of the Court of Augmentation? What benefit do you receive of all the Church-lands, more then your progenitors did, when they were in the hands of the Clergy? What ease your Subiects haue of subsidies thereby, or in brief, how much your coffers are enriched, you may be pleased to be informed by those that haue to do with those offices & can readily give an account. For mine own part, I haue diligently red over all the Statutes made by Henry the 8. and do find, that the events are so clean contrary to the Prefaces, and Pretences of them, as if God of purpose would laugh thē to scorn.  
XXXVI. There is yet another objection or two in Reason of State, concerning your majesty, which seem to be harder to answer then all the rest; whereof the one is that your majesty hath undertaken the cause in writing and set out a book in Print, & it must needs be great dishonour to you to recall it. This indeed is that which I haue heard the Caluinists of England often wish for, before it was done, & much boast of, after it was by their means effected, and that your majesty should be no longer able to show yourself indifferent, as you did at the first but were now engaged vpon your Honour, to maintain their party, and to oppugn the catholics, and altogether to suppress them. But there is nothing in that book, why your majesty may not when you please, admit the Popes Supremacy in spiritual matters; & you are partly engaged thereby to admit the Trial of the first general Councells, and most Ancient Fathers. And as for the Question of Antichrist, it is but an hypothetical Proposition, and so reserved, as you may recall yourself when you will. And howsoever that book came forth either of your own disposition, or by the daily instigation of some others, that did abuse your Clemency, and sought to sand you of their own Errand; it cannot serve their turns, nor hinder your majesty from hearkening to an end of contention. For if King Henry the 8. in the iudgment of Protestants, might save his honour, and contradict his book from very good, to stark nought; they must not deny, but that your majesty may increase your Honor by altering your Book from less good, to much better.  
XXXVII. The other and the greatest objection, That howsoever your majesty before your coming to the crown, and in the beginning of your reign, were indifferent; yet after the Gunpowder-treason, you were so angered, and averted, as now you are resolved never to be friends; and therefore he is no good subject, that will either himself be reconciled to the church of Rome, or persuade any of your subiects thereunto. It is true I confess, your majesty had great cause to be thoroughly angry, and so had all good men, whether catholics, or Protestants: but if your majesty will harken to those, that work their own purposes out of your Anger, you shalbe driven to live, and dy out of Charity; which although it be not so horrible to the Body, yet is it more harmful to the soul, then violent or sudden death. It is hard I confess for a private man to assuage his anger on the sudden, and there is as much difference betwixt the anger of a private man, and the indignation of a Prince, as betwixt a blast vpon a river which is soon down, and a storm vpon the Sea, which having raised the billows to the height, is nourished by the motion therof, and cannot settle again in a long time. But there is a time for all things, and seven yeares is a long time. When a man is in the midst of his anger, it pleaseth him not to be entreated by his Neighbours, much less by his seruants; but when a man hath chidden, and punished until he be weary, he willbe content to hear his seruant speak reason. And though perhaps he be not the wisest, yet surely he is the louingest seruant, that will venture to speak to his Master in such a Case. God himself is favourable, and it pleaseth him to be entreated by his seruants for his Enemies. I am persuaded there is no good catholic in the world, that can be your majesties Enemy. And therefore I do assure myself, that God willbe pleased with you to hear them speak, and not angry with me for moving you thereunto. And if your majesty do but vouchsafe so much patience, as to give equal hearing, I doubt not but you shall receive such satisfaction, as will give you great quiet and contentment, and disquiet none of your Subiects but those only, that do for their advantage misinform your majesty, and mislead your People.  
XXXVIII. And if your majesty haue no such use of the schism, as King Henry the 8. and queen Elizabeth had, and that it doth neither increase your Authority, nor your Wealth, nor your Honour, but rather hinder them all, and deprive you of that blessing, which otherwise you might expect from Christ, & his Church, from your catholic Neighbour-Princes, and Subiects, and from the saints in heaven, in whose Communion is the greatest comfort of every Christian, both in life and death; then whatsoever some great Statesmen may say to the contrary, I do verily believe, they do but speak for themselves, and that there is no true Reason, that may concern your majesty, to hinder you from admitting a toleration of Catholiks, and catholic Religion, that those who cannot command their understanding to think otherwise, may find the comfort they do, with so great zeal, to persist in the unity of the catholic church, amongst whom I confess myself to be one, that would think myself the happiest man in the world, if I might understand that your majesty were content that I should be so. But although your majesty sit at the stern, and command all, yet you are carried in the same ship, and it is not possible to wield so great a vessel against wind and tide. And therefore although it do not concern your majesty in your own Estate; yet if your Lords, and your Commons, and your clergy do reap any great benefit by the schism, it willbe very hard for your majesty to effect unity. But if vpon due examination there be no such matter, then it is but the cry of the passengers, who for want of experience, are afraid where there is no danger, and that can be no hindrance to any course your majesty shall think to be best, for the attaining of the haven.  
XXXIX. For my own part, for the discharge of my duty, and conscience. I haue considered of all their States and can resolve myself, that I haue not prejudiced the state of any good subject of yours, but mine own, in coming to the catholic church. And first for your lords & Nobles, it is true, that many of their ancestors were allowed a very good share in the division of the Church, when the schism began, and therefore it concerned them in reason of their state, to maintain the doctrine of division. But I think there are very few in England, either Lords, or others now possessed of Abbey-Lands, which haue not paid well for them, and might not as well possess them in the unity of the Church, as in the schism. And there was a declaration made by the Pope to that purpose, in queen Maries dayes, so that there is now no need at all, to preach against the merits of Good-workes, nor the virtue of the Sacraments, nor the invocation of Saints, nor the rest of that Popery, that built Churches, unless it be to help the huguenots of France to pull them down.  
XXXX. But perhaps the Commons of England do gain so much by the schism, as they cannot abide to hear of unity. Indeed when the Puritan Preacher hath called his flock about him; and described the Church of Rome, to be so ignorant, so Idolatrous, and so wicked as he hath made himself believe she is, then is he wont to congratulate his poor deceived audiece, that they, by the means of such good men as himself is are delivered from the darkness, and Idolatry, and wickedness of Popery; and there is no man dare say a word, or once mutter to the contrary. But the People haue heard these lies so long, as most of them begin to be weary, and the wisest of them cannot but wonder, how these Puritan Preachers should become more learned, and more honest, then all the rest that lived in Ancient times, or that live still in catholic Countries, or then those in England, whom these men are wont to condemn for Papists. nevertheless I confess there be many honest men and women amongst them, that being carried away with prejudice and pretext of Scriptures, do follow these Preachers more of zeal and devotion to the truth, as myself did, until I knew it was but counterfeit. And these good People, if they might be so happy as to hear catholics answer for themselves, and tell them the truth, would be the most devout catholics of all other. But the most of the People were never lead by sermons, and if they were, the catholic Church is both able, and willing to supply them far better then the schism: but it was an opinion of wealth and liberty, which made them break at the first; and if they duly consider of it, they are never the better for either of both, but much the worse.  
XXXXI. For wealth, the Puritan unthrift, that looks for the overthrow of Bishops, and Churches Cathedrall, hopes to haue his share in them, if they would fa●l once, and therefore cannot choose, but desire to increase the schism, that he may gain by it. But the honest Protestant, that can endure the State of the Church of England as it is, could be content it were as it was, for he should receive more benefit by it every way. The poor Gentleman and Yeoman, that are burdened with many Children, may remember that in catholic times, the Church would haue received and provided for many of their sons and daughters, so as themselves might haue lived and dyed in the service of God without posterity, & haue helped to maintain the rest of their families; which was so great a benefit to the common wealth both for the exoneration, and provision thereof, as no human Policy can procure the like. The Farmer & Husbandman who laboureth hard to discharge his payments, and hath little or nothing left at the yeares end to lay up for his Children that increase & grow vpon him, may remember, that in catholic times there were better kings to be had, when as the Clergy had a great part of the land in their hands, who had no need to raise their Rents themselves, & did what they might to make other Lords let at a reasonable rate, which was also an inestimable benefit to the Commons. So that whereas ignorant men, carried with envy against the Clergy, are wont to object the multitude of them, & the greatness of their provisions, they speak therein as much against themselves as is possible. For the greater the number is of such men as are Mundo mortui, the more is the exoneration of the Commons; and the more the lands are of such as can haue no propriety in them, the better is the provision of the Commons. For themselves can haue no more but their food, and regular apparel, all the rest either remaines in the hands of the Tenants, or returns in Hospitality, and relief to their neighbours, or is kept as in a living Exchequer for the service of the Prince & Country in time of necessity. So that the Commons do gain no wealth at all, but rather do loose much by the schism.  
XXXXII. And as for Liberty, they are indeed freed from the possibility of going to Shrift, that is, of confessing their sins to God in the care of a catholic Priest, and receiving comfort and counsel against their sins, from God, by the mouth of the same Priest; which duty is required of catholic people onely once in the year, but performed by them with great comfort & edification, very often; so that a man may see, and wonder to see, many hundreds at one Altar to communicate every Sunday, with great devotion, & lightly no day to pass but that diuers do confess are absolved, and receive the Blessed Sacrament. The poor Commons of England are freed from this comfort; neither is it possible, unless their Ministers had the seat of secrecy for them to use it. And what is the liberty that they haue instead therof? Surely, the seruants haue great liberty against their masters by this means, & the Children against their Parents, and the People against their Prelates, and the subiects against their King, & all against the Church of Christ, that is, against their own good, and the Common salvation: for without the use of this Sacrament, neither can inferiors be kept in awe, but by the gallows, which will not save them from hell; nor superiors be ever  told of their Errors, but by Rebellion, which will not bring them to heaven. These, and such like be the liberties, that both Prince and People do enjoy by the want of Confession, and of catholic Religion.  
XXXXIII. As for the liberty of making laws in Church-matters, the Common lawyer may perhaps make an advantage of it, and therfore greatly stand vpon it: but to the Common people it is no pleasure at all, but rather a great burden. For the great multitude of Statutes, which haue been made since the schism( which are more then five times so many that ever were made before since the name of parliament was in England) hath caused also an infinite number of lawyers, all which must live by the Commons, and raise new families, which cannot be done without the decay of the old. And if the Canons of the Church, and the Courts of Confession were in request, the lawyers market would soon be marred.  
And therfore most of your lawyers in this point are Puritans, and do still furnish the parliament with aggreiuances against the Clergy, as knowing very well, that their own glory came at the first from the Court-Infidel, and therfore cannot stand with the authority of the church which came at the first from the Court-Christian. I speak not against the Ancient laws of England, which since King Ethelbert his time were all catholic, nor against the honest lawyers of England. I know many, and honour all good men among them, and do look for better times by the learning, wisdom, and moderation of the chiefest. But I am verily persuaded, that the pretended liberties of the Commons, to make laws in matter of Religion, doth burden the Common wealth, & both trouble and prejudice your majesty, and pleasure none at all, but the puritan, and Petti-fogging lawyer, that would fain fetch the antiquity of his Common law from the Saxons, that were before King Ethelbert. So that, whether we respect the spiritual instruction and comfort, or the temporal wealth and liberty of the Commons of England, if the Puritan Preacher, and Puritan lawyer, who both do seek the overthrow of the Church, and deceive and consume the people, would let thē alone; there would quickly appear no reason of their state at all, why they should hate the catholic Church, that is so comfortable, and beneficial unto thē; or maintain the schism, that with sugared speeches, and counterfeit faces, doth so much abuse them.  
XLIIII. I am therfore in very assured hope, that by my coming to the catholic church, besides the satisfying and saving of my own soul, I shall do no ill service to your majesty, neither in respect of yourself, nor your children, nor in respect of your Lords, and Commons; and that there is no reason concerning the State of any of these, that is sufficient to dissuade unity. There is only the Clergy left, which if Caluinisme may go on, & prevail as it doth, shall not in the next age be left to be satisfied. And there is little reason, that any man that loues the Clergy, should desire to satisfy such Clergy men, as do underhand favour calvinists, and maintain such points of doctrine, as if your majesties favour were not, would out of hand overthrow the Clergy, and instead of them set up a few stipendiary Preachers.  
XLV. There never was, is nor shal be any wel-setled state in the world, either Christian or Heathen, but the Clergy, or Priesthood was, is, and must be a principal part of the government, depending vpon none, but him only, whom they suppose to be their God: but where Caluinisme prevaileth, there three or four stipendiary Ministers, that must preach as it shal please M. Maior and his brethren, may serve for a whole city. And indeed, if their opinions be true, it is but a folly for any State to maintain any more. For if God hath predestinated a certain number to be saved, without any condition at all of their being in the visible Church by faith, or their persevering therein by good works; if God hath reprobated the greatest part of the world, without any respect at all of their infidelity, heresy, or wicked life; if the faith of Christ be nothing else, but the assured persuasion of a mans own Predestination to glory, by him; if the Sacraments of the Church be nothing but signs, and badges of that grace which a man hath before by the carnal covenant of this Parents faith; if Priesthood can do nothing but preach the Word( as they call it) which Lay-men must judge of, and may preach too if they will, where occasion serves; if the study and knowledge of Antiquity, universality, and Consent be not necessary, but every man may expound Scripture, as his own spirit shall move him; if I say, these & such like opinions be as true, as they are among Caluinists in the world common, and in England too much favoured and maintained: then certainly there will appear no reason at all unto your parliament, whensoever your majesty, or your Successors shall please to ask them, why they should be at so great a charge as they are, to maintain so needles a party, as these opinions do make the Clergy to be? They can haue a great many more Sermons a great deal better cheap, if in the opinion of Caluinisme, the Clergy do no other service. They that do in England favor, and maintain these opinions, and suppress and disgrace those that do confute them, they( although themselves can be content to be lords, and to go in Rochets) are indeed the greatest Enemies of the Clergy. And it were no great matter, for the Clergy; they might easily turn Lay, and live as well as t●… y do for the most part: but it is a thing full of compassion, and commiseration to see, that by these false, and wicked opinions, the divell, the Father of these and all other lies, doth daily take possession of the souls of your subiects, both of Clergy and Laity.  
XLVI. These kind of Clergymen I confess, I do not desire to satisfy any other way, then as I haue always done; that is, by the most friendly & plain confutation of their errors to show them the truth. As for other Clergy men that are conformable to the Religion established by law, as well for their doctrine, as for their discipline, if they be good Schollers, and temperate men( as I know many of them to be) they cannot but in their iudgments approve the truth of catholic Religion; and if it were not for fear of loss, or disgrace to their wives, & children, they would be as glad as my self, that a more temperate course might be held, and more liberty afforded unto catholics, and catholic Religion, in England.  
XLVII. These Clergy men, I am, and ever shal be desirous to satisfy, not onely in respect of themselves, but also in respect of their wives & children, whom I am so far from condemning and disliking, as that I do account myself one of them; and I desire nothing more in this world, then in the toleration of catholic Religion, to live and die among them. And therfore I haue had so great care in this point, as before I did submit myself to the catholic Church, I received assurance from some of the Greatest, that if your majesty would admit the ancient subordination of the Church of Canterbury unto that Mother Church by whose authority, all other Churches in England at the first were, & still are subordinate unto Canterbury, & the free use of that Sacrament, for which especially, all the Churches in Christendom were first founded; the Pope for his part would confirm the Interest of all those that haue present possession in any ecclesiastical living in England; & would also permit the free use of the common prayer-book in English for morning and evening prayer, with very little or no alteration. And for the contentment and security of your majesty, he would give you not onely any satisfaction, but all the Honour that with the unity of the Church, and the safety of catholic Religion may be required. Which seemed to me so reasonable, as being before satisfied for the truth of catholic Religion. I could ask no more. So that I am verily persuaded, that by yielding to this truth, which I could not deny, I haue neither neglected my duty, and service to your majesty, and your children, nor my respect and honour to your Lords and Commons, nor my love and kindness to my honest friends, and brethren of the Clergy, but rather that my example, and my prayers shall do good unto all.  
XLVIII. But that which I must trust unto, when all the rest will fail me, is the service of God, and saving of my soul in the unity of that Church, which was founded by Christ himself, and shall continue until his coming again, wherein all the saints of God haue served him on earth & do enjoy him in heave, without which Holy catholic Church, there is no Communion of Saints, no forgiveness of sins, no hope of Resurrection unto life everlasting.  
LXIX. I beseech your majesty, let not Caluins Ecclesia Praedestinatorum deceive you; it may serve a turk, as well as a Christian; it hath no faith but opinion; no hope, but presumption; no Charity, but Lust; no faith, but a Fancy; no God but an idol. For Deus est omnibus Religionibus commune Nomen; All Religions in the world, begin their Creed with, I believe in God. But homini extra Ecclesiam Religio sua est cultus phantasmatum svorum, and error suus est Deus suus, as holy S. Augustine affirmeth Epist. 64.  
L. I haue more things to writ, but the hast of answering your majesties Commandement signified to me by sir Thomas Lake his letters, haue made me commit many faults, in writing this very suddenly, for which I crave pardon, and cut off the rest.   

But for my returning into England, I can answer no otherwise but thus: I haue sent you my soul in this Treatise, and if it may find entertainment, and passage, my Body shall most gladly follow after. If not, I pray God I sand my soul to heaven, and my body to the grave, assoon as may be. In the mean time, I will rejoice in nothing, but only in the cross of Christ, which is the glory of your crown. And therfore I will triumph therein, not as being gone from you, to your adversary; but as being gone before you to your Mother, where I desire, and hope for ever to continue  
Your majesties True Seruant & Beadsman. B. Carrier. Liege Decemb. 12.   
FINIS.