A TREATISE AGAINST JUDICIAL ASTROLOGY. Dedicated to the right Honourable Sir THOMAS EGERTON Knight, Lord Keeper of the great Seal, and one of her majesties most honourable privy Council. Written by JOHN CHAMBER, one of the Prebendaries of her majesties free Chapel of Windsor, and Fellow of Eaton College. LABOUR ET CONSTANTIA Printed at London by John Harison at the sign of the Greyhound in Paternoster row. 1601. where must be not only good plants for fruit and learning, but also good and battle ground for nourishment. Lastly, great pains and heed taken in pruning and trimming that which hath been well planted. As if also you regarded nothing more than that the children's bread be not given to dogs: the honey to drones: nor the good ground and pains employed upon unfruitful plants, or scroiles and wileding; but such as may flourish in the house of God, and bring forth more fruit in their age. If others, who are both in conscience bound, and in duty ought, would but join with your Ho●our in this so godly a care, how would religion and learning flourish at this day? Nay farther, Si duo praeterea tales Britanna tulisset terra viros, that is, if all England would afford but two more such, what might we not then hope for, or rather what might we not have had long ere this? For well knoweth your Lordship that of the Poet to be most true, Sint Maecenates non deerunt Flacce Marones', and that, Virtus laudata crescit. Instead of which now that rather most true, Virtus laudatur & alget. I will not here fall to lament and deplore the state and condition of this age, which I might both easily, & justly do, but to your Honour at this time I dare not, lest I should be too tedious. Wherefore to continue that which I have in hand, all men's eyes are upon you, all men's faces towards you, expecting that you will hold on, that you will not be weary nor give over, though it can not be, but that you meet with many discouragements in so good a course: but from you men look that you should not faint at ordinary and common encounters, remembering still that of the Poet, Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentius ito. But I should too much forget myself, and worthily incur the censure of Sus Mineruam, if I venture to exhort you, as if I doubted any whit of your upright and constant course, though exhortations in this and such like cases are not so much signs of doubt and distrust, as notes of encouragement and approbation, according to that, Qui monet ut facias, quod iam facis, ipse monendo, Laudat, & hortatu comprobat acta suo. In this way of supporting and succouring good letters and learning, you have showed a mind so free from that base corruption, which is the bane of all now a days, neither practising it yourself, nor suffering it in others, that you may worthily hear that of the Poet, Est tibi animus vindex avarae fraudis, & abstinens ducentis ad se cuncta pecuniae. For this so honourable, or rather heroical protection, and patronage in so dangerous times, both the present age shall praise, and posterity shall adore you. And although praise and popular applause be not the thing that you aim at, yet because it is due to so great virtue, you must be content to bear it, neither can you well avoid it, considering how true that is, Fugientem gloria sequitur. And in my conceit that of Horace is not unfit, — aut virtus nomen inane est, Aut decus, & precium recte petit experiens vir. Neither is this, as coming from a Poet, to be taken as a fiction, for even great philosophers hold the same: namely Tully lib. 3. de Rep. Vult plane virtus honorem, nec est virtutis ulla alia merces. If this be well taken it may be well said: for God will honour them that honour him. As for praise and glory here, I will now say nothing, lest I may seem to play doting Phormio before valiant Annibal. Only my humble suit & petition at this time is, that these my simple labours may present themselves unto the world, & pass under the safe conduct of your most Honourable protection. Which thing if I may obtain, though I be none of them that attribute most to the stars, yet shall I think myself borne under a most happy star. So craving pardon for my too much boldness, with hearty prayer for your Lordship's Honour, that here it may be such, as hereafter may be seconded with the true honour of Saints in the life to come, I most humbly take my leave. Your Honours to command, JOHN CHAMBER. To the Reader. Having now finished this treatise against Astrology (gentle readers) the pains being past, and hope of ease appearing, I began to be perplexed afresh with two new doubts. First whether I should proceed to the publication of these my labours, or rather follow the counsel of him, that willeth in this case to proceed ad publicandum, as good judges are wont ad sententiandum, that is plumbeis pedibus, and slowly, still keeping our labours by us, till we have licked and relicked them into some good tolerable form, as the bear doth her deformed whelps at the first. For while they are by us, and in our hands, we may alter, ad, diminish, put in, and put out at pleasure; but if they be once out, and abroad, we may give them our good word, it is too late to repent: Nam semel emissum volat irrevocabile verbum. Wherefore our words, are very fitly termed of the poet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, winged words; because, if they get loose once, they fly amain. The author of this counsel Horace, whether he followed it himself or no I cannot tell, but it seemeth some other did, as Cinna by name. Who as appeareth by Catullus. lib. 1. epigram. 21. after nine years study, set out a fine picked poem, entitled Smyrna: Catullus words be these: Smyrna mei votis nonam post denique messem Quam coepta est, nonamque edita post hyemem. Although this of nine years suppression rely upon the precept of a wise man, and example of a good poet, yet at this time for some causes, I have chosen, rather by speedy publication to have the opinion, and judgement of others quickly, then to stand plodding myself upon it many years alone. For by this means the faults being quicklier found, shallbe sooner amended. Now though I may seem to expose and lay open myself too confidently to the censures of men, yet I hope, they will deal with me candidè, as is seemly for men professing learning, so that I shall have no cause to reply to any busy censurer (ne suitor ultra crepidam) as did Appelles to the crank Cobbler, that would needs pass the . For my part, I hope I shall be found so far from partiality toward mine own, that I shallbe ready to thank them that shall correct me; correct me I say, and not control me. For friends do correct, but enemies and adversaries control. If I should refuse or disdain a friendly correction, I should show myself too simple, but to endure a presumptuous controlling spirit can hardly any endure. And thus much for the first perplexity. The second thing that perplexed me, was whether this slender work should present itself to the view of all without my name: for at the first I being desirous to have the judgements of others, thought there was no way better, than by suppressing my name, knowing that by this means, men would judge with less affection every way, I was not willing in a business of this kind to trust myself, knowing how through a natural 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all men are given to flatter and cox themselves in their own doings. Neither are we to think that it fareth otherwise with particular men, than it doth with several kinds of creatures, every one no doubt preferring, and admiring his own kind before all others: so that nothing seemeth to an Ape prettier than his fellow jacke: or to a frog then a todpoll: the horse and lion think no doubt better of their own shape, then of the form of a man. Upon this conceit Tully lib. 1. de Nat. deo. said, that he durst not think himself a goodlier creature than the Bull that transported Europa, for shape he meant, and feature of body. As this self-liking prevaileth in every kind toward itself, so doth it no less, but rather more show itself in every particular, nature being optima conciliatrix, et quasilena sui, the greatliest in love with herself that may be. And therefore we find daily that most true, suum cuique pulchrum, and that of Tul. Te tua, me delectant mea, who farther also lib. 5. Tuscul. saith that he never knew any poet, were he never so bad, but he thought himself the best that ever was. Such is the folly of rhyming wits. Even Chaerilus so much disgraced by Horace, yet as may appear by his contract with Alexander, thought himself no babe. Of whom Alexander was wont to say, that he had rather be Homer's Thersites, than the Achilles of Chaerilus. Although I am not ignorant that Eusebius, Clemens, & some other of the Ancients, make good reckoning of him: neither seemeth he to have been so bad as he is made by certain verses of his which are extant. But (to return) as Chaerilus did, who doth not think too well of himself? nay who is there almost, that is not so far gone this way, that he is not in love with his own faults? which depraved blind judgement towards ourselves may easily overtake us, since we see that some have been blinded by reason of a foolish conceited love, even in the faults of others. As for example Alceus, of whom is that, Naews in articulo pueri delectat Alcaeum. a wen in his body seemed a grace to Alceus. As he for love to his boy digested his impefection: so we for the like affection to ourselves can dispense with our greatest faults, as if they were none. Roscius was blear eyed. Q. Catulus much more either bleared or blinded, when he took him to exceed By God in that place of Tully is meant the Sun. God for beauty: but such is the nature of love, where it fasteneth, it will find no fault, especially in ourselves. In an old Greek Epigram it is said, that love is nothing worth, nor to be counted of, when one loveth a fair one, for that every body doth; to love a foul droil or blouse, this is love indeed. Whence we may see how it fareth with us, who think we never love ourselves enough, except we love our faults and all. Lest therefore I myself should fall into this confessed and detested vice of self love toward my own faults and infirmities, I thought it my part to take the way, first to know what they were, or before they be known, they will hardly be amended, and a better or readier way to know them, I saw none, then by publishing my pains without name: for so both others will more freely perhaps, and more uprightly without partiality judge, and myself shall the sooner hear what escapes shallbe charged upon me. For this cause, and upon this reason, I had, as I said, resolved at first to proceed without any name: but afterward upon some other just & urgent occasions, I was forced to alter this course, & forsake my former determination, and to hold the accustomed and ordinary course of publishing by name. By which course, although I fail somewhat of my former, and desired purpose, yet I hope the point will not be greatly material, or with much disadvantage. For the handling, and delivery of the matter, I acknowledge it to be most simple and plain, quite void of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which some perhaps will look for. I have not sought after vain flourishes and rhetorications, nor had any further care than this, that I may be understood. It fareth with speech as it doth with a woman, the honester she is, the less care she hath of her attire: it is the trick of harlots to paint and besmear; Simplex est veritatis sermo. Plato saith, that to be curious in words and phrases, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, base and servile: with whom also jumpeth Galen, saying that the care of words, and contempt of matter came in together. Of which opinion also was Clemens Alexandrinus, whose words are thus: He that careth for the truth must not busy and trouble himself too much about words, but be content to deliver things as well as he can, for they that are curious in words, oft miss of the matter. With this agreeth that of Theodoret de Morib. Graec. lib. 1. pa. 10. Matter, saith he, and truth is to be preferred before words and phrases: for want of fair words is no hindrance or disgrace to the matter: the rose groweth not on the fairest tree, but on a prickly rude bush. As good broth may come out of a wooden ladle, as out of a silver spoon. A great admirer and reader of Ennius said, that when he read him, he gathered aurum ex sterquilinio, according to that of an other, Ennius ingenio magnus, at arte rudis. If words will follow the matter they are welcome: but if they must be studied for, far them well: he maketh small account of his time that spendeth it about wind and words; and may be well compared to the dog in Aesop, who snatching at the shadow, lost the bone. Gay words without substance of matter, are like a painted sheath with a wooden dagger, which will not cut, nor do any office of a dagger: which I do not speak in commendation of mine own dagger, as if it were such a cutter. I am not so far gone and passed myself; nevertheless I could wish, not only that it would cut, but also cut off this uncouth kind of Figure-flingers, and starre-gazers, who are st●l tooting on heaven, which belongeth full little to them. Very wise men have been very careless in this point of words and speech. Porphyry reporteth of Socrates, that when he came to speak or write any thing, he was very ridiculous, and that he did stutter like a babe. And Plato in his Apology testifieth the same, that in his speech he was without grace, or choice of words, with a rude unlearned tongue. Now if Socrates did practise, and Plato allow, I hope no body will exact or expect much of me: if any do, I must answer only that, Quod decuit tantos, cur mihi turpe putem? Wherefore that I may conclude with Socrates' words in the same place, of you, gentle Readers, I request only thus much, which me think standeth with reason, that you would not weigh my phrase & stile, though peradventure it may please, and peradventure no: for peradventure it may be better, and peradventure it may be worse; but that you would weigh and well consider this, whether I speak to the purpose. Another thing wherein I am to crave the Readers pardon is, if that any unadvised or hard speeches have passed me, such as are incident to these contentious kind of confutations, and are wont commonly to scape many in their earnestness, and heat. How easy a matter it were for any in an argument of this nature to let slip now and then an hard word, any may judge, if he list to consider the grossness of the fault, the multitude of the offenders, and the negligence of them that should be correctors. For my part I cannot deny, but sometime I was moved with it: yet so, I hope, as that neither I forgot the counsel of him, ammum rege, qui nisi paret, imperat: nor the good example of another, that being moved to wrath, smote himself on the breast with a knock, adding these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, Down great heart. In rhyme, Down heart, have done, for long ere this, Thou hast endured as bad I wisse. Neither would I take it to be any great fault, to be a little moved sometime, according to the indignity of the matter. For all heat is not to be condemned: nay of some heat that is true, that it is eos virtutis: it giveth an edge to virtue & manhood. Neither is that amiss of Seneca, Quantum est cuique irae, tantum est ingenij. But in respect of me, and my carriage in this Treatise, I hope this Apology will be needless my speech is all in Thesi, and general. I have spoken against Astrologers, but not against this or that particular ginger. Though vehemency and heat be a perturbation and grievous, yet it hath such a commendome of delight with it, and is so delayed and sauced with pleasure, that a man may quickly be drawn in, if he look not better to it. But some perhaps will marvel, what pleasure can be in anger, which doth so torment & vex men, that it maketh them stare like friends, according to that, Iliad. 1. vers. 103. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in another place, vers. 200. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But let them think that he was no babe that said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No honey sweeter can be, then Is anger in the hearts of men. I think there is scarce any whose carriage is such in thes agonistical conferences, but that he may hear that some time, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? What manner word hath overpast Thy teeth which should have kept it fast. We are taught to season and relish our speech with salt, that it may afford grace to the hearers: our speech must not be insulsus, unsavoury, yet not so salt that it fret & gall. This age hath hit into a bitter invective course: whence it proceedeth I know not, whether of the black ink, being made with gall and Coppresse, two fretting ingredients, or of the pen descended from a goose, or of both: sure I am that the moderation of a wise hand, and stayed mind, might be a great help to both. But I think best to stay here, least by too solemn and ceremonious an excuse, I might seem to accuse myself, and too much to distrust them, whose censure in this case I am to pass, and, for good reason must stand to. Wherefore commending myself, the manner and matter to the favourable construction of the discreet and loving reader, I take my leave. The sum of the Chapters cotaitained in this book. CHAP. I. A just complaint against the long toleration of Astrological superstition, of their titles how they be called, and of their profession what it promiseth. CHAP. II. Divinity proofs against Astrology, first authorities, than reasons, and that Christianity and Astrology cannot stand together. CHAP. III. That the difficulties of this art by ignorance first of the number of stars, then of the constellations, thirdly, of the birth hour, are such as must needs spoil this Art, as also may appear by examples brought. CHAP. four That the division of heaven, the Astrologers noting of the Horoscopus, and the relation of the birth hour, are all most deceivable. CHAP. V. That the birth time, and the time of observing the Horoscopus, must needs be a precise time, and not with a latitude only. CHAP. VI That they cannot be very confident in their own art, as not knowing which to choose for their work, whether the conception or the birth, where also are recited other times of alteration, not inferior to the birth hour. CHAP. VII. Of an evasion which they use, when they are urged with the examples of beasts, plants, & such like. CHAP. VIII. Of the uncertainty, and falsehood of their predictions. CHAP. IX. Of the subject of predictions. CHAP. X. Of the small use of predictions, though they were true. CHAP. XI. The folly of predictions, confirmed by the diversity of twins, who being borne both at once, descent oftentimes in the whole course of their life and actions, with an answer to Figulinus, Firmicus and S. Thomas. CHAP. XII. Astrology by Philosophers, either condemned as wicked, or neglected as vain and foolish. CHAP. XIII. Astrologers punished by Emperors, and derided by Alexander the great. CHAP. XIIII. That none hearken to Figure-flingers but fools, since God hath reserved the knowledge of future things to himself. CHAP. XV. The Astrologers wresting a place of Aristotle to their purpose. CHAP. XVI. Who first among the Greeks gave themselves to Astronomy, and how far. CHAP. XVII. Astrology compared with other Arts. CHAP. XVIII. That Astrologers need no farther confutation than such as may be drawn out of their own art since their elections and predictions can no way stand together. CHAP. XIX. Four causes why Astrologers seem often to say true, and that for their true saying, they are never a whit the more to be trusted. CHAP. XX. Of the true use of stars, and study of Astronomy in the judgement of Socrates and Bucer. CHAP. XXI. A Peroration exhorting to the abolishing of Astrological blasphemy, with an encouragement of them that have to deal in the reformation of that ungodly abuse. CHAP. XXII. An Appendix to the 8. Chap. proving that their predictions cannot be true, as not being comprehensible, by reason of these inferior causes, which being many, much altar the working of the superior causes, which also is confirmed by abundance of testimonies of the best Astrologers. CHAP. XXIII. The vanity of Critical days, howsoever deduced, whether from Galens new month, Hypocrates numbers, or Conciliators teiragonicall aspects. A TREATISE AGAINST JUDICIAL ASTROLOGY. CHAP. I. A just complaint against the long toleration of Astrological superstition, of their titles how they be called, and of their profession, what it promiseth. ALthough I look for no great effect or reformation of that which I intent to say against Astrologers: yet I hope I may freely use that ancient and accustomed liberty of all ages, to talk and say my mind against them. For do what I can, that of Tacitus will be still true, pronouncing them to be a profession always condemned, and misliked, yet still retained and used. Notwithstanding to speak for ourselves, & for the present time, it may seem strange, that in so long profession of the Gospel, so gross & heathenish a superstition should go so currant. I may well call it heathenish, me think, since the Church in all ages, with Emperors, Doctors, Fathers, & Counsels, have ever condemned it. Witchcraft, because it toucheth our hogs, & cattle sometime: findeth now & then some hard entertainment, as it well deserveth. But this damnable superstition, which dishonoureth God, polluteth heaven, deceiveth and seduceth men, goeth without touch or check; the ginger scaping, while the Witch is punished, may not that well be said? Dat veniam coruis, vexat censura columbas. Might not this eagerness, and vehemency, which we have used among ourselves about caps and copes, have been much better bestowed upon this so profane an abuse? While we strain a gnat, we swallow a camel: & while we build our own conceits & toys in the air, we leave the house of God unbuilt. What should be thought, that so many honourable and grave assemblies of parliament, and so many reverend convocations in so long time should not once go about the redress of an abuse so gross and palpable, that even the offenders themselves are readiest to condemn themselves. In so much that some of them of late have set out certain reformed Almanacs, wherein they have not meddled at all with wind, weather, dismal days, purges and such like: but only with changes of the Moon, Eclipses, Festival days, both movable, & unmovable, and such like. When themselves are ashamed of themselves, what reason have others to forbear them? No doubt, as the great impostors of the world, so oft as they meet, they are ready to laugh one of another. These men are called by the names of astrologers, prognosticators, almanac-makers, figure-flingers, wise men, wizards, and such like. And in Latin Chaldaei, Astrologi, Mathematici, Magi, Planetarij, Genethliaci, Babylonij, Divini, Fatidici. In greek also they are termed & known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and in derision, of some they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of S. Hierome they are sometime called Augurs, and by a decree of Pope Gregory the younger, Astrologers are anathematized under the name of Aruspex. And S. August. in a book de natura daemonum, showeth that they which observe days & hours in their business, are signified by the name Aruspex. So in the old time they were not called by the name of Astronomers, Mathematics, or Astrologers: but for their judging by the planets, they were called Planetarij: for casting nativities, Genethliaci: and of the country that sent them out abroad by swarms, they were termed Chaldaei. The quid nominis of this art is as here is said, for the farther definition or quid rei, see Sextus ab Heminga, who bringeth three divers definitions of three divers authors for the division of it. Whereas commonly it is divided into four parts, he divideth it into two parts only, of purpose rejecting the other two, as derided by the astrologers themselves. For the subject of Astrology, he divideth it into two parts, active & passive, making heaven the active part, and earth the passive. Where also he relateth a proper conceit of Cardan, that heaven is like the earth, & the stars like mountains, and stones upon the earth. The active subject of heaven he also divideth into four parts. pag. 10. To discourse severally of those points would but spend time: & therefore I thought best only to point to them. These men being altogether ignorant of all good learning, not only in the stars, which they profess, bear us in hand that all our actions and enterprises depend upon certain constellations, and aspects of stars, and revolutions, extending this their skill to nativities, questions, elections, intentions, thoughts, and the foretelling of things to come: intermeddling and busying themselves even in the secrets of God's providence. In which they do not only most lewdly and impiously make many to give over all care of their life and actions, as being forced by the stars, which they cannot resist, but also most blasphemously impeach the divine providence. For if all our actions depend of the stars, then may God have an everlasting playing day, and let the world wag. CHAP. II. Divinity proofs against Astrology: first authorities, and then reasons, and that Christianity and Astrology cannot stand together. Because therefore the chief impiety of these men is against God himself, we will first assault them with reasons out of divinity: Hieremie cap. 10. The jews are willed to give no credit to stargazers, nor to fear them a whit: Learn not the ways of the Gentiles, neither fear the signs of heaven, as they do, because the laws and ordinances of the people are vain. With Hierem. agreeth Esay cap. 47. where he derideth Soothsayers trusting in their predictions, & observations. Let thy Soothsayers stand and save thee, which gazing upon the stars, and counting the months, take upon them to foretell thee what is to come. In the same chapter he saith, there shall ill come upon thee, but whence thou shalt not know (that is, such as no constellation shall forewarn) & calamity shall rush upon thee, which thou canst not avoid, to wit, by elections of hours, or other superstitious tricks of Astrology. And cap. xliiij of the same prophet, God saith: I am the Lord that do frustrate, and disappoint the signs of wizards, making the Soothsayers made, foiling their wisemen, and making their skill foolish. Of them the Prophet Micha saith Chap. 3. vers. 7. that they shall blush at their lies, and hide their faces for shame. With these three Prophets agreeth Salo. Eccl. cap. 8. No man knoweth that which is past, neither can any tell him that which is to come. Deuteron. xviij. ver. x. it is said, that whosoever useth this trade is an abomination to God, and that this was one of the chief causes, why God displaced the nations, and banished them. And in the second book of Kings it is said, that their vanity was the overthrow of the people of Israel; for there is said that they applied soothsayings, which folly also is derided of job in these words: Dost thou know (saith he,) the order of heaven, and wilt thou reduce the course of it to the earth? And again who shall declare the order of heaven? In which place also is touched a double error of astrologers; the one, that they ascribe many things to heaven, which belong not to it: another that even the very effects of heaven, they cannot foresee by heaven. Upon these so plentiful & plain places the church grounding, hath not spared from time to time, to censure these men most severely, as appeareth by many decrees, as you may read, in secunda part Decretorum cap. xxvi. the five first questions & in the first Bracaren Council cap. ix, and x. and in the first counsel of Toledo. In which counsels there is this Decree against Astrologers. If any put his trust in astrology let him be anathema. Also in the first chapter de sortilegijs, is provided that none shall listen to divinations. In the second chapter of the same title is concluded, that it was an heinous offence, that one took upon him by the help of his astrolabe, to recover a stolen thing, although he did it simply, and of good zeal. By a decree also of Gregory the younger, Astrologers are accursed under the name of Aruspices, as I have showed else where. What hath been the judgement of the father's concerning these men you may see, if you please to read, either Basil Hom. vi. in Genesin, or Chrisost. and Gregorius Magnus upon the second chapter of Matthew, or Olympiodorus upon the seventh and tenth chapter of Ecclesiastes, or Cassiodorus upon the 70.118. Psal. But especially S. August. lib. 2. upon Genesis ad literam cap. 17. And lib. 2. De doctrina Christiana cap. 21. Saint Augustine's authority is of the more weight, because he confesseth, that himself was of that damnable crew, in the third book of confessions: & in the seventh book his words be these; Now also I had renounced the false predictions, and wicked follies of Astrologers: and (meaning them farther saith) whom christian and true piety expelleth and condemneth. And in his book de natura Daemonum, he affirmeth, that it is not lawful for any christian to cast nativities. In his second book de doctri. Christ he saith, it is a great madness and folly to go about to tell by the stars, the manners, actions and events of men. And in the same book he saith, Whosoever giveth a penny to an ginger, go he never so free unto him, he returneth from him a bondman. With these agreeth Eusebius lib, 14. cap. 4 de praeparatione evangelica, & lib. 6 cap. 9 Athanasius also upon those words to the Colossians. According to the elements of the world, and not according to Christ, condemneth all these Astrological observations of times. Basil in his Hexam. saith; It is ridiculous to confute Astrologers, yet necessary, lest others should be entangled by their cunning. Damas'. in theologicis sententijs, granteth that there may be signs in heaven, of rain, drought, heat, cold, winds, but not of our actions. With these ancient fathers agree also the schoolmen, as Aquinas in expositione symboli, Bonaventure in 1 Centiloquij part, Petrus Tarantassius in 4. Conuentariorum in senten. and john Gerson, and diverse others both papists and protestants. julianus Apostata played but his part, when he would prove Abraham to be an ginger out of these words cap. 15. of Genesis. God brought out Abraham, and said to him, view the heavens & number the stars, if thou can, for so shall thy seed be. Notwithstanding confess we must, that Philo in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, attributeth to Abraham great perfection in Astronomy: yet that shall no ways help to excuse julian, their minds wherewith they spoke it, being as different as may be. Farther julian maketh, or would make Abraham an ginger, but Philo an Astronomer. Now what is the difference of Astronomy and Astrology, may be plain by that of Cassiodorus upon the 118. Psal. His words be these; Astronomy is an art, which considereth the course & figures of stars, and their mutual aspects both among themselves, and in respect of the earth. Which Art our ancestors have not much rejected, so that it go no farther. But when men erroneously glance into Astrology, thinking to pick the lives of men out of the course of the stars, than they are abominable and stark blind, taking upon them to foresee those things which the creator for good cause meant to conceal from us. That Abraham was instructed & skilful in Astronomy Philo proveth out of the interpretation of the name Abraam, signifying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if one should say, a lofty or mounted father, this title of lofty, or mounted father, being given him, because he lifted and mounted himself from the earth by study of high and heavenly matters, searching what was the greatness of the Sun, what was his course, how he doth determine the seasons of the year, by his coming and going to and fro, searching also concerning the moon of her diverse lights, forms, waxings, wanings; of the motions of the other stars, both fixed, and not fixed. For (saith he) the study & inquiry of these things is not base & barren, but of all other most liberal, and full of good fruit, so that they be referred as they ought to be to the use of life & mending of manners. For saith he, as trees are nothing worth, unless they bear fruit: so Philosophy availeth nothing, if it bring not forth godly life, as her fruit. Insomuch that some comparing philosophy to a field, have likened the natural parts of it to the Plants; the logical part to the fence and hedges, but the moral to the fruit, affirming that the hedges & fences round about, are made only for the safety of the fruit, but the plants to bear fruit, so say they, must the natural & logical parts of Philosophy be referred to the moral part, wherewith is taught honest conversation & goodlife? By this place of Philo, we see both how far Abraham waded in Astronomy, & to what end. Thus having cleared him from the troops of the enemy, it remaineth, that we leave him not so, but proceed in the pursuit. But first thus we reason against these men. The hearts and ways of all men are in the hands of God, who doth dispose and turn them, as seemeth best to him, according to that, Pro. cap. 27. Homo proponit, Deus autem disponit. If therefore no man know his own ways for the time to come, much less can the Astrologers know them. Again, the devil himself knoweth not certainly future causes, for if he did, he would never have egged the jews forward to crucify Christ, by whose death his tyranny over mankind was to be abolished and dissolved: neither would he be so busy in tempting and molesting the Saints of God, if he knew before he should be foiled by them, and so increase their glory. But what do we speak of the devil, seeing neither the Angels nor blessed souls of the faithful, who still behold God, and see into the course of stars, as far as any Wizard, cannot certainly know our actions before hand, without some special revelation from God? What madness were it then to give that to the devil, which is denied to Angels and Saints? Again, whatsoever belonged to Christ, or the state of his Church, we see hath been ever foretold long before by the Prophet's most distinctly and plainly; which things if they could have been foretold by the stars and starre-gazers, than were the foundation of all true religion shaken. Neither by this means is religion and Divinity shaken only, but also all moral doctrine and philosophy: for whosoever is persuaded, that all dependeth on heaven, and therefore thinketh that all men's deeds and events may be foreknown and foretold by tooting upon the stars, he must needs think withal, that the soul is mortal, and the providence of God not to be such as our faith teacheth, and that the mysteries & miracles of our religion, though they be indeed supernatural, yet depend upon celestial causes and powers. How ill Christianity and Astrology stand together, may appear by the fact and practice of the Ephesians, Act. 19 who as soon as they were converted by the Apostles preaching, bid farewell to figure-flinging, and fling their curious books into the fire. The speech of S. Augustine receiving a certain penitent figure-flinger into the church, is very notable in these words after the exposition of the 61. Psal. This man being seduced by the enemy, was a long time a figure-flinger: being seduced himself, and seducing others, he deceived, enticed, & spoke many lies against God, who hath given men power to do good and not harm. This man denied that his own will committed adultery, but Venus: and that his own will committed murder, but Mars: and that justice was done, not by God, but jupiter: and many such blasphemies did he utter. And after a few lines continuing the same speech, he saith: This man was lost, but he hath been sought, and is now found & brought home: the books that would have burnt him, he bringeth with him to be burnt, that they being cast into the fire, himself may find refreshing. Epiphanius in his book de ponderibus telleth of a Bishop that was deprived for studying figure-flinging. Farther, all our religion, faith, the coming of our Saviour, the labour and pains of his Apostles and Prophets in planting the Church, by this means should be in vain, unless some perhaps will not stick to say, that the miracles of Christ, with his death, birth, etc. depend upon constellations, and aspects of stars. And then we may also go on, and say that we are by destiny called to Christ, and that either there is no difference between good and evil, or that God is the author of evil. Some of them say there is such virtue in Mars well placed in the ninth house, that by our only presence we chase devils out of possessed bodies. Others by this art think they can judge of men's thoughts and consciences. Maternus saith, that they which are borne, Saturn being in Leo, shall first live long here, & afterward go to heaven. Albumasar saith, that he that shall pray to God for any thing, when the Moon and jupiter are joined in the head of the Dragon, shall obtain whatsoever he asketh. Of this Petrus Aponensis saith, that he had trial in himself. For in that conjunction when he had asked learning of God, he perceived, he said, that he was thereby mightily furthered: yet I think that many have had as much wit as he had, without ask: and of those that have asked without the help of that constellation, no doubt many have far passed him for all manner of gifts. Wherefore it should seem that there be some constellations better for wit then this, for himself it was well that he asked in pudding time, as they say; for if he had not, perhaps we should have had a very wise man of him. But that it hath been always pernicious and hurtful to the Church, may thence appear, because always the greatest astrologers have made religion, as well as any human or politic laws subject to constellations. Ptolemy in the second book of his Centiloquium, ascribeth to the nature of celestial forms, & stars, that this motion hath one religion, and that another. And a certain greek interpreter of Ptolemy attributeth the miracle of Moses passing the red sea on foot with the people, to the skill of Moses observing the flux and reflux of the sea, as if in the same water both God's people were not saved, and Pharaoh with his astrologers drowned, as if joshua had not passed jordan dry foot, where was not flux nor reflux to yield to him. Albumasar deriveth from heaven both our religion and the Turks, and all other laws, and his interpreter Henricus Macleviensis found a ship in heaven, by which Noah framed his ark, which devise Halliacensis admitteth with great applause. Abraham judeus very impiously and ridiculously referreth to diverse constellations the law of Moses, the departing out of Egypt, and whatsoever else happened to that people. Guido Bomattus also most profanely and madly saith, that Christ used elected hours, when he answered the Apostles, desiring him not to go into judea, that there were twelve hours of the day. He made choice of an hour saith he, in which the jews could not hurt him, as if we did not read in the same Gospel, that he overthrew them, and passed through the midst of them unseen, even at none day. Others think that when they read in Paul of the fullness of time, and in the Gospel, now is your hour, and the power of darkness, and in an other place my hour is not yet come, that by these places are meant their constellations. For answer to them, I would gladly know of them, whether they think it eating time, when they are hungry, and drinking time when they are thirsty how soever it fareth with heaven at the same time. If they be not stark staring mad, they will grant that every thing hath a time, howsoever heaven goeth, according to the nature of the thing in hand, and the opportunity of Doing. So divine miracles have their time, but according to the purpose of God, not according to the constitution of heaven. The same Guido saith, that the Christian religion is the religion of jupiter, and in the proems of his Theorickes, against Gerardus, he writeth that we must pray devoutly to Mercury in choosing of a new Pope. Roger Bacon saith, that Christians might do well to keep Satterdaie holy day with the jews, becanse it is no good day for work, as belonging to Saturn. With the like madness some of them have said, that Venus giveth felicity in this world, and jupiter in the world to come. These things therefore being thus, who doth not see how Christianity and Astrology will suit together? how a Christian and an ginger cannot well mantle in one coat? But for heretics we know how well they have always been seen in these arts. Tertullian. Lib. 1. contra Marcionem saith, that the Marcionistes were commonly Astrologers, & in his book de Idololatria, he inveigheth mightily against them. They think saith he, that we are not to seek after God, presuming that the stars reign over us, and force us with an immutable decree. Epiphanius saith of Manes, that he was good at such these magical knacks, and studied them hard. S. Augustine tom. 1. Confessionum saith, that the writings of the Manicheans, were full of Astrological toys, which they understood not themselves. As for Priscillian, all knew how worthily he is condemned, for tying even our reprobation and election to the course of heaven and stars. Of the Priscillianists saith Saint Augustine cap. 70. de Haeres. They affirm also that men are bound with certain fatal stars, and that our bodies are framed according to the twelve signs of heaven, as do they which are commonly known by the name of Mathematics, placing Aries in the head, Taurus in the neck, Gemini in the shoulder, etc. And a little after he saith: These fables, vanities, and sacrileges doth this heresy embrace. Wherefore by Saint Augustine's opinion, these men may well be counted heretics; whom, of the 12. signs which they abuse, we may very fitly call Dodeafemoriani. Neither do I well see how that of Origen can be allowed: where he saith, that this science was permitted till the Gospel came, that as soon as Christ was borne, none should cast nativities by the stars, lib. de idol. Much better is that said of him in the sixth Homely upon josuah: where among other shames and reproaches of Egypt, he reckoneth up Astrology; and having named divers, in the end he inferreth thus: Which observations if thou admit, and entangle thyself with anew, thou dost doubtless plunge thyself into Egyptian reproaches, if therefore, saith he, at any time this curiosity tickle thee, by the instigation of the enemy in thine heart, say to thyself: I do follow my guide jesus, in whose power are things to come, and what things so ever he will, those things shall come. Though there be small hope, that we will hear the dead, when we regard not Moses and the Prophets, yet for our deeper condemnation in this point, let us see what the dead, that is, Heathen and profane Philosophers will say: for mine own part I would be glad to take any course for the overthrow of this monster: Fectere si Superi nequeant, acherontamovebo, Since God cannot prevail with fools, I'll try the force of human schools. If any will perish wilfully in this Idolatrous impiety, to them I will protest that Testor in occasu vestro, nec tela, nec ullas vitavisse vices. Witness, I have not spared my blood, Nor any thing to do you good. CHAP. III. That the difficulties of this Art by ignorance, first of the number of stars, then of the constellation, thirdly of the birth-houre are such, as must needs spoil this Art, as also may appear by examples brought. FIrst therefore the ignorance of these Wizards shall be sufficient to overthrow all their art: the greatest and gravest Philosophers are not agreed of many controversies in heavenly matters. And Aristotle lib. 2. de Coelo, text. 17.34.60.61. confesseth himself in many of these points to be so far to seek, that he is forced oft in steed of sound arguments to use probabilities and conjectures. And if it fared thus with Aristotle the prince of Philosophers, what is to be thought of these companions, but even that which is commonly said, who is so bold as blind Bayard? No doubt, there are in heaven a number of stars, which, since because of their distance, no man can discern, no man can know, which notwithstanding have their operation. If therefore the stars, which cause the effects, be unknown, how can the effects themselves be known, seeing every thing must be known by his causes? Further, Astrologers confess, that they have no certain knowledge, even of many of those stars which are seen: how then can these paltry wizards, of a few stars, which they know, so confidently pronounce of things to come: as if by the influence of those which they know not, the effects of those which they know might not be hindered and altered? Unless perhaps to this they will answer, that the unknown stars are without force or influence: which were most sottish and absurd. Among Astrologers it is plain, that in the eight Sphere are stars 1022. every one bigger than the earth; wherefore their force and power must needs be such as the poor stargazers can hardly apprehend, considering their art is bounded and limited specially & principally, with the observations of Planets only, their spending and occupying itself. But that the stars have no such force or power at all, is plain, for if they have it, they must have it of God; but of God they never had it, for than he would not have forbidden the use of them, no more than he hath the use of meats, fruits, herbs, etc. to which he hath given power to nourish & cure man's body. As we are bidden to take meat and drink with thanksgiving: so no doubt he would have willed us to use the help of stars, if there had been any such force in them. But now that he hath forbidden them, what shall we think? Again, to what end had he forbidden the tree of knowledge, if he had left a star of knowledge. The Magi were led to Christ by a star, but not by a figure. Hence it is plain that the stars do not perform that which is said; for were there not stars enough before, but they must have a new one to guide them? Will a figure mention the death of mean and base people, and say nothing of Christ? where, when, and how he was borne, but we must have a new star? Although indeed julius Firmicus lib. 2. cap. 33. seemeth to be of opinion, that certain persons are so great, that the stars do not reach to their nativities and actions: his words be these. Only the Emperor is not subject to the course of stars, neither have the stars any power in his destiny: so that Figure-flingers and wizards cannot certainly foretell any thing either of the state of the commonwealth, or of the life of the Emperor. If this be true, great reason it is, that Christ should be free from the necessity of stars. Nevertheless some of them have been busy, calculating and casting his nativity. As for this star because it was directed immediately and extraordinarily by God, let them not meddle with it, nor pollute it with their devilish art: if they will needs be doing, let them rather meddle with those two stars, the one mentioned by Marcus Varro, being Venus: which he saith went before Aeneas from Troy to Laurentum, & there left him: the other, which directed them that found Saint Anthony's body, going before them till it came over his body: for so Lilius Giraldus saith it is recorded in the antitiquites of his country. These be more fit for them to deal with, and so shall that be verified of them, Like lips, like Lettuce. For Firmicus, as he here denieth the force of the heavens over excellent personages: so some others of this profession have renounced it in base and mean creatures, as it is said hereafter: and shall we believe them in a little remnant left in the midst? surely we would gladly have somewhat to believe, that are thus ready to believe all their sottishness. O curuae in stellas animae, & pietatis inanes! But doth not Firmicus see how by his opinion, one of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or rather the very Palladium of their art is quite overturned, to wit, that Nondum abiere Idus Martij. Was not Caesar an Emperor, and therefore no starre-subiect? About 22. years ago, 1578. was for half a years space together at least, seen a new star in Cassiopaea, which by the judgement of all the best observers of it, was out of the reach of Meteors, as being as high as the Sun from the earth at least. In this case we must grant either that this star was bred & corrupted in heaven (which being granted, it will follow that the like may, and doth happen in others also) or that there be more Planets than seven, whose courses are unknown to us; or lastly that the fixed stars do not keep their eighth orb, but have their several circuits and motions. Which doubt, as it seemeth of old, troubled that famous Hipparchus, if we believe Pliny, cap. 25. lib. 2. his words be these: That never sufficiently commended Hipparchus, in his time observed a new star; whereupon he began to doubt whether the like might happen oft, and whether those which we call fixed, are also movable. And some (it seemeth) were of opinion, that all the stars were not made at once, but some at one time, and some at another, as may appear by that, that the Arcadians are more ancient than the Moon: and that of Apollonius lib. 4. ver. 261. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Not all the stars were yet found out, Which run the heaven round about. Some were of opinion, that heaven without was compassed round about with fire, and that the eighth Sphere was full of holes, through which the fire made show of stars. But how this opinion can either help or hinder our new star I do not see, and therefore I pass it over as most ridiculous. Concerning the aspects, & positions of stars in nativities, that must needs be a brittle, & slippery point, very subject to error and mistaking. For first, it must needs be very hard to observe the very instant, or moment of times wherein one is borne. Secondly there is no less difficulty in marking the aspect of the star which was at that instant. For both the midwife may mistake the time, and the ginger may mistake the aspect, by reason of interposition of fogs, or vapours, which may either happily quite take away and hide, or at least darken, and obscure the aspect. Neither is that to be forgotten, that often times the swift revolution of the heaven causeth the constellation to be passed before it can be noted, considering that every moment the figure and face of heaven with the position of the stars is varied. Notwithstanding, these wisardly wise Astrologers take upon them to tell every man's Fortune, if they may once know the time of his birth. Which time notwithstanding precisely and sufficiently for his purpose he cannot know. For suppose one were borne such a year, such a day, such an hour in the beginning or in the end of the same hour, yet that will not serve the figure-flingers turn, who must not know in a certain latitude, but very exactly the very moment of time, which he is not to hope to learn of either midwife, or parents, who make their account so, that they think they come near, if they miss not too too much. Farther we may doubt, how the birth is to be taken, & considered, whether when the child first showeth, or when it is half out, or when it is quite delivered. Neither can we exactly fit the time for any one of these. For either for the stoutness of mind, or strength of body, or disposition of nature, or skilfulness of the midwife, the strength of the child, or innumerable such like causes, every one of these times may vary, to wit, both the time of pearing first, & the time of farther bearing, and the time of full delivery. Because in the casting of these the Astrologers fail, they can never hit right upon the hour of nativity, therefore though they never so much profess to know the figure of heaven in the nativity, yet by this we may see they do not attain to it, and so their Horoscopus, and houses must needs go to ground. Again how will they find the hour of nativity in such as may be thought to have had no nativity, as Scip. Africanus, Manlius etc. who after their mothers were dead were cut out of their mother's wombs. If the birth be nixus matris, or cum nixu, than these had no birth, no more than they had many times after, when they were taken out of their swaddling clouts. joan. Schenchius reporteth lib. 4. obser. 189. of one Burcardus comes de Lintzgrove, who because he was cut from his dead mother was commonly called Ingenitus. If therefore they which come thus into the world by art, can not properly be said to be borne, or to have a birth, how can the figure-flinger cast such nativities, or tell their destinies. If the ginger had been to cast the nativity of our first parents Adam & Eve, to tell them how long they were to stay in Paradise, how they should be deceived by the serpent, how many children they should have, & how long they should live in this case, what would they say, what hour would they take, when there was neither conception, nor nativity. Nay in Adam, by the perfection of his creation being so full of all wisdom, & knowledge, in him I say, what an astonishment would the very first sight of heaven have wrought, when looking up thither he should have seen his own destiny in the stars? Diodorus Sicul. reporteth that some Philosophers, among whom was Anaxagoras, and his scholar Euripides, were of opinion, that the first men were made, as all other things were, by the sun working upon the slime, and moisture which is found in the new made world. This kind of breeding they confirm with that which is to be seen about Nilus. For after Nilus hath a good while overflowed all, and thoroughly soaked & moistened the earth, the heat of the sun coming upon it, by a kind of putrefaction, it filleth all the country full of mice. At this day saith Diodorus, are certain little creatures still so bred, as flies, and worms, but not greater, as men, and Lions, see there the Cause. Of this opinion seemeth to have been Lucretius, and, which is to be marveled at, even Avicen also, who farther saith, that even at this Day, a man might be framed out of the earth, contrary to Diodor. to Lucret. lib. 5. you may add two poets more ovid. lib. 1. Metamor. Natus homo est etc. Horace. odd. i6. lib. 1. Fertur Prometheus. Addere principi limo coactus particulam undique defectan. If this were true, how would the ginger do, or what shift and shuffling would he make to get the Horoscopus for the first man, who had neither conception nor birth, whereby he might be guided? CHAP. 4 That the Division of heaven, the Astrologers noting of the Horoscopus, and the relation of the birth hour are all most deceivable. But for preciseness in this point, it will not be amiss to relate out of Sextus Empiricus, how these Chaldeans were wont of old to take the true time, and what course they took for that purpose Because the 12 signs are not bounded, and as it were chalked out to them, but very uncertainly circumscribed by the observation of Dispersed stars, they took this course to divide a circle into 12 equal parts, marking some fair star in the Zodiac, and filling a great vessel full of water, they let that water run into another vessel, while that star going from his rising in the Horizon, went round, and came to his rising place again, taking from point to point to be the full revolution of a circle. Again they took the twelfth part of this water, and considered in what time it did likewise run out of the same vessel, for in that they held, that the twelfth part of the circle went round, & that part of the circle to the whole circle had the same proportion, as had that twelfth part of the water to the whole water. By this relation to the twelft part, they noted the end by some fair star, which they spied in the Horizon, whether it were North or South. By this help & means they took upon them to determine, and point out the ascensions in the Zodiac, which notwithstanding by no means are determinable, but so that a sign which is not risen, may seem to be risen, and contrary a sign which is risen, may seem to be not risen: neither will this way by water running so much further & help them. For both the water itself, and the temperature of the air, and things stopping the flux, will cause the time of the running to vary and be unequal. For it is like, that the water will run faster in the beginning, while it is clear, then at the end, when it waxeth thick, and muddy. For the air, it is like, if it be foggy & thick, it must needs hinder the running by a sort of stopping it, but if it be clear & pure, it will help and further it. Again the vessel will not run a like fast, being full, and near empty, but sometimes slower, sometimes faster, the celestial motions still continuing the same swiftness, by this means they notwithstanding thought to get the true Horoscopus, and the ascending sign of the Zodiac, in which how far they were deceived may appear, both by that which hath been said, and more at large in Sext. Emp. cap. contra Astrologos. But for the matter of the Horoscopus, which is the ground of the rest, it can by no means stand. For when they say, that one sitting by the woman in travel signifieth the moment of the birth by the sound of the basin to the ginger viewing the stars upon the hill top, where he marketh the sign rising: first we say, that seeing the time of the birth cannot be limited, as hath been proved, it willbe hard to notify it by a basin, or such like. But suppose the birth may be taken: yet the time cannot be taken and noted. For before the sound of the basin can come to the hill top, will pass a good deal of time, as for example, we see it fall out in the cleaving of wood, or discharging of ordinance a far off: for a good while after the axe is down & the piece shot off, we hear the sound, because the sound is long in going to him which heareth it. Therefore the ginger cannot perfectly take the time of the sign rising, which is the Horoscopus. Again, not only passeth much time, while the sound goeth between him which sitteth with the woman, and the ginger tooting upon the stars, but even while he tooteth upward, and examineth in what sign is the moon, and the rest of the stars, the face and figure of heaven is changed before he can accommodate, and apply those things which he saw in heaven to the birth hour. Farther, this kind of noting may perhaps have some success in the night, when the Zodiac, and the stars in it may be seen. But because many are borne in the day time also, when nothing can be noted, but the motion of the sun, and many times scarce that, it followeth, that these figure-flingers may sometime hit, and some time miss quoad hoc. It may be also that even in the night they may miss, if the night be misty and foggy. But to grant that the Horoscopus, and their Centres, as they call them, with the rest of their houses may be known: yet plain it is, that none of these simple country-folkes, which come to the figure-flingers, cometh with the precise observation of time, as is fit. For there is more cunning in that point then every poor country man can attain to, as hath been showed before. Because therefore the figure-flinger hath not marked himself the birth-houre, but taketh it by the relation of an unskilful messenger, it remaineth, that no certain prediction, but error, and deceit rather must ensue of this fantastical & false art. CHAP. V. That the birth-time, and the time for observing the Horoscopus must be a precise time, and not with a latitude only. TO salve this, if they will reply, that they stand not so much upon the precise and perfect point of time, as upon a time considered more laregely, and in some reasonable latitude, than the elements and effects of their predictions shall sufficiently refel and convince them. For of them that have been borne together in the same time with some latitude of time, all have not led the same life: but some of them, for example, have reigned like Kings: others have rotten in prison. There were not many Alexanders, nor Plato's, nor Aristotle's at once, although no doubt many were borne at the same time with every one of them. For beside heaven, under which, as a general cause, both the Philosophers of Athens, and the hogs of Boeotia were borne, Aristotle had other more immediate and peculiar causes. For first he had both a good soul, and a good body, but of heaven neither, but as of an universal cause; for his soul, he had it of God, as he had his body of his parents. He gave himself to philosophy, not forced by the heavens, but induced of his own will. He also profited in Philosophy exceedingly, but that was by reason of his pains and study: but many that studied as much, profited nothing like, that may be, because he had a better master, and more helps. But he passed all his schoolefellowes and equals: for that no doubt he had a better wit, which he received of God, not of any constellation. The like may be said for Alexander. His victory against the Persians, & his good success against the Indians were marvelous. They were so, yet such as no star but his princely virtues did effect; for he excelled in courage and Art Military, he had a notable Army trained up under his father Philip, which for his bounty and virtues loved him most dearly. Again, he had to deal with dastardly people; so that his uncle said of him, that he fought with women, not with men. Wherefore if the figure-flinger give the birth-time some latitude, he can never certainly say, that he which is borne at such a time, shall be fortunate and happy, since many borne at the very same time, were very unhappy and miserable. Neither on the other side can he pronounce him poor and needy that was borne in such an hour, since diverse borne in the same hour, lived all their life long in great abundance and plenty. Neither would it a little trouble the figure-flinger, if one should retort the argument thus: If they which have the same constellation, must needs have the same haps and events; then they which have divers constellations, must have divers and different events and success, which is false. For we see many, though differing in years, bodily form, and many other ways, yet have come to the same end; to wit, either by fight in war, shipwreck, fall of houses, or such like. Neither may they here reply, that some one, whose destiny was to be drowned, was the cause that all the rest were cast away with him. For why should this man's destiny prevail against the destinies of all the rest? & why were they not as well all saved for some one man's destiny, who was to perish by land? Lastly, some have gone about to entangle them with a question or objection of bruit beasts. If the course of life and effects be guided by constellations; if in the same constellation be borne a man and an ass, they must both try the same fortune of life, and not the man to be advanced in honour and ease, the poor ass in the mean time carrying burdens, and his back full of stripes: therefore either our life is not guided by the stars, or if it be, no body can tell how. Again, while the child is in the mother's womb, it is subject to many diseases and quames, I would ask the figure-flinger, if he can foretell the accidents; I would know of him also, whether he can tell what day, and what hour the child shall be borne: for these things depend as much of the stars, as any thing after it is borne. These things and such like he must say either that he can, or cannot tell. If he cannot, than we have our purpose: if he say he can, than we ask him how: for the nativity he cannot be guided by, which is yet unknown to him, the child not being yet borne. CHAP. VI That they cannot be very confident in their own Art, as not knowing which to choose for their work, whether the conception or the birth: where also are recited other times of alteration not inferior to the birth-houre. FOr this and such like causes, some have thought more reason to take direction from the conception, which seemeth indeed to stand with much better reason than the nativity, even by Ptolemies judgement in his Apotelesmata, in these words: When the temporal beginning of a man is to be appointed naturally and properly, that must be when the seed is received into the womb, but improperly and accidentally, when the child is borne. Whosoever therefore shall understand the hour when the seed was received, he ought rather to follow that hour, in judging the proprieties of the body and mind, and to consider the figure of heaven at that time. Hitherto Ptolemie: Who in this cause is the rather to be listened to, because of all he is counted Captain in this kind: and as Homer saith of Chalcas, Iliad. lib. primo, verse. 60. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But because he knew how hard a thing it is for the ginger to get the true time of conception, for fear he might infringe their divinations and predictions by the birth, he strait way addeth this colour. But they that know not the conception, they must whether they will or no fly to the nativity. Haly in his book de Electionibus confesseth plain, the effectual way of telling destinies, to be in the conception: which because the Astrologers know not, they are glad to take hold of the nativity. Moreover, when the Astrologers are urged with the objections of twins, who though their birth be all one, yet often have divers and contrary events, they are wont to answer, that the diversity of events in twins dependeth of their divers conceptions. Notwithstanding some of them will by no means admit the conception, because no man is able to say, whether the conception went together with the seed or otherwise. For it may be in a moment, as when we see grease put into the fire, it by and by kindleth; it may be also some good while after: for the seed which is cast in the ground, doth not by and by sprout, and take root in the clods. And since there is some distance between the mouth and bottom of the mother, where conception is made, the seed must have some time for passing this distance; which time because our Chaldeans know not, they can never rightly know the conception. And if, as some Physicians hold, there be a kind of concoction, and preparation required of the seed in the mother, before there can be any conception: seeing these great craftsmen know not how much time is necessary and requisite to this preparation, they must needs be ignorant of the time of conception. Farther, as in other parts of their bodies women differ one from another, for the operations of the parts: so it is more than probable, that they have the like difference in the operation of the mother, whereby some are more quick, and some more slow in conception: and even in one and the same woman, it may be that she is sometimes more easy, and sometimes more hard to conceive, and sometime will not conceive at all. This being so, by no means can we exactly attain to the time of conception, that thereby we might set a figure. Neither can it be said, that the time of conception can be known by certain signs, as by the straightness of the mouth of the mother, by the staying of the menstrua, by their longing, etc. for all these happen very commonly to them which have not conceived. But suppose they did not happen very commonly, yet because they signify the conception, when many days are past, they can never bring us to the true hour which we seek. But the ginger to foretell the future casualties of any's life must know the time not with a latitude, and guess, but the very instant, and perfectly. Hence it is plain that the figure cannot be well framed by the conception, as much may be said against the birth-time. But if they should follow in these predictions the conception, then should they be quickly at a stand, because the time of conception is much harder to obtain for the most part. It is also to be noted, that beside the conception, the child hath diverse times of notable alteration before the birth, which might seem rather to be regarded then the birth: for at the first it is called for six days space 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in which time it retaineth the name of seed, as you may read in Galen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 1. After that, it groweth to a kind of fleshly substance, making some confused show of heart, brain, and liver, at which time it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thirdly, the heart, head, and liver being perfected, and the other members beginning to come, it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lastly, when all the members being finished, it beginneth to stir and move, it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To every one of these four times, some, as Conciliator, and Aegidius Romanus, and some others, have appointed a certain number of days, which I mean not to stand upon, as being a thing not allowed by Galen. In conclusion, they add out of Avicen. lib. 9 de Animalibus, that the time of quickening is double to the time of forming; & the time of birth double to the time of quickening. As if you would divide the whole time into seven equal parts, alloting one of them to the formation, which they account commonly forty days; & two more to the quickening which they reckon to be days 120, and the fourth left to the birth, which put to the rest, maketh in the whole 280. that is, in months 9½, or there about. These times being thus notorious, and so limited, might seem to give as much direction as can be looked for of the nativity: yet because none of them can be obtained certainly, all men leave them and fly to the nativity: in which they think they have great vantage, though it be far otherwise, as hath been showed. Again, that which hath been said of the diverse times of the child in formation, may generally be prosecuted thus. Of things which perfected in time, not in a moment, or instant, the destiny must needs be doubtful: of the which hour notwithstanding they pronounce as definitively, as if there were no doubt. For that may be taken for the fatal hour, either wherein the efficient cause beginneth the thing, or in which the thing is consummate and perfected. Farther, we are to consider, that divers parts have their divers beginnings, which are not finished all at once, but one after another in order, which in general, as I said, we may hold to be true in all things. Now in a man how many and how diverse fatal beginnings, as they term them, may there be? As First, when the man and woman lie together, then with the seed which is admitted into the womb. Thirdly when the seed worketh the woman's excrement into a child: as when milk is curdled with the earning: Fourthly when the child is covered over with membranes and vilmes: Fiftly when the heart first appeareth: Sixtly when the soul cometh to it, which is the fittest time of all: Farther when it beginneth to be a man than it consisteth of matter, & form, which accomplish the full substance of it: The last time of all, & the least to be regarded is the birth-time. Notwithstanding this time as being no subject to sense, have the Astrologers preferred and chosen as most fit for their predictions: but how wisely, may easily appear; seeing time doth neither begin, nor make nor perfect a man, but only show him to the world, being already made and perfected. For this cause no doubt Ptolemy attributeth more to the conception then to the birth apotelesm. lib. 3. as hath been alleged before. But their unsettledness, and wavering in their own art, may best appear in sick men, whose recovery or Death they profess to foretell. For that being a point depending upon the nativity as much as any one thing: yet they leave that commonly, and instead of it take the hour, when the sick man first beginneth to be sick, upon which beginning they make diverse and doubtful disputes: some taking it for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the first assault of the disease, which will not serve their turn, as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without latitude, nor partible, which slippeth away before the figure can be set: others taking it for the space of three or four first days: others determining it by signs of concortion, but all these ways they seeing to lie open to many exceptions, some of them fly ad horam decubitus, when the sick man first taketh his bed: which conceit in my opinion is the deceatfullest of all. For suppose two fall sick at once, the one of the plague, the other of the gout, following this way they must needs both die, or both escape, although we see how many die of the plague, and how few of the gout. Again, if this way were good, what an advantage had the figure-flinger of all the world, who by taking his bed, when he list, might put off death for ever, if he would. For if he saw an ill hour, he might take another time sooner or later as he pleased, and so play boe peep with death. Here belike is true the meaning of that, Sapiens dominabitur astris, a wise man is above the stars. If such wizards may govern the stars, and heaven, we may well pity them in those words: O domus antiqua quam dispari dominaris domino? O heavenly house hard is thy case, by masters such to have disgrace. Are not the stars wise to give wisdom against themselves? Farther, if the hora decubitus differ in two persons, belike the one shall scape, and the other shall die: and if the hora decubitus differ in three, then one shall scape, another shall die, and what shall become of the third? And if the case be put of more, than the doubt willbe greater, Ita male instituta ratio exitum reperire non potest; so hard it willbe to come clearly out of an absurdity. CHAP. VII. Of an evasion which they use, when they are urged with the examples of beasts, plants and such like. As was said before, a great question might be moved, whether for men the conception, or nativity were to be taken, & for other things the same doubt is greater. For example, in a chicken are three notable times, the hatching, the laying of the egg, and the first conception of it. If a figure-flinger should be asked the destiny of an hen, whether she were to die at shrovetide, or by the fox, or to be thrashed to death: to answer the question which of these three times would he take for setting his figure? Again, the hen hatching all her young ones at once, let him answer whether they must all have the same fortune; how many of them should fly away with the kite, how many die of the pip or otherwise. In sowing of corn, though it all fall into the ground at once, in the same position of heaven: yet you shall see it prove diversly: of some will come good wheat: of some, darnel, of some smutty gear: and of some, that which we call solders, which could not be, if the figure of heaven prevailed. Farther I have heard of some husbandmen, that one and the self same grain shooting out from his root diverse ears, will yield some of them good wheat, & other some smutty. To these and such like objections they are wont to answer, that their art extendeth no farther than men, it doth not reach to cats, worms, flies, herbs, and such like. To this their answer we may well reply that of S. August. lib. 2. de Gen. ad lit. cap. 17. Quid autem insulsius, et hebetius, quam cum istis rebus convincuntur, dicere ad solos homines sibi subijciendos fatalem stellarum pertinere rationem? What can be more senseless, or sottish, then, when they are urged with these things, to say, the stars have power only over men, to rule them? Phavorinus in the 14. of Gel. cap. 1. saith, Nulla ratio videtur, cur ea syderum vis in hominibus valeret, si deficeret in caeteris, It were no reason to say that the stars had power over men, if they had none in other things. But will you see the bravery of imprudency? They that now restrain their art to men only, denying it in beasts, are wont, when it pleaseth them, to extend it even to cities, houses and such like, as if by constellations they could tell us what should become of these things. The story of Taruntius Firmanus, is reported by Tull. lib. 2. de divinatione, who at the request of Varro cast the nativity of the city of Rome. Quidam Lucius Firmanus familiaris noster inprimis Chaldaicis rationibus eruditus, urbis etiam nostrae natalem diem repetebat abijs Parilibus, quibus eam a Romulo conditam accepimus, Romanque in iugo quum esset Luna, natamesse dicebat, nec eius fata canere dubitabat. O vim maximam erroris, etiam ne urbis natalis dies, ad vim stellarum, & lunae pertinebit? Fac in puero refer, ex qua affectione coeli primum spiritum duxerit, num hoc in latere, aut in coemento, ex quibus urbs effecta est, potuit valere: One Lucius Firmanus an acquaintance of mine, a very odd fellow for mathematics, was wont to fetch the pedigree of our city from that feast, wherein it is thought to have been builded by Romulus. Farther he added, that the moon at that time was in Libra, not sticking also to read the destiny of it. O the force of ignorance, must the foundation even of a city be drawn too within the compass of Moon & stars? Admit it were of some moment in a child, how the heavens were affected when it was borne, must therefore the like needs be granted in brick and mortar, whereof the city was made? In Merton College in Oxford in the Wardens lodging, a window there hath the figure of heaven, when the first stone was laid with these verses adjoined: Cubice sum decem & undena bis accipe quadrae, Summis sex & septem iungas tempora Christi, Tunc surgunt domus haec condita quando fuit, Richardi impensis Fitziames Praesidis aedis, Sedi & Roffensi Praesulis eximij. Do take the cube of ten, and eke of twenty two the square, To which add six and seven, and so of Christ will come the year, When the first stone here was laid. Pisces. 5. Mercurius. 27 Luna. 1. Aquarius. 16. Venus. 15. Capricor. 28 Capricor. 10. Sagit. 2. jupiter. 11 Scorpio 11 Libra. 19 Virgo. 5. Leo. 16. Cancer. 28. Cancer. 10. Taurus 5 Mars 5 Gem. 2. Aries. 19 Sol. 2. Saturn. 1 Figura coeli in primilapidis iactura, anno Christi, 1497. 12. die Martij. hora 10. minuto 20. ante meridiem: dies erat Sabathi: hora verò Veneris. CHAP. VIII. Of the uncertainty and falsehood of their Predictions. BVut to grant them which is more than needs, that there is somewhat in their predictions, yet it is no more than we see was of old in Apollo's Oracles, such as that, Aio te Aeacida Romanos vincere posse: Aeacida the Romans stout Shall overcome, there is no doubt. Or that, Croesus Halim penetrans, magnam pervertet opum vim: Croesus by passing Halis flood, Shall be the bane of much good. For some in steed of a man will describe unto you a daw, or such like. One missing a silver spoon, which was hidden by a Cornish Chogh, which he had in his house, and going to the figure-flinger to know what was become of his spoon, the figure-flinger answered, the party which had it, had long legs, went in a black coat, with a pair of red stockings, he had a beak nose, & was borne westward from that place, he might seem to be a gentleman by his high birth; but he thought no Englishman by reason of his strange tongue. Now the Chogh indeed had long legs, red shanks, black feathers, a beak, was borne westward, and high, and in steed of speech chattereth. With this blind description many were called into suspicion, but the poor Chogh in the end was found to have hid the spoon. This tale goeth for good with many: but I am out of doubt, that they cannot guess so well. If they will get any credit to their guesses, let them guess at somewhat, that shall happen to morrow, or shortly after, the event whereof we are like to see, and as they carry themselves in that, so trust them in the rest. If in these and such like they shall fail, shall we be such puppies as to believe them in the rest? As if they cold say true in nothing, but where they could not be controlled. If we were not too much besotted, that which they say about winds and weather, as snow, rain, frost, drought and such others, might sufficiently put us in mind how to credit them in the rest, and that there is no art in their predictions. How commonly do they say false in these? And if at any time they say true, yet it is so, that any man may see it was rather by hap then by skill. For if any unskilful man not professed that way, should set down weather for every day at all adventure, we doubt not but he would hit sometime even as they do. But the vanity of their trade can no way better appear then by comparing of diverse Almanacs together, where you may see, if you will see, the exceeding folly of both parts, as well of them in writing, as others in believing. Adrian Turnebus reporteth of himself, that he was wont to make trial of their art. By this means many times (saith he) to try their art, at the beginning of the year in a new almanac, where they writ rain, I writ drought: where they calm, I windy: where they clear, I cloudy, observing the event, and at the years end, I gathered the sum of both our predictions, & found myself a great deal better, and truer ginger. Whereby we may see what a goodly art that is, which a man may seem to have by scoffing, and laughing at it, but what will blessed Cardan himself say in this case? In his commentaries lib. 1. cap. 2. his words be these of Astrologers, they handle (saith he) their matters so carelessly, that they make the art to be greatly slandered. Since therefore their predictions are for the most part false, or rather all false, to speak on, it is plain they proceed not from any art, or certain observations, but of rash and ignorant babbling at all adventure. Between art and hap hazard is this difference, the one hitteth oft, and very seldom faileth; the other faileth commonly, and scarce ever hitteth, no not one in a hundred. Now what reason is there, that one truth should credit so many lies, rather than so many lies should discredit that one truth, which might have been a lie, as well as the rest, but that the blind man sometimes hitteth the hair. But since their lies are more than their truths, why may we not think that they hit upon the truth, by chance? for when they conclude, that their art is good, because sometime they hit, by as good an argument, will I prove that all arts, be they never so superstitious & sottish, are good; for there is none of them, but if they be still guessing, they will sometime hit. Wherefore if Astrologers shall condemn any divining arts as false, they may be proved to speak contradictories, since they may be all proved true, by as good reason as they bring for their art: but if again they shall hold them all for true, they shallbe no less subject to contradiction. For suppose the Chiromancer, the ginger, and the Geomancer were all put to one question, no doubt they would seldom agree in the truth: and when any of them happened upon the truth you should find it there, where you least looked for it, either because chance ruleth most, where there is least reason, or because in the worse arts, the devil is more ready to deceive. For that of S. Augustine is most true, that Astrologers by the inspiration of the devil, which they perceive not, do sometime tell the truth, which happeneth most commonly, when they seem miraculously to foretell any particular event. For Ptolemy himself saith, that no man can foretell a particular without some divine inspiration. The Astrologers juggling in predictions, and our rashness in believing, seemeth Tully to have touched very finely. lib. 2. de divinat: What needeth many words saith he, since we see daily these juggling companions convinced? how many things have I known them to assure Pompey, Crassus and Cesar, that none of them should die, till he was old, at home, and with very good reputation, and famously? yet Pompey died in Egypt where he was beheaded: Caesar in the Senate by stabbing: Crassus among the Parthians with his whole army. Wherefore I cannot but marvel saith Tully, if any live, who will believe them, whose predictions are daily confuted by deeds and events. Seneca in his book entitled Ludus in mortem Claudij Caesaris, by the way girding and scoffing at these vagabond liars, maketh Mercury, persuading the furies to kill Claudius, to use this reason, to wit, that these miserable Chaldeans may not alway lie. For they were wont year by year, and month by month to give out the death of Claudius: his words are these: Patere istos mathematicos aliquando verum dicere, which every year, & month, since he came to the state, have been burying him, much like this of Claudius is that which is written of pope Alexander the sixth of that name, the Astrologers of that age were wont to give out year by year, that he was but a dead man, and cold not pass still the present year: yet, as it were in contempt of their predictions, he lived still, and held out strong and lusty. But in the year 153. these wise artificers changing their note, would now contrary bless him with long life; affirming that he should live long in great success, and prosperity. But lest they should be any whit truer in now prophesying his life, than they had been before in prophesying his death, he died in the self-same year. See with what a full stream and main opposition Saint Ambrose went against these liars. lib. 4. in Hexaem. Cap. 7. A little while ago, saith he, when there was great need of rain, one said, lo now the new moon will bring shortly rain, and notwithstanding our great want, yet I was loath that such blind assertions should prove true. Finally I was very glad, that we had no rain till it being obtained by the prayers of the church, gave sufficient proof that we were not to rely upon the change of the moon, but upon the providence and grace of the creator. By this example the vanity of Astrology was confuted, and the force of christianity and godly prayer confirmed. Albumazar referring all great changes to ten revolutions of Saturn, which is in 300 years, hath counted Christ to be borne 600. years after Alexander the great, in which computation he is about 300. years out. But no marvel of him, since he is so far out in a plainer computation of Ptolemy the mathematique, making him one of the kings of Egypt, which reigned after Alexander, when it is well known to the contrary, that he was no king, and lived in Adrian the last time 160 years after those Ptolemyes that were kings of Egypt. It were infinite to lay their lies together: that one of 1588. may stand for many, and the rather because it happened in our memory. It were well that all of that trade had those two figures. 88 seared in their foreheads, that when they meet, they might laugh one at another, as did the Aruspices in old time. Howsoever they might laugh, it was no laughing matter to the Catholic king, and his invincible Navy, who will be famous for that exploit till 88 come again. The Spaniards belike thought, that this consummation of 88 would be by water, and therefore very politicly they began to prepare for it betime, longer a great deal then ever Noah did for the flood. And sure they might have done well, if they had been provided of a pilot such as was Hen. Nicholas in Chaucer. But it fell out reasonable well with them, for they sped almost as well in their Calloones, as if they had been in his tubs. Some of these figure-flingers upon their skill have been so confident, that before hand upon their predictions, they would venture never to keep shop longer in that trade, if their predictions failed. Their predictions failed, & they have been as good as their word by never meddling that way since. A main master in these matters, no less than Leovitius, Iliad. 1. vers. 91. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. would needs give out to the world the day of his death: The day being past, and the man alive, and as well for health as ever he was, one told him of it, marveling that so learned a man would be so foully overshot: but he seeking to put it off with a jest, answered, that he never made a more happielie. Pope john the 22. was also very presumptuous this way, giving out to all his friends in a solemn meeting and feast, to their great comfort, as he thought, that he was to live a long time: yet for all his skill he died within four days after. In 88 what cause had men to believe that prediction, when in all the years before they saw no preparation to any such matter, neither in heaven, nor in earth. If the world was then to die, there would have gone some signs of decay, as it were sickness before: except they thought it was to die in a sound, or an apoplexy. When men are thus ready to father all their follies upon heaven, imputing to it the cause of whatsoever happeneth, who can hold, and not exclaim with him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alack how men do heaven accuse, When they themselves do it abuse. Neither are their predictions only false, but also most infortunate, as running still upon infortunate and dismal effects or events, as may appear by their learned Almanacs, where you shall find such catalogues of diseases, wars, treasons, and such like, without any one mention of any good to come, that a man would think there were no goodness in heaven. For such dismal Wizards may well serve that of the Poet, Iliad. 1. vers. 106. where Agamemnon braving Chalcas, useth these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can Prophet most infortunate, that never yet could tell Of any thing that should befall, or happen to me well. Thou lov'st such things to prophecy, as means no good but ill: Thou never spoke good word as yet, or did good with thy will. CHAP. IX. Of the subject of Predictions. But some are wont to oppose them thus: Of things we see done, because some are necessary, some casual, and some in our free power. The Astrologers must needs say, that their predictions hold either in necessary things, or in casual events, or in those things which are in our power. If they say in necessary things, then are their predictions in vain, for that which happeneth necessarily, we cannot avoid, but will we, nill we, it will come to pass: whereas predictions are then only available, when by them we can escape. Secondly, if they say in casual events, than they do profess an impossibility. For casual events are uncertain, but of uncertainties which may happen this way, or that way, there can be no certain or sure prediction. It remaineth therefore that their predictions be in things, which are in our power: which also is impossible. For that which is in my power whether it shall happen or no, neither hath any further cause at the first, that can no man foretell: the Astrologers therefore have no certain subject for their predictions. The same reason as served Tully against the Wizards of his time, may likewise fit us against these, whom we now deal with, in the second de Divinat. thence we reason thus: Astrology availeth neither where Sense, Art, Philosophy, or civil policy is used, therefore it availeth no where, nor in any subject. First, for Sense: To judge colours we have our eyes: to judge sounds, our ears: for smells, our nose, and such like. Neither were an ginger, if he were blind, able to judge of colours: or if he were deaf, of sounds, were he never so skilful. As for matters of Art, who would leave the Physician, to know of him what physic he should take, or what diet he should keep, or what vein he should open, what humour he were to purge, and how much, and with what dosis, in what form of purge, whether with pills, potions, or bowl, and such like? The squaring of circles, the doubling of cubes, and such like, have always been left to the Geometrician. For Arithmetic, who ever went to him to learn to add or subtract? For Music, to learn to frame his voice, to know how to divide the Monochord, or whether Diatessaron be a concord, or a discord? For Astronomy, to know of him whether the earth or Sun were greater? whether the interposition of the earth, be the cause of the eclipse of the Moon? For Philosophy, who ever went to them to know his duty toward his friend or foe, kith or kin, prince or subject? How he was to frame a syllogism, what were the elements, whereof all things are made? What Prince for governing his realm did ever use them, rather than wise and sage councillors? If the question be of the best form of government, what laws, what fashions are fittest, who in these causes conferreth with the ginger, and not rather with the Statesman? If for answer to these and the like objections they shall tell us that their predictions are in another manner of subject, as in particular actions of men, depending upon their nativity, who doth not see how they seek shifts and evasions, such as at this time my leisure can not stand upon? For particulars, can they tell us whether Peter was ever at Rome: where King Arthur died; and how, and where he was buried, and such like? CHAP. X. Of the small use of Predictions though they were true. FArther we say, that if their predictions or prognostications be true, them they are of necessity; and if of necessity they cannot be avoided, and if they cannot be avoided, they are known in vain: for to what end should we know things so before, if we cannot prevent and avoid them? Nay, by this means we should be in much worse case, then if we knew nothing, being tormented and vexed, not only with the present evils, but with expectation of them long before. This well knew Seneca, as may well appear by those words, Epist. lib. 13. Epist. 89, Whether the stars (saith he) be causes of events (what availeth the knowledge of a thing immutable) or signify only, to what end wouldst thou prevent that which thou canst not escape? Whether thou knowest or knowest them not, all is one, come to pass they wil But both pithily, and like a Philosopher hath Phavorinus concluded this case in few words. They foretell us (saith he) either good or bad things. If they foretell good things and deceive, thou shalt be unhappy with long expectation: if they foretell true things, but ill, than thine own mind will make thee unfortunate before thy destiny come: if they foretell good things which shall happen, then shalt thou have a double cross, for both shalt thou be wearied with long expectation and long hope, and thy forehope shall much abate and blemish the fruit of thy future joy. Therefore there can be no good use of these predictions, so that here may have place that of Sophocles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where little wit and sense is found, The pleasant life doth more abound. And how miserable a thing it is, to be in suspense between hope and fear, and to be subject to the affectionate expectation of future events, witnesseth Horace lib. 1. Epist. 2. Qui cupit, aut metuit, juuat illum sic domus aut res, lippum pictae tabulae fomenta podagram. Who longs and fears, of house and goods, no greater comfort hath, Then bleared eyes by pictures fair, and gouty legs by bath. If we had but any mean care, these things were enough to awake us, and stir us up to a better consideration. The Troyans', when by the blow of Laocoons dart they heard the armour rattle, & sound within the horse, they might have learned, Si mens non laeva fuisset, ferro Argolicas foedare latebras; but in their mad mood besotted through Sinon's subtlety, as cozening a jack as any figure-flinger, but a great deal more cunning, they hoist in the horse with heave and hoe, funemque manu contingere gaudent. Do not we the like? we see these liars striving for the whetstone, and yet, as if they said nothing but truth, we embrace and admire them, & by buying their books maintain their lewd practice. CHAP. XI. The folly of predictions, confirmed by the diversity of twins, who being borne both at once, descent oftentimes in the whole course of their life, and actions, with an answer to Figulinus Firmicus, and S. Thomas. What are they able to say for twins, which are borne eodem enixu, sometime one holding fast by the other; which often times notwithstanding are most unlike, the one being a boy, the other a girl: the one being born alive, the other dead. Proclus and Euristhenes twins and kings of Lacedaemonia, were both in the end, and in the whole course of their life most contrary. But most forcible is the example of jacob and Esau, being most different in disposition, manners, course of life, end, and whatsoever. If all heaven had been altered between their births, they could not have been more different. To this they are wont to answer, that the time which passeth while the twins are borne, though it seem little to us, yet to heaven, by reason of the swift motion, is great, and maketh great diversity. If this be true, that the constellation of nativities be so quickly passed, than it will follow, that the ginger will lack time to observe it in, and farther the reason of S. Gregory Homil. 10 sup. evang. shall stand good. If therefore (saith he) jacob and his brother are to be thought not borne under the same constellation, because one of them was borne after the other, for the same reason we must think, that no one man is wholly borne under the same constellation, for he cometh not all away at once, but piece-meal, part after part, first the head, than the neck, than the breast, and last the feet. jacob was borne with hold upon Esau, as if it were all one birth. This matter of twins hath S. August. discoursed at large, lib. 5. de civit. Dei, and lib. 2. de doctr. Christiana. But for the whole matter of twins the Astrologers need not to take much care, Nigidius Figulinus will clear that point, and make it as plain as pap and porridge. For though his name were Nigidius, yet was he no Nigid: being stung and nettled with this objection of twins, he telleth us such a solemn tale of the fast running of a potter's wheel, as he thought was beyond all expectation: but sure I think the wheel, when he looked on it, ran so fast, that it made him giddy: when he had talked all he can of his potter's wheel, he might well hear that of Horace; — amphora coepit Institui current rota cur urceus exit? It did begin at first to be a pot of largest size: But in the end pot would not come, but pitcher did arise. When he hath puffed and taken on all that he can, he bringeth forth no more than the swelling mountain. Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculusmus, The hill doth swell and taketh on, as it would cleave in sunder: And out there starts a little mouse, which made all laugh and wonder. But now let us hear the wheel creak a while. If (saith he) while he runneth his swift course, you do prick it twice with as much speed as ever you can, & cause it to stand still, you shall see what a great distance and space willbe between the two pricks, which you made. Wherefore (saith Nigid.) if heaven could be marked after the same manner with two pricks, what a monstrous space would be between them, considering how infinitely swifter the heaven runneth them any wheel? — Dij te Figuline, deaeque Rectum ob consilium donent tonsore. God send thy Barber (Figuline) a razor sharp and keen, To cut away the shagged hair, that hangeth in thine eyen. Place this in folio 53. Gratia sic fratrum geminorum, Amphionis atque Zethi dissiluit. Of whom also Propert. 3. Eleg. 15.6. Et durum Zethum & Lachrymis Amphionamallem, Experta est stabulis matter abacta suis. Twin Zethus, and twin Amphion, who had the self same mother, By this means fell to jars, and could not well abide each other. As these agreed in nothing but the position of heaven, so many others differing in that only, have agreed with a marvelous consent in all their life, and actions, as those pairs who are made famous to all posterity, for their concurrence, and liking in the course of their lives, as Theseus and Pirithous, Pylades and Orestes, Damon and Pythias, Nisus and Euryalus, who, though they dissented in nativity: yet otherwise were linked together with a marvelous consent, which could not be by reason of heaven, in which they had nothing common, but by reason of some other cause. The Countess of Holland had 365 children, all hatched at once, is it like that they all had the same fortune? Castor and Pollux twins also, yet not very like in their courses, the one being a good rider, the other good at buffets. No more it seemeth did this twinnishnesse work in Romulus and Remus, whose ends, actions and enterprises how ill they suited, appeareth at large in Halycarnasseus and Livy. Now as the argument from the nativity of twins is, as you see, very forcible; so if we should insist upon the conception, would it be more forcible? The conception of twins being in the same moment, there cannot be admitted any such alteration in the position of heaven, but that the twins must needs have all things alike and answerable: which because they have not, we may easily estimate how little is to be attributed to constellations. This argument from the conception is very militant for us, unless some will fly to salve and second it out of superfetation, which is yet a doubt depending, and therefore not fit for deciding of questions. For if it shall be said, that the seed of twins is received at divers times of some distance, I grant it may be so, yet I think it is more than they are able to prove, the mouth of the mother after conception, shutting itself so close, as may be, if we believe Galen or Hypocrates lib. 5. Aph. Aph. 51. or Avicen. lib. 3. sen. 21. tract. 1. cap. 16. this holdeth very constantly, saving in women & mares, which two only of all other things admit the use of the male after conception. Whereby it may come to pass, that they may have superfetation: yet both Pliny & Aristotle other where affirm that the Hare and Conie use superfetation, so that after the conception of one, they will conceive of another before they be delivered of the first. Also we see it in many birds: for example, Pheasants, which being put together cock & hen, the hen will not lay any egg till two months after; which proveth that every egg is two months in perfecting; but after she beginneth to lay once, she will be scarce two days between every egg laying, which could not be without superfetation. In women (saith Aristotle Hist. Animalium 7. cap. 4.) superfetation happeneth not oft, nevertheless sometime it doth, and both live, so that there go some reasonable space between the conceptions, after which manner Fablers do report Hercules and Iphiclus to have been begotten. There was also (saith he) a quean, which lying with her husband, and her man both on one day, brought forth at one birth, one like her huband, another like her man. These and such like are related both by Aristotle, and Pliny lib. 7. which are rare examples. But if one would contend, he needed not confess that those twins were got by superfetation, although a great Physician Erasistratus affirmeth all twins to be conceived by superfetation. Hippo and Empedocles think they come at one lying together, by reason of the great quantity of seed; Asclepiades attributing it not to the abundance, but quality and virtue of the seed. To these two Avicen addeth a third cause, that is, the shedding of the seed into the two ventricles of the mother, where are conceived the two twins. But whether it be by the abundance, or quality, or diversity of places, they must and are conceived together, as the most & best hold, without any superfetation. For if superfetation be admitted, than the one is in danger to bane the other, by his coming sooner or later than his time, if they come together; although we have heard of some that have been delivered of one after another some good time, according to the distance of their conceptions. Here were also to be considered, that one side of the matrix is stronger than the other, both by philosophy and physic: which being so, though two twins should concur in the time of conception, yet they might vary in their birth, that which were sooner ready coming sooner into the world. It is also known that a manchild cometh faster on to his pefection, so long as he is unborn, though after birth contrary, the woman ripeneth faster than the man child: which being true, it must needs follow, that though a boy & a girl were conceived together, yet they might have several births, the boy being sooner ready both by reason of his sex, and perhaps also for being conceived in the stronger part of the mother. For those answerable, and as it were pararelled parts in the body, who can doubt, but they are the most precise and exact twins that may be; I mean the eyes, the ears, the arms, the legs, fingers, toes, and such like. Both the eyes no question are borne as just in the same instant or moment as nothing can be juster, yet the one continuing, we often see his fellow blind, either by a rheum or a blow, or some obstruction of spirits, or such like. How oft do we see the palfy possess the one half only of the body both for motion and sense, leaving the other half free? the one ear deaf, the other ear well: the one great toe gouty, the other not; the one hand cut off the other hold on; the one side of the head troubled with the Hemicrania or Migram, & not the other? Yet no twins came ever so just together into the world, as these answerable parts do one with another, eye with eye, ear with ear, and so forth in the rest. Let any of our cunning men show how these differences and diversities may be deduced cleanly from the stars, & erit mihi maximus Augur, that is, as good a wizard as the proudest of them all. As before we said, that their continual and common lying was sufficient argument to prove that they had no ground of art; so now farther we say, that for lack of sufficient observations they can have no art. For what if such a man, borne in such a constellation, had such events, will it therefore of this one observation follow, that every one so borne shall have the like? Nay, they must remember, that unica hirundo non facit ver. Therefore that their predictions may be sure & firm, they must have observed the self-same habitude of stars, not once only in one man's birth, but again and again diverse times, that seeing and observing still the same events in the same constellation, we may learn that whensoever the stars shall be so placed, that then we are to look for the same events & accidents. And as in physic we learn that a wound in the heart is death, not only because Dio died of such a wound, but also because Theon and Socrates and divers other died of the like: so in Astrology we may believe that this figure of heaven hath this signification, if first it hath been certified, and ratified by a multitude of consenting observations. Seeing therefore that the same figure of heaven cometh but once in anno magno, that is, in years 36000. in so many thousand years, we can make observation but of one nativity, which also will be in great danger to miscarry, and to be lost, by reason of so many decays and ruins of the whole world, or at least of the earth, either all at once or by piece-meal, in so infinite time. This devise of Annus magnus some utterly disclaim from, as an impossibility, the motion of the stars being (as they allege) incommensurable, so that they can never all come to the same comformation again. But the lying of these mates lieth so open, that they need neither me, nor any man else to confute or refel them. They babble much here of the long continuance of the Egyptians, that the Chaldeans had so plied this case, that they had recorded in writing the nativities of 407000. years, though to the contrary we know that it is not yet 6000. years complete from the beginning of the world to this day. The original of the Chaldeans, reckoned from the division of tongues, is not yet 4000 years past. Hipparchus and Ptolemie using the very ancientest observations that they could get, cannot get any beyond Nabonassarus. These Egyptian antiquities are no less pleasantly then acutely confuted by Saint Augustine lib. 18. de Civit. cap. 40. Rashly and vainly presume some to say, that it is 100000. years since the Egyptians began first to observe stars. But in what records or books have they found this number, that received not passed two thousand years ago their first letters of Dame Isis? Though proofs out of profane Authors will not be esteemed of some, yet for the fancy of a few I do not see why I should forsake that course and way, wherein so many notable men have gone before me, for to use that of the Poet, Quod decuit tantos cur mihi turpe putem? And since such have done it, ego homuncio id non facerem? And many grave and ancient Fathers give us this lesson, to take from Philosophers, whatsoever good thing we find in them as stray goods, and so to bring it home again for our own use, because all truth is of God, whom we are to worship. So doth S. Hierome teach, and so doth S. Basil in a proper book of that argument. S. Augustine also practised it himself, and in his book de doctrina Christiana so teacheth others. The same did others by the example of Moses, who was perfect in all manner of Egyptian learning: also by the example of S. Paul, who allegeth verses out of Epimenides, Menander and Aratus, in whom also we find that for Philosophers, Quod natura est Dei, manifestum est illis, that which was known of God, was manifest to them. In the first of Daniel it is said, that God gave the three children knowledge in all learning and wisdom. Damascen interpreted Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Augustine having begun all Arts, finished some. Aquinas almost upon all Aristotle: so did also Bonaventura: so have infinite good Divines done of late: for the ancient fathers never condemned the truth wheresoever they found it: nay, rather if they found any thing well said of Christians that had erred, they were not afraid to use it. For they would not reject all Cyprians works, because he held an error in Baptism. Origen had his faults, and yet the Church alloweth many of his writings. So Saint Hierome borroweth many good things of them, whom he condemneth of heresy, neither doth he reject the books of Lactantius and others because they were full of errors. So Saint August. in his book de doctrina Christiana useth and liketh certain rules of the heretic Ticonius. In the word of God we are set to learn of the Emet, the Lilies of the field, and the fowls of the air, and why then may we not learn of Aristotle? The heavens declare the glory of God, and why not Aristotle? And if he declare it, why may we not learn it of him? Balaam was admonished of his Ass, much more may we of Plato. God hath ordained praise out of the mouths of babes and sucklings, which babes may well be the Philosophers, as nourished with milk, rather than the sound meat of the word. The Fathers often, as you may see by their homilies, preached without any text: and S. Paul made no choice of a Canonical Text, when he preached upon the Inscriptio ignoto Deo. Moses hearkened to jethro a Priest of Madian, and married his daughter: Let jethro be Aristotle, and his daughter Philosophy, whence by some reasonable analogy may follow, that Christians may study philosophy, and hearken to Philosophers. Hierem. chap. 35. the jews are willed to learn of the Rechabites: neither can some time spent in philosophy schools do any harm, so that when we part from them we bring with us somewhat to furnish the Church of God as the Israelites did, going out of Egypt. Our Saviour himself many times confirmeth his doctrine out of vulgar speech, as when he useth that common saying, Nemo propheta in patria, and when he allegeth against the jews judging of the alterations of the weather, their own saying: You say (saith he) if the evening be red, it will be fair, if the morning red, it will be tempest. Likewise in the 16. of Luke, he useth a proverbial speech: He that is faithful in the less, will be faithful in the more. CHAP. XII. Astrology by philosophers either condemned as wicked, or neglected as vain and foolish. AS in our divinity proofs was showed, that doctors, fathers, counsels were all banded against these jugglers: so here also may be produced an infinite catalogue of Philosophers, and profane authors, who have ever condemned this vanity. Xenophon in his book de factis & dictis Socratis, reporteth that Socrates was wont to say, that the knowledge of future things, which belongeth to God only, is not to be attempted by men, because that men cannot attain to such knowledge. Pythagoras, Plato, and Democritus having traveled for to confer with the Magicians of Persia, the wise men of Chaldea, and priests of Egypt, either never learned of them this kind of art, or if they did, they seemed ever utterly to contemn it as never vouchsafing to mention it in any writing. Aristotle though he hath no where writ purposely condemning this vanity, yet his opinion scatteringly appeareth in many places of his works, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his words be these, Futurorum contingentium non esse certam, et definitam veritatem: and Quae per accidens, quaequeraro, vel ad utrumlibet contingunt, non posse scientia comprehendi, he hath also delivered this very repugnant to this star-craft, that these signs of corporal and sensible effects drawn from the stars, may be avoided and averred by others causes, according to that of Ptolemy, Sapiens dominabitur astris. By Cicero. lib. 2. de divinatione it is plain that Eudoxus, Panetius, Archelaus, Cassander, and Scylax, Halicarnasseus, all great Astronomers, did utterly reject these toys of Astrology. Avicen would not have us to hearken to the predictions of Astrologers in things to come, because they neither know the points of heaven nor the nature of these inferior things, neither are their predictions grounded upon demonstration, but upon oratorical, and poetical proofs. As of Aristotle; so it is plain of the whole sect of Peripatetics, in that they hold that heaven useth only these means in working, to wit, light, and motion. Even Ptolemy also in certain books de Fato, & providentia yet extant, hath abundantly confuted these follies, showing them not to be the causes of these effects, but sometime perhaps to signify, being but universal and confused signs, whence proceedeth a very deceitful and uncertain conjecture. Wherefore Porphyry writing his life, saith, that after long study of Astronomy, he perceived there was no trust to be given to the dooms of Astrologers, which is also proved plentifully by Avicen in the last book of his metaphysics. Aulus Gellius hath recorded a long and large discourse of the great philosopher Phavorinus against Chaldeans the chief brokers and brochers of this art. Picus also showeth how Diogenes Laert. Seneca, Plutarch, Severianus, and diverse others both ancient, and modern rejected these toys, and in his last book, cap. 6. he relateth that saying of Porphyry, that then oracles did fail, and fitten, when they would answer by Astrology, which Porphyry also, as testifieth Philip Morney cap. 13. de verit. relig. saith that Apollo, when he could not answer out of the stars, was wont to desire men to departed, and ask him no questions, for if they did, he threatened to tell them nothing but lies. This was fair warning and plain dealing, and I think the truest oracle that he ever uttered. Alexander Aphrod. the chief interpreter of Aristotle among the Greeks, writ a book de Fato to Severus the Emperor & Antonius his son, in which confuting Fatum, he saith nothing of Astrology, which the very name of Fatum would have forced him to, if he had not utterly contemned it. In this jump with him the rest of the interpreters, who, if at any time they name Astronomy, they show that they mean only that which considereth the course of the heavens. Ammonius the interpreter of Porphyry in the beginning of his work, hath sufficiently uttered his mind. Averroes chief expositor among the Arabians every where baiteth, and hunteth Astrology, affirming it to be no art, and the figures imagined in heaven, to be but a mere fable and a tale of a tub, without which notwithstanding Astrology can hardly stand. It were infinite to recite the late Philosophers that have banded against this vanity. That of Plautus Horentinus is worth the marking, he when he had lived 85 years, cast his own nativity examining it with as much art and diligence as he could, notwithstanding he could find no sign of long life in it. As for those that have written in defence or approbation of this art, either new or old, there is such paucity, that you may well say of them that: apparent rari nautes in gurgite vasto, they appear here one, and there one like drowned rats; otherwise they would never fly for secure to those counterfeits, to wit a book of Arist. entitled of great conjunctions, and secrets to Alexander, which was never his. With the like folly they attributed to Plato certain books, bearing the name of institution books, stuffed with toys and trifles. Likewise they allege a book of Ovid de vetula, upon which friar Bacon relieth much. They father also upon Albertus magnus, and Tho. Aquinas a book de Necromanticis imaginibus, a babble not worth the name of Thomas, & far from his judgement in many other places. Thus we see, what poor shift they make to save themselves, much like a man in drowning, who catcheth round about at every thing to help himself. But they will say, that they have of every side good Philosophers, if we could hit on them. As for example, Ptolemy, Haly, Firmicus, Albunasar and others. For Ptolemy, as he was a rare man in mathematics; so for this matter of astrology one said very well of him, that he was optimus malorum, that is, of bad the best; but for his philosophy and understanding of Aristotle diverse learned men have taken exception for his division of contemplative philosophy in his beginning of his Almagest into Theological, Mathematical & Natural, because all things, as he there saith, consist of matter, form and motion, which are separable by thought only, and not in deed: farther yielding the cause, why the Moon is moist, he ascribeth it to the vapours, which it draweth from the earth, them how much more moist should the Sun be, which is known to draw infinitely more? than he saith that Saturn is cold because of his distance from the Sun; and Mars hot by reason of his vicinity. To which may be said that of Mars hath his heat from the Sun, why is not the Sun as hot, or hotter than Mars? These things are ridiculous in philosophy & not worthy confutation. Of Albumasar, I have said before so much as may bewray his weakness. For Firmicus as I have said in an other place, he is but a talker. He writeth that Mercury in a night nativity may possess medium coeli or the tenth house, whereas it is plain, that Mercury can never be there then. For ever on the night time the Sun is more than forty degrees from any part of mid-heaven: and Mercury is always within thirty degrees or thereabout of the Sun, for which cause he was wont to be called Pileatus, as wearing an hat to save him from the heat of the Sun, which was so near him. I have in another place spoken of his wise opinion, how the stars and heaven have nothing to do in emperors nativity. Guido Bonatus feareth that the four mathematics can not stand, if astrology fail. But full wisely, as if he knew not the difference of Astrology and Astronomy, Bardesanes also a man very well learned in these points, hath a very good edge this way, as appeareth by Eusebius lib. 6. evang. praepar. cap. 8. because the place there is very notable, I will here set it down: It is as followeth; Among the Seres the law forbiddeth murder, adultery, & idolatry, so that in those countries is neither whore, thief, nor murderer, neither doth the fiery star of Mars in the midst of heaven there force any man's will to manslaughter, neither could Venus in conjunction with Mars cause any to mistress another man's wife. Although it cannot be chosen, but that every day once Mars moveth to the midst of heaven, neither can it be denied, but in so great a country men are borne every hour. Among the Indians and Bactrians there be many thousands of those whom we call Brachmanni, who, what for tradition by fathers, what for laws, neither worship images, nor eat any live thing, neither ever drink either wine or ale, but refraining from all evil, tend only upon the service of God. In the mean time all other Indians their countrymen, wallow in murder, drunkenness and Idolatry. There are also found some, or rather there is an whole nation in the Indies, dwelling in the same climate, which hunting and sacrificing men, devour them: neither do any stars, be they never so good, keep them from blood and villainy, neither any stars so bad, that they can make the Brachmanni commit folly. By the laws in Persia men might marry their daughters and mothers: neither did they this in Persia only: but when they change their country and climate they retain and use these abominations; for which cause other country's detesting their filthiness, call than Magussaeos. And there be to this day in Egypt, Phrygia, and France, many of these Magussaei, which by succession from their fathers are stained & polluted with this gear. Yet we cannot say, that they were all borne in the house of Saturn, or Mars, being in conjunction with Venus. The Amazons have no husbands, but in the spring time go to their neighbour countries, & lie with the men: so it cometh to pass, that by the course of nature they must all be delivered at once, and killing the males, they bring up only the females, becoming all warlike by a great care of activity. It were folly to think that all these women were borne under the same constellation. This may be fortified and confirmed by the example of the jews, who living dispersedly, continually circumcise on the eight day, & rest the Sabbath day. Now all the jews had not the same position of heaven in their nativities, neither could any celestial power hale and pull them from the rites and customs of their fathers. But what shall we say of Christians, who being scattered infinitely all over the world, keep the same kind of life, and doctrine, from which we cannot be moved a whit with rewards, threats, or punishment? Will they say that all Christians had one Horoscopus? But that of all others is most forcible, that they which before their conversion were most earnest in the ways of their ancestors, after they were once converted, changed religion, manners, kind of life so clean, as if they had never been the same men. Wherefore so many Parthians as be Christians keep not many wives, nor the Medes cast their dead to the dogs, nor the Indians burn their dead, nor the Persians marry their daughters and sisters, nor the Egyptians worship the dogs, or Apes and such like, but in all places they follow the same laws, rites and manners. To be short, daily men are borne every where, and every where we see them observe their own laws and fashions; neither do the birth-stars force the Seres to commit murder, or the Brachmanni to eat flesh, neither can they reclaim the Persians from their incestuous marriages, nor the Medes from casting their dead to the dogs, nor the Parthians from multitude of wives: for all nations as they list, etc. when they will use their liberty in obeying their laws and customs, Hitherto Bardesanes. With like arguments to these, you might fill whole volumes, and overcharge the world. Ethiopians were all black, were they belonging to one constellation? Farther, it is no fable which is received of Hermaphrodites, which play both the man and woman's part, as they list, and at their choice. Such are the people beyond the Nasamones, and their next neighbours Madians, as saith Calliphanes: and such be found also in Europe, not only among the people called Lumenses, among whom it is severely looked to, & provided, that every one shall at the first choose whether sex he will, and hold himself to it in pain of death: must these therefore for this convenience be all borne under one star? And should not the same constellation make Hermaphrodites here as well as there? The like may be said of the great people called Arimaspi, who are all borne with one eye only, which accident Eustathius upon Dyonies. doth refer not to the stars, but to their winking of one eye when they shoot: for with much winking in aiming that eye waxed less, first in the fathers, then in the sons, then in their children, and so still less and less, till at last it was quite out, and so continued. Herodotus in Thalia reporteth that the brain or skulls of the Persians were so soft and tender, that one might pierce them with a small pebble stone; but the skulls of the Egyptians so hard, that they would not break with a great stone, which difference he referreth not to any constellation, but to the diversity of education, the Egyptians using to shave their heads, and go in the sun, whereby their skulls were hardened: the Persians contrary, never shaving, but keeping their heads warm with caps and tires. Therefore we may see that there is more required to the conveniences and differences, than the position of stars according to that of Aristotle, Sol & homo generant hominem, not Sol alone, nor homo alone: whence it will follow, that for the foreseeing of future effects, there is more required than the knowledge of celestial causes. Philosophy teacheth us, that ut res habet ad esse, sic se habet ad cognosci, that is, by what causes any thing is made, by the same it must be known, if we seek for sure and certain knowledge. With those profane testimonies alleged a little before, agreeth that of Ecclesiastes cap. 7. vers. 1. For who can show what is good for man in the life, and in the number of the days of the life of his vanity, seeing he maketh them as a shadow, for who can show unto man what shall be after him? What a vain question were this, if every ginger could by casting of nativities, and setting of figures foretell our actions and accidents. But more vain were it if that brazen head made by Albertus magnus, & placed in his study could answer ad omnia quaesita, as is reported by Tostatus, Num. to. 1. fol. 22. col. 2. This head by like was wont to tell schooletales, and therefore S. Thomas his scholar getting into his study, fell upon it, and broke it, and defaced it: this head was made by Astrology and art magic, as witnesseth the same Tostatus. He also relateth the like of another brazen head shrined at Zamara in Spain. That ever any such head spoke we need not to believe, but if it did, it was the devil that answered within it, whom God doth often permit thus to delude us, because we delight in error, and willingly deceive ourselves, hearkening to lies rather than truth. When men broach such babbles to the world, affirming them to be done by Astrology, or a certain wicked concealed Art, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are they not worthily derided, and called conjurers; yea, though they have studied many years, spent much money, and traveled many countries? For their long study, if it be but of toys, they may worthily hear that, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For their great charges and expenses they may hear that of Horace, Dedecorum pretiosus emptor, a child will give more for a rattle or a hobby-horse, than a wise man will do for some good thing. And lastly, if after such long travel they can make no more use of their labour, but to tell us tales of Hobgoblin, and Will with wisp, let them pity them that list, only the pity was that ever they came home again. To travel far, if it be on foot, is a sign of good legs, but with a pair of good legs may go a fond head: and, if it be on horseback, yet a man's follies may sit so close to him, that he shall hardly over-ride them; for that which Horace saith, Od. 1. lib. 3. Post equitem sedet atra cura, is also very true in this case: our follies are sure companions, and therefore are called of Saint Basil very fitly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which with agreeth that of the Poet, Coelum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt, The heaven and air they only change, That foreign country's use to range. Ulysses is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and such like, not for bringing home with him a Bee in a box, or such like: but his commendation was for seeing many country fashions, and choosing the best if he had hearkened to the Sirens singing O decus Argolicum quin puppimflectis Ulysses, Auribus ut nostros possis agnoscere cantus. Nam nemo haec unquam est transuectus caerula cursu, Quin prius astiterit vocum dulcedine captus. Ulysses' doughty knight of Greece, mark well what we shall say: For all men love to hear our voice, that use to pass this way. Horace will tell you then, Epist. 2. lib. 1. Epist. Vixisset canis immundus, aut amica luto sus, He had become a filthy dog, Or else a swine and dartie hog. Which is to be feared may well hap to many of our Traveller's at this day: and if you did see some of their courses beyond sea, you would not only fear it, but swear it. CHAP. XIII. Astrologers punished by Emperors, and derided by Alexander the Great. But to return, beside the condemnation of Philosopher's, we see how that kind of people have been persecuted by divers Emperors, as Dioclesian, Constantine, Theodosius and Valentinianus, but especially of justinian, who all held this profession not only vain and frivolous, but also pernicious and pestilent, according to that of Tacitus, Mathematici genus hominum potent●bus infidum, sperantibus fallax. The same Author reporteth, lib. 20. annal. that there were laws enacted at Rome for the banishment of Astrologers out of Italy, anno urbis 614. Valerius reporteth, lib. 1. that Cornelius Hispalus Praetor made proclamation, that within ten days all this kind of people should back out of, not Rome only, but also all Italy. And ● io in the end of his 49. book showeth, that anno urbis 721. M. Agrippa Aedilis thrust out of the City all Figure-flingers and jugglers. Augustus also, as witnesseth the same Author, lib. 56. forbade all these cold Prophets to prognosticate. Ulpian also lib. 7. de Offic. Procons hath these words: furthermore, the wily and crafty legerdemain of Astrologers was forbidden. Neither was it then first forbidden, for it was prohibited of old. Farther, there is a statute to be seen, wherein it is provided that Figure-flingers, Wizards, & such as practise such lewd means to live by, should be discommuned, and their goods confiscate. The same Author further addeth: It hath been very often forbidden almost of all princes, that no man should enterprise, or meddle with such toys and follies, and they were diverse ways punished, that entertained those lewd practices. Though gra●e and stayed men will not be easily seduced by these juggling jacks, yet because, as one saith, Levia, et inepta ingenia are wont to listen to s●ch witless ware, good magistrates provided wholesome laws for the restraint of them. For that all their art and profession, is but mere guessing and hittie missy, as hath been showed before, may appear by the answer of Alexand. to the Chaldeans, who upon their skill in predictions, dehorted him from going to Babylon, alleging, that that journey at that time could have no good issue. To whom he answered, as is in Arrhian lib. 7. that verse of Euripides: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No Wizard wiser is then he, That ghesseth well, for aught I see. This is that Graecus vulgaris versus alleged by Tully to the same purpose. lib. 2. de divina. It is marvel that Tully being so addicted and devoted to Eurip. that he esteemed every verse of him a sufficient proof: It is marvel I say that he would not rather quote him in this place by name, as he doth otherwhere, then allege it so nicely, as if he knew not who had been the author of it. Farther by his translation which he giveth, it should seem that he had it by tradition, and hearsay, not by reading of Eurip. For neither hath he altogether followed Eurip. in sense, nor, as he did, expressed it in verse; for with him it is, Bene qui conijciet, vatem hunc perhibeto optimum. Others, who had belike not seen Eurip. nor read Tully for perhibeto read perhibebo. But howsoever we read in greek or latin, this way, or that way, all cometh to one end; the whole art is but guessing and uncertainties, this saith Euripides, this allowed Tully, this also confirmed Alexander, who (as saith the same Arrhian) having received no harm by his being at Babylon, to shame and confound as it were the vanity of blind Chaldean prophecies, returned back by the marshes very confidently. And if that be true which Clem Alex. avoucheth in his Eclogues pag. 345. lin. 45. than must all their predictions be nothing but lies. For there it is said, that the Angels, which fell, taught men these arts, now what can the devil teach but lies, who was a liar from the beginning. CHAP. XIIII. That none hearken to Figure-flingers but Fools, since God hath reserved the the knowledge of future things to himself. Now if any, notwithstanding that which hath been said, shallbe so fond, as still to rely upon these prophecies, and predictions, let him consider that of S. Ambrose lib. 4. cap. 4. The art of figure-flingers is like a cobweb, in which if a fly, or gnat be, ' entangled, it cannot scape, but greater things happening into than, they tear & rush through all those weak and slender atercop nets. So it fareth with the figureflingers pursuits, wherein unsettled giddy pates may easily be, and are snared, while men of sounder sense, & more stayed judgement go clear away. Here have we not only the figure-flingers, but also his gentle auditor and client touched; for if there were no receivers, there would be no thieves: if there were no wagling wits, these cogging figure-flingers might put up their pipes. And so long as there is soothing, we shall never want soothsayers. Farther, we are to consider, that all our knowledge is limited, and that we do but see as it were in enigmate, that our understanding to the clearest things of nature, is but as the owls eye to the sun, that veritas in profundo latet, that God hath reserved many things for his knowledge; which neither man nor angel can attain to, according to that of the poet, Nec scire fas est omniae, and therefore the same poet giveth us this counsel for future things, Tu ne quaesieris scire (nefas) quem mihi, quem tibi finem dij dederint Leuconoe, nec Babylonios' Tentaris numeros, ut melius quicquid erit pati. Seek not Leuconoe to know, what death, and when may thee befall, Look not for help of wizard's craft, for patience, their help is small. This poet in this point is very constant; for with this agreeth that. ode. 29. lib. 3. Prudens futuri temporis exitum Caliginosa nocte premit Deus, Ridetque, si mortalis ultra Fas trepidat, quod adest memento Componere aequus. Divinely God hath future things concealed from mankind, And laughs when men do quake for fear, for things that are behind. With this agreeth also that of Pindarus. odd 12. oly. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No man ever as yet could get a trusty counsellor for actions to come, for in future things our counsels, and consultations, are obscure and blind. By which testimonies we see that God hath reserved to himself the knowledge of future things, & not imparted them to any whosoever. This derogation from God seemed so heinous to the Emperor Constantine, that he punished with loss of life whosoever went to ask counsel of an ginger. And justinian saith, that it was good for the common wealth, to have geometry taught, but of Astrology he saith it was damnable, a●d quite forbidden. Also Origen doth for the same cause as far censure them which seek to the Astrologers, as the Astrologers themselves, Hom. 3. in Hier. If any of you seek after the follies of Astrologers, he is in the land of the Chaldeans. If any weighing the day of his nativity, and, as if there were any thing in the diversity of hours, and times, admit this opinion, because the stars being thus and thus figured, make men riotous, adulterers, unchaste and such like, he is in the land of the Chaldeans. CAP. XV. The Astrologers wresting a place of Aristotle to their purpose. BBut whereas before we alleged Aristotle against these figureflingers, it may be they will think, that we have offered them great wrong, for they are wont to take sore hold of a place Polit. lib. 1. cap. 7. where it is reported of Thales, that he by Astrology foreseeing how the years were like to prove, bought all the Olives in the country, whereby he did wonderfully enrich himself. To this authority first we say, that Aristotle doth not report this of Thales, as of his own knowledge, but rather as a tradition by hearsay, as may very sufficiently appear by those words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Again by Astrology in that place is meant the observation of rising and setting of certain stars, as Arcturus, Vergiliae, and so forth, by which men were wont to direct their husbandry: for that in this sense of foretelling, the stars were to great purpose, may appear by Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pa. 345. lin. 49. where he saith that the stars are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to foretell the changes of the air, plenty, dearth, plagues, drought and such like. With which also agreeth that which he hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 6. pag. 279. lin. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If here they urge that the name of Astrology is used in that place, they shall but bewray their own ignorance: for in Aristotle, and other good writers, the words, Astronomy, and Astrology were all one; neither were they severed, till this counterfeit divination came up. If then they will know of us by what name their mystery, and art hath passed in the world, we must tell them that though it deserved to pass like a rogue with a bored ear, yet, contrary to desert, as being well descended, it hath passed with this difference, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of some it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and of Clement. Alexand. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not being called ever Astronomy simply, but with these additions. But that Astronomy and Astrology signified ever in good Authors all one thing, may appear by Tully, lib. 2. de Divinat. where it is said of Anchialus & Cassander, that although they were excellent in other parts of Astrology, yet they never used these predictions. In the same place is the same word diverse times used: but what would we speak of one place, when in all his works you shall never find the other word Astronomy, but still Astrology: whereby is meant notwithstanding, the same as others mean by the word Astronomy. Yet I am not ignorant that Clem. Alexand. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 26. calleth the lawful 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & that other in derision 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Base & vile though it be, yet in the end it so prevailed, that it did outface the lawful Astronomy, by which it was at first countenanced, and brought into credit. It played with Astronomy as the Cuckoo is said to play with other birds, tumbling their eggs out of their nests that she may put in her own. And as in this point Astrology resembleth the old Cuckoo; so in another sort she resembleth the young Cuckoo, who in the end is wont to devour the bird that fed her. Very fitly also may it be compared to the snake in Aesop, who being refreshed a little with heat, began to annoy and trouble all the house with hissing. Of this encroaching, and insinuating counterfeit, may Astronomy well complain in this manner: — eiectam, laris egentem Accepi, nostraque amens in sede locavi: When I thee found, and took thee up, at first thou wast an else, Yet like a fool I set thee up, as high as was myself. If there be any similitude in these 2. arts, it is but such a counterfeit resemblance as is mentioned by Tully, lib. 3. de Orat. By scraping with the foot, & certain terms of art, wherein they blear the eyes of them that cannot see into them. When Astronomy is compared to such a misshapen monster, may it not well disdain the parison in these words? Simia quam similis turpissima bestia nobis? I must needs wonder when I see A pouchmouthed Ape so like to me. But to return to Thales, it is not to be thought, but that he was very raw, & far to seek in these vain speculations, for in those days Greece was scarce acquainted with the first principles of Astronomy, so far were they from Astrological toys. CHAP. XVI. Who first among the Greeks gave themselves to Astronomy, and how far. IT is reported of Thales, that he was the first among the Grecians that professed any skill in these matters. About 80. years after came Anaxagoras, who was the first that durst adventure to put any thing in writing, concerning the eclipse of the Moon, which had like to have cost him his life: for being cast in prison of the Athenians for that cause, he was hardly delivered by the great suit and labour of Pericles. For the Athenians took the stars to be Gods, not thinking that they went about by any natural course, but freely at their own election. After that, how many years Nicias had like to have marred the Athenian state, for not knowing the cause of the eclipse of the Moon, you may see in Plutarch and Pliny. Before Plato's time there is scarce mention of any that took any thing upon him in these predictions. Eudoxus Gnidius, Plato's great acquaintance and friend, having conversed long with the Egyptians, where he attained to the perfection of Astronomy, and Astrology, expressly disallowed the latter, and first of his nation, gave himself wholly to embrace and study the former. No Grecian is recorded to have given himself so thoroughly to these studies. He did so diligently among the Egyptians, observe the course of the stars, that the high place where he made his standing to note them, even in Straboes' time, was called Eudoxi speculae, that is, Eudoxus beacon. This man among the Grecians, is said first to have been skilful in this art, which notwithstanding he is reported to have condemned, because he found it still false and fickle. If one thing only among a hundred fell out true, he did not use that to make good all the rest that were false, but contrary, rather discredited that one for the rests sake. He knew that one shooting all day must needs sometime hit the mark, were he never such a bungler, and that in oft casting the dice, where there is nothing but chance, one shall sometime turn up that chance which they call Venereus. As Aristotle affirmeth nothing of Thales skill: so if Eudoxus had known any such memorable skill to have been in Thales, he would not have concealed it, coming well-nigh three hundred years after him. But this story of Thales is by Pliny reported of Democritus, so full of uncertainty is the whole matter. These things would have been considered of them that slander Thales with Astrology. As for Aristotle, he writeth only, that this was attributed to him because of his wisdom and providence: but that he was an ginger, he nowhere saith, nor could well believe. CHAP. XVII. Astrology compared with other arts. But if professions grounded upon reason do often fail, no marvel if this witless starre-staring be still out, which hath no ground but blind chance, and the whirling of fortune. The physician foreseeth the disease: the captain treason: the governor the tempest; yet these are often deceived, though they proceed with reason. As the husbandman, when he seethe the Olive blossom, he hopeth so see the fruit too, and he hath reason; yet sometime it falleth out otherwise. The Physician hath the water, the pulse, actio laesa, qualitas mutata, substantio naliter in haerentia, and a great many more helps for indication, yet all too little sometime, the water deceiving so oft, that it is well called of some, meretrix medicorum. As for the difference of pulses they are so nice, and so subtle, that one saith of them, Nemo novit, nisi Deus, et Galenus, qui habuit delicatissimum tactum: No man can discern them but God, and Galen, who had a most subtle touch. Indeed the doctrine of pulses is very exquisitely set down by Galen, neither containeth it any thing, which may not seem full of reason; yet whether Galen ever in practice could distinguish those differences, may well be doubted: speculation is one thing, and practice is an other. I doubt not but many a physician in setting, could so dash a song with proportions and moods, that it would appose himself to sing it; the like for any thing I see, may be thought of Galens pulses. The plain and apprehensible differences of pulses, are by all means to be heeded, as showing the state and affects of the heart, according to that, orta attestantur suis principijs. As for the rest which are so obscure and subtle, if they be let pass, the matter is not great: wherein we shall seem to imitate musicans, who having three kinds of music, dia tonum, Enarmonium, and Chronaticum, at this day retain, and use only that first, as being more plain and manly, neglecting the two latter, partly for some effeminateness, partly for some difficulty in framing, and applying it to our voice. But a great deal more fit it were to compare this art with her fellow counterfeits aruspicina, hydromantia, chiromantia, choschinomantia, and such like; for these be in deed suitable, and matchable, every one as false as his fellow: neither was ever Astrology either more in request, or more honoured than were these counterfeit toys. Wherefore there is good hope, that as all those other are vanished and gone: so this will follow. Among the Romans' they were to do nothing either at home, or abroad, Nisi auspicato, and in what great account was their Collegium augurum? Yet because all was but mere follies, we see what is now become of them, even time will wear such things out, though we do not at all help, according to that, opinionum commenta delet dies, fantastical conceits time itself will dispatch. The feeding & flying, & guts of birds were they not a goodly thing to make Almanaches by, or to direct actions? What a notable jest is that of terripavium, and terripudium, and tripudium and how it came to tripudium solistimum? Now how ill favouredly have they agreed in sinistrum, and dextrum, the Greeks taking dextrum for happy, the Latins contrary sinistrum, according to that of Virg. Aene. 2. ver. 692, subitoque fragore intonuit laewm. Which difference also hath been observed of Tully. 2. de divinat. in those words: Ad nostri augurij consuetudinem dixit Ennius. Cum tonuit laewm bene tempestate serena. At Homericus ajax apud Achillem, querens de ferocitate Troianorum, nescio quid hoc modo prospera jupiter his dextris fulgoribus edit, ita nobis sinistra videntur, Graijs et barbaris dextra meliora, quanquam haud ignoro, quae bona sunt, sinistra nos dicere, etiamsi dextra sint. Neither shall we notwithstanding see this difference observed well among the Latins, for of untowardly and unfortunate things saith Virg. Ecl. 1. Saepe sinistra cava praedixit ab ilice cornix. With which agreeth that of Eustath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But thus much only for a taste, that we may see what arts those can be, whose grounds are not yet agreed upon. And yet I would think that even these arts had more certainty than Astrology, because they deal with that which they see, and handle, to wit, the bowels of birds, and feeding, and such like, whereas the ginger hath the stars so remote, that he must needs often mistake and err. CHAP. XVIII. That the Astrologers need no farther confutation, than such as may be drawn out of their own art, since their elections, and predictions can no way stand together. But these Astrologers, as it seemeth, though they be full of fictions, yet were they never good poets; for they have not well learned that poetical axiom, mendacem memorem, nor that of Horace, Sibi convenientia finge: for if they had, than once having delivered that our events, actions, end, and enterprises do necessarily depend upon the nativity, they would never have obtruded to us their doctrine of elections, they might easily see how ill these two could stand together, for if our nativity, do necessitate as it were, and force our actions, what place can there be left for elections, except it be such elections as is sometime used among children, choose whether you will have this or none. If the stars in our nativity dispose of our actions, and future events, then must our actions of force fall out thereafter. Otherwise how can they truly be said to dispose? Again if our actions be in our own election to make them better or worse, by choosing a fit or unfit day for them, how can the stars be said to rule and guide them? for if the stars rule them, they are not in our election, and if they be in our election, the stars do not rule them. We see therefore that these men can not be better confuted then by themselves. Their positions have no coherence, nor hang any better together than a rope of sand. Belike here must that great saying take place, Sapiens dominabitur astris: but who shallbe their Sapiens or wise man then? sure the ginger only for aught that I see; for he seeing by his nativity, that such an action, upon such a day cannot fall well out, & upon such a day must fall well out, may change the day, & therewith the success of his enterprise, or action at his pleasure: this every man cannot do, for lack of Astrology, & therefore all the world be like are fools saving the ginger. I will not here stand long to discourse of their Egyptian, and dismal days, nor of their derivation, whether they come of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and mala, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and mala: Egyptian sure they must needs be, because they are of those opprobria Egypti, which so long as we retain, we are still in Egypt. Difference of times we grant, that sometimes they are clear and quiet, sometime cloudy and troublesome, according to that, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The time sometime a stepdame is, both fierce, and fell, and eke The same sometime a mother is exceeding kind and meek. Time was no stepdame to Croesus till he came at Halys, but when he cried, O Solon, Solon, than the case was altered. Otherwise we are to confess, that as God is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so is he not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ' that is no accepter either of times or persons. Genes. 1. ver. 18. God saw that the day was good, and shall we say that they are infortunate, or dismal? This heathenish superstition is disallowed by the preacher, forbidden by the Apostle, and exploded by S. Augustine. Eccles. 11. ver. 4, he that observeth, and waiteth for wind and weather, shall never make good harvest, and therefore we are there warned to put the seed in the ground early and late, because we know not whether is most like to take: what was the cause why the Apostle feared the Galath. what would become of them, but their superstitious observing of months, times, and years. S August. willing to show them how they entangle themselves, not being able to reconcile their elections and constellations, hath said both very fitly, and fatherly to them, de ciu. dei. lib. 5. cap. 7, his words are as follow: Now what an intolerable thing is it, that by choice of days, they seek to change their old destinies with new? For example, one had it not in his nativity, to have a worthy son, but rather a base child, and therefore like a profound clerk, he made choice of a good hour to lie with his wife. By this means he framed himself a new destiny, which he had not before, and by this new destiny that became destiny to him, which was never his destiny by nativity. O madness of all madness! we must take heed what day we marry one. Belike least for lack of heed and choice, we should light upon a dismal day. But by this means what is become of our birth constellation? can a man by choice of a day alter his destiny, & cannot another power alter that which he hath chosen? Farther, if only men, not all other things be ruled by constellations, wherefore do they for planting and sowing make choice of these days, & of other days for gelding their cattles, breaking their colts, covering their mares and such like. But to leave Augustine, even Ptolemy confesseth, that if thy nativity be against thy enterprise, the elections of days will be to small purpose. Of this point Mirandula discoursed more at large. lib. 2. adversus Astrologos, but in effect the same you shall find more briefly in S. Augustine in the place above cited. To this confuting them out of their own principles must be added that of Alpetragius, teaching, that if there be a motion in heaven yet unknown, them there is a body yet unknown too for that motion: which opinion may also be confirmed by those motions, which have of late been devised by our modern Mathematics, which they say their predecessors never knew. Now for the sight and order of the planets, how do they agree? while they that follow the Egyptians, place the moon next & immediately under the Sun, as doth also both Plato & Aristotle. For Aristotle in his book de coelo, & Plato in Timaeo placeth the Moon next to the Sun, still understanding the Moon to be the lowest of all the planets. Ptolemy, the Chaldeans, and the latter men place the Sun in the midst of the planets, thinking that place meetest for it, as King over the rest. Geber and Theon in their commentaries upon Ptolemy, hold that the Sun is near the Moon. Andrea's Summarius holdeth Saturn, jupiter and Mars to be higher than the rest: but which of them among themselves is highest or lowest, neither is known (saith he) nor can be known. Moses Egyptius saith, there is no certainty, what is the order and site of the planets, especially of the three uppermost of the number of spheres above the planets, what doubtful work have they made, some holding the eight sphere, in which are the fixed stars, to be the uttermost: others imagining a ninth orb to compass the eight which is invisible: some also suppose there is a tenth sphere utmost of all. The authors of the first opinion were the Egyptians, and the Chaldeans: which Plato and Aristotle after embraced and Hipparcus, and Ptolemy: the same was lastly maintained by Leo Hebraeus, & Proclus the Platonike. The second opinion follow most of our moderns, as Alphonsus, who first made supputations of planets by this sphere, thinking it to be the uttermost. Of the same mind were Leopoldus, Mahala, and Campanus, and Albertus, all fathering this opinion upon Ptolemy, but falsely: for with him is no ninth sphere, much less any tenth, as you may perceive both by the second book of the Almagest, & the first book of Apotelesmata. For since Ptolemy useth both the movable signs, called the images, or the figures of the eightsphear, and the immovable signs, referring to them the places of the planets, is sufficient proof, that he dreamt of nothing, without the eight sphere. For those four famous points, to wit, of the two tropicks, & two equinoctial he calleth the immovable signs, which are fixed and fastened in the eight sphere, not in the ninth; for these be his words in the second book of the Almagest; I will a buse the names of the signs, applying them to the parts of the Zodiac, as if they began at the tropic and equinoctial points, so the twelfth part from the vernal equinoctial toward the summer tropic, I will call Aries, the second twelfth part, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I will call Taurus, and so forth, according to the order of the twelve signs delivered by us. And in the first book of his Apotelesmata, he determineth the parts of the Zodiac, to which he referreth the planets, by the Solstitial, and Equinoctial points, but be there, or be there not any ninth sphere, all the Astrology of our age must needs down. For if these celestial influences proceed from all parts of heavens, it will follow, that they can prognosticate nothing, which make no account of the whole Orb, as if the bare places where no stars are, had no force or power. But if these celestial influences to change things here, proceed only from such stars as are endued with evident light and beams, then must they of force grant, that no force descendeth from the ninth Sphere hither, which either hath no light at all, or such as cannot be perceived. Wherefore either the whole Sphere is to be observed, which they do not, or that ninth Sphere, if there be any such, is to be contemned, of which mind is Guido Bonatus, affirming that whatsoever is above the eight Sphere, belongeth not to the ginger. Farther, we are to note how they jar not only in motions, & revolutions of the Planets, but even of the Sun itself, how diversely and contrary they writ. Before Hipparchus' time they held that the suns revolution, which is a year, contained only 350. days, and a quarter of a day. Hipparchus thought the addition above even days was less than a quarter. Ptolemey thinketh that less to be the 300. part of a day. Albateguinus saith, it wanted of a quarter the 106. part of a day. Thebit saith, that the year containeth 365. days, 6. hours, 10. minutes, 12. degr. Philolaus said that the natural year consisted of 364. days and a half. Others in a matter of such uncertainty, though they came near enough, if they made the year of 365 days, which opinion Saint Augustine seemed not much to mislike, who in his Commentary super Genesim, to the 365. days addeth the whole quarter day. When we see these great men thus vary and dissent, we need marvel less at the Arcadians, making years of three months long: and at the Acarnanians, who used years of six months; and greeks having years of 354. days. As they descent much in the quantity of the year: so is there as il agreement in the beginning of it. But that this point cannot be determined of, Ptolemie proveth in the second book of his Apotelesmata for this reason, because in a circle no man can find a beginning simply. Wherefore in the Zodiac are imagined four beginnings by conjecture, the two Solstitial, and the two Equinoctial points. The Egyptians began their year at the vernal Equinoctial, the Romans at the winter Tropic: others at the first of Libra. Plutarch in his Problems liketh Numa for beginning it at the winter Tropic. If any, to determine this controversy, shall say that we are to heed the creation of the world, he shall rather increase, then diminish the controversy. For among the Hebrews, where this were to be learned, is no certainty to be found, some of them holding that the creation was in the Srping; others in Autumn: of which opinion are many, for concerning the celebrating of the Passeover in the first month, that they say was spoken in respect of the solemnities. Farther, it is written in Exodus, that the feast of Tabernacles was in the end of the year, which feast we know, was kept in the end of the year. More might be brought to this purpose, which for brevities sake at this time I purposely omit, seeing that Saint Hierome both otherwhere, & upon Ezechiel, calleth October the first month, and januarie the fourth. I will not here enlarge how they vary about the distances of Mercury from the Sun, of the difference of Signs, and those which they call images, or Figures, of which in truth there can no reckoning be made, since they are nothing in nature, but the devices of men, which might have made them otherwise, if they would, these which are now used, being devised or related by Aratus, who (as testifieth Cicero) writ of Astrology, and had none himself. CHAP. XIX. Four causes why Astrologers seem often to say true, and that for their true saying they are never a whit the more to be trusted. COnsidering the falseness of their predictions, though there hath been enough said, why they should not be trusted, yet now briefly I will show, that though all their predictions should fall out true, yet we were not one whit more to believe or use them, but to follow the counsel of Saint August. lib. 2. de doct. Christ. cap. 22. who willeth us to abandon these men, not because they say false, but (saith he) though things come to pass as they say, yet believe them not: for though the shape of dead Samuel told the truth to Saul, yet the sacrilege of such representations are not a whit the less to be detested. And though the wise woman in the Acts of the Apostles, gave a true testimony to the Apostles; yet Paul did not spare that spirit, but rather cleansed it by the rebuke, and casting out of that devil. Therefore all these Arts smelling of vain, or rather hurtful superstition, by reason of a certain pestilent confederacy between men and devils, as false and fraudulent compacts, are to be rejected and abandoned of Christians. Why they should not be trusted though they say all true, may appear, if we consider the causes why they say sometimes true, which may be reduced to four: The first cause is referred to a certain pact & league between the ginger and the devil, or to a certain secret instinct and motion, whereby men at unawares are oft incited to guess, according to that of Saint Augustine, lib. 5. de Civitate Dei cap. 27. It is not without cause believed (saith he) that when Astrologers marvelously make many true answers, it cometh to pass by the suggestion of evil spirits, whose chief care is to engraft and fasten these wicked and false opinions of stars in men's minds, and not by any art in observing and noting the Horoscopus, which is none indeed. And the same Father, lib. 2, de Gen. ad Lit. cap. 17. saith, that this their foretelling of things, even when they say true, is but the work of seducing spirits, to whom it is permitted to know some truth in temporal matters. The second cause may be the secret disposition of the divine providence, which by an hidden instinct sometimes so moveth the blind and wicked minds of these Wizards, that they foretell they cannot tell how to their followers, such things as is necessary for them to hear, either for their desert, or for some deep judgement of God. The third cause is the craft and subtlety of the figure-flinger, who knoweth how to abuse the simplicity of them that seek to him, mill per Maeandros, by doubling and turning like an hare in the snow, delivering his answer in such riddles, as for obscurity may compare with that of Sphynx. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. or that of the Eunuch, the Bat, the Pummie stone, and the elder tree, Homo non homo, percussit, non percussit, avem non avem, lapide non lapide, in arbore non arbore. For when he beginneth his answer thus: The party is of sanguine complexion, dwelleth westward, & so forth, who can abide him? he will not say the man, nor the woman, but the party which agreeth to both, and then whethersoever it happen on, he hath said true. Now how many be there of sanguine complexion, and though it should fall out of some other complexion, yet great disputes might be of the difference of complexions, to maintain and uphold the lie, that though the party was not now sanguine, yet naturally he was, but changed either by years, or diet, or trade of life, and such like. The like scambling may be made in the rest. The mischiefs that issue from these blind riddles are infinite, for by them many innocent and clear people are called into question and doubt. How happy had poor Aedipus been, if he had never heard that blind Senarius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If the Oracle had meant him any good, he should have told him who was his mother, and that he should not lie with her in plain terms. But if they should deal plainly, they should offend against one of Ptolemies rules in Centiloquio, Prop. 1. They must not (saith he) tell a thing particularly, but universally, as one that seethe a thing a far off. The fourth cause is the doltish dullness of such as resort to them, who through their credulity suffer themselves willingly to be abused. Of each of these causes might much be said, which for brevity sake at this time I let pass. Thus we see that in seeking for answers, there is more to be respected then the truth, we must see to the means, that we seek lawfully. In the word are the lawful ways of seeking expressed: Somnia, sacerdotes, prophetae, Sorts, Angeli, omina, but to seek to these cold Prophets it is every where forbidden. If we shall know and confess thus much, and yet nevertheless retain them, and use them, seeking to them, as indeed we do (for who almost, be he never so religious, will not seek to them) we may justly seem to imitate Saul, who in hypocritical impiety banishing Astrologers, and sorcerers out of his kingdom, yet sought to them himself. If we disallow them, & speak against them, and yet use them, we may be thought to renounce them in word, and retain them indeed, to thrust them away with the one hand, and pull them to us with the other, not much unlike to merry Skelton, who thrust his wife out at the door, and received her in again at the window. The story is well known how the Bishop had charged him to thrust his wife out of the door: but that which was but a merriment in Skelton may prove worse with us, for it is no dallying with God: if he bid us thrust out these vile people, we must do it indeed, we must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we must walk without halting. CHAP. XX. Of the true use of Stars, and study of Astronomy in the judgement of Socrates and Bucer. Such things as God in his secret judgement hath reserved to himself, we must not go about to pick out of the stars, as if heaven were nothing worth, and of no use, unless we might play the fools with it at our pleasure. Socrates, as witnesseth Xenophon lib. 4. de factis & dictis doth so far allow of Astronomy, as it may be converted to the use and help of men, and was wont to persuade men to get so much knowledge in it, as might make them perfect in the alteration of days, months, and revolutions of years, for their travel, navigation, husbandry, and such like. But to study these idle curious toys of figure-flinging, of houses, centres, constellations, and such like, he did by all means dissuade, because by these things came no good, nor benefit to the life of man. Farther he said, it was more than a man could, to know these things, and that they did much offend God, that went about those things which he would keep to himself. If any would not be so satisfied, but would needs go on in this curious course, of them he was wont to say, that they were as mad as Anaxagoras. For he affirming the Sun to be fire, knew not that men look on the fire, whereas they cannot behold the Sun, and are coloured and tanned in the Sun, but in the fire not at all. In that also he showed his ignorance, as if the heat of the Sun did not cherish and breed things, the heat of the fire contrary decaying them. But whereas he affirmeth the Sun to be a fiery stone, he seemeth not to know that such a stone will not shine and give light, nor can last or endure long, which both agree to the Sun. With these mad opinions doth wise Socrates' suit the conceits of Astrologers. With this great Philosopher let me match a great Divine, for so I hope that will be true, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Latin, Non caret effectu, quod volvere duo: In English, Hardly shall you that thing withstand, Which two men jointly take in hand. Bucer upon the 138. Psal. ver. 3. hath these words; Here (saith he) is set out the wonderful work of God, which we behold in the Sun, the moon, and the stars, appearing with so great and marvelous light, being both for the constancy of their course, and certainty of their operations most wonderful. These things were meet to be observed in the stars, and not contrary to God's commandment to prognosticate by them, or hearken to prognosticators, which was ever among all wise men very execrable, so that Dioclesian, though a persecuter of Christ, did utterly condemn and prohibit this art. Constantine also punished with loss of life, not only the prognosticatours, but also such as sought to them. cap. de maleficis, & mathematicis. For it is the duty of a Christian to depend wholly upon God, neither to doubt, but that he so ordereth all, that nothing can happen but to his good and benefit. Wherefore not gaping after things to come, he must have this care chief, that he order things present to the glory, and after the will of God. Let it therefore be enough for Christians, that God hath declared these vanities to be abominable to him. Deuter. 18.10. And that he doth so nippingly insult as it were over stargazers by name, Esay. 47.12. Let it suffice us so to have observed the motion of them, that we may know the distinction of times, and seasons, and how to do those things, for which God hath made them to be observed, by giving full proof of their use, such as we see in husbandry, navigation, and such like. For other events, let us not trouble ourselves, since all things shall fall out for the best, if we fear God: neither let us doubt, but whatsoever is good for us, God will certainly reveal it in good time, as he was ever wont to do to his people. When man was placed in Paradise, he was set there to dress the garden, not to be gazing still up to the stars, like a wizard: when he was put out, he was designed to till the ground, to dig, grub, weed, sweat, and swink, not to busy himself about aspects, conjunctions, oppositions, constellations, influences, fiery, and watery triplicities, and such like. Heaven is God's book, which we must leave to him, and content ourselves with our earthly abc, according to that Psal. 113. Coelum coeli domino, terram autem dedit filijs hominum. To what end hath God placed us so far from the stars, if with Astrolabes, staves and quadrants we can do all things, as if we were nearer. You know what Horace said fitly of the severing of countries. Nequicquam deus abscidit Prudens oceano dissociabili Terras: si tamen impiae Non tangenda rates transiliunt vada The like folly to this I heard once uttered by a disciphring rogue, who because he had been in Italy and abroad, thought he might say what he list. He for his art of deciphering went so far, that by it he said, might be found, what were those visions, revelations, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Apostle heard in the third heaven. If those words were within the compass of a Cipher, why are they said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Another beast I heard once in a public Lecture, magnifying his skill in Logic, say, that he could prove predestination out of Arma virumque cano. Farther out was he than the poor Duns, who in a Lecture explicating those words, held himself a great deal closer to his Text, in this sort: Arma, virumque cano, est propositio de copul●to extremo, & arma virumque non est subiectum, sed praedicatum, & istud pronomen Ego, est subiectum illius verbi Canon, & est propositio sic, Ego cano arma, & virum. With this he began to admire himself, and protested to his Auditors, that Virgil was never so read before. With this superstition of climactery years we may match another as gross of the leap years, which because they follow the number of 4. coming every 4. year, are holden by some to be no less dismal and dangerous than the climacteries. If this be granted, why then do we not make every fourth year a climactery, as well as every 7. and 9 year, and so make 4. a climactery number? But let us hear how they prove the leap year to be so fatal, and dangerous. The very nature of things, say they, and the habit of bodies are quite changed in the leap year, which they prove by the experience of Baths that year, which they say, are very unwholesome, & do much harm, by the testimony of shepherds and herdsmen, who report that their flocks and cattle those years either conceive not at all, or if they do, yet go not out their time, or if they go out, yet they bring forth certain weak and crazed ware. Fruterers also complain that their t●ees are barren in those years, or at least yield naughty fruit. Some further add, that the kernels of some trees which are set that year will turn of themselves, so that the sharp end will stand where the flat end should be. And some that would seem wise, maintain that those years are periculous for women with child. Whereupon often times in many places you shall see those superstitious creatures shrive themselves, gad a pilgrimage, ply their beads, prattle their Paternosters, & wear garlands, which they call our Lady's garlands or coronets. Again, they say that the leap year is Saturnine, which they prove thus. The Saturnine year is every fourth year: but the leap year is every fourth year: therefore the leap year is Saturnine. That the motion of Saturn is guided by four, they would prove thus. These inferior things are moved by the superior: for say they, the humours of our bodies are moved by that star, to whicich they have resemblance: for example, Phlegm is moved every day as following the Moon, which it resembleth, so they say that blood in motion followeth the Sun: choler Mars every third day: Melancholy Saturn every fourth day. Seeing therefore the leap year is Saturnine, and therefore bad, it must needs do much harm to all things. The opinion of the unluckiness of Saturn seemeth to have been very ancient, as may appear by Virgil in many places, who whensoever he will signify jupiter or juno offended, and revengeful, is wont to call them Saturnios, and not else: as Aeneid. lib. 4. Nec Saturnius haec oculis pater aspicit aequis. And of juno in the same book, Talibus aggreditur Venerem Saturnia dictis. And in another place, Irim de coelo misit Saturnia juno. And, — veterisque memor Saturnia belli Tantos iratum voluit sub pectore fluctus, And — Saturnique altera proles. But when the same Poet will signify her favour and grace, he will call her magna or bona, as in that, Adsit laetitiae Bacchus dator, & bona juno. Others say that Saturn in progression hurteth not at all, but only when he is retrograde. And that for that cause he giveth the sith for his cognizance, which so long as you thrust it forward, hurteth nothing: but if you draw it backward, will cut very sore whatsoever doth withstand it. This kind of proof is but poetical, and pretty, and therefore let every one esteem of it as far, and no farther than he listeth: For it will be hard to yield any good or substantial reason for a thing of this nature. And if my conjecture might be heard against this opinion, I should rather think that Virgil bestowed that epithet of Saturnius upon jupiter by imitation of Homer, who is wont to term him sometime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If any man will call to mind how willingly Virgil is wont to imitate Homer, & how glad he is whensoever his good hap is to resemble him, he will easily acknowledge that this my conjecture is not altogether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, to no purpose, and out of tune. For answer to the first reason, where it was said, that the leap year changeth the nature of things, we say that it is most false: for neither could I ever observe it in any, and this present 1600. being leap year, doth sufficiently convince the contrary. For we see the course of nature by that means nothing interrupted or changed, for we continue all still as we were last year, men are men, and women are women still, neither are fruit, or beasts, or baths, or children ever a whit weaker or worse than they were other years. So that the leap year for any thing I see, might well use the defence of merry Skelton, who being a Priest, and having a child by his wife, every one cried out, oh Skelton hath a child, fie on him, etc. Their mouths at that time he could not stop: but on a holy day in a merry mood, he brought the child to Church with him, and in the pulpit stripped it naked, and held it out, saying; See this child, is it not a pretty child, as other children be, even as any of yours, hath it not legs, arms, head, feet, limbs, proportioned every way as it should be? If Skelton had begot a monster, as a calf, or such like, what a life should poor Skelton have had then? So we say for the leap year, if it had changed the nature of things, as it is charged, how should it have done then to defend itself? If the nature of any thing change in the leap year, it seemeth to be true in men and women, according to the answer of a mad fellow to his mistress, who being called knave by her, replied that it was not possible, for said he, if you remember yourself, good mistress, this is leap year, and then, as you know well, knaves wear smocks. But for farther answer, we must tell them, that the leap year is no work of nature, but ex positione humana, at man's appointment and pleasure. Wherefore, since the leap year is but an human constitution, it cannot be that it should change the nature of things. For the objection of shepherds and Fruterers, we say, that it is but a lewd shift of crafty hinds to deceive their masters, bearing them in hand, that their things are dead, when they have stolen them. For the objection of women with child in those years, it is of small force, considering how timorous and fearful they be, and how naturally given to superstition. Whereas they go about to prove that the leap year is Saturnine, by the working of melancholy, which is every fourth day, the answer is plain, that melancholy in working observeth the fourth day, as we see in quartain agues: but in Saturn it is nothing so, who leapeth rather by five: for still after three ordinary years complete, cometh the fourth leap year, otherwise quite then in a quartain ague: where we see continually but two good days, and the third evil, and yet it is called and counted a quartain, although I am not ignorant that country people commonly call it the third day ague. The like grossness is committed, when they say, that the Moon by her moisture reigneth over phlegm, and the sea: which if it were true, why should we not have two fits every day of a quotidian, as we have two sea tides. Again, the leap year being but a human constitution, it had a time when it began, before that time when there was no leap year, nor intercalating, what was to be said then? And if we should not intercalate every fourth year, but every eight year, putting in two days, or every twelfth year, putting in three days, should only those years be bad and dismal? And now that the Pope intercalateth certain days sooner than we, and at every 130. years, quite otherwise then we, will that make no alteration in the leap year? Again, why may not any other of the three years be the fourth year as well as the leap year? CHAP. XX The vanity of Critical days howsoever deduced, whether from Galens new month, Hypocrates numbers, or Conciliators tetragonical aspects. Galen the first author, and founder of critical days lib. 3. de diebus criticis, hath related to us two lunary influences, the one by reason of the sun, of whom the Moon borroweth her light; the other by reason of the signs of the Zodiac, which she passeth through once monthly. Then he setteth down as both allowed by Astrologers, and confirmed by experience, that the Moon in opposite, and quadrangular aspects, either in respect of the Sun, or in respect of the twelve signs, doth make great alterations in quadrangular distances from the change showing half only, and in opposite distances the whole at full, and so altereth the state of the air. Farther, he affirmeth the same alterations to happen to things, when the Moon cometh to the quadrangular, and opposite places to those where it was, when any thing was bred or borne. For example: If any thing began to be, the Moon being in Taurus, it should undergo these alterations, when the Moon is come to Leo and Aquarius, which are signs quadrangularly respecting Taurus, which also he confirmeth with the authority of the Egyptians. Hence he thought to find the certain and sure cause of critical days, especially since the seventh and the fourteenth days are holden as principal critics; because in the seventh day the Moon cometh to the fourth sign, from that which it was in at the beginning of the disease: and in the fourteenth day, to the opposite place of the same, in which two places, because the Moon is wont to make stirs, it falleth out that in those days likewise the diseases be troublesome, and busy to death, if the disease be dangerous: but to good health, if it be otherwise. Now Galen being desirous to prove not only the 21. as Archigenes would have it, but the twentieth also to be critical, he fetcheth that from the course of the Moon, which goeth round once every 27. days eight hours: which time is called mensis peragrationis, and periodicus, that is, the peragration month. Then parting this month into four equal parts, he alloweth to every quarter six days twenty hours, so that the 21. day by the course of the Moon belonged partly to the 21. day natural, partly to the twentieth. For his twelve first hours ended & concluded the twentieth day, the rest beginning the 21. day. This being thus, he concludeth that critical motions fall upon the twentieth day in long diseases, which proceed by numbers equal to the diseases, the Moon coming to his second quadrangle, in that number of days: And again, upon the 21. day natural in sharp diseases which keep odd days. Galen being come well, as he thought, thus far, proceeded farther to contradict Archigenes, namely, that no part of the 21. day should be critical, but the whole twentieth day only. Wherefore he took not the peragration month, as we even now called it, but that which is from change to change, consisting of 29. days twelve hours, which of the learned is called mensis coniunctionis, and mensis synodicus, and of us may be called the change month. Again, from the 29. day twelve hours, he taketh away those three days, wherein the Moon commonly is hidden, and darkened in the change, because he thought it did not work upon these inferior matters for lack of light. So there remained of that month only 26. days, twelve hours, which is wont to be termed and known by the name of mensis illuminationis: & we may call it the Apparition month. Now this and the peragration month he put together, and made up 53. days, and twenty hours: Then taking the half of this time, he made a month of his own, containing 26. days, & 22. hours. This new kind of month they are wont to call mensem medicinalem, that is, the physicians month, being compacted of those days which the Moon hath light in, and in which it passeth round the Zodiac: as if this month should contain the influence of the Moon two ways, both in respect of the Sun, and in respect of the Zodiac. By this account Galen had his purpose, since the weeks or quarters of this contain six days, seventeen hours and an half. So it came to pass, that the third quarter of the Physician month ended with the twentieth natural day, within four hours and a half, which were put over to the 21. day. But all this pain Galen might have saved, since by the peragration month also the 20. day fell to be critical, as was said: and he himself doth not deny, but the 21. may be critical, especially in sharp diseases. This have I said, lest when I have showed, that the critical days cannot be referred to the Moon, whether we weigh her virtue by the Sun, or the signs, it might be answered, that we had not fully satisfied, because Galen had found out a compound influence to make critical days by, which things notwithstanding either he hath not done, or if he hath done it, yet he did it without reason, as shall divers ways be proved, for if these stirs, as he calleth them, happen when the Moon is in quadrangular or opposite signs to the place where any thing had his beginning: and again, when it is illustrate with quadrangular or opposite Sunbeams, we ought not to expect these events from the Moon: but at such times as it is placed one of these ways, if so be that we look for those events from those causes. But if we look for them from the physicians month, and from the halves, and quarters of that, they shall not depend of those causes, which Galen hath proved to raise and breed those stirs: For then those causes are not. Absurd therefore and sottish is it to say, that the virtue of both the constellations are mingled at that time, when none of those constellations are found. Wherefore if this critical power be sought of Galen in the quarters and halves of the physicians month, and not in the quarters and halves of the peragration month, and month of illumination, it shall not at all be found in Astrological influences. For neither can you bring it to the square, and opposite signs, neither to the quadrangular or opposite sites of the Sun. Farther, it can neither be made nor preserved at such time as these are not. Again, according to Galens month, the thirteenth day rather then the fourteenth, should be critical, for that hath thirteen hours, whereas this hath but eleven hours. Wherefore you that be sticklers for Galen, how will you here defend yourselves, using the peragration month, not Galens, when you will make the fourteenth day critical, but contrary, when you will make the twentieth day critical, leaving the peragration month, and falling to the other of Galens devise? Farther, if one should sicken the day before the Moon began to be in change, having the 7. day after for his critic, this by no means could depend either upon the Sun, or upon any sign, since the Moon for the most part of that time was darkened. So that even by Galens judgement it could not affect, or work upon us. Moreover, this counterfeit month of Galens neither agreeth with nature, and supposeth that the Moon is hid three days from the Sun, which all men know to be false, and is against experience. Farther, it will follow, that (if those days be standing and fixed) the Moon should go always alike fast, not one while slower, and another while faster. Which to be most false, is plain by Astronomical computations. And who knoweth not that when she goeth in her epicycle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with the Centre, of the Eccenter, she goeth faster than when she goeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which motion must needs abate from her swiftness. But that the critical days are not guided by the course of the Moon, whencesoever they have their virtue from Sun, or signs, is hence plain. For if they had it of the Sun, it would follow, that we must still fall sick at the change of the Moon. For otherwise upon the seventh day the Moon could not be halued, nor at her full light upon the 14. day, in which, he saith, diseases are provoked by reason of quadrangular and opposite configuration with the Sun: but if they have their force from the signs, we may reason thus. The 7. & 14. day, as thou sayst, happeneth the provocation, but commonly the Moon upon these days is not in the square & opposite places, therefore from the Moon, by reason of those places, cannot that commotion or provocation proceed. The Minor of this syllogism is plain to all that have but the least skill in the course of the Moon: for sometime it cometh to the square aspect upon the sixth day, and to the opposite sign upon the 13. day, and sometime it cometh not before the eight or 9 day to the square aspect. Neither are these critical days altogether guided by this motion: and if they were, yet the manner of them would be otherwise then is prescribed. Therefore divers have given other causes of critical days, which depend nothing of the Moon. Hypocrates for the Moon is utterly silent, referring all rather to certain numbers observed by nature, as both Asclepiades, and Celsus have noted. Avicen quite rejected this lunatic opinion for the great uncertainty of it, as doth also Averroes in his Colliget, showing withal, that to meddle with causes of critical days, doth not belong to the Physician, but to some higher philosophy; the physician ought only to know which are critical, and how he is to handle his patiented, when he perceiveth, and foreseeth the critical day: Wherefore in this point we may safely follow Galen, but not in the other; both because he was deceived, as hath been proved, and because his judgement and authority in Philosophy is not much set by, even of some of his best friends: for both Avicen, and Rabbi Moses gave out, that he did but flutter in the bows of arts, and never came at the root. Oftentimes also he faileth in logic, and natural philosophy, and in his discourses of motus and anima. How slenderly he was seen in Astrology, may appear by his computation, which he maketh of the course of the Moon: and Conciliators defence of him, is, that in his time the motion of heaven, and that skill was very gazen, and scarce well found. Farther, he plainly refuseth to give the reason, why the Moon should have any such force in these quadrangular and opposite signs, alleging only the authority of the Egyptians, whom notwithstanding in the sixth book of Simples he taunteth and condemneth as doters. Neither could they be observed of such as never well knew the course of the Moon. For Hipparchus of Rhodes was the first that in this point came any thing near the truth: after him Ptolemy did better, yet so that the Arabians did not allow of him. Our modern masters (the course of the Moon being better found,) have picked a new reason out of the nature of the signs, which agreeth neither with the truth, nor with Galen, whom they follow, nor with their positions, which they defend. The quadrangular and opposite signs, say they, have contrary qualities (they mean for heat, cold, dryness, and moisture,) either both, or the active qualities at least. Then going on, they farther add, that the quadrangular, and opposite aspects are contrary. Upon these suppositions they infer, that when the Moon is come to these places, which are contrary to those which it was in at the beginning of the disease, than nature & the disease strive. For example, (say they) if the Moon be in Taurus, when one falleth sick, when it cometh to the quadrangular, or opposite place, to wit, Leo or Scorpius, then is deadly feid between the disease and nature. Hence we infer, that the Moon will much more do it, when she is in Gemini, which differeth from Leo more than Taurus doth, the like will fall out when she is in Libra, which differeth from Taurus more than doth Scorpius. This argument, or consequence, is to be proved even out of the Astrologers themselves. For by their positions, the sign of Taurus is dry & cold; Leo dry and hot; Scorpius dry and cold; Gemini hot and moist. To this perhaps they will reply, that these signs are not joined by any aspect. Again we prove that there is no contrariety in these places. For if they be contrary, the Moon by their position should show this contrary effect, as soon as it came to any place of contrary quality: but it cometh from a cold and dry place to an hot and moist, & yieldeth not the contrary effect, therefore this position falleth. Now if they will say that the force consisteth in the aspects themselves, they ought consequently to hold that the Moon coming to trigonal signs should fortify the disease, because there is as much force to concord in triangles, as to discord in squares; for as by reason of discord of qualities, quadrangles stir up the disease, so by reason of concord, triangles shall not stir them up. This being thus, that will follow to cross the rules of Physicians, that the 11 day will be hurtful, which notwithstanding is otherwise by their rules, seeing that the Moon the 11. day almost groweth trigonal. Farther, it cannot be (as Physicians hold) that the sixth & eight day among the rest, cause ill commotions, for this were against Astrology, which upon those days bringeth the Moon to square aspects. Again, why count they the tenth day & twelfth hurtful, the Moon than not being placed in any aspect with the sign of the disease? But neither by reason of sun, Moon nor constellation, can they find any cause why the critical days should be sometime even, sometime odd. For to let the rest pass now they make the 41. day critical, after that they draw in even days, the 60, the 80, and the 120. then they go by months and years. For the constellations in these times do much vary, as the astrologers say, whereas the physicians will have their critical days to be set, continual, and uniform. To shut up this discourse, let us hear the shameful error of Conciliator, the malice of the sixth day which Galen compareth to a tyrant, as the seventh day to a king, may be (saith he) reduced to the Moon, which cometh with more speed to the tetragonal aspect. The goodness of the seventh he chargeth upon the nature of the tetragonall, which was contrary to the sign of the disease. So from the square he deriveth both the malice of the sixth, and the goodness of the seventh. Farther the circuit of humours he reduceth to the stars; the slowest circuit of melancholy (for that lieth quiet two days) he referreth to Saturn; choler he ascribeth to Mars; phlegm to the Moon; blood to jupiter, but how fond, now see. The blood putrefieth without any pause, therefore his circuit should by their rule be ascribed to the swiftest planet, not to jupiter, which, if you consider his revolution, is the slowest of all saving Saturn. Again, if that be true, that the operation of the slower stars be slower proportionably to their slowness, than choler should make a longer fit than phlegm, because the restitution, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Mars is much slower than the Moons. Notwithstanding the phlegmatic fit is much longer than the fit of choler, for this latter is twelve hours, the other is eighteen hours long. Hence is clear that the course given to phlegm, doth better fit blood: for whereas it resembleth the motion of the sea, which ebbeth and floweth, scarce putting any time between, that doth better agree to blood then phlegm, which is in continual motion as the sea is, in which the little time between the ebbing and flowing, can by no means answer to the sixth hours respite in a phlegmatic ague. Lastly, if phlegm answered to the water, then in twentiefoure hours, it should make two periods of motition, as the sea doth, which we see doth not answer neither. Farther, there is more resemblance, & agreement between the earth and the water, then earth and fire in respect both of motion, qualities, and place, and because they be (as Aristotle saith) symbola. For the earth is cold & dry; the water cold and moist; the fire hot & dry; the first two descending, the fire ascending, which also is in the highest sphere, as the earth in the lowest, with the water next it, and then the air. Therefore the motion of choler should more differ from phlegm then from melancholy, if the humours be compared with the elements. And now that the Pope intercalateth certain days sooner than we, and at every 130. years, quite otherwise then we, will that make no alteration in the leap year? Again, why may not any other of the three years be the fourth year as well as the leap year? CHAP. XXI. A Peroration exhorting to the abolishing of Astrological blasphemy, with an encouragement of them that have to deal in the reformation of that ungodly abuse. THus much in this Discourse to show the abuse of a counterfeit art, I have thought good to write at this time, both that they which are ignorant may be seduced no longer, & that they which be otherwise, may be stirred up, and put to an helping hand to the cleansing of Augiae stabulum, that foul dung heap, which as yet wanteth some Hercules. And if my carriage in this cause hath been such, that I may seem to have said well, I have said as I wish and would: if otherwise, I have said as I could, hoping that this good at least shall come of my pains, that others who can do better, either will bear with me, for my endeavour in so weighty a cause, accepting my good will, according to that, In magnis voluisse sat est, in matters of importance the will is to be accepted: or will be ready to second me with their best aid, remembering that good admonition of the Poet, — si quid novisti rectius istis, Candidus imperti, si non, his utere mecum. If you know better than that which is said, put to your hand, and give us your aid. The allegations and proofs that have been used, you see are not slender, or lightly to be passed over, but drawn from the best Philosophers and Divines of all ages. You may see, not what Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, and such others do judge: how good Emperors and Kings, both Christian and others, have banished all this kind: but also what Fathers, Doctors, Counsels, from time to time have thought of them: nor that only, which were notwithstanding enough. But least by any means you should hold yourselves excusable, you have hard how God himself doth sometimes threaten, sometimes taunt, ever terrify this ungodly crew. Wherefore (to them that the reformation of so great an abuse belongeth, be it spoken) if you regard not the wisdom of Philosophers, nor the authority of Emperors, yet hearken to the godly and religious counsels of Fathers and Divines; if not to them neither, because they are men, yet respect the majesty and will of God, who is in this case very jealous, and will not be mocked: Sigenus humanum, & mortalia temnitis arma, At sperate Deum memorem— If mortal men and human arms you nothing do regard, Yet fear that God, which good and bad most justly doth reward. It was some thing in the bad judge that heard the widow at last even for her importunity, neither for God's sake, nor man's sake, but even to be rid of her. In this case we are to hope better of them that are to deal in it, that they will proceed so in rooting out this superstitious relic, as shall become a good conscience, that they will take the enemies of God as their own enemies, as did David, inimici facti sunt mihi, I have counted them as mine enemies: for how can you ever be thought to love God, if you hate not his enemies? Wherefore persuade yourselves, that so much hatred as you have to this profession, or rather superstition, so much love you have to God and no more. If these things be not better looked to, no doubt it will go better with many heathen and Infidels, then with us, they shall rise up in judgement against us. Wherefore even to this we may well reply that of the Apostle: If any be not careful to condemn and expel this ungodly art, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than any infidel. Heathen Chalcas in Homer would not rely upon dreams, but that he thought they came from God, for so it appeareth by those words, Iliad. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and shall we embrace, and admit those things, by crediting them, which are only not allowed of God, but also very offensive to him, and expressly forbidden by him. For the better stirring up of our slackness, and putting some edge in us, I could wish that this vile profession had some Colleges and endowments of revenues and lands, such as the Chaldeans had in Babylon, than I doubt not but there would start up a number, that would be very nimble and helping in this cause: if not for the goodness of the cause, yet for the fatness of the spoil, which would follow their overthrow. But here we see that true in us, which was wont to be said of the Church of Rome, Curia Romana non captat ovem sine lana. The Church of Rome will never pull At sheep alone, but with the wool. And no penny, no Paternoster: but even of these reformers, if they will do any good in the cause, we will be ready to take it, according to that, abs quivis homine beneficium, never refuse a good turn at any man's hand; acknowledging so much by the warrant of our Saviour, that they that are not against us are with us. So long as this abuse remaineth, we are still in Babylon, for that is not Babylon, — ubi dicitur altam, Coctilbus muris cinxisse Semiramis urbem, Which Queen Semiramis hath fenced a goodly height and tall, With baked bricks, whereof she made an admirable wall. But that is Babylon, where babylonical superstitions are maintained or suffered, in which so long as we continue, we can never truly say cecidit Babylon: but still we have need to have that sounded in our ears, Exite de illa populus meus Revelat. 18.4. Deuteron. 18. 1●. We learn that the star-gasers are detested of God, & that for hearkening to them, the heathen were cast out of their countries, then what shall become of us? If the heathen could not scape in their ignorance, what shall become of us, who think ourselves so learned, and brag of the word: which notwithstanding, if we do not look better to these things, we had better never have known Let us not be wiser than God himself. Let us not deceive ourselves playing wily beguily, God is not mocked. If we be his scholars, let us believe: In all arts Discentem oportet credere, the scholar must believe his master. If we trust ourselves we do but deceive ourselves, as the jews did in this very case. Esay. 47.10. to whom it is there said, that their wisdom & knowledge had deceived them. Wherefore to them, who have to do in this reformation, let us say that, Esay. 47.13. Thou art wearied in the multitude of thy counsels. Let now the astrologers & stargazers, & prognosticators stand up and save thee from these things that shall come upon thee. As for the wizards & Astrologers themselves, let them hear that in the same place: they are become as stubble; the fire hath consumed them, neither shall they deliver their souls from the hand of the flame. If the heathen were cast out, and punished for these abuses, as appeareth Deuter. 18, no doubt, unless we repent, and amend these things, we must look to taste of the same cup: God hath a day of reckoning for us: let not his long suffering increase our carelessness: he is not slow as some men count slowness, Veniet et non tardabit, his arm is not so shortened, but he can reach us. As yet he knocketh at thy heart by his word: but if thou wilt not open, he will knock thee indeed, and bruise thee. Let us think what a dreadful thing it is to fall into the hands of the living God, if his wrath be kindled but a little, then happy are all they that put their trust in him, the words of God never return in vain, either they will mend us, or condemn us, let them not be as Cassandra's oracles rejected and despised, neither let us be as the adder stopping our ears at the voice of the charmer. But here some perhaps will reply, that though some good law were enacted to restrain this blasphemous folly, yet there were small hope of good that way, since we see how good laws are daily neglected, notwithstanding this we must not so give over. Tu ne cede malis sed contra audentius ito. To evil see thou give not place, But look it boldly in the face. Discharge thyself in making the law, and let the executor of it look to himself. It shall not be the first, good law that hath been ill kept, and by this means we shall leave a lively testimony to the world, that we have not been unmindful of our duty in this point. This 42 years we have been as men possessed of a lethargy, we have stood at a stay, and scarce gone any one step forward: we have played salomon's sluggard rolling ourselves in bed, as a door is wont upon the hinges. Wherefore at last let us wake, let us rouse ourselves, stretch out our lazy limbs, go to it with hand & foot, redeeming the time past. Let us hearken to the Revel. 3.2. be awake, and confirm the things which remain, that are ready to die, for I have not found thy works perfect before God. Let us hearken to this, lest we hear that in the next verse. If therefore thou wilt not watch, I will come to thee as a thief, and thou shalt not know in what hour I will come upon thee. Therefore as I said before, so I say again, and to use the poet's words, Iterumque iterumque monebo, I will over it again and again. This profession is Babylon, the professors are Babylonians, Exite de illa, leave her: or as the Prophet Hieremie saith, chap. 50. vers. 8. Recedite de medio illius Babel, & de terra Chaldaeorum egredimini, & estote tanquam hirci ante gregem, Come out of Babel, and show yourselves men, as it were goats before their herds, that is stoutly and without fear. And as it is in the 14. verse of the same chap. Make war against Babel round about, whosoever hath bow and arrow, bestow a shot upon her. And why? Quia peccavit contra jehovam, she hath sinned against God. Consecrate your hands upon them, happy are you, if you bruise their bones and limbs against the stones. When you have thrust them away, you have but thrust away Balaam the false Prophet, you have but thrust away balaam's ass, that dull beast: you have but thrust away the mates and confederates of devils: you have but thrust out certain Canaanites, fear them not for their great giantly stature. If we be afraid by putting away them, to put away any point of good learning, we are too simple, good letters are the things that they are very innocent of, and free from, with them shall go nothing but cozening, juggling, legerdemain, lying, fraud, and falsehood. They are not filii scientiae: they are children of the bond woman, they may not inherit with the children of the free woman, they are bastards, the sons of an hedge whore, their mother was an Hittitie. They would gladly make a show of learning, Simia quam similis turpissima bestia nobis, they are but counterfeits, off with their vizards, they are but that Asinus Camanus: of with the Lion's skin, & the ass will appear in his likeness: & you if will not, yet the asses ears will stick out to do them shame enough. Strip away the harness, and under it you shall find Patroclus, not Achilles, a counterfeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And therefore since they will be Patroclus, it were pity but they should find an Hector to encounter with them. Let them make what show of learning they can, yet will that still be true, Simia simia erit etc. an ape willbe an ape, and have a fling at his nutshells, howsoever he be appareled, and disguised. To enter their names in the book or catalogue of the learned, were but to yoke an Ox and an ass together. To bestow or allow them any thing for lying, were but to take the children's bread, and hurl it to the dogs, which are not worthy to eat the crumbs under the table. What do we stop, why do we stay, what perils do we cast, do we look what themselves will say? will we make the thief the judge? We have heard Moses & the Prophets, and will not that serve, unless we hear some from the dead? For authorities, & testimonies I think sufficient have been produced: if any look for more, I can say no more but this, aut hoc testium satis est, aut nihil erit. An appendix to the 8. Chapter, proving that their predictions cannot be true, as not being comprehensible by reason of these inferior causes, which being many, much altar the working of the superior causes, which also is confirmed by abundance of testimonies of their best Astrologers. ALthough it were granted that these inferior bodies are diversely affected, and wrought this way & that way by the heavens, which I think need not be denied, yet notwithstanding I think the ginger should be smally believed here for his false predictions, and that for two causes chiefly. First because there is such variety, or rather confusion of the powers of heaven, & heavenly causes, that the knowledge of them is altogether impossible, and incomprehensible for three causes; namely, first for the multitude of stars; secondly by reason of the proper force of every star, sign, and part of heaven; thirdly by reason of certain altetations which happen to the planets. For the number of the stars, we know they are so innumerable & incomprehensible, that no man is able to say what portion of them is, whether the one half or the third part, quarter, or such like. Yet Mathematicians in this point have defined thus far, that if all the concavity of the eight sphere were filled with stars primae magnitudinis, it would contain 71209600, that is 70 millions, 209 thousand, and 600 stars. Now since the Astrologers have noted in their catalogue as known only 1028 stars, they must needs confess that they proceed by the help of a few, and a small part of heaven, making the knowledge of the rest to be idle as it were, and to no purpose, and measuring the knowledge of those, which are known only by the view of the eye. For whereas they attribute the first 4. qualities to the planets by their light, greatness, quality and distance of the fixed stars, they do not so determine, but of them pronounce by their colours, this to be of the nature of Saturn; another of Mars; another of Venus, and so forth. Farther, it is agreed upon among the Astrologers and Mathematicians, that Saturn in bulk containeth the earth 91 times; jupiter 95 times; Mars once and half; the Sun 167 times; Venus the 37 part; Mercury the 21 part; the Moon the 39 part. Moreover they affirm, that the stars of the first greatness, as they term them, do contain the earth 107 times; of the second greatness 90 times; of the third 70 times; of the fourth 54 times; of the fift 35 times; of the sixth 18 times, which notwithstanding are the least that can be discerned by the eye. So the whole number of stars distinguished by their bulk and greatness is 1008; to which if you add 5 more called nebulosoes, and 9 called obscuros, you have the full number of noted stars 1022. Now if in considering the hugeness of these bodies, man's wit faileth; if in so great distance all wax dim to him, how shall he be able to judge any thing at all of their substance, qualities and powers? The Sun and Moon, say they, work upon these inferior matters; but the other stars have the same nature & substance, the other therefore work and govern in the same manner. Be it so then: yet the operations of the Sun and Moon are evident, & nothing belonging to predictions. And whereas they say the other stars are of the same nature, which the Sun and Moon are of, their meaning (I think) is, that they are hot, bright, celestial, divine, and such like. But here the question is not of the nature of the stars, but of their effects. But grant that not only the Sun and Moon, but also all other stars work, what skilleth their working, if we know not what they work? But in that they say all work, because they are of the same nature, doth most of all disprove predictions, since they cannot tell the force of any one star, much less the number of all. Farther, the difference of signs is so manifold, and infinite, that no man is able to comprehend them. As for the error which cometh by the alteration of their forces, which followeth chiefly the variety of the motion of the planets, that of all others is the greatest. The reason and necessity of this error riseth hence, that this alteration reacheth so far, that the planets by variety of motion remit, or intent, not only their proper, and essential force, but often quite change it to the contrary, becoming of good bad; of favourable malign; of fortunate dismal, and contrary. Hence come those idle names of retrogradation, station, velocity, longitude, latitude, aspect, combustion, direction, progression, revolution, and such like, with a great many more than I have named. Another chief cause of Astrological lies is, that by reason of their infinite variety, those things can never be comprehended, which do remit, change, and abolish the force and working of the stars, as in their general predictions concerning Empires, kingdoms, countries, nations, towns, that general mutability, and inconstancy of this inferior world being always mutable and transitory. In the nativities of men, the nature of the seed, the accidents in the womb, the birth hour, nourishment, education & institution, the will, advise, and such like, which are not to be neglected, but diligently weighed. Of those things that go before the nativity, although I have said somewhat before, yet it will not be amiss to hear what Ficinus saith upon a book of Plotinus entitled Vtrum stellae aliquid agant, the things to be considered are in number five. First the nature of the parents & the seed, & sowing time, which seed & sowing time dependeth more of the nature, imagination, and voluntary motion of parents, then of any constellation. Secondly, the time when the seed in the mother waxeth stiff, & glewish, which alteration in the seed followeth the condition of the seed & parents, rather than the constitution of heaven. Thirdly, the time of quickening, which is not in all alike, but in some sooner, in some later. Fourthly, the time when the child before birth, striveth and struggleth to untie and free itself from the bonds in the mother's womb, which losing lieth more in the strength of the child, and mother, then in the habit of heaven. Fiftly, the time of birth, which dependeth chiefly of the force and strength of the child, and mother. Again, the position of heaven was not the same at the conception, quickening, and birth. By which differences, if the temperament and constitution of our body be altered, then must needs the ginger hold himself not to the bare constitution of heaven in the nativity, but fly withal to these other times, and not pronounce any thing before he hath conferred all the times together. But as these times, and their causes are unknown; so especially we cannot tell what is made of them being all put together. Whence must needs proceed error, which the Astrologers notwithstanding either know not, or dissemble, supposing the birth hour alone to be sufficient for their predictions. In the education is to be considered the diversity of countries, and custom; for in England, Italy, France, Spain, & Germany, is not the same manner of education: secondly is to be considered the variety of feeding. Neither do all of the same country use the same diet and feeding, but rich folks one way, and poor folks another, and in deed every one as they can. Now if he be deceived both in things before births, & in births, & in the education after, how can he ever judge aright of the temperament, which belongeth rather to the physician, then to the ginger. For the physician by probable signs judgeth the temperament not only of the whole body, but of every part, as if he see one given to anger, rage, brawling, he by and by judgeth him to be choleric; if dull, heavy, drowsy, phlegmatic, whereas the ginger judgeth of choler by the constitution of Mars; of melancholy by Saturn; of blood by jupiter, and so in the rest. Yet this mad stuff they seek to fortify out of one or two misconstrued places of Hypocrates, Galen, & Aristotle, so ridiculous & far from the purpose, that they bewray their own poverty too much: but they that lack better fuel, must burn such as they can get, if it be but sheep's trundles and cowdung. Next education cometh institution, whose force is not only confessed of all wise men, but proved by experience. By institution and government a man often embraceth not that which the Astrologers pick out of heaven, but that which their parents, friends, Tutors & Guardians shall think fittest, or that which themselves love. It often falleth out, that a man borne to learning and philosophy, by institution is made a soldier; and he that was a soldier naturally, is advanced to be a king. Many that are naturally nought by institution are reclaimed. Zopyrus reading the destiny of Socrates, and uttering many things contrary to his virtues, was hissed at for his labour of the bystanders: but Socrates answered for him, that naturally he was such a one, if good bringing up had not got the upper hand of nature. So long as Nero harkened to Seneca, he was well accepted and taken of all. Next to our bringing up come our actions, desires, and business, in which is chief to be considered the custom of countries, which we know to be guided, not by any natural necessity or power of stars; but by laws customs, examples, discipline, by the quality and opportunity of the place, or by a man's own consultation & opinion. Where there is no punishment, there even the better sort will offend: but where there is sharp and due correction, even the naturally bad will refrain from offence. By imitation of the good many daily become good; and ill by imitation of the ill, what star soever they be borne under. So for occasion and opportunity, no star maketh fishers and hunters, where there is no occasion of fishing & hunting. Again, what star soever men be borne under, they will fall to fishing and hunting, if occasion serve, and need force them. Now thus much having been said generally of those things, which not only trouble, but quite overthrow the judgement of Astrologers, it will not be amiss to show what not only ancient Ptolemy, but also those later men of the same profession, Wolphius, Pontanus, Ficinus and Cardan himself have thought in this point. Not far from the beginning of the first book of the Quadripartite, Ptolemies words are these; Concerning nativities, and several temperaments, many other things concur, which altar the case in mixtures. First, the diversity of seed hath great force to bring forth of his own kind; so great, that in the same air, and horizon, every sort of seed holdeth to his own kind; man's to men; horses to horses. Notwithstanding I remember that Ludovicus Vives in his first book de anima reporteth it to be very ordinary with the women in Naples, & in Belgica Batavia, having conceived of their husbands, to bring forth very monstrous beasts, which he imputeth partly to their diet, and feed, as being much upon Cabbage, and such like; and partly to some imperfection and uncleanness of the mother. For by the like imperfection we see the earth alter, and corrupt the seed cast into it, bringing suldars and smuttie gear in steed of good wheat. But of this I have said before cap. 7. Again the diversity of countries causeth no small difference in nativities, though the seed be of the same kind, as of diverse men: and though the state of heaven be the same, yet by diversity of countries, here is great difference both in minds and bodies. Farther, though these things were not, yet education and custom would cause great difference. A little after his words be as follow; We may not think that all things happen to men from heaven, as it were by an immutable and divine decree, or by a law that forced particulars, & could not be resisted, for the course of heaven is for everimmutable, but these inferior things are natural, & mutable. As for men, to them happen many things by reason of a general constitution, not for any proper quality of the particular nature; as when by reason of great changes, or alterations in the air, which can hardly be avoided, as it falleth out in great drouthes, plagues, deluges, where we still see the inferior and particular causes give place to the superior, and more general. By these places of Ptolemy we may perceive, that though a man by his particular nativity, is to live so long, or to die thus, yet if there come a pestilent constitution, it may sweep him away with others, before the time by his nativity. Why? because that pestilent constitution hath a more general, and mighty cause, which must needs oversway the particular cause of the nativity. So if there be an hundred in a ship, who by their several nativities, should all die at several times, and several deaths: yet they are often all cast away at once, by reason of the general and stronger cause which raised the tempest, and prevaileth against all the particular causes of their several nativities. The like may be said of other causes. But to return to Ptolemie again, in the third book of the Quadrip. his words be these: The universal causes are of more force and efficacy, then particular causes. Which words of Ptolemie many learned Mathematics, Philosophers, & Astrologers do so interpret, as if particular predictions were nothing worth. Among the rest Pontane hath these words: They which descend to particular predictions, are derided of Ptolemie himself, because it cannot be, but that their conjectures and observations must needs fail in this behalf. Of the use of Astrology Wolphius saith: By the circumstances of regions, countries, laws, education, parents, times, place, that which was decreed by the stars, is often changed, and altered. There is such an intricate variety of human actions, trades and cases, that it is impossible to pierce and enter into the particulars. Again, the same author: Neither in the mean time can we deny, but there are very plausible arguments brought against the art, for example, the swiftness of heaven, the uncertainty of the conception, and birth hour, the dissimilitude of manners, and fortune, of twins, which follow the one; the other in no more distance perhaps then we may err from the point of the nativity, either by negligence or difficulty of observation. To these ad shipwreck, fires, sacks of cities, plagus, destructions of whole armies; for it is not like that so many thousand had the same Horoscopus, or that their constellations agreed upon the same hour: farther we may consider the nativities of a number borne at the same time, either in the same place, or divers, of which some proved Kings, some beggars, some learned, some rude, and idiots, some men, some women, some tall, some dwarves, with innumerable such differences. To the same purpose Ficinus upon Plotinus: To conclude, saith he, howsoever the matter goeth, it is very hard to judge of things to come: for if we know not what new thing is made by the mixture of natural things, much less do we know what new thing riseth by the project of the star-beames. Certainly, when the Astrologers confess, that by the conjunction of two beams, another thing is made then by one beam alone, they must needs farther confess, that by the medley of the beams of all the Planets, is bred a far other matter, then when two only join. Which happeneth also much more, when not only all the Planets, but the whole infinity of stars concur. But when more causes concur to an action, the harder is the judgement, because neither are all the causes comprehended, neither if they were all comprehended, doth it by and by appear, what new thing proceedeth of the multitude, especially since we must take heed in judging not only celestial, but also elemental causes, with the concurrence of things contingent, which also both Ptolemie meaneth, and chargeth. Cardan book 1. chap. 3. upon the Quadripartite, doth plainly confess predictions to be lewd and false, and full of uncertainty, because many stars are unknown. Farther, the motion or course of them that are known, is either unknown, or uncertain. And in the nativity of Cl. Lavallus, Often (saith he) have I said, that all which is said must be understood, if the general constitutions resist not, as wars, shipwrecks, plagues, famine, sedition, laws. But Ptolemie is the best interpreter of himself. It cannot be (saith he) that by art o●e may pronounce particular events, neither doth sense apprehend a particular, but a certain general form of sensible things. Wherefore in handling these things we must follow only conjecture, for by inspiration only do men foretell particulars. Hence it may seem likely, that Ptolemie writ the Quadripartite, not purposely to teach the art, but to show that there is indeed no Astrology, & if there be any, that it is such, as is described by him, having no certainty, but made to the shame & derision of Astrologers and their art. In a word the Arabians and jews that have writ of Astrology, do all agree, as witnesseth Aben Ezra cap. 1. de nativitat. That, whatsoever heaven hath decreed, need not come to pass, either because the matter is not fit to receive the influence, or because human affairs depend much upon our will, or because particular destinies, are overcome of the general. Or lastly, because divine providence being above destiny, doth otherwise ordain, a●d dispose of things, than the ordinary course of heaven affordeth. Thus you see that Aben Ezra hath spoken to the Bill, though small to the liking of divers of the profession. For which some of them, no doubt will be ready to spur him that question of the Poet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Why hast thou let such speeches fall, As cannot choose but spoil us all. But since Ptolemy, Ficinus, Wolphius, Pontanus, Cardan, and the rest of those Foelices animae, heroical spirits, combine with him, he will easily answer such a question. But what do we look for? When these great fencers have played their prices, can we not be content, except we see what Sauga and Cimaleo will say, and the base crew of them that can do nothing▪ but set a figure, and turn an Ephemerideses? You have confitentem reum, you may proceed to judgement at your pleasure. Now that they have condemned themselves, do you look that they should execute themselves too? That were too much, & perhaps it is not in their constellations. To show farther the infirmities, or rather impossibilities of their art, we might here stand upon a very great and necessary point, which as yet themselves can by no means agree upon, and which of all others should be chiefly agreed upon, that is the division of their twelve houses. In which it is wonder to see how infinitely they vary; some using the vertical circle; some the circle of position; others the parts of the equator, and that very diversely; some also following this man; some that; some Ptolemy; some Aben Ezra; some Aben Moab; some Regiomontanus; some Campaine, and so forth. If any shall say that this variety is nothing, so that we follow some one, he is much deceived, and showeth his ignorance. For joannes de Roias' in his third book in Planisphaerio, confesseth the contrary, in these words. But saith he in such variety of opinions, whom we may boldly follow, I cannot tell, only thus much I can say, that it is a matter of moment, which way we follow this or that. These things being thus, may we not well conclude, with Cornelius Agrippa, that this art, is nothing but deceitful conjectures of superstitious people, which by long experience have made an art of incertainties; whereby to get a few beggarly pence, they might deceive others, as they are deceived themselves. FINIS. TO THE READER. Among other 'scapes, gentle Reader, there are two of more importance: the one committed in a place of Philo, pag. 8. lin. 24. which you may help, if in steed of, The logical part to the fence and hedges, serving to defend the plants, and the plants to bear fruit, so say they, etc. you read, The logical part to the fence and hedges, but the moral part to the fruit, affirming that the hedges and fences round about, are made only for the safety of the fruit, but the plants to bear fruit, so say they, etc. The other escape is pag. 107. lin. 26. Where the whole sentence, beginning at, But whereas the Mandrag, etc. to the end of the first line upon the page follow-must be transposed to the 22. line of the 108. pag. to come in before that, Now that which most aggravateth, etc. The rest correct thus. Pag. 8. lin. 6. Abraham read Abram. p. 8. l. 22. fuit read fruit. p. 9 6. causes. r. cases. pag. 12. l. 2. motio r. nation. p. 13. l. 27. deal, such. p. 14. 13. dodeo●emoriani r. dodecatemorianis. p. 22. l. 20. are bounded. r. are not bounded. p. 23. l. 16. further help. further or help p 33. l. 13 concortion. r. concoction. p. 57 l. 25. sen. fen. p. 63. l. 14. inscriptio. r. inscription. p 73. l. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 77. l. 18. pursuits. r pursnets. p 80. l. 28. would. r. should. 84. l. 14. substantionaliter. r. substantialiter. p. 90. l. 11. sight r. site. p. 105. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 107. 12. goeth nine days. r goeth nine months p. 107. l. 23. that year was. r. this year was p. 117. l. 24 are only. r. are not only p. 118. l. 7. the fourth sign. r. the third sign. p. 121. l. 14. upon the sun. r. upon the moon. p. 123. l 6. and in his. r. as in his. ASTRONOMIAES ENCOMIUM: A joanne Chambero ante annos 27. peroratum, quo tempore Ptolemaei Almagestum, in alma Vniversitate Oxonien. publice enarravit. LABOUR ET CONSTANTIA LONDINI, Excudebat joannes Harisonus. 1601. TO THE READER. Courteous and gentle Readers, that the difference of sergeant Astrology, and lawful Astronomy may the better appear, I have thought good to publish with my Treatise against Astrology an Oration, or speech which I pronounced in the schools at Oxford 27. years ago, when I read the Astronomy Lecture there. By which you may understand, that the commendation of Astronomy, and the crimination, or reprehension of Astrology may well stand together, the one being a most liberal and learned science, the oath a mere unlearned, and witless babble. Wherefore I have not, as some haply would suspect, with the satire in the fable, blown hot and cold out of the same mouth. For these two things being so distinct & different, may be easily so handled, that the repreh●sion of the one shallbe no blemish at all to the other. Although I think th●se men could wish, that I had given Astronomy a blow too, that so they might catch better hold of me. But how far I am from disgracing or malicing any good art, may appear by this speech, which was delivered well-nigh thirty years before this Treatise was intended. Now that their counterfeit is discarded, they will no doubt no lo●ger care wh●t becometh of Astronomy, no more than did the quean, 1 King. 3. who having lost her own child, could very willingly see the other child divided But as she was an unnatural quean for her labour, so shall these men too much disclose their ill humour. That yourselves may be the better able to judge in this controversy, it were well that you acquainted yourselves with those ancient and sound Mathematicians Euclid, Archimed, Ptolemy, and the like, bid a long farewell to these late dimies and epitomies, which have already well-nigh spoiled all good learning. For th●t which cannot be related without grief, I know some famous Universities, which banishing those ancient Authors, have caused by public order to be read and interpreted in steed of them in their common schools, certa●ne hungry upstarts, scarce worth the naming. If this were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I know not what was. Where such changes are made, there may be gr●at fear, what will become of Arts and learning I trow. As for the changers themselves, they do too much bewray their own weakness, and may ●ustly hear that which Crassu, said of his beast eating thistles Sim●●es ha●ent labra lacturas, that is, Like will to like, quoth the devil to the Collier: till they have more skill in these Arts, it were to be wished, that the● could rule their fingers, lest they may seem according to the proverb, In alienam messem falcem immittere. Better it were for them to hearken to that in Athen. li. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So recommending these simple labours to your favourable and friendly constructions, I take my leave. ASTRONOMIAES ENCOMIUM. VEreor profecto, & non mediocriter pertimesco (doctissimi iwenes, virique gravissimi) ne hodierno die, hoc loco ad agendum ampliss. ad dicendum ornatiss. & temeritatis non parum, & audaciae plus quam velim, sit mihi subeundum: quip qui nec authoritate, nec ingenio, neque dicendi facultate satis instructus, in hac celeberrima hominum Peripateticorum frequentia, conspectu vestro multo iucundissimo, orationem de scientiarum infinitis laudibus essem habiturus. Cogitanti enim mihi, & mentis aciem in omnes partes referenti, nihil tam magnificum afferi posse visum est, nihil tam expolitum, nihil tam splendidum, quod non exile, ieiunum, atque adeo frigidum in tantorum hominum tali corona videretur: cum praesertim plurimos hic iam adesse intelligerem, qui summis ingenijs, hoc long, longeque copiosius, & ornatius praestare potuissent. Quod nisi fuisset maiorum moribus, academiae communis parentis statutis, privatae domus institutis, vestrae denique voluntati obtemperandum, libenter equidem nowm hoc & inusitatum dicendi munus in quemuis alium reiecissem, partim authoritate, praesentiaque vestra, partim rerum de quibus dicturus sum magnitudine, ac varietate perterritus. Quis enim tam frequens usus consuetudoque dicendi? quae verborum tanta, tam elaborata concinnitas, quod tantum est vspi●m flumen ingenij, ut cuiuslibet artis laudes, ne dum Astrologiae omnium artium dominae, plene possit, cumulateque complecti? Quae memoria tam firma, constans, ac diuturna, ut possit vel separatim singula, vel aceruatim omnia comprehendere? Quod orationis genus tam divinum & incredibile, tam concinna numerorum suavitate perpolitum, tam crebris verborum, & sententiarum luminibus illustratum, ut rem tantam, tam divinam pro dignitate satis praedicare possit? Verum illud inprimis laetandum iure esse video, quod in hac insolenta mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi apud eos homines acturus sum, qui ut sunt ipsi doctiss. & omnium magnarum rerum, atque artium scientiam consecuti, ita nullis de rebus quam de scientiarum laudibus audire malint. Et merito sane, nam horum praesidijs tecti potestis vera atque simplicia bona contueri, falsa autem, & insidiosa modis omnibus aspernari. Spero equidem vos non tam meam tenuitatem, quam vestram humanitatem; non tam meam inertiam, quam vestram peritiam; non tam meam in perorando infantiam, quam vestram in omni genere dicendi eloquentiam spectaturos. Si quid erit praetermissum, quod Astrologiae splendorem ullo modo augeat, id vos pro vestra singulari humanitate, dictum esse fingere. Equidem ego si dicendo Astrologiae dignitati lucem aliquam attulero, & ipsi qui hanc disciplinam admirari semper, & colere solebatis, vos non mediocriter ornatos esse cogitate. Quod si nec ego, nec quisquam alius nostris encomijs quicquam profecerimus, si rei magnitudine medio cursu obruaamur, & sic etiam vestris laudibus maximae fient accessiones, ut qui sitis ijs d●sciplinis instructissimi, quarum amplitudo tanta est, ut nulla possit orationis ubertas, nulla dicendi copia eius partem aliquam explicare. Atque haec quidem causa erit mihi in dicendo bipartita. Primum enim de dignitate atque praestantia, deinde de utilitate dicemus. Quae si magna, atque adeo maxima vobis videntur, quam vary & quam copiose dicatur expectare nolite. Ego enim multis incommodis, difficultatibusque affectus, edam quae potui, non ut volui, sed ut me temporis angustiae coegerunt, atque in dignitatis ratione inprimis offertur, ut videamus, quos maiores, quos natales, quem generis sui authorem & principem habet Astrologia: magnus sane locus & inter Mathematicos iam multum diuque versatus. Qui de hac re memoriae quicquam prodiderunt, qui literarum monumentis, quid sentirent, consignarunt, tanta sunt in varietate, & dissensione constituti, ut eorum molestum sit annumerare sententias, ut res nulla sit, de qua tantopere non solum Astronomi, sed etiam Mathematici, & omnes docti dissentiant. Principio M. Cicero, quem nemo, nec nimis valde unquam, nec nimis saepe laudaverit, huius tam praeclari muneris inventores triplices refert, Assyrios, Chaldaeos, Aegyptios: Etenim Assyrij propter planitiem magnitudinemque regionum, quas incolebant, cum coelum ex omni part patens, atque apertum intuerentur, traiectiones motusque stellarum obseruarunt quibus notatis, quid cuique significaretur, memoriae prodiderunt. Qua in natione Chaldaei, diuturna observatione syderum, scientiam putantur effecisse, ut praedici possit, quid cuique eventurum, & quo quisque fato natus sit. Eandem artem Aegyptij non ex artis, sed ex gentis vocabulo nominati, longinquitate temporum innumerabilibus pene seculis consecuti putantur. Quod si temporis ratione primi inventores existimandi sunt, erunt hi quos modo percensui, Assyrij, omnium facile primi. Idem enim Cicero, quem quadam admiratione commotus saepius fortasse, quam necesse est, nomino, author est quadringenta, & septuaginta millia annorum, in periclitandis, experiundisque pueris, quicunque essent nati, Babylonios posuisse. Ex quib. certe, si vera sunt, satis constat, huius disciplinae antiquitatem (ut eam obiter praestringam) tantam esse, ut asseueranter id affirmare quis audeat, nihil ex omni memoria, nihil ex infinita saeculorum serie extare vetustius. Hunc secutus Seneca, virtutis, probitatis singulare specimen, Thaletem primum hanc artem excoluisse testatur, unum ex septem Graeciae Sapientibus, eum, qui ut obiurgatores suos convinceret, ostenderetque etiam Philosophum, si ei commodum esset, pecuniam facere posse, omnem oleam antequam florere coepisset, in agro Milesio coemisse dicitur. Idem etiam primus defectionem solis, quae Astyage regnant facta est, praedixisse fertur. Multa de Equinoctio, de utraque Vrsa, multa de magnitudine solis, de ci●culis maioribus, minoribus scripserat: postremo lunae defectiones innumerabilibus pene saeculis praedixerat. Post Senecam Plinius, cognomento secundus, doctrinae studijs primus, vir in astrorum motibus, & omni philosophia multum diuque versatus, in eis libris, qui inscribuntur de naturali historia ad Berosum, cui Athenienses, propter divinationem, praesensionemque rerum futurarum, statuam auream in publico gymn●sio collocarunt, huius artis initia revocat. Sed ut videamus bonarum artium parentem Graeciam, in qua & nata, & alta est Philosophia: ille non intelligendi solum, sed etiam dicendi gravissimus author & magister Plato, qui in musicis, geometria, numeris, astris, se conterens, multis retroactis temporibus Athenis in academia veteri floruerat scriptum reliquit Thoth quendam Egyptiorum Deum (quem eundem nonnulli Mercurium opinantur) Aegyptios non solum astrorum scientiam, sed Geometriam etiam, & numerorum artem, ludumque talarium primum docuisse. Atque hae fere sunt Philosophorum sententiae, in quibus modo erat authoritas. Caeterorum deliramenta percensere, & longum esset, quia infinita, & molestum, quia vix anicularum lucubratione digna sunt. jam vero, ut ad fabulas veniamus, Poetae quos mendacij & vanitatis insimulandos nullo modo censeo, cum faciant Atlantis viribus coelum, sydera, supera omnia niti, hoc non solum amplissimo, & dulcissimo, sed etiam admirando genere orationis, quid significarunt aliud, quam divinum hominem, cum longinqui temporis usu nullam in coelo nec fortunam, nec temeritatem, nec errationem, nec vanitatem vidisset, certos quosdam coeli motus, ratos astrorum ordines, spatiorum definitam periodum, quibus suos quaeque cursus conficerent statuisse. Quid cum Endymionem Lunae delicias, ab eadem in monte Latmio ad multos annos consopitum memorant, suisne monumentis hominem somniculosum, aut veterno correptum immortalitati consecrare volverunt? Quasi vero quisquam esset, aut tam impudens, ut diceret, aut tam desipiens & hebes, ut crederet. volverunt proculdubio hominem dimetiendi coeli peritissimum, fabulis apte compositis, quasi quodam in tegimento obuolutum depingere, ut qui omnem Lunae varietatem acerrimo ingenio explicasset, quemadmodum tum congrediens, cum Sole, tum digrediens, & eam lucem quam a Sole accepit, mittat in terras, & vartas ipsa mutationes lucis habeat: quemadmodum subiecta atque opposita soli radios eius, & lumen obscuret, tum ipsa incidens in umbra terrae, cum est e regione Solis, interpositu, interiectuque terrae repent deficiat. Sed nolo vobis in Poetarum, ac Philosophorum suffragijs multus videri. Habetis ex omni antiquitate hominum doctissimorum sententias, quae cum tam variae sint, tamque inter se dissidentes, alterum fieri profecto potest, ut earum nulla, alterum certe non potest, ut plus una sit vera. Sed sive verae sint, sive secus, sive hoc modo, sive illo, omnes profecto hoc nomine laudandi, quod rem tantam, tam divinam in authores Deos, aut Heroas retulerunt. Melius meo judicio recentiores, melius patrum memoria PHILIP. MELANCTHON, qui vir, & quantus singulari virtutis, ac pietatis laud florentissimus. Melius nostra aetate PETRUS RAMUS, homo ad laudem insignis non omnino natus, sed ab ipso deo affectus, quem omnes amare meritissimo pro eius eximia sanctitate debemus. Melius VICTORINUS STRIGELIUS, qui multis in utraque philosophia libris praeclare aeditis, non paucis, sed omnibus, non modo suis, sed etiam exteris, non una tantum aetate, sed in multa secula, atque prope infinita consuluit. Melius SIMON, melius PACMEISTERUS, melius PEUCERUS, melius ERASMUS REINHOLDUS, quos omnes honoris causa nomino: melius innumerabiles alij, qui cum coelestem hunc admirabilem ordinem, incredibilemque constantiam vidissent, ex qua salus omnium omnis oritur, non Atlanti cum fabulis, non minorum gentium dijs cum Philosophis, sed omnium rerum, quae natura administrantur, seminatori, & satori, & parenti, ut ita dicam, atque educatori, & altori, per omnes mundi partes intento & pertinenti Deo hanc astrorum scientiam in acceptis referendam censuerunt, neque id superstitiose & aniliter, sed physice & constanti ratione. SALOMON ille, qui, ut est in divinis oraculis, utraque re excelluit, ut & doctrinae studijs, & regenda civitate Princeps esset, testatur quidem apertis verbis, & oratione bene longa, se omnia, quae ad superiorum corporum machinationem motumque pertinent, divinitus esse doctum, quo ordine caelestes sphaerae ponantur, quibus motibus agitentur singuli planetae, quibus temporum momentis signiferum orbem lustrent, quas efficiant in cursu varietates, quemadmodum nihil immutent sempiternis seculorum aetatibus, quin eadem ijsdem temporibus semper redeant. Quod si PLATO long omnium, qui scripserunt, aut locuti sunt, & copia dicendi, & gravitate princeps, cum terram universam cerneret locatam in media mundi sede solidam, & globosam, & undique ipsam in sese nutibus suis conglobatam, totiusque mundi eam esse figuram, quae omnes alias figuras complena contineret, quaeque nihil asperitatis habere, nihil offensionis potest, nihil incisum angulis, nihil aufractibus, nihil eminens, nihil lacunosum, haec inquam ille cum videret, si sententiam illam aureolam saepius usurpare non dubitavit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quid est, quin nos etiam, cum impetum caeli admirabili celeritate moveri vertique videamus, constantissime conficientem vicissitudines anniversarias, cum summa salute, et conseruatione rerum omnium, vere, & libere dicamus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? longa est oratio, multaeque rationes, quibus doceri possit, & hanc artem, & caeteras omnes ab ipso deo bonorum omnium inexhausto font promanare. Ad hanc dignitatis rationem id inprimis pertinere arbitror, quod divino semine procreata, tam claris natalibus orta, cum iam e coelo esset in terras devocata, non in tenebras se abdidit Astronomia (ut hoc verbum usu molliamus) non infimam turbam se coniecit, non rusticanis hominibus se immiscuit, sed eam inijt rationem, qua suam posset dignitatem facile tueri, lucemque suam long, lateque diffundere. Itaque regibus se & magnis viris plerumque adiunxit, eye intima, proxima familiarissima semper fuit, ut qui divini numinis consilio rem tam divinam foverent atque alerent. Quare ut altius repetam, Adamus homo primus, & vir primus, cuius imperio libenter omnia & studiose parebant, primum solis, & lunae reliquorumque syderum circuitum notavisse, astrorum ortus, obitus, versusque cognovisse putatur. Hunc secutus est Sethus, aetate quidem minor, astrorum peritia non minor. Hij duo (ut est apud josephum) cum diligenter inspecto coelo praeviderent totius mundi interitum, & vastitatem, unam dilwio, incendio alteram, duas excitarunt columnas, lateritiam hanc, illam lapideam, quibus utrique sua inventa inscripserunt, ut si lateritiam dilwio dissipari contingeret, lapidea superstes hominibus discendi copiam faceret, & quae inscripta continebat spectanda adhiberet. Haec lapidea josephi temporibus extabat in Syria. Idem etiam josephus, sed alio loco refert Abrahamum, cum audita Aegypti ubertate, illuc commigrasset, cum Aegyptijs utramque artem & numerorum illam, & astrorum istam, benign communicasse. Ad haec sanctus Lucas, cum in rebus Apostolorum praeclarissime gestis, scribat Moisen Aegyptiorum artibus instructissimum, ipse ne errat, an alios errare vult? Quid dicam de Romulo, a quo accepimus Romam auspicato conditam, cum Luna esset in iugo? Quid de Ptolemaeo, qui propter ingenium, industriam, multas literas ita fuit admirabilis, ut extra communem hominum sortem positus & collocatus videatur? Quid de Alphonso Hispaniarum rege, qui cognomento Astrologus perhibetur? Atque ut ad nostra veniamus, quandoquidem multo magis me & nostra & recentia, quam aut aliena, aut vetera delectare soleant: Quid de Ethelstano, qui, ut est in nostris annalibus, opus astrologicum eleganter & erudite scripsit. Quid Henrico eo nomine septimo, rege opulentioriue, an sapientiori non facile dixero, quoties ille dicitur solennes Christi Opt. Max. natalitia ad coeli, & astrorum modos attemperasse? Quid de eius filio, Henrico octavo, tali patre dignissimo, qui si cum reliquis no Angliae, sed totius Europae principibus conferatur, tantum supra caput extulit omnes, quantum lenta solent inter viburna cupressi. Neque sane audiendus Osorius Lusitanus, homo & sua opinione perdoctus, & aliorum judicio non indoctus, qui quinto libro de Educatione, & institutione Principis, astronomiam suo regi verbo concedit, re vera adimit. Multum temporis suum principem in hac arte consumere non patitur, veretur enim homo nimis cautus, ne si in singulis ins●stat, & immoretur, animum a corporis coniunctione diue●l●t humanos sensus repudiet, denique ne hisce studijs irretitus nequeat ulla ratione reip. consulere. At Alex●nder Magnus, quem omnes principes imitari & solent, & debent, non solum omnes coeli regiones mente definierat, syderum omnium cursus cognitione comprehenderat, sed orbem disciplinarum, quem Graeci uno verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellant, studio summo confecerat. Simile mihi fecisse videtur Epicurus, homo impurissimus in deorum natura, & Osorius in institutione principis. Epicurus enim cum invidiae detestandae gratia, pellucidos quosdam & perflabiles deos, lineamentis duntaxat extremis, non habitu solido induxisset, tandem fatetur in suo deo non esse corpus, sed quasi corpus; non sanguinem, sed quasi sanguinem. Ad eundem modum voluit Osorius suum regem non astronomum, sed quasi astronomum; non Musicum, sed quasi Musicum; non Dialecticum, sed quasi Dialecticum; & ut uno verbo dicam, nondoctum, sed quasi doctum. Sed ut Osorium cum bona p●ce dimittamus, habeamus nos Romulos, Ptolemaeos, Alexandros, habeamus Alphonsos, Ethelstanoes, Henricos, habeat ille suos quosdam fictitios & quasi pellucidos reges. Quare ut hic aliquando de dignitate locus concludatur, puto me iam vobis ostendisse Astrologiae non solum germanam patriam, sed pene incunabula, & genus, & maiorum multa vestigia: itaque reprimam me, neque persequar longius, eoque minus quo ad caetera perveniam citius. Vetus est opinio, & quae per animos iam omnium pervasit, astronomiaes quidem magnum esse nomen, magnam speciem, magnam dignitatem, sed utilitatem nullam, fructum nullum, nullum certum, et destinatum, quo referatur, finem. hanc opinionem ignavis, & bonarum artium pestibus, excutiam, ut huius amentiae fibras omnes stirpitus evellam, quae mihi de astronomiae utilitate in mentem veniunt, iam quam potero paucissimis edisseram. Vos autem, ut spero, si quam opinionem mentibus vestris comprehendistis, si eam ratio conuellat, non repugnabitis, sed eam animis libentibus remittetis. Ac mihi sane cogitanti, tot res, tam graves, tam variae occurrunt, ut verear ne ingenio, consilio sustinere non possim. Principio enim in hac utilitatis ratione, si eius amplitudinem cum caeterarum artium angustijs conferamus, videbitur profecto, aut omnes omnium laudes exaequare, aut singularum singulas mirum quantum superare. Nam caeterae artes habent quaeque suum finem solitarium atque solivagum: Rhetorice ut apte dicat ad persuadendum: Physice ut naturam, rerum principia, causasque doceat, musice, ut de canendi atque psallendi artificio, de solertissima modorum ratione disputet, quemadmodum ex acuto & gravi sono medijs interuallis aptissima ratione coniunctis, dulcis concentus eliciatur. At Astronomia non tantum Solis & Lunae, reliquorumque syderum ortus, obitus motusque, quo quidem tempore eorum futurum sit docet, sed eas etiam artes, quas modo percensui, & caeteras omnes mirifice adiwat, ita quidem ut huius splendore destituti, crassissimis quasi alicuius nactis tenebris offundantur. Solem e coelo tollere videntur, qui e bonarum artium comitatu hanc de coelo doctrinam eximunt. enim sol multis partibus maior quam terra, omnes stellas clarissima luce collustrat: sic ista disciplina caeteras artes largo quasi lumine replens, earum dignitatem atque splendorem supra quam dici potest, tuetur & auget. Scitum est ergo illud PLATONIS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Censebat vir divinus non geometriae solum, sed Astronomiae etiam, caeteraeque matheseos ignaros a Philosophorum scholis, atque subsellijs longissime arcendos. Hoc praeceptum Platonis Zenocrates arctissime per omnem vitam tenuit. Etenim cum quidam mathematum imperitus eius auditor esse vellet, abi (inquit) ansas non habes philosophiae. Aristoteles, quem omnibus locis principem, quem Homerum, quem Deum Philosophorum recte dixero, suis ubique scriptis mathemata quaedam, quasi quodammodo gemmas, & emblemata aspergit. Quare Themistius, aut quis alius (non enim recte memini, neque sane multum refert scire, quod illi nomen fuerit) is igitur cum vedisset quendam, qui eruditum illum mathematicorum pulverem nunquam attigisset, Aristotoles ut aliquid addisceret, assidue versantem, quid inquit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? tam fuit sanctum non Platonicis solum, sed etiam Peripateticis Philosophiae principia atque fundamenta in Astronomia, & mathematicis elementis ponere. lam vero historia vitae magistra, qua religio adversus Deum, pietas in parents, charitas in singulos, justitia in omnes praedicatur, nisi per Astronomiam stetisset, quam esset legenti squallida, quam sine omni iucunditatis sensu horrida? Hinc historia duos debet, quos habet praestantissimos oculos, locorum ac temporum descriptionem. Nam locorum descriptio, ut de hac primum dicamus, non perspecto, et pertractato coelo, quaenam esse potest, immo vero potius quae omnino Cosmographia, quae Geographia, cuius rei ignoratio tanta est etiam hody apud nos, ut nonnulli Oceanum flumen, Hiberiam urbem esse putent; apud exteros, quod a peregre redeuntibus saepius audivi, ut totam Angliam pagum aliquem, Londinum vero orbis partem bene magnam opinentur. Pari inscitia, sed maiori malitia Osorius Lusitanns, in quo neque modum, neque modestiam ullam animaduerto contra Haddonum gravissimum atque doctissimum virum, contendit a Roma propius abbess Angliam quam Hispani●m. Qui etiamsi quantum credat, tantum posset, id tamen licet omnem suum salem in ludendo consumpserit, nunquam efficiet, ut vel Hispania longius recedat, vel nos ad Romam propius accedamus. Cum igitur Hispanos multo maiori interuallo ab illa urbe, quam nos disiunctos esse dicat, id si generatim de tota Hispania intelligat, male profecto regionum situs, & interualla didicit: sin remotiorem aliquam Hispaniae partem intellexerit, ut Lusitaniam, tergiversatur omnino, & migratur vir gravissimus. Sed dabit fortasse idque brevi novas aliquas orbis descriptiones, dabit novam Angliam, nonum Romam, novam Hispaniam, alias enim nunquam id obtinebit, de quo tantopere contendit. Caeterum invita in hoc loco versatur oratio; videtur enim in aliorum vitijs notandis nimis curiosa, & recte videretur, nisi iste me locus admoveret, ut de hac materia pauca quaedam adiungerem. Quare ut eo redeat, unde digressa est oratio, Geographiam, cuius in historijs infinitus est usus, nullo modo percipere possumus, nisi de coeli & terrae partitione, de utriusque horum inter se habitudine, de zonis, climatis, parallelis, necessaria quaedam anticipatafuerint. Atqui sublata coeli contemplatione, ista nec doceri, nec addisci possunt, obeamque causam, nec Geographia, quae ad ista tanquam adminicula adnititur. jam vero qui ignota temporum ratione historias intelligere se posse confidit, perinde facit acsi quis Labirynthi errores sine duce evadere velit. Nisi enim Ariadnes loco adsit, & (ut Poetae verbis utar) caecaregat vestigia filo, inter historiarum innumerabiles aufractus, & quasi maeandros, incertus, nec intelligit unde coeperit, quo recurrat, qui se tandem expedire poterit. Hac duce non modo ipsi nos non erramus, sed aberrantes historicos in viam saepe diducimus. Quod si a scientissimis astrologis finitus est dies, mensis, annus, si ij de intercalandi ratione, de epactis, de aureo, quem vocant, numero, in omne posterum tempus verissime praedixerunt, parum ne constat quam sit horum ars utilis ad historiam. Quid porro de medicina dicam, quam multa, obseruato coelo, de incidenda vena, de diebus criticis, de toto genere curandi praecipit, quae si ignoret medicus, num eum valere, an aegrotare dicemus? Ad haec poetice, quae ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 liceat, Omne tulit punctum quia miscuit utile dulci. Habet illa quidem suos sibi peculiares astrorum ortus & occasus, quosdam cosmicos, chronicos alios, alios heliacos. Neque Poetae solum notis coelo impressis ad temporum momenta discriminanda utuntur, sed aeque profecto, vel multo etiam magis rei rusticae scriptores, ut nemo possit Hesiodum, Virgilium, Columellam, Plinium, infinitos alios ad suam utilitatem legere, nisi fuerit astronomiae sacris diligenter initiatus. Possent haec quae a me iam breviter, strictimque dicuntur, fuse quidem, & copiose omnibus electissimis verbis, gravissimisque sententijs rhetorice, & augeri, & ornari, sed quo fui in ceteris longior, eo in istis sim oportet brevior. Ex his ut spero, videtis, in hac superiorum corporum doctrina, quanta sit vis, quantae oportunitates ad id, ut ceterae artes non ornentur solum, sed etiam addiscantur, sine qua labascant necesse est, atque concidant, si non omnes, at saltem pleraeque, si ne id quidem, at profecto optimae. Neque sane dubito, quin satis iam tandem intelligatis, quanta sit eorum temeritasue, an inscitia, an utrumque, qui Astronomiam, & omnia mathemata despiciant, atque pro nihilo putent, ut quae delectationis sint, et otij consumendi potius, quam ullius fructus, aut emolumenti, ut quae in otio valeant, in negotio nihil possint. In hac opinionis pravitate primus fuit Aristippus, philosophus bene mollis, et delicatus, qui ut est tertio metaph. libro, mathematicas artes vehementer agitabat. Hunc secutus est Epicurus turpissimus homuncio, cuius etiam nomen invidiosum est, & infamiae subiectum. Is posteaquam o●scoenae corporis voluptati constringendum se dedisset, cuius iucundissimo motu, & quasi titillatione sensus hiarent, totam Geometriam falsam esse dicebat. Simili perversitate hody Carpentarius pontificius omnem mathesim insectatur, ut vere mihi id videar esse, quod, quodam in loco Cic. de Philosophis, nihil esse tam absurdum, quod aliquis pontificius non defenderit. Carpentarius cum in hac causa nihil dicat non modo Philosophia, sed etiam mediocri prudentia dignum, a Petro Ramo non mathematico solum magno, verum etiam caeteroque perdocto viro gravissimis verbis reprehenditur. Ad huius opinionis vanitatem, & errorem elevandum, posse vobis Archimedem, Epimachum, Architam, & complures alios commemorare, qui machinis artificiose fabricatis, suas quique civitates iacentes excitarunt, afflictatas recrearunt, omni crudelitate laceratas restaurarunt. Possem multis exemplis ex omni antiquitatis memoria petitis me artis contemplationem reprehendere, quibus in praesenti supersedendum esse putavi: unum tamen illud silentio praetermittere, nec quia breve est, volui, nec quia jucundum potui, nec quia ad hoc propositum aptum, ullo modo debui. Pythes (ut author est Polyaenus) auri, argentique venis inventis, totam pythopolim auro inquirendo, fodiendo, purgando defatigabat, caeteris operibus omnibus omissis penitus, & satio, & agriculture, & vitium curatio, & reliqua ad vitae cultum necessaria cessabant opificia. Quod cum grave civibus, ac perniciosum erat, mulieres omnes ad unum, uxorem Pythae adierunt, orarunt, ut apud virum ea de re ageret. Quas cum bono animo esse iussisset, aurifici mandavit, ut varia cibaria, dapes, bellaria, ex auro summa arte fingeret. Pythes sub noctem, domum rediens, coenam petit, uxor auream mensam apponit, in qua solidioris cibi nihil erat, omnia tamen egregie conquisitissimas epulas ementiebantur. Pythes collaudata uxore, & artis imitationem admirans, postulabat aliquid ad vescendum, cui illa eiusdem generis alia identidem offerebat, tandem vero indignanti marito & se fame enectum, asseveranti respondit. At tu neglecta agricultura, in qua sunt maxima momenta, ad bene vivendum, nihil aliud, quam ut aurum foderetur curasti, quod mutile plane futurum est, nisi agrorum cultione, & rei rusticae studio, fruges, plantae, pecudes, partim ad usum hominum, partim ad fructum, partim ad vescendum necessariae procurentur. Hac suae uxoris subtili urbanitate stultitiam suam edoctus Pythes, agriculturam, & alia opera, a quibus iam diu esset feriatum, rursus permisit. Parabolam videtis, quam vestra intelligentia fretus, non interpretabor, tantum dicam non debere nos contemplationis auro captos, actionem negligere, quandoquidem, ut virtutis, sic artis laus omnis in actione consistit. Itaque praeclare Mar. T. Cic. in Officijs, sicut ubique cognitio, contemplatioque naturae manca quodammodo est, si nulla actio rerum consequatur. Multa dicenda sunt, & tamen multa dicuntur. Illud vero quam non paucis utile, sed universo hominum generi salutare, quod ad praepotentis Dei cognitionem capiendam, hac coeli & Astrorum inspectione, nihil habet nec natura, nec ars valentius, nihil aptius. Quis enim est, vel quotusquisque, quem ordo syderum, & in omni aeternitate constantia, quem admirabili varietate & pulchritudine distinctum, & excultum coelum, quem decentissima rerum omnium inter se consentiens natura, fateri non cogat, tanti operis & muneris moderatorem, & architectum, Deum? Primusque sol, qui astrorum obtinet principatum, inflectens cursum suum tum ad septentriones, tum ad meridiem, aestates & hyemes efficit, & hisce duobus alia duo interiecta tempora. Huius annuos cursus spatijs menstruis luna consequitur, cuius species ac forma mirifice mutatur, tum crescendo, tum defectibus in initia recurrendo, habetque in cursu, & brumae quandam, & solstitij similitudinem. Maxime vero admirabiles sunt motus quinque planetarum, quae etiamsi errare dicantur, eosdem tamen in omni aeternitate servant progressus, reliquosque motus constantes & ratos. Multa mirabiliter efficiunt, tum antecedendo, tum retardando, tum vespertinis temporibus delitescendo, tum matutinis serursum aperiendo, nihil immutant sempiternis saeculorum aetatibus. Quae qui videat non indocte solum, verum etiam impie faciat, si numen aliquod praestantissimae mentis, praesens & praepotens, quo haec omnia regantur, non agnoscat. Quid quod iucunditas tanta est, ut omnes omnium artium suavitates, & oblectamenta, si ex altera part ponantur, ne apparerent quidem. Haec contemplationis suavitas, quae mentis nostrae quasi pabulum optime dicatur, corporis voluptati, quam sensus accipiens movetur, & iucunditate perfunditur, & quae Epicuro, & passeribus omnibus notissima est, tantum anteire videtur, ut ea ne in conspectu quidem relinquatur. Etenim corporis voluptas, quae cil o & potione, & aurium delectatione capitur, quae & parva est, & non necessaria, & qua etiam carere possumus, fluit illa quidem, & prima quaeque avolat, saepiusque causas poenitendi relinquit, quam recordandi. Haec autem studij, & commentationis suavitudo, & constantior est, & permanentior, neque nos semel, nec ad breve tempus, sed & saepe sane, & diutissime oblectatur. Quod si sua cuique naturae actio iucundissima est, ut natare piscibus, modulari lusciniae, non dubium est quin homines eximia quadam voluptate afficiantur, cum coelum intueantur & suspiciant, magnitudine immensum, splendore clarissimum, ordinata varietate pulcherrimum, constantia & stabilitate firmissimum. Videtur solertissima natura, cum coeteras animantes ad pastum abiecisset, solum hominem erectum, & excelsum finxisse, & ad coeli, quasi cognationis, domicilijque pristini conspectum excitasse, ut hoc spectaculo apparatissimo vitae mala infinita levaret, atque minueret. Imperitorum vulgus miratur quidem, & exclamat etiam, & mirifice delectatur, si quando sphaeram viderit, cuius singulae conversiones idem efficiant in sole, & luna, & quinque errantibus, quod efficitur in coelo singulis diebus ac noctibus. At quanta maiori voluptate summi illius cali stelliferi nos permulcebit, praesertim cum multis partibus sunt haec perfecta, quam illa simulata solertius. Restant rerum futurarum praedictiones & praesensiones, quae cum utilitatis speciem amplam, & illustrem prae seferant, eius tamen veram rationem tantum abest, ut assequantur, ut longo sane interuallo post relinquantur. Novi Astrologorum mores, novi genus, quam sint difficiles homines, quam morosi, quam importuni, eorum tamen bona venia aliquid dicam, non ut eis bilem commoueam, sed ut eos suae vanitatis commoneam. Quantum ego divinare possum, divinatio nulla est. Si enim sit, vel earum rerum est, quae sensibus perciptuntur, vel earum, quae arte tractantur, non corum quae sub sensus judicium cadunt, nec enim qui oculis captus est, potuit unquam, quae alba, quae nigra dicere, nec qui surdus varietates vocum, aut modos noscere. at ne eorum quidem, quae arte continentur, quanquam ad aegros, non Astrologos, aut hariolos, sed medicos solemus adducere; nec vero qui tibijs aut fidibus uti volunt, ab Astrologis accipiunt earum tractationem, sed a musicis. Eadem in literis ratio est, reliquisque rebus, quarum est disciplina. Quid de Astronomia? Num quis Astrologum consuluit, sol maiorne quam terra sit; an tantus, quantus videatur; Lunaque suo lumine an solis utatur; Sol, Luna, quem motum habeant; quem quinque stellae, quae errare dicuntur? ad Astronomos haec, non ad Astrologos referri solent. Quid quae a Geometris tractantur; num quis eorum divinare potest, quae sit duplicatio cubi; quae quadratura circuli? Geometrarum est ista prudentia. Num tandem Astrologus de sphaera & Cylindro, melius quam Archimedes; de impendente tempestate melius, quam gubernator; de morbi natura acutius, quam medicus, de optimo reipub. statu, melius quam principes & delecti viri, periti rerum civilium, unquam praecipiet? Quod si ad nihil horum adhibetur Astrologia, primum quae sit; & si sit, quis eius usus, quarum rerum sit, nihil prorsus intelligo. Omitto praedictiones & notationes cuiusque vitae ex natali die. Atque ne illud quidem concedam eis ut praedicere possint, quali quisque natura, & ad quam quisque rem maxime aptus futurus sit. Nam caetera quae profitentur nego ullo modo posse sciri. At aliquando vera dicunt, eorum ars eventu nonnunquam comprobatur. Nec quis est, qui totum diem iaculans, non aliquando collimet, quid est tam incertum quam talorum iactus, tamen nemo est, quin saepe iactans, Venereum aliquando iaciat, nonnunquam etiam iterum, ac tertium. Num igitur ut inepti, Veneris id fieri impulsu malumus, quam casu dicere? Non lubet exempla commemorare, vobis praesertim, qui quotidie videtis omniafere contra, ac ab eis dicta sunt, accidere. Sed ne in immensum excrescat oratio, istis in praesenti modum terminabo. Vos igitur rogo, & quidem valde rogo, atque hortor, si ad bonarum artium vel perfectionem, vel etiam mediocritatem pervenire velitis, ut in haec Astronomiae, & omnis Mathesis studia olim extincta, iam denuo excitata & renovata, acrius tota mente incumbatis. Si dignitatem spectetis, est divino semine suscepta, a primarijs viris, & regibus semper exculta. Caeterae artes magnifice iactant, & intolerantissime gloriantur, & sibi valde placent; ars imperatoria, quod Martem; musica, quod Apollinem; eloquentia quod Mercurium in suis natalibus habeat. Caeterum cedat Mars Deo, cedat militaris scientia, & omnes artes Astronomiae. Quod si utilitatem quaeratis, ea quidem tanta est, ut nulla maior in vita cogitari possit: cum enim coelum consideramus, & contemplamur, erigimur, latiores fieri videmur, humana despicimus, cogitantesque supera atque coelestia, haec nostra ut exigua, & minima contemnimus. Indagatio ipsa rerum, tum maximarum, tum occultissimarum habet oblectationem maxime ingenuam, stabilem, firmam, diuturnam, quae cum sapienter exquiritur, constantissime retinetur, nulla aegritudine contaminari, aut flagitio deformari, nulla aetate, aut vetustate consumi potest. Quare pergite, ut facitis, adolescentes atque id studium, in quo estis, incumbite, ut & vobis honori, & Academiae ornamento, & amicis utilitati, & reipublicae Christianae emolumento esse possitis. Moveat vos dignitas, permaneat utilitas, si haec separata non suadeant, coniuncta persuadeant. Ptolemaeum nostrum voluite, reuoluite, dies, noctesque cogitate. The same done in English by the Author. surely I am afraid, and that not a little (most learned and grave auditory) lest at this time, and in this so famous a place, I shall procure the opinion both of no small rashness, and of boldness, more a great deal than I would, as daring without all helps either of authority, wit, or eloquence, to take upon me in your presence to open my mouth in the endless praise of good Artes. For when I consider, and cast about every way, I can hardly find any thing, either so lofty, or picked, which may not seem cold, hungry and harsh, in such an Auditory: the rather, because I perceive diverse here present, which had been both more fit to undertake, & more able to perform this office a great deal then myself. And if I were not for divers causes to frame and temper myself, partly to the statutes of the University; partly to the custom of our private College; and lastly, to your good pleasures, I could with all my heart have wished some other to have supplied my place at this time, being as it were daunted, partly with your authority and presence, and partly with the excellency and variety of the thing in hand. For who either for his own experience, or eloquence, or full tide of wit, is able to set out the praise of any one Art whatsoever? much more of Astronomy, the mistress and monarch of all Arts and sciences? whose memory is so settled, stayed, and lasting, that it can either insist upon the particulars, or comprehend the generals? What kind of speech can you devise so divine and incredible, so polished with pleasant numbers, so beautified with shining words and sentences, that it may be thought to attain to the full praise of so excellent a thing? But in this one thing (me thinks) lieth no small point of happiness, that in this new kind of peroring I have to do with those men, who being most learned themselves, hear nothing more willingly than the praises of learning. And reason good: for being furnished with good Arts, you perceive what things are good indeed and simply: and are able readily to avoid the deceitful & counterfeit show of good. And I hope you will weigh what is fit not for my slenderness, but for your gentleness; for my ignorance, but your skill; for my infancy in peroring, but your eloquence in all manner of speaking. If I shall let slip any thing that might tend to the magnifying of Astronomy, that I hope you of your singular courtesy will supply. If I shall in any point seem to come near the praise of Astronomy, than you that have always admired and studied this art, must needs think yourselves not a little advanced. But if neither I nor any man else shall be able to prevail with our commendations, if in the mid race we faint and fail; yet even so too shall your commendation appear, as having spent your time in those studies, which neither tongue nor pen can ever sufficiently extol. Now this commendation I mean to draw to two heads; speaking first of her excellency, then of her commodity. Which two points, if you see how great they be, look not with what variety and copy I am like to handle them. For I being many ways encumbered, must do things as I can, and as the time will permit, not as I would. Now, in the point of Excellency we are first to consider the stock and pedigree of Astronomy, who were her Ancestors and first Authors: a very high point, and wherein all Mathematics have much busied themselves. They that have written any thing to this purpose, are so diverse, and dissent so much, that it were very tedious to reckon their opinions, there being nothing less agreed upon not only among Astronomers, but all Mathematicians and learned men. Now first and foremost M. T. Cicero, whom a man can never praise either too often, or too much, fathereth this noble art upon three diverse nations, the Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Egyptians. For the Assyrians dwelling in a plain champion country, where heaven lay every way open to them, did observe the course and motion of stars, whereby they took up-them to tell men's destinies. In which country also the Chaldeans, by observation of the stars, are thought to have made an Art to tell things to come, and cast men's nativities. Long after these came the Egyptians, who were so called not of the art, but of their country. Wherefore if we esteem & weigh the first Authors by time, the Assyrians must needs be first. For the same Cicero (whom for admiration and honour sake I name perhaps oftener than needs,) affirmeth, that the Babylonians had spent 47000. years in observing the nativities of children, let none scape at their birth. Which things if they be true, no doubt the antiquity of this science (to glance at that by the way) must needs be such, that all antiquity can hardly avouch any thing more ancient. After Tully cometh Seneca, for virtue & wisdom inferior to none; and he maketh Thales to have been the first that gave light to this Art, him that was one of the seven wise Greeks; who to convince his adversaries, and to prove that even a Philosopher could thrive, if he list, bought up all the Olives in his country before they did blossom. Of him is also reported, that he foretold the Eclipse of the Sun, which happened in the reign of Astyages. He writ much of the Equinoctial, of Vrsa maior and minor, much of the greatness of the Sun, of the circles both great and small: lastly, he did calculate the eclipses of the Moon for infinite years almost. After Seneca, Pliny the second, a man very famous for learning, not in the stars only, but all kind of philosophy: he in his natural history fetcheth this skill from Berosus, to whom the Athenians in their schools erected a public monument of gold, for his divination and prophesying. But to pry a little into Greece the mother and mistress of all learning and arts, where Philosophy was bred and borne. Plato that worthy Author and master not only of understanding, but also of uttering, who spending himself in Music, Geometry, Arithmetic, and Astronomy, flourished a long time at Athens, hath recorded one Thoth, a certain Egyptian God (whom some think was Mercury) to have taught the Egyptians not only Astronomy, but Geometry also & Arithmetic. And these be in effect the opinions of Philosophers which bore any sway. To insist upon the toys of the rest, were both long, because they be infinite; and tedious, because they are scarce worthy to be reckoned for old wives tales. Wherefore to come a while to fables, poets, whom I mean not to discredit for liars, when they feign the heavens and stars to rest upon Atlas' shoulders: by this not only sweet, and pleasing, but also admirable devise, what did they mean, but that he, when in long continuance of time he had observed the certain course of heaven, and orderly motion of stars, concluded that the heavens and stars had their steady periods and revolutions, wherein they passed their course and motions? Now when they feign that Endymion was lulled asleep of the Moon in mount Latmius, meant they, think we to canonize to posterity a drowsy pate, as if any were either so impudent, as to say it; or mad, as to believe it. But their purpose was only to point us out a man, both conversant and cunning in the stars, and measuring of heaven, who had compassed all the variety of the Moon, both how in conjunction with the Sun, and in other distances, she both casteth upon the earth that light, which she receiveth of the Sun, and suffereth great variety in her light: also how in conjunctions with the Sun she darkeneth his beams and light, and in oppositions to the Sun hitting into the shadow of the earth, she is suddenly eclipsed by the interposition of the earth. But I will not trouble you long with the testimonies of Philosophers and Poets. You have the opinions of learned men of all ages, which because they are diverse, and dissenting one from another, happen it may that none of them be true, but that more be true than one, can not happen. But whether they be true or false, skilleth not, in this they are all to be commended, that they have referred the original of so divine a thing, either to the gods or gods fellows. But better much, in my opinion, in our father's age, did Philip Melancthon, and in our memory Peter Ramus, whom we all ought to love for his exceeding sanctity. Better did Victor. Strigelius, who setting out books in both the Philosophies, hath benefited not a few, but many, not of his own nation only, but strangers also; not of one only age, but for many, and almost infinite posterities. Better did Simon Gryneus, better Pacmeisterus, Better Peucer, better Erasmus Reinhold: whom all I name in way of honour. Better did infinite other, who marking this celestial admirable order, and incredible constancy: whence proceedeth the wealth of all things, have referred this science, not to Atlas, as fablers do, nor to certain petite gods, as do the Philosophers, but to the true and living God, creator, author and father of all things, who governeth all, quickeneth all, and maintaineth all. Which they teach not superstitiously, or dotingly, but like Philosophers, with good ground of reason. Solomon, whom we all know to have excelled all that ever were both for learning and wisdom, as being inspired rather from God, than taught by man, witnesseth in plain words and at large, that he learned of God whatsoever pertained to the framing and motion of the heavens, both for the order of the spheres and their motion, in how much time every Planet passeth the Zodiac, with what variety of course, never so altering or varying, but that still at the same time they return to the same place. Now if divine Plato passing all that ever wrote or spoke, both for variety and gravity, when he marked the whole earth firm, and round in the midst, and withal the figure of the world to be most capable, as able to receive all other figures, having neither rub, nor stop, nor angle, nor corner, nor falling, nor swelling; when he (I say) marked these things, if he broke out with this golden sentence, Of all Geometricians God is the greatest, why may not we, viewing the wonderful swiftness and constant conversion of heaven, yearly finishing the same course, with the singular preservation and maintenance of all things, very truly and well say, that there is no Astronomer to God. True it is, but it were long to show, with how many reasons it may be proved, that both this art, and all the rest are derived from God himself. For the dignity of this art, that also maketh not a little, that being so well borne, so famously descended, when now it was brought from heaven to earth: it crept not into a corner, or sought to converse with base people, but took that course, whereby she might easily keep her own, by spreading the beams of her fame & renown far & near: Wherefore commonly she hath made her companions kings and great men, conversing ever most familiarly, & freely with them, as being stirred up of God, for her protection: wherefore, to seek the original, Adam the first man, and our first father, whom all things did most wonderfully and diligently obey, is thought first to have observed the course of the Sun, and the Moon, and the other stars, with their rising and setting, and such other matters. After him came Seth, in years I mean after him, but in this skill nothing behind him. These two (as writeth josephus) how truly I cannot tell, when by their diligent perusing of heaven, they foresaw the double destruction of the world, the one by drowning; the other by burning; erected two pillars; the one of brick; the other of stone; in which both of them graved their inventions; that if the brick one should happen to be defaced with the water, the stone pillar, as survivor, might remain to show men what inscriptions it bore. This stone pillar in josephus his time, was to be seen in Syria. The same josephus, but in another place showeth how Abraham having heard of the great fertility of Egypt, went thither, and imparted to them both these arts, to wit Arithmetic and Astronomy. Again, when S. Luke in those admirable acts of the Apostles writeth, that Moses was so furnished with those Egyptian arts, is he deceived himself, or would he deceive others? What should we say of Romulus, who is reported to have built Rome by starcraft, the Moon being in Libra: of Ptolemie, who for his wit, pains, and learning, was so rare and excellent, that he seemed to be out of the common reach of men: of Alphonsus' King of Spain, who for his skill, was called by the name of Astrologus? And to come nearer home, for me thinks our own and later things are much more pleasant than those ancient & foreign examples, what shall we say of Ethelstanus, who in our chronicles is recorded to have compiled in this art a fine and learned work? Of King Henry the seventh of that name, whether for wisdom, or wealth more to be admired it is hard to say, but how oft by some is he reported to have by the constitution of heaven, and stars, to have directed his Christmas keeping? Of his son Henry the eight, a son worthy such a father, who if he be compared with other Kings, not of England only, but of all Europe, doth so far pass them all for princely virtues, as the tallest tree doth the lowest shrub for height? Neither are we here to hearken to Osorius, a man in his own conceit very learned, & in the judgement of others not unlearned: he in the fift book of the Education, and training of princes, doth in word and show allow his prince some little smatch in Astronomy, but in deed and effect, disallowed it; For he would not have his prince to spend much time in this study. For by a certain abundante caution he is afraid, lest while he maketh too long abode and stay in every of these arts, he should too much alienate & sever his soul from the body, become after a sort senseless, and so unfit for government. But Alexander the great, whom all princes may well and safely follow, and so are wont, & aught, was not only skilful in this science, but had attained not to a sophistical, & prattling show of arts, but to that perfection, which the Greeks in one word are wont to call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Filthy Epicure in describing the nature of God, & Osorius in his Education seem to have taken the like course. For Epicure, when for his credit sake; and to avoid slander, he had admitted certain thorowelight perflable gods, having an appearance of a body, with out all substance, in the end confesseth, that his God hath not a very body, but as it were a body, nor any true blood, but as it were blood. In like sort, Osorius will have his prince but a smatterer in all things: not an Astronomer, but as it were an Astronomer: not a physician, but as it were a physician: not a Logician but as it were a logician: & in a word, not learned, but as it were learned. But to dismiss Osorius with good terms, much good do it him with his Kings of his own breed. In the mean time let us hold us to those old ones, Alexander, Romulus, Ptolemy, Alphonsus Ethelstanus, & the rest. Wherefore to conclude this part of dignity, me think I have already sufficiently showed you, not only the country of Astronomy, but her kind, and nursery, and tracts of her ancestors. Wherefore it willbe good to stay here, and not proceed farther, that we may come sooner to the rest. It is a general received opinion; wherewith all men are possessed, that Astronomy is of great name, great renown, great show, but of no benefit, no commodity, as having no certain end, whereat to aim, or whither to refer itself. To ferret this lewd opinion out of the enemies of good arts, to pluck up by the root all the sprigs of this madness, I will declare so much as at this present cometh to my mind, concerning the benefit which issueth from Astronomy. While I am in this cogitation, so many things offer themselves, so weighty, so diverse, that I fear, how I shall wield myself in the discourse. For first of all, if we compare the largeness of it, with the straightness of other arts, it may seem either to match all their commendation jointly, or to overshoot them wonderfully one by one: for other arts have every one their several and proper end: Rhetoric to speak persuadingly; Philosophy to teach the nature, & causes of things; Music to teach the skill of singing and tuning the curious manner of moods, how of a sharp, & a flat handsomely joined, & couched together, proceedeth sweet consent, and harmony. But Astronomy entreateth not only of the rising and setting, and motion of the Sun, Moon, and stars, what time they will keep; but also it greatly furthereth those other a●tes, which unless they borrow light from it, are much obscured, and darkened. They may be tho●ght to remove the Sun out of heaven, which sever this art from the multitude. For as the Sun being much bigger than the earth, dareth light to all other stars: so this art replenishing all the rest with the beams of her brightness, doth wonderfully increase, and maintain their lustre, and glory. Therefore that of Plato is very fit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, let none come in my school, that hath not laid a foundation of Geometry: his meaning (no doubt) was, that they were unfit for the schools of philosophy which were not first furnished, not only with geometry, but Astronomy also, and other mathematics. This rule of Plato did Xenocrates observe all his life long: for when one, who had no mathematics, would have been his scholar, hence (quoth he) thou hast not the handles of philosophy. Aristotle, whom we may evermore call the Prince, the Homer, the God of philosophers, all along his writings letteth fall certain mathematical examples to beautify and set out his writings: wherefore Themistius, or some other, whom I do not well remember (neither skilleth it much for the name) he, I say when he saw one that had never played his prize in the Mathematique schools, daily labouring Aristotle, to get somewhat out of him, What (said he) doth a sow in a garden? So precise and superstitious almost were not only Platoniques, but Aristotelians also, to have their scholars to lay a foundation of philosophy in Astronomy & other mathemathical principles. As for history our lives mistress wherein appeareth religion to Godward, piety to parents, love to every one, justice to all men. If Astronomy were not, how dry would it be in reading, how unpleasing, & senseless. To Astronomy doth History own her two precious eyes, to wit, the description of time, and place. For description of places, to speak of that first, without the inspection and perusing of heaven, how can that be, or rather what cosmography at all, or what geography shall we have without this knowledge, which is at this day so scarce & dainty, that many take the main Ocean to be but a flood, and Ireland to be a city, and in foreign countries, as I have heard of travelers, that they think England to be but a town, & London a great large country. A like ignorantly, but more spitefully doth Osorius quarrel with M. Haddon, that England is nearer Rome than Spain: who, though he were as mighty as he meaneth, though he should spend all his bay-salt upon the point, yet shall he be never able either to bring us nearer to Rome, or set Spain farther off. Whereas therefore he affirmeth Spain to be much farther from Rome than we are: if he mean that generally of all Spain, he was never sure any good Cosmographer: but if he mean it of some one remote part of Spain, as Portugal, his Holiness doth but gibe & trifle too much. But he will perhaps shortly set out some new maps, we shall have a new England, a new Rome, and a new Spain, else he will never be master of that which he so striveth for. But my speech is unwillingly upon this point, & may seem too curious in noting other men's faults: and so it might seem justly, if the place itself did not admonish me to speak somewhat of this matter. Wherefore to return whence I have digressed: Geographie, without which there is small use of story, we can no way learn, unless we borrow hence certain necessary doctrines touching the partition of heaven and earth, of their mutual concurrence, of zones, climates, parallels, & such like: but take a way Astronomy, and these things can neither be taught nor learned. The same reason may be given for geography, which stayeth upon the same props. Now he that will take upon him to wade through stories without distinction of times, may be likened to him that would wind himself out of a labyrinth without a guide: for if the notation of time be not present, like Ariadne, and (to use the Poet's words) guide our dark steps, being amazed with the infinite creeks, and windings of stories, neither understand we where we began, or whither we tend, or where to make an end. By the help and hand of this guide, neither do we err ourselves, and often times we correct the historians themselves. Now if the best Astronomers have defined to us the day, month and year, if they have foretold us long before the manner of intercalating the Epact, golden number, and such like, is it not plain, how necessary their art is for history? What should I farther say of Physic, how many things be there in this art, without which he cannot be perfect? Now poetry being of all others as a most profitable doctrine, so a most sweet medicine: she hath certain rise and settings of stars peculiar to herself, called Chronici, Cosmici, and Heliaci. Neither poets only distinguish times by the heavens, but they also that have writ of husbandry, that there can be no reading of Hesiodus, Virgil, Columella, Pliny, infinite others, if a man be not well entered in this art. These things, which I post over now cursorywise & briefly, might be handled at large, rhetorically with brave terms, and gallant sentences: but the longer I have been otherwhere, the briefer I must be here. Hence I hope, you see how great force, and how many helps are in Astronomy, not only to the adorning, but also to the learning of other arts, without which they must needs quail, and go to ground; if not all, yet the most; and if not that, yet sure the best. Neither can I doubt, but that you understand sufficiently how rash or foolish, or both, they are, which contemn and despise Astronomy, and all mathematics, as tending to pleasure and pastime, rather than to any use, or profit, suiting well for quiet, but not for troublesome times. Of this wise opinion was first fine Aristippus, that smooth skinned minion, whosevery name is odious, and infamous: this man, after he had given himself to be bound hand and foot of filthy pleasure, by whose itch and tickling, his senses yawned, affirmed all geometry to be false. In the like perverse and pestilent manner now a days doth Carpentarius inveigh against all mathematics, that we may well allow that of Tully, affirming that there is nothing so absurd, but it hath come out of some philosopher's mouth. Carpentarius alleging in this cause nothing that might become either a philosopher, or a mean wit, is sufficiently schooled of Ramus a great learned man every way. To show the folly of this opinion, I could produce Archimedes, Epimachus, Architas, Ctesebius and others, which by artificial engines of their own devising, saved and delivered their Cities and countries. In defence of this point might be alleged diverse examples both modern & ancient, which at this time I let pass: that one notwithstanding, neither because it is short, would I, nor because it is pleasant could I, nor because it maketh for the purpose, ought I to pass. Pythes (as relateth Polienus) having found out gold and silver mines, occupied his whole city in seeking, and digging, and trying gold, leaving off all other works, as husbandry, sowing, setting, planting, & such like things necessary for life, which thing waxing very grievous & pernicious to his country, all the women of the town together came to his wife, desiring her to deal with her husband, or else they were undone. She putting her gossips in some comfort, took order with a goldsmith, that he should work her diverse dishes and junkets very curiously in gold. Pythes coming hungry home at night called for his supper: his wife setteth before him a golden banquet, in which was not one morsel of meat, but all made a good show as if it had been great dainties. Pythes at first commending his wife and the great art of things, desired her to give him somewhat to eat: whom she still served with the like again and again, till Pythes being sharp set, grew into great choler, which his wife cooled with this answer: Well than husband, why have you cast off husbandry to dig gold, which can be nothing worth, except by tillage and husbandry corn, trees, and cattle, being all most necessary for the use and service of men, be maintained and continued? By this pleasant subtlety of his wife, he perceiving his folly, let his people return again to their former trades, which they had long foregone. You see this story, which I will not at this time apply, lest I should too much distrust your wisdoms, only this I will note, that we ought not so to drown ourselves in contemplation, that we forget action. For as in virtue, so in arts the chief commendation dependeth of practice, therefore that is a worthy saying of Tully: The knowledge and contemplation of nature is after a sort unperfect & maimed, if it be not accompanied with action, and practise. Much is said already, and much more might yet be said. Neither is this knowledge & skill profitable or commodious only, but also very instrumental, and helpful to our salvation, since neither nature, nor art hath any thing more potent to stir us to the knowledge of God than the contemplation of heavenly motions. For who in the world is there, whom the order and constancy of stars, whom the heavens in so glorious a manner decked, and beautified, whom the comely consent of nature would not force to confess, that there must needs be a maker, and mediator of so goodly a work? For first the Sun, among the stars King and Keisar, by turning his course Northward, and Southward, maketh both summer & winter, and those other two times, which lie between these. The yearly course of the Sun doth the Moon after a sort monthly represent or imitate, whose form and fashion doth wonderfully alter, one while waxing, another while waning, having in her course a certain resemblance of the two Solstitia. But most admirable are the courses of the five planets, which though they be said to stray and wander, yet hold they one and the same constant motion for ever: most marvelous it is to behold their directions, stations, retrogradations, their settings, their rise, how in all eternity they altar not a whit: which when we see, if we do not confess that present mighty God that made them all, we are to be counted not only unlearned, but more brutish than Cannibals. Farther, to say somewhat of the pleasantness of this art, it is such, that if the pleasures, and delights of all other arts were set against it, they were nothing. This pleasure of speculation, which may well be called the food of the mind, doth so far pass all bodily pleasure, which Epicure and sparrows so pursue, that they are left more than a kenning behind for the pleasure of the body, which consisteth in meat, and drink, and delights of hearing, which is both small and unnecessary, and which we may well be without, floweth and passeth away, leaving oftener cause of repentance, then of remembrance. But this pleasure of study and contemplation is both constanter and surer, not delighting for once, or a while, but often and long: & if that be pleasing to every thing, which it doth naturally; as swimming to fishes; singing to thrushes, it cannot be but men must be needs ravished with pleasure, when they behold heaven so great, so bright, so fair with variety, so firm and constant with stability. Nature showeth, when she had bowed all other creatures down to the ground, to have framed man only upright, looking upward to heaven, as to his old home whence he came, that by this goodly spectacle he might delay & mitigate the manifold miseries of this life. The silly country wondereth & exclaimeth, and taketh on strangely, in which every revolution hath the same operation, as heaven hath in the Sun and Moon, & the 5 planets, then how much more shall the revolutions of heaven itself delight us being made a great deal more perfect than any counterfeit can express, there remaineth now only the predictions of things to come, which although they make a great show of profit, yet are they so far from it as nothing can be more. I know well the quality of Astrologers. I know their kind, how wayward, how testy, how froward they be: notwithstanding with their leave, I will say a word or two, not meaning to move their choler, but to admonish them of their vanity. If I can guess or divine any thing there is no divination by stars: for if there be, it must be either of things subject to our senses, or else of things belonging to arts: not of things subject to senses, for neither can a blind man ever tell what is white, & what is black; nor a deaf man judge of sounds; neither is it of things which are within the compass of art, for we use about sick men, not Astrologers and wizards, but Physicians: & they that will sing and learn to play on instruments, go to school, not to Astrologers, but to musicans. The like may be said of learning, and other things which are taught: for Astronomy, did ever man ask a figureflinger, whether the Sun were greater than the earth, or just as big as it showeth; whether the Moon have light of herself, or borroweth of the Sun; what motions they both have; and what the other five stars, which are called planets: for these questions we were wont to go to Astronomers, not to Astrologers. Farther, in things belonging to geometry, can any of them by a figure tell us how either to double a cube, or square a circle: this skill belongeth to geometry: last of all, can the ginger discourse unto us of the sphere & of the Cilinder better than Archimedes; of sea tempests, better than the Governor; of the disease better than the physician; of the best form of government better than expert councelors or states men: wherefore if in none of these things there be no help of Astrology, I cannot see either what it is, or whether it is, or of what things it is, or what use it hath. I will here say nothing of nativities & destinies which they are dog at, neither will I yield them so much, that they can foretell the disposition of any man's nature, and what he will prove most fit for: as for the rest of their profession I utterly renounce it. But some will say, they sometime tell truth, the events confirming their art: As if any shooting all day long, did not sometime hit the mark. What is more uncertain than casting of dice, yet in long casting, who doth not sometimes turn up that chance which is called Venereus, yea sometimes twice or thrice, shall we therefore like fools say, that it happened rather by some instinct of Venus, then by chance? I list not plead many examples, especially amongst you, which see daily how all things fall contrary to their predictions. But lest I should be too long and tedious, I will here make an end. Wherefore I pray you, and most earnestly desire and beseech you, that if ever you mean to come to any prefection or mediocrity of good arts, you would bend yourselves to the study of Astronomy, and all true mathematics, not long ago dead, but now revived and raised again. If you respect the honour of it, it is divinely descended, of kings and princes evermore used. Other arts brag & boast, and think well of themselves, that they are descended; namely, military of Mars; Music of Apollo; rhetoric of Mercury. But let Mars give place to God, and both Military, and all other arts to Astronomy. Now, if you look to the profit of it, it is such as none can be greater in this world: for when we study and meditate on heaven, we rouse and retch ourselves we despise the world, & fixed upon those celestial sights, we contemn these inferior things as simple and nothing worth: the very study of so ample & secret things hath a kind of delight most commendable, stable, firm, and continual, wise in the catching, & constant in the keeping, which neither can be weakened with sickness, nor stained with slander, nor wasted with years & age. Wherefore go on as you have begun, and continue that good course wherein you are, both to your own credit, the honour of the University, & the good both of God's Church and the common wealth: be moved with the honour, but more moved with the profit: if severally they can not stir you, yet jointly let them stir and restir you. For Ptolemy turn him and toss him night and day, study him waking, dream of him sleeping. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. FINIS. Errata. Pag. 2. lin. 14. insolenta. leg. insolita. p. 2. l. 26. fingere. fingite p. 3. l. 7. dicatur. dicantur. p. 5. l. 3. talarium le. talarum. p. 5. l. 30. umbra. umbram. p. 6. l. 18▪ Simon. Simon Grinaeus. p. 7. l. 12. complena. complens. p. 8. l. 5. deal, versusque. p. 8. l. 29. de Henrico. p. 10. l. 28. quidque. p. to. l. 30. destitutae. p. 11. l. 20. Aristotelem. p. 11. l. 27. huic. p. 13. l. 2. enim quis Ariadne's. p. 14. l. 18. esse dicturus quod. p 14. 24. possem vobis. p. 14. 28. meram artis. p. 15. l. 19 quod inutile. p. 16. 24. qui videt p. 20. 1. atque in id. p. 20. 4. permoucat. p. 38. l. 16. country man. p. 38. l 17. strangely, when.