A DISCOURSE upon the liberty or captivity of the King.  
1562.  
Imprinted at London by Henry Sutton for Edward Sutton dwelling in Lombard street.    

A DISCOURSE Upon the liberty or captivity of the King.  
UPON the letters parents published under the Kings name, the viii. of Apryl, in the which it is said, that there runneth a bruit through this realm, the king and the Queen his mother, should be against their pleasure withholden and carried where it should seem good to some princes and lords that are about their Majesties: but yet that the same report is an untrue and false slander: foras much as their persons are in the same liberty that at all times they have been: it hath been thought good to publish this small discourse, to the end that thereby the subjects of the King might the more clearly understand, and put their minds out of all doubt and cumber, whereby they may yield unto him that obedience and fealty, which they own unto him like good and faithful subjects of his majesty.  
Every man knoweth the enterprise that the last winter was taken in hand for the having the Duke of orleans out of this Realm: men know also both by whom and to what end the same was done. But least those whom this matter toucheth should complain as though men in the report offered them wrong: we will simply set before all men the witness and deposition of the said young Duke of orleans: upon the which we will stay ourselves without prejudice of his authority: leaving to them that shall find themselves grieved, liberty to attempt the diminishing of his credit, as to them shall seem good. The tenor of the said deposition is thus. The Saturday which was the day his majesty began first to come out of his chamber after the recovery from his sickness, the Duke of Orleans being in the kings chaumbre, the duke of Nemours came unto him, who asked him, whether he were a Hugenot or a Papist. Whereunto the Duke of orleans answered, that he was of the religion of the Queen his mother. Than said the Duke of Nemours, might it not please you that I spoke unto you half a doseyn of words? The other answered (yes.) The duke of Nemours than took him aside unto a coffer which was near unto the door of the kings bedchambre. and said unto him. Sir I see the realm of France is undone and ruined by these Huguenots, and the King and you be not in surety: because the king of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde will make themselves kings, and will so handle the matter as they will both cause the King and you to be put to death. Sir if you will avoid this danger, it is needful, that you do well advise yourself. And if you will, the house of Guise and I will help and succour you, and will send you either into Lorraine or Savoy. The Duke of orleans answered that he would not leave the king nor the queen his mother: The other yet replied thereto, saying, Advise yourself well of that I tell you. For it is for your advantage. Whereunto the other said nothing. Than said unto him the duke of Nemours: Do you not very well trust Carnavalet and Villarquier? Yes said he. Than said the other: Tell them nothing of this I have said unto you, nor of the purpose I have so long holden with you: but if they ask you what it was that I said unto you, tell them that I told you of certain plays and Comedies. and so the said duke of Nemours left him. While this was a doing, the duke of Guise (who standing afore the fire, talked with his son the prince of Ginuille) perceiving that the Duke of Nemours had left the Duke of orleans, came towards him and said: Sir I have heard say, that the Queen will send the Duke of Aniew and you, into Lorayn to a very fair castle, that you may there take the air: Upon condition that you would come thither, we would make you good cheer there. Whereunto the Duke of Orleans answered: I do think the Queen my mother would not that I should leave the King. Whereunto the prince of Ginuille replied, saying: If you will come into Lorraine, and think upon that which the Duke of Nemours hath said unto you, it will come you well to pass. The Duke said nothing thereunto. The morrow after, the prince of Gynuille came again towards the Duke, and said unto him the self same that he had done before, adding further, that if he would understand the mean how they would carry him away, he would tell him. The duke answered, that he would gladly learn it. The prince of Gynuille said: They will carry you away even when it is midnight, and will help you to come out at a window, which is right over the bridge in the park, and immediately they will set you in a coach, and so shall you be in Lorayn afore any man be ware thereof. The Duke answered nothing hereunto, and so he left the said prince. The morrow after, the duke of Nemours departed, and came to take his leave of the king. and in taking leave, said unto the Duke in his ear: bethink you of that I have said, and tell no body thereof. And so the said Duke of Nemours went on his way. This conspiracy happening all together otherwise than those, which are reckoned the heads and authors thereof looked for: it is not to be marveled at, if men of a long time exercised in the feats of war, seeing they had nothing profited by these ambushes and covert enterprises (nor if I may so term them) by these under ground works, if they determined to enter by open force and manifest violence, as men do into a strong hold or town. notwithstanding yet to be sure of a back door (as the proverb saith, least happily their second attempt might speed as evil as the first: The house of Guise (who a long while afore had written to one of the greatest princes of Germany, and one of that religion which is called Protestant, to entreat him to enter with them into some conference of the Augsburg confession, wherein they gave him some hope they would gladly be instructed) went their ways into Lorraine, and from thence to a little town need unto the  called Sauerne: In the which place they had such communication with the said prince the fyftenthe, syxtenthe, and seventeenth of Februarye, as after they had all promised to follow the Religion of the Gospel: In the end the said Duke of Guise (in token of the favour he bore to that Religion) prayed him to do so much with the other Protestants princes, that for as much as of old ancienty the house of Lorraine had been of the Empire: By that mean, both he and his brethren, might also be advowed as Princes of the Empire, having their voices and consents in all Commyssyous Imperial, that by that mean they might withdraw and exempt themselves from under the kings subjection: offering themselves to sign and subscribe unto the said confession of Awsburghe, and that they would put themselves in the roll and numbered of the said Protestants. Whereunto the said prince was so willing to put to his healping hand (hoping by this mean to win the said house of Guise to the religion of the gospel) as he failed not to put forth the same in a diet, a little while after holden by sundry of the said princes in the town of Brouxell, about the beginning of March following. and was never the less refused of the other princes for many considerations, but chief by reason of the news of the horrible bouchery of Vassy: as the said prince since that time hath expressly written unto the said Duke of Guise: sending him word that the said company was much offended and provoked against him by occasion of that cruel murder: and prayed him that he would send him the true certainty with a full declaration of his intent and purpose therein without any disguising: For such are the proper words of his letter. Upon this departing from the court, in tarrying while the winter overpassed, it was determined between the said Duke of Guise, the Constable, and marshal saint Andrew, that during their absence every one of them should practise with the greatest numbered of gentlemen, and other men of war as much as in them lay, to cause them meet together in arms at Nantheull, and near to Paris about the last of winter in the month of March.  
This practice could not be so closely conveyed, but that the Queen was quickly advertised thereof, not only by some of this realm, but also by certain strange princes: Who could so well appoint her the time as they told her afore hand, that it was in the month of March, that execution would be done: yea (that more is) a certain gentleman stranger, gave the king of Navarre so sure foretokens, as he told him that they would go about to win him to th'intent they might help themselves with his title and authority for a season, but in the end laugh him to scorn: Whereupon the said king of Navarre brought him to the Queen to cause her understand the said advertisements, and to preserve her from such enterprises. Well, this practice nevertheless going on for the beehoufe of the said king of Navarre (and GOD will) Those unto whom the appointment was given, failed not to find themselves with all their force in time and place: so as the said Duke of Guise coming to Nantheull at the appointed season, was by and by met with the Constable, the Duke of Aumale, the Marshal Saint Andrew's and others of their faction: Among whom were the Lords of Mezieres, and of Courtenaye, by whom men may conjecture the perilous point and dangerous enterprise: by this that making them ready to go to the place of this assemble, they put themselves in such order as like personages are wont to do when they shall enter the battle or any dangerous adventure: shriving themselves to a priest, and receiving their housel (as it is reported) after they had well and devoutly heard their Mass.  
While this was in hand the provost of the Merchants of Paris (who is one of the principal ministers and instruments of this faction) had so ordered all matters, and prepared the way to bring these troops into the town of Paris, that the queen being advertised, that their determination was for to go thither, sent sundry times unto the said duke of Guise that he would come to her in her house at Monceaulx, where he should be very welcome, forbidding him expressly the entrance into Paris with such a company, meaning thereby to avoid those troubles and inconveniences which she foresaw would come to pass: specially remembering the execution and butchery newly committed in the town of Vassy: upon the which most instantly men cried for justice to the King and her, who hard nothing but Plaints and Lamentations in every place where they went in this Realm concerning that cruelty. Hitherto than it appeareth, that this enterprise of putting on armour, was appointed on, long afore hand by the duke of Guise as the Queen herself, & the king of Navarre were right well informed: for the day of meeting was justly kept: wherein men came thither from all parts in open armour and order fit for the war: where as before their coming together, the realm was in a deep rest and quietness: till such time as harness was put on contrary to the kings proclamations, and so continued against the express pleasure and prohibition of the Queen so often renewed: Finally till the said Duke of Guise made his entre into Paris, in open arms against the very countremoundyngs and forbiddings by the King and the Queen his mother.  
Now let us see what followed. The abovesaid captains of this army being at Paris, they began to hold a council as though the same had been a council royal: making to assemble the presidents, the councillors, the kings officers, the shreive's or head officers of the Town, even as though they had had the kings Superiority in their hands, notwithstanding that the queen were nothing at all advertised hereof, neither that she had any understanding or communication with that which passed in the said council, so as her will & appointment which she had determined to go on with her voyage towards the town of Bloys increased with her more and more: to th'end she might withdraw herself to some place where she should not be compelled: if haply the reports and advertisements which she had hard afore should be found true.  
Now are we come presently to the knot and chief point of this question. For the Queen who was with the King, and the duke of Orleans her children in his house of Fountainbleu, and being in her way towards Orleans, going on of her journey, having sent folks to Amboise to cause the young Duke of Anjou her son to be brought unto her to orleans: and having no force in the world about her, neither of horseman nor of footman: suddenly arrived the foresaid captains of this enterprise with an army of horsemen in fair armure, & planted themselves afore the said Fountainbleau, and round about. Now I ask those that under the kings name publish those letters patents, whereof afore mention is made, whether, to compass a young king of the age of a leaven or twelve years being only accompanied with his mother and his little brother with pistolyers, & arquebusiers, be not properly the same thing, that in good terms men call (the besieging of the king) or if that term mislike them, what other word they could devise for the naming of such an act?  
But let us be content yet that all this be esteemed as a thing of none importance. We will only see what followed of this siege laid afore Fontaynbleau, it is well known that the Queen abiding constantly in this her pleasure to go to Orleans and desiring to make thitherward: Great importune instancy, to much unworthy of her majesty, was made unto her, to cause her turn head, and come back her way to return to Melune. Men know also that she herself persuading with tears the naughty air and other reasonable causes of her refusal, did a great while withstand the departing from the said fountainebleau: declaring unto them there was no cause why they should give the king such an alarm. men know also that the king seeing himself compassed about with those that overruled him, began to weep exceedingly, and protested, that he would not departed thence, pronouncing these words with the tears in his eyes. Wherefore will ye carry me hence where I find myself well? What need is there thus to put on armour? If it be for religion, I will take order for it as I shall aware elder: In the mean season why do not men observe the laws? Alas let no man trouble my state. Men know that after the Queen had roundly declared, that she would not departed from the said Fontainbleau: These words following were said unto her: Madam, of necessity you must come, and when you will not so do, we shall be constrained to carry the king with us. To conclude, men know that upon this matter, and after the Queen's resistance, after the tears and sighings of the king, they were both led away, first to the castle of Melune, next to the castle of Vincenes, and lastly into Paris, being continually compassed about with the said army, and all the force of footmen and horsemen, that since that time have been assembled there.  
Hereupon now let men without affection judge of the controversy wherein we differ, to weet, whether the king and Queen be at this time in liberty, or rather in captivity: whether their wills be free, or in bondage: whether they may go to such places to lie at, as to themselves seems good, or not rather be carried and withholden against their good pleasure and contentation.  
surely all men (yea though they have but a common sense or understanding) do call to be in captivity:  
WHEN A MAN after he hath been beset not only contrary to his trust and opinion, but also against his express pleasure, by men that without comparison are stronger than himself: In steed of going to one place, whereto he hath appointed to go, is not only let from going thither, but also brought back again, and led a contrary way: men call it also a captivity when a man is so much a prisoner, as he can no more be able to fly over a rampires of pistoliers and arquebusiers than over the top of a castle, being either stone or brick: To be short, men call it a captivity when one is so much afraid through the dread of armed persons, as he dare not utter his will in such sort, as he would do, the same men being further from him.  
THIS thing being well considered, let all men judge of this second point, whether to publish such a Letter in the name of the King, whereby they force him to say, that he is not in bondage, but in his large and full liberty: whether to make such a Letter to be printed and published by the sound of a trumpet through all the Realm, be not as much as to abuse and defile most villainousely and unnaturally the name of his majesty, and to make the same despised and scorned of all nations: where nevertheless the same should be holden holy and honourable, and not to be used, but in matter clearly exempt from all passion and affection of men, (as much as is possible.) Let men also judge, whether the witness of a person that is reported to be captive through constraint and violence, ought to have such a credit as to justify the doing of those by whom it is said, that the same is withholden: Chief when the question is of such age and sex as our enemies deal withal. But let those, that would artificially cloak and colour this their deed, remember always to make answer unto these three points: first, wherefore the house of Guise have armed themselves within a peaceable Realm, that was full of rest and quietness: secondly, who they be that enforced the King and Queen to weep and lament at Fontainbleau: Lastly, wherefore the Queen going on her journey to Orleans & Blois, was compelled to turn back with threats, that in case she would not so do, they would carry the king away with them. Let this shame and ignomy than which they have done to the majesty of the kings name be accounted for one matter. but immediately after there followed an other. For the house of Guise, and those of their faction perceiving that the people complained and lamented over the thraldom and oppression of their king, very wittyly devised an invention utterly contrary: which was to publish, that the Prince of Conde was prisoner in the town of Orleans. And to give colour and authority to their assemble of soldiers, have so vyllainously played with the name of the King (even as with a babble or coxcomb) that they have caused him to say and publish his letters patents in his name, that the cause of gatherinig this people together was, to deliver his dear and well-beloved cousin the prince of Conde out of captivity. Now I demand of every man of sound judgement, whether this be not so much as to buffette the king: and after to ask him, Who is it that smote thee? notwithstanding because we will forbear from all vehemence of speech, and talk of this matter without any mood or alteration, let us simply compare the state of the king, whom we say to be captive, with the condition of the said Prince: who yet matcheth not himself with his majesty, of whom he is a most humble servant: but only to make a judgement of all likelihood, to which of both, the name of prisoner or captife may be ryghtlyer attributed. The king is of the age of about a leaven or twelve years. The Prince is a father of five children, all living. When the house of Guise came with all their force to Fountaynbleau, The king had but his simple ordinary guard: when the Princes and Lords which are at Orleans came to meet with the prince at Meaux, or otherwhere, he had with him his force wherewith he was driven to strengthen himself afore hand in the town of Paris. All those of the faction of Guise came with one shuffe and in one troop to Fontaynebleau. The lords that are with the prince came to find him one after an other, and from places far a sunder. The king and the Queen his mother, did many and divers times command all those that be about them to leave of their armour, and expressly forbade them coming to the course with harneissed arm: The Prince because he would warrant himself from the tempest which he saw coming, sent and sent again, as well some of the noble men of his company as others, to request all men, that camme to him, that they would come strong and well accoumpanyed. Those that are about the king waste his good, and suck out the small remnant that was in his treasure to satisfy their creditoures: The noble men that are at orleans, are there upon their own costs and charges, yea almost every gentleman that there is.  
Those of the faction of Guise, pain themselves to cause strangers come into the realm, without having either compassion of the poor harried people, or respect to the manifest peril that thereof may follow: Those of orleans protest that although strangers would come to their succours, yet they would rather spare the country of the King and his poor subjects, than their own proper lives. To be short, those at orleans offer to lay down all weapon, and to take leave of the prince to withdraw themselves every man to his own, condicyonallye that they which detain the king and the queen his mother, would first put of their armour and give good example: The house of Guise and their companions, let not to say daily in the hearing of all the world, that they will rather see the ashes of all the realm, than to go from the kings person the distance of i league.  
Now let all men judge what lykelihode here is, nay rather what infamy it is, thus to profane and abuse the name of the king, and to make him say by his letters patents, that his dear and well-beloved coosyn, the Prince of Conde is prisoner at orleans: and that for the delivery of him he is constrained to call together his ban and ariere ban. But let us admit, that it were so. If the Prince of Conde be withholden prisoner, what rebuke have they caused the king to receive, and what injustice have they done, to declare the said prince a rebel and culpable of treason, because he came not to the court nor laid down weapon when they sent to him so to do? For in good logic they be things repugnant, to be kept against his will as a prisoner in a town, and to deserve to be proclaimed a rebel because he cometh not thence.  
These things considered, it is easy to conclude, first that the king and the Queen his mother with the Duke of orleans, have by a devise of long time handled and contrived, been violently and forcibly seized, carried away and possessed against their will and pleasure, by those who through their insatiable greediness declare how fain they would be his successors: Secondarily, that the above said letters patents in the which it is said that the king is in his full liberty, and the Prince a prisoner, is none other than a manifest reproach against the majesty of the name of the king the which by this means is wickedly, vyllanously, and shamefully, defiled and laid abroad to all strange nations to be mocked, defamed, and taunted.  
And that for this respect, none can be holden nor esteemed to be a true French man, a good subject, and faithful servant to his majesty:  
unless with all those good and honest means possible, and according to the degree of his calling, he do endeavour himself to restore him to his full power and liberty, and to deliver his name from that reproach and unwoorthynesse which they have caused him to receive in this his minority. wherewith we trust his majesty, being come to full age will find himself touched, as well to the vengeance of his enemies as to the just rewarding of his good and lawful servants and subjects.   
FINIS.