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THE REQVESTES PRESENTED UNTO THE FRENCH KING and the Queen his mother, by the three Rulers or Triumuirat.  
With an answer made to the same by the prince of Conde ⸫  
W. S.   

A request presented unto the king and queen, by the three rulers or Triumuirat.  
WE the duke of Guise, pair, great master and great chamberlain of France, the Duke of Montmorencie, pair and Constable of France, S. Andre, marshal of France, to the end it may appear unto your majesties and all the world, that our hearts and intentes, which have been sufficiently known & declared by all our doings heretofore, and the whole course of our time & lives, which have been bestowed & spent none otherwise but in the faithful service of the majesties of our good kings deceased (whom god pardon) to the main teining and increase of their honour, power, estate and crown: neither were ever heretofore, neither presently are nor shall, by god's grace, hereafter during our lives, be any other than such as tend to the same good and faithful end, tofore declared, and that by just, reasonable, lawful, and lowable means. Whereunto, next after the service of God, we have vowed the rest of our foresaid lives, goods, and fortunes.  
We most humbly beseek your majesties our sovereign Lord & Lady, to understand the bottoms of our thoughts and intentes, the which we disclose and declare unto you in all sincerity by this present writing, and therewith also the causes of our coming & abode near about your majesties, for the which we judge in our Faiths and Consciences (considering our estates and the charges which we have taken upon us) that we may in no wise depart therefrom without desert of everlasting shame and reproach, not only to ourselves, but also to our posterity, as unfaithful servants and officers, forsakers & abandoners of the honour of God, the right of the church, the honour, welfare and safeguard of our king and country, & of the peace and quietness of thestate of the same: which we see in danger of evident and inevitable ruin, if it be not quickly and without delay provided for, by the only remedy of such ordinances as we suppose aught to be made by your majesties, sealed set forth and allowed, as well in your great counsel as also in the Court of parliament of Paris, and other courts of your Royalme such as these be which be contained in th'articles following, the which we propone with all reverence and humility.  
¶ First, we think it necessary not only for the discharging of our own consciences, but also of the kings and of his oath made at his coronation, for the quietness and union of all his subjects and thavoiding of the confusion of all divine, humane and politic orders, upon which confusion dependeth and followeth necessarily the overthrow of all Empires, Monarchies and common wealths. That the king by an act remaining for ever, declare that he neither willeth ne purposeth to permit, allow nor suffer within his royalme any diversity of religion nor church, preaching, ministering of sacraments or assemblies, ministries nor ministers ecclesiastical. But willeth and purposeth that only the church Catholic and apostolic and Roman received, kept and allowed by his majesty and of all his predecessors with the prelate's and ministers of the same, preachings, ministering of sacraments by them and their deputies, shall take place in his whole royalme and country, obedient to his crown: all other assemblies for the like effect being utterly rejected & reproved.  
¶ That all officers of France, of the household of his majesty and of my lords his brethren and sister, all officers as well of judgement as of warfare, to accounts and finances of this realm, and others having charge, administrations or commissions from his majesty, shall keep and observe the same religion & shall make thereof express declaration. And all such as refuse, delay, or withstand the same, shallbe deprived of their estates, offices, wages, charges and administrations or commissions, without to wchinge for the same their goods or bodies, except they have made tumult, sedition, monopolies, or unlawful assemblies.  
¶ That all prelate's, beneficed persons and such as appertain unto the church of this realm, shall make like confession. And the refusers or withstanders thereof shall be deprived of the temporalities of their benefices: which shallbe governed under the hand of the king, and men of honesty and good religion shall be appointed to the administration of the same by their superiors, such as ought of duty to see thereunto. Who shall according as they shall see it necessary and fit, deprive them of their titles, and provide other in their places, by due & lawful means.  
¶ That all churches within this realm which be violated, broken and spoiled, to the great dishonour of god and of his church, of the king and of his laws and ordinances, as well ancient as of later times (all which have forbeden such sacrileges under pain of death) shall be wholly repaired and restored to their first and due estate, and amends made unto them of all their losses and damages received. And the offenders, breakers of the laws and spoilers punished according to their deserts.  
¶ That all armour borne within this realm by any person, who so ever he be or for what colour, occasion, or reason so ever he pretend, be left of and done away by them who bore the same, with out thexpress commandment to the contrary of the king of Navarre, lieutenant general of the kings majesty, & who representeth his person in all his realms and countries, obedient to his crown. And that such as have borne armour in such sort, and continue yet still with the same, be pronounced rebels and enemies to the king & realm.  
¶ That it shall be lawful only to the king of Navarre (as who is lieutenant general of the kings majesty, and representeth his person) and to such as by him shallbe ordained and appointed, to assemble and have with them any power in this realm for th'execution & maintenance of the things aforesaid and others, such as may be thought expedient for the wealth of the king and of his realm.  
¶ That the hands already begun to be assembled by the said prince of Navarre, for the service of the kings majesty to thintents afore declared, shallbe maintained and entertained under his said authority by the space of certain months. within which time there is good hope (if it be your majesties pleasure) to see the fruit of the remedies before rehearsed, & of the quietness of this realm.  
¶ All other provisions requisite and necessary, appertaining to the wealth and quietness of this realm, which may be here by us omitted, shall be taken and supplied by the counsel & advise which was given by the court of parliament of Paris: when you sent last unto the same M. de Auanson, to have his advise concerning the Remedies which he thought convenient for provision against the troubles of this realm, and concerning that which the said court may presently adjoin hereunto.  
¶ These things being done and wholly performed according as we have before declared (without the which we take this realm to be utterly cast away and ruined) we are ready every one of us to go not only home to our houses (if we be so commanded and appointed) but also (if need should so require) to the end of the world into perpetual exile. After that our minds shall be satisfied with perfect contentation in that we shall have given unto God, our king, our country, and to our own consciences the honour, service, love, charity, and all other faithful duty which we own unto them, in so great and evident, so important and notable danger and necessity. To the remedy and resistance whereof we are ready to offer in vow & sacrifice our lives, all our goods, and such things as we most esteem in this world. The which things we declare unto your majesties & unto the king of Navarre, as well to th'end you may be witness & judges unto us therein, as also to set forth unto you against the inconveniences which you see the remedies before rehearsed, the which we take to be most necessary and only in this case to be used: to th'intent it may please you to declare therein your will and determination. Protesting unto god and your majesties that this our advise before declared meaneth nothing else but the wealth and safeguard of the king and of his realm, and that we verily think that who so ever earnestly tendereth the same can in no wise dissent from the things before mentioned & declared in this writing, the which we have subscribed with our own hands for the discharge of our consciences and our selves towards God, towards your majesties and the whole world hereafter.  
Concluded at Paris the fourth of May. Anno. 1562. Subscribed. Francis of Lorraine, De Montmorency. S. Andre.   

¶ An other request presented unto the Queen the same day by the said estate of the three triumvirate.  
Madam, besides the contents of the writing the which we have this present day presented unto your majesty, the which also we purpose and trust (with your favour and licence) to cause to be set forth and published throughout whole Christendom: to th'end we may give more occasion to your majesties to be assured that we desire to submit our opinions to the judgement of your majesty, and of the king of Navarre, and that we seek only the quietness of this realm. Scythe it hath pleased you to declare unto us that neither the king nor you would ever command us to departed from your court.  
¶ If so be that they which be at Orleans will disarm themselves, & the countries, towns and places of this realm give due obedience to your majesties, & that every one will swear that they will be obedient to the king (as to their sovereign and natural lord) and to all the statutes and ordinances the which either be already or shall hereafter be made by his majesty, by the advise of his counsel, and published by his court of Parliament at Paris: The power of men of war remaining still in the hands of the king of Navarre, who is the kings lieutenant general, and representeth his person, in such number, quality, and so long as shall seem necessary: without and before the performance of which things we judge as in our faith and consciences (considering our estates & charges) that we may not neoughte not to depart from your court and train: but if we so do, we shall purchase perpetual shame and reproach unto ourselves & our posterity as unfaithful servants and officers, who have abandoned the honour, wealth, & safeguard of our king and of his realm, of our country and the peace and quietness of all th'estates thereof, the which we see in danger of evident and inevitable ruin, if provision be not out of hand and without delay made therefore.  
¶ We offer that we will withdraw ourselves every one of us to one of our houses, there to obey the king of Navarre in all that we shallbe commanded to do. During the which absence of ours, so moche lacketh (Madam) that we will desire or require the like departure of the prince of Conde to any of his houses, that we wish to see him present near unto your majesties, and do beseek you to procure the same, & to cause him to departed out of the place and company where he is: where as we neither can will look for at the hand of such a prince any other thing but such as becometh the blood and stock whereof be is come and descended.  
At Paris the fourth of may. Anno. 1562. Subscribed as afore.   

¶ An answer made by the prince of Conde, to the request presented by the three Triumuirat.  
ALthough by sundry writings which have been published, and by other means also I have largely declared the causes which moved me to put on armour, and there withal under what conditions I was ready to lay of the same & to withdraw myself unto my house: yet could I never get of them which have the king and queen in their power and custody other language then threatening words and such as were full of reproach and menacing. And especially at my first being at Orleans, before they had understanding what my meaning was they sent hither letters and so strait command mentes and in so outrageous terms as if they had had a do with robbers by the high way or common thieves. But when they perceived that I set at nought their undiscrete behaviour, and that neither their anger ne crafts could turn me from the way which I had already taken (which was to continue in my just and reasonable request, grounded not upon mine own affection or profit, nor upon mine ambition, but upon the zeal that I have and ought to have unto the liberty of the king and queen and unto the wealth and quietness of their subjects) they devised to present unto their majesties a certain writing, the which they call a request, with all humility and reverence, but except a man look well on it, and he do but lightly pass over it, a man would take it rather for a decree then a request, that is to say a determination concluded and decreed by the three petitioners which are the duke of Guise, the Constable, and the Marshal. S. Andre with the legate the Pope's messenger, and the ambassador of the strangers. But they which by the space of these six months passed have marked their practices and conveyances can bear witness, and that according to the truth that this conclusion was grounded not upon any zeal towards the faith or religion, but rather upon the craft, subtlety, and ambition of the foresaid three petitioners, who seeing themselves out of the court, not for any displeasure which they had there received, but because they could never in any time endure that a prince of the blood royal should remain near about the king, and also for that they saw well that the Queen went about rather the kings profit and the comfort of his people, than to please them, or (that I may more truly speak) to satisfy their covetousness already known & abhorred of every man: they laid their heads together, and sought away how they might be restored to their power, and recover their authority to command every man in more ample wise than ever they had done theretofore. And for that they well understood that they could look for no help at all, neither of the people, nor yet of the nobility, and that all honest pretence, all means, all favour and assistance of the kings subjects would fail them (so well have they behaved themselves sith the time of their governance) they grounded their purpose and enterprise upon religion, trusting that the priests & such as depend upon them and have gain by their order, would aid them with men and money. And to assure themselves the rather of the victory, they called unto them strangers to be partakers of their practices, (which thing shall one day be scene and judged, to the end they which come after us may take example thereof) and so being prepared and trusting upon foolish and vain hopes, they determined to call unto them all their friends, as they have sith done from all parts of this realm, how be it the number of them was not very great. They appointed to visit the king and queen being so furnished and accompanied as that no man durst be bold to withstand what so ever it should please them they should command. And for the more assurance of their long reign, they made a roll of all such as should suffer death, and of them which should be banished, and of an infinite number of others which they purposed to put out of their offices and estates and deprive them of their goods. Emongste the first number was the chancellor and divers good men of the privy counsel and other which were in honourable place and estimation near about their majesties. The men were already chosen and appointed which should supply the room of them which they purposed to murder or exile. And it pleased god that they should show their good judgement by the six which they chose to be of the privy counsel in place of other sire which they purposed to put out of the same. The comparison of the one parts unto the other is such that children are compelled to make songs of them.  
The queen should have been sent unto Chenonceau, there to have occupied herself in making of gardens. My lord the prince de la Roche Surion, a prince of the blood royal, a man wise and of great virtue should have been removed from the king, and the place which he hath, been given and appointed to others which should have taught the youth of his majesty, never to here speak of god nor of any such thing as might nourish his wit, which of itself is inclined to all goodness and godliness. And yet much less should he have been taught to understand his own affairs, and how he should use his men as his ministers and not as his masters, to give audience to every one to honour his Nobility, to leave arms because of necessity, to maintain justice, to comfort his people, and to favour the poor especially and to defend them from all oppressions and violence, and above all other things not to suffer any Idol to remain near about him, that is to say, a man which maketh the king, and who under pretence of friendship or long service usurpeth his authority over his subjects. Such is the bringing up which the queen hath bestowed upon the king and which offendeth these gentle men very much, who desire rather to frame him for their own tooth, and to make a king of him which can dance well, ride a horse, bear his staff well, make love, love (as they say) his neighbours wife better than his own, and in the rest to be all together ignorant. For it is not sitting for a king (say they) to have knowledge in any thing at all. Let him keep his reputation with using a certain notable gravity towards poor people, who have to do with him. Let him advance his servants, & commit unto them his affairs and the whole government of his realm, let him never give audience to any man let him never look upon any letters, neither subscribe them with his own hand, to th'intent he never understand the deceptes which be used and pass under his own seal. Let him esteem only two or three which he shall himself choose, who shall be at debate one with an other for the principal place of his favour, or for the especial mean and authority to rob and poll. Let him be prodigal towards those whom ●e favoureth: but niggardly and miserable towards all others. Let him be cruel towards his people and spoil them of all their goods. Let the estates of judgement be sold for ready money, into the hands of ignorant men, covetous and enemies of justice. And finally let the kings house be triumphant in vanity and superfluity of garments and other ornaments, & a receptacle of men of evil life and behaviour. I speak not these things without cause, but every man may well understand what I mean, & the queen already knoweth the news.  
These lords therefore who present this request, have made this goodly faction more hurtful and noisome unto this realm, and therewithal more blood die than ever were the factions of Sylla or Cesar, or the Triunuirat of Rome, which scythe chanced, the which they had executed before this time, if god had not given me the grace to withstand them. And surely I marvel greatly at their boldness & with what face they dare speak in presence of the queen such things as they do speak. But more I wonder at the patience of the foresaid lady who can endure to hear them, especially where as from the time that they first began their prac 〈…〉 ses she hath been advertised and had intelligence day by day of that which they have done and purposed to do. And at this present she receiveth their glosing● words even so as though she had never been made privy of their purposes, wherein she declareth evidently that she is a prisoner in deed, and more than a prisoner. For she taketh upon her as though she never either understood or suspected so wicked an act, and such one as deserveth public revenge, whereof she hath been fully informed. And if she had not been afraid lest she should have been strangled in her bed (as she hath been many times threatened, wherein I report me to her oath) she would not have miss to have denied their request, and to cast in their teeth that they have been the causers of all this trouble by their covetousness and ambition. And sith the danger wherein presently she remaineth, is cause that she can not either dare not as knowledge the fact as it is in deed, and answer unto them, who with fair and flattering words cloak these matters: I am constrained for the maintenance of the kings authority & hers, to make answer unto their request in the name of their majesties: of whose liberties I have taken upon me to be a defender amongst others. trusting that if the foresaid petitioners will not acknowledge their fault, God will assist me, and favour the good mind and purpose which he hath given me, & that all the kings good subjects will join with me to deliver this poor realm out of the hands of them who would become tyrants over it.  
¶ In the beginning of their writing, to give thereby the more gloss and authority unto their words they declare their qualities, they make mention very honourably of their great and faithful services, and will that according to their deeds heretofore men shall presently give judgement of their minds and purposes.  
¶ But they needed not to have made so goodly a beginning (according to their own judgement) to bring to pass thereof so evil an end. For if they were yet greater than they are and their services worthy more commendation than they speak of, yet should it not follow that their fault which is present and so great and evident should therefore be coucred, much less allowed as a good and reasonable work. And though some amongst them have done service (as surely I will always confess that they have) & have never received any recompense for the same: yet must they not presently seek it by the undoing of the king and the ruin of his whole realm. But thanks be to god they be so good husbands all three, and so much evermore regarded their own profit that they have not tarried so long before they asked and obtained their reward. My witnesses bear in are two hundredth and thirty thousand livres in rents, and a Million of gold in movables, which at this day over & above that which their fathers left them, besides three hundredth thousand livres in rent which their kinsmen possess of the goods of the church. And if they be not content with the goods & honours which they have received at the hands of our kings heretofore but for the full answer of their natural disposition we must moreover account amongst the rights of reward certain particular revenges, in this behalf also they have been satisfied to the full. Let them call to their remembrance a number of good and notable men which only at their request without charge or information have been committed to prison, a number of houses decayed and of honourable famelyes impoverished during the rains of king Francis the first, Henry, and Francis the second. So that they have used the favours of their majesties not only in advancing and enriching them selves: but also in impoverishing of others and revenging their private quarrels.  
And if they will (as they say) that their purpose be known by their doings here tofore, it may be easily judged that their enterprise is such as all the kings good subjects and servants ought to oppose themselves unto, and withstand in all that they are able.  
¶ afterward they say that an evident and inevitable ruin is greatly to be feared if it be not by them speedily prevented and remedied. And to this end they present certain articles with all humility and reverence. But if a man should ask them who were the cause of their ruin and who it is that hath sought and procured it? If they would say the truth they should be compelled to lay the blame thereof upon themselves. For after the publication of the statute concluded in january there was an universal peace and quietness throughout all this realm. And a two couple of you (that is to say the Constable of France and the Marshal. S. Andre) can not deny but that so long as they thought that those which were of the reformed religion would not be content with the order taken so long they took upon them to be pleased with it and to allow it and swore betwixt the Queen's hands (as did also the king of Navarre and all the rest of the counsel, that they would cause it to be maintained in the countries appointed to their governance, & that they would never speak for dispensation or abrogation of the same for either the one part or the other. But so soon as they saw and perceived that the professors of the religion aforesaid, obeyed readily the kings commandment, they went about to exasperate the contrary faction. Howbeit they had so few to follow them that they could find no man fit to be their minister, but only the Provost of the merchants, Marcel, and. x. or. xii. porters, so that the Duke of Guise himself was feign to take the matter in hand at Uassy, and there to cut in pieces the poor people as they were at their prayers.  
The Constable because he could not entrap the church of Paris, wreaked his anger upon the pulpits of the preachers and upon the houses where the assemblies were made, which he caused to be set on fire, and certain houses of such as professed the foresaid religion to be spoiled. And it is not to be marveled that the revenge hath been made upon Images in diverse parts of this realm. wherefore if they think that the division of the people be the ruin which they say is evident, they themselves are the authors thereof, & so they ought to be taken and blamed therefore. And as for the humility and reverence which they use towards the king and Queen, hitherto I have not seen that they have obeyed any commandment given them by the said lady. But well I wot they have all three refused to go unto the countries committed to their charge and governance, and I know also well that they would not come to Monceaux as I myself did at the queens commandment.  
¶ They came to Paris in arms against her commandment, and thence would they not departed for any prayer that might be made unto them, where as I came away from thence obeying the wills of their majesties. They went to the king and queen being accompanied with a band of men in arms, although they had expressly been forbid the same.  
They brought them from Fontaineblean to Melun, and from Melun to Paris, & that wholly per force. In which thing I report myself unto the conscience of the queen's majesty, and to her oath or word at such time as she shallbe at liberty, so that she may safely say the truth. They had rather see civil war within this realm, yea so far forth that they bring foreigners into the same, than be content to withdraw themselves home to their houses without diminishing of their goods or estates. Lo this is the reverence and humility of them which present the foresaid requests. This is the; eale which they bear to the savegarde of the king as they say, whom they love & honour so much that rather than they will go home they will see his realm in danger of ruin which they say is evident and not possible to be avoided. This is the love which they bear to their country, into the which they bring foreign power to pill and spoil it (and if god hold not his hand over it) to subdue and utterly destroy it.  
¶ Sith they require a decree which shall remain for ever upon thestate of religion. And where as we required that that should be observed which is already made until the king should come to age, they answered that it was an uncivyle and an unreasonable request, for that it is in the kings power and will to change, lymitte, enlarge and restrain his decrees when so ever he thinketh good. And that we in requiring that that which is already decreed by him and his counsel should be kept and observed during his nonage, desire to keep his majesty in prison & captivity. And yet this notwithstanding they will that the decree which they three have made shall remain in force & unchanged for ever. But if the reason which they allege against us are to be received, we will also by the self same conclude that they themselves will keep the king prisoner both in his nonage and lawful age. But by like they think they are able to master and keep at commandment not only the kings person but also the whole realm. Seeing that in a thing of so great weight and which bringeth with it so many inconvenience, they dar● take upon them to present a decree allowed only by them three. what more did ever August. Mark, Antonius and Lepidus, when by their wicked & shameful triumvirate they subverted the laws & common wealth of Rome. If they had been moved with a good and peaceable zeal (as they say) & not seditious, with a zeal of religion and not of ambition, they would never have begun with rigorous punishment as they have done, they would have come unarmed and presented themselves with all humility and reverence: They would have declared the causes which moved them to mislike the decree of january. They would have humbly besought the king and Queen to consider with their counsel, with the advise of the parlementes and of other estates. If any other mean might be found to remedy these troubles, to the conservation of God's honour with the safeguard and increase of the king and of this realm. And in so speaking they should have showed that they had been led by none other affection, but only by the zeal of their consciences. But their manner of proceeding sufficiently declareth that their religion serveth them to get followers and partakers and to so we strife and division amongst the kings subjects, and with the one part having the strangers there unto adjoined, to make themselves lords of the whole: unto whom I am constrained to say that the princes of the blood royal (unto whom they have evermore been enemies and thrust them back in all that they might) will in no wise suffer that & strange nation and such as be not called to the governance shall take upon them to make statutes and ordinances in this realm. Moreover they will and require that the church of Rome (which they call the catholic and apostolic Church) be only received and acknowledged in France, and that they which profess the reformed religion be excluded from preaching & receiving of the sacraments. It is a duke of Guise an outlandish prince, a lord of Montmorency and a lord of S. Andre which make an ordinance contrary to the decree of Ianuarye, which was agreed upon by the king and the queen his mother, the king of Navarre, the princes of the bloody royal with the kings counsel, & forty of the chief of all the parlementes. They be three which make an ordinance against the request presented by the estates, that is to say the nobility and the third estate at Orleans first, and sith at S. Germaine. The which two estates require that it will please the kings majesty to give and appoint churches for them that profess the foresaid reformed religion. They are three which make an ordinance that can not be executed with out civil war and with out putting the realm in danger of evident ruin. And they themselves see it and confess it. Lo thus is the realm bound unto them, and this fruit bringeth forth their konwledge and good zeal (or that I may more truly speak) their practices, their conveyances and ambition of rule and commandment.  
¶ The Duke of Guise and his brethren taking upon them this enterprise to banish away the professors of the reformed religion, what good zeal so ever they pretend to have can not deny but that they willingly go about to trouble and bring into danger this realm, where as they see that in the like enterprise their matters had so evil success in scotland. In the which country the one part and the other lived in peace under the obedience of that good and virtuous princess the queen dowagier, unto such time as it was by the authority of the foresaid Guise published and proclaimed that the king minded not to permit that any other religion were received in the said country but only the religion of the church of Rome, which was cause that a certain small number of people of the common sort rise and put themselves in arms, who were by the prudence of the said lady and the help of the nobility within short time dispersed. This beginning might have served for an admonition to the said Guise of the danger which might ensue of greater troubles, if they give not over their enterprise, of which thing yet not withstanding they would take no regard at all: but (contrariwise) being in greater heat than ever they were theretofore writ unto the said lady very sharp letters blaming her for that she had used to much gentleness, especially in the quarrel of religion. And that for the amends of her faults passed it was needful that she should bloody her hands upon them especially which were the chief. And for this purpose they sent unto her the bishop of Amiens, and M. de la Brosse, who to declare themselves at their first coming good catholics of the romish sect, they would have constrained every man to come to mass. They objected oftentimes to the said lady and to M. de Oysel that they had marred al. They proclaimed their purpose which was that they would use force and constraint in the matter. The bishop of Amiens as the pope's legate looking for the bulls of his legacy, promised that he would reform the most part of them which he said were out of the way. M. de la Brosse promised within the space of one month to banish them which would not be reformed.  
And for so much as covetousness is evermore the companion of cruelty, they cast a pleasant eye upon the lands and possessions of the nobility. They write unto them who had sent them that by taxing the people and putting to death out of the way such gentlemen as favoured and followed that reformed religion, mean might be found both to increase the kings revenues two hundredth thousand crowns by year, & to furnish a thousand french gentlemen with houses & goods, who might continually dwell there and serve as an ordinary garrison of men of war. This condition was willingly received & well liked and allowed, to the great commendation of them who were the authors thereof. And notwithstanding all demonstrations that the foresaid lady and M. de Oysel were able to make, that the Scots could not so easily be brought under yoke, but that if they went about to constrain them they would put themselves into the hands of strangers, by whose aid to assure themselves of the whole they would banish the name and obedience of the church of Rome, & that thereupon they should put in danger the estate & so much as aperteined to the authority of the king & queen. All this was misliked & rejected. The queen was a good gentlewoman but she had marred all. M. de Oysell was but a fool without all understanding, because he would not lose that which he had by his labour and diligence kept so long. In conclusion these gentlemen (who see so far in a millstone) handled the matter so well by their witty devices, that the chief and greatest part of the nobility arise and in arms & joined themselves with their ancient (and that I may so say) with their natural enemies. And within short time drive away all their priests, who might well enough have lived and continued in their estate, if they could have been content with a common peace betwixt the one part & the other. So that both the name of Guise & the name of the church of Rome was sent back again on this side the sea. And so those folk which would have had all to themselves lost al.  
Hereof should the duke of Guise and his brethren have taken example and have acknowledged the fault which he committed in putting the realm of Scotland in danger, & should have kept in those words which so many times they have rehearsed and published: which are that th'one of these two religions must of necessity be banished out of the realm of France, and that th'one part must needs give place to tother. These words are not sitting to be spoken of a subject or servant. These are the words of a king, being in his full age & authority, who hath been advised not only by his ordinaries counsel, but also by the wisest of that three estates of this realm. For in such a matter wherein cometh in question the diminishing of the force of a king & of the half (I speak of the least) of his nobility & of the people which is able to serve, we must not go so generally and roundly to work, as well because there is no king which feeleth not as sensibly such a loss, as if a man cut away the half of his limbs from his own body, as also considering the danger which should ensue (at the least at this present time) where as our king by reason of his tender age ruleth only according to the opinion and affection of an other man) that this half seeing itself persecuted did not instead of departure and giving place, take courage and drive out the other. And as concerning the estate of the romish religion, they which go about by force of arms to plant the same only in this realm, put it in danger of diminishing every day more and more, in that they tommytte it unto the force and defence of arms. And it had been far better to have kept the one & the other in peace & union, & not to have disputed of these matters any other wise but with paper & parchment & not with manslaughter & effusion of blood, which (peradventure) hath provoked the anger of god and called upon his vengeance in such sort, that the priests and the other of their order (who might have lived quietly in their charges and enidyed their goods) shall be the first which shall sustain the danger of the folly, and (that which is worse) of the rage of the people. And what so ever come to pass hereof, the protection of these gentlemen the petitioners can not but bring unto them a certain loss and the danger of an huge ruin. For saying they were once assured that they should not be troubled or molested in their living, in their charges, nor in their goods: they could not say that they had any occasion at all to complain, except they will take upon them that they were moved with compasshion for the loss of our souls. But how is it come to pass that they are lately become so careful, where as there is neither bishop nor curet amongst them who can prove that he hath heretofore regarded them any thing at all.  
Seeing therefore that it was of our part determined that no man should in anyewise trouble them, what needed you to name them in this quarrel and to cover your selves with the name of them & of the church of Rome? Is not this the way to provoke and kindle the one part against the other? Is not this the way to make this order odious to the whole people which already is to much offended with it? Is not this the way to kindle (if god do not set to his helping hand) amongst them which lived in peace, the like furious hate unto that which was in scotland. And what so ever chance thereof seeing it is so that one of the two parts must needs be banished & that the petycioners will have it so, there never chanced in this realm so piteous a spectacle as that is like to be. Is there any profit in the world, is there any commodity, is there any power (yea and if it were for the king himself) that aught to be bought so dear and with such a ruin and desolation? What pardons, what in dulgences, what bulls of the pope can ever recompense the loss of the blood which shallbe shed for this quarrel? These three petitioners may say unto the king sometime hereafter that in the defence of that which no man did assault in maintenance of the religion of Rome (which no man troubled nor letted) they have caused him or would have caused him to lose the half of his nobility and of the best of his majesties subjects. A man may and that according to the truth lay to their charge that even as with their feigned and false opinions they put the realm of Scotland in danger of an evident ruin, and were causers of a great and piteous effusion of blood, so with the same opinions, the same purpose, the same ministers they have cast the apple of discord amid this realm, & so have instigate one against an other that these three petitioners and their ministers shallbe noted to posterity as the only authors of all the harms and inconveniences which shall chance both to those that be of the reformed church and also of the church of Rome.  
Moreover lest they should fail to cause troubles enough, they require that all officers, whether they be of household, of ordinance, of judgement, of finances, and others having administration or commission, & likewise prelate's of the church shall make confession of their faith. And they which delay or refuse the same, shall be deprived of their estates and pensions, and the men of the church of their benefices. These be three private persons, which make a law contrary to the laws of this realm. For it hath never been either seen or understood that the kings heretofore have at any time constrained their subjects to make other confession of their Faith eccept only their ordinary belief or Credo. This law is contrary to the laws of the church, I under stand of the church as they do that is taken of the general counsels and of those ancient father's which they allow.  
Wherefore he who indited their request, who is of so great knowledge should have brought some example therewith to have cloaked his wicked purpose, the which in deed he can not do except he bring into this realm the inquisition of Spain. The which was judged so unjust of all other nations that not one amongst them all would use or accept it. And if I shall say the truth this law is the trap which they had set at Orleans somewhat before the death of king Francis lately deceased, the which can tend to no other but to the ruin and utter subversion of all the kings subjects. For the foresaid petitioners do know well that there be ten thousand gentle men and an hundredth thousand men after them able to bear armour, which neither for force nor authority will ever forsake the religion which they have received. Neither will they suffer that either preaching administration of the sacraments be taken from them. And the king being under age as he is there is no man that hath authority to command them to avoid the realm, yea they will defend themselves with the sword against them who in this behalf will abuse the authority of his majesty. This great and notable company can not be overcome ne vanquished, if it so come to pass (which god forbid) with out the ruin of these which shall assail them. So that the strangers the which they have already called (which is treason and an offence worthy of death) shall bear away the fruit of this civil war. And for a conclusion speaking as I do both for myself and for a number of great lords of this realm, and for ten thousand gentlemen and other of our train who will live and die in this quarrel. I say that the foresaid decree was made by three private persons who by their authority have broken them which were made by the king and his counsel. And because they would execute it before they had by lawful consultation approved it they put on armure & took by force the kings person. I say moreover that the foresaid decree is against the laws of this realm, that custom of whole christendom against the decree of january, against the request of the estates, against the quietness & security of the kings subjects, & against the conscience, the honour, the life & goods of an infinite number of honest people, who have sought to bring some to death, to drive others out of their countries under that cloak & pretence of conscience and religion. This decree also is made against the liberty of going to the general counsel. The which he that gave them the advise should have better marked. For if it be said that in this realm such confession of faith as they require shall be made with declaration of maintenance of the doctrine and ceremonies of the church of Rome, it is a sentence given against them of the reformed church. wherefore neither our ministers nor the ministers of other nations must not go to the general counsel, seeing they are condemned before they be heard. But before that the said duke of Guise and the Cardinal his brother can set forth this decree of confession they must renounce a number of articles of the confession of August which they agreed upon at Sauerne and promised a great prince of Almain that they would cause them to be observed in France. And if they will deny this let them put it in writing and they shall be answered by them unto whom they made the promise. The said Cardinal must also put in writing that it may be sen and published whether he remain in the same mind the which he once heretofore declared unto the queen in the presence of a great sort of honesty men touching the articles of transubstantiation, of the keeping and bearing of the holy sacrament of justification, of the Invocation of saints, of purgatory, of Images, of all which articles he spoke contrary to the opinion of his catholic, apostolic romish Church.  
¶ In the request not much after this is made mention of the breaking of Images. And request is made by them that presented it that the damages should be recompensed and the offenders punished. Where unto I will answer this word that the blood of them who breoke the foresaid Images the which was shed by the hands of certain of our retinue who would have stayed them and sith by authority of justice in the same place of Orleans, will bear witness evermore before god and before men, how greatly such executions done by the ignorant people always misliked me for many respects, and specially because the same was contrary to the decree of january, & also to an assosiation which we had caused be published a few days before. But if the breaking of Images deserve any restitution and punishment (because it is done contrary to the kings ordinance) what punishment look they for who garnish themselves so well with the name of the king: for the murders the which partly by themselves, and partly by their example and motion have been committed at Uassy, at Sens, at Castesna de Arry, and at Angiers. In which places it is well known that betwixt men & women there have been slain above. v. hundredth persons for none other occasion but for religion. He who made the request should have examined his own conscience and have acknowledged that it is not found that the dead image did ever cry vengeance but the blood of man (which is the lively image of god) requireth it in heaven, & as it were pullith & causeth it to come at that length although it be for a time let pass.  
¶ Than the petitioners or (that I may speak more truly) the commanders require that their armure shallbe taken from them who have borne the same without the express commandment of the king of Navarre, and that they which have worn armure in that manner be declared rebels and enemies to the king and realm. Now would I ask of these lords who say they are so wise & so great friends of the common wealth. If their request tend not to take a way all hope of agreement, Seing they require that I and they which be with me be declared rebels & enemies to the king and realm. For they say not that they which will not leave of their armour, but that they which be in that sort armed, shallbe declared rebels. Which is an article that deserveth an other manner of answer than by writing, wherefore I trust within few days to go and meet with them, and dispute with them with the sword whether it be meet that an outelandishe man with a couple of mean mates such as they are to pronounce a prince of the blood royal and the two parts of the nobility of this realm rebels and enemies to the king. Neither behoveth it them to use the name and authority of the king of Navarre, to whom they have been continually deadly enemies even from the time of other kings. They have thrust him back and kept him behind so much as possibly they might, yea in so much that they would not make mention of him ne of his rights at such time as question hath been as concerning the conclusion of a treaty of peace. They cannot say that he ever obtained at their hand any thing which he required, whether it were for himself or for an other. They can not say but that when soever occasion served they put him beside the place which of duty he ought to have commanded were it in time of war or peace. And for to make up the matter, in the time of king Francis last deceased they made as little count of him as if he had been the poorest gentleman in this realm, and since they caused him by threatenings to come unto them, they caused that no man durst be so bold as to go out of Orleans to meet him. They forbid all knights of the order and other gentlemen to visit him or communicate with him in any wise. They sent a marshal of France with a band of horsemen & sore men to seize upon his whole lands, & called in strangers to the spoil of the same as it is well known to all the world. And seeing their enterprise broken by the death of the foresaid late king Francis it is welknowen what counsels they held to be faite him all together.  
They continually so withstood him that he never could have authority to command The foresaid prince of Guise by the counsel of the Constable, said now a year ago that he would not depart from the court neither at the request nor commanndement of the king of Navarre. The marshal of S. Andre said unto him in full counsel. I will obey the king and the queen & none other. And now they will use his name for their profit. Whom in times paste they have so naughtily entreated. And they intend to use the authority of his name, thereby to destroy his own brother. And where as the foresaid lord king of Navarre was so well loved (as ever he was) they seek means to make him hated of the most part of the nobility and people hoping that if they can wholly put him out of conceit with them who have so long and faithfully loved him, then they may well enough set him at naught and handle him at their pleasure as they have done in times past: but the deceit whereby they thought to come to their purpose is disclosed and well known & shall shortly be set forth and published throughout all christendom, to the shame and confusion of such as have been the ministers thereof.  
As touching their request that the king of Navarre may assemble force to put in execution the things before rehearsed, they therein show evidently either great folly or a great desire that we never come toany agreement. For saying they have determined to constrain by force of arms them of the reformed religion, to do that which they require they should not have told us so before we had laid apart our arms. For seeing they have so plainly given us to understand their purpose we will take heed that we be not deceived and will not lay of our harness (but with very good tokens.)  
¶ they require also that certain other articles which shallbe given by the court of parliament of Paris may be received, wherein they declare the little regard that they have to the queen and king of Navarre & the kings counsel. And I marvel greatly that at the least they had no respect to the six great wise personages which they placed in the counsel, at whose hands I doubt not but a man might easily receive good and notable advertisement. And I doubt not at all but that in the said parliament there be many good men, who in virtue and knowledge, represent the ancient integrity of the Senate. Howbeit the three petitioners have taken so good order therein that partly by benefices, partly by offices some sold and some half given and by other unlawful means, and not to be suffered in this realm, they have made such a number of friends, that the good men be many times overlaid by the bad. And concerning this matter it shallbe sufficient to all edge that the legation hath been twice refused, following the edict made and confirmed at the request of the states, published and proclaimed in all the courts of this realm. And (that which is more) their refusal was grounded upon their consciences and the conscience of the king. And yet without looking for any other commandment but of a simple letter of the seal they have received & approved it through the solicitation and practices of these. iii. and their ministers. Loo what hope we have that we shall there find good advise and counsel.  
¶ By a remembrance presented with their request they desire that the towns may be rendered into the kings hands with new oath of fidelity. And they would gladly (as they did in the time of king Francis lately deceased) persuade the world that all they which will not endure their tyranny are the kings enemies. It might suffice the duke of Guise and his brethren that they have once already had the use of this crafty invention, to the great displeasure of a number of honesty men. Whereas to defend themselves against such as ought them evil will they covered their private quarrel with the kings. If any man were either by private or public injury suspected only to have spoken evil of any of them, he was straight way imprisoned, persecuted, and by letters patents declared enemy to the king and to the estate. And because this goodly invention of theirs hath once had good success (wherewith they had brought to pass greater matters if god had not put to his helping hand) they would now return again to the same and although there be at this day no man within this realm (at the least amongst them which be of our side) which is not ready to endanger his life and goods in the service of the king, yet for all that they call us rebels. There is no man of our part (as god is our witness who would not with all his heart hazard his life) to save and preserve his majesty from harm or danger, whom we love dearly and honour as a singular and precious gift which god hath given us. There is none amongst us which hath taken arms to ask any thing at all at the kings hand ne at the queene● his mother, ne yet at the kings of Navarre. We require to have none other king ne other prince but him who is our natural lord. We desire not to have the custody of his person, neither any authority of rule and governance. We require not the diminishing or releasing of any taxes, subsides or other right appertaining unto him, but contra 〈…〉 wise our men have never murniured what but then so ever have been laid upon them. And they have offered and presently offer, that they will with all their heart agree unto all that it shall please him to require, so far as their goods and lands will stretch. The towns which are named to be rebellious, have not changed their master ne lord, but acknowledge more gladly than ever heretofore the obedience which they ought unto our king. And who so shall see the Answer which they have made, shall easily perceive that their arms were not taken in hand against the king. They shall perceive that we have not required any thing which concerneth the person authority the governance or life of his majesty. They shall perceive that our arms are borne against the house of Guise, the Coustable and Marshal S. Andre. And that done with such modesty that we seek not their goods their lives nor their estates. Wherefore he that will say that we bear arms against the king (as they would make men believe) must needs confess that he is a slaunderour, or rather that he is willing to help them forward to usurp this realm, and to take upon them the name and doings of the king. And those that shall counsel the king to receive their protection, to grant unto them the use of his name and authority, to lend them men and money against us as though we made war against his majesty: such counsellors I say (chance when it will) shall one day be called to judgement where they must declare how they could join the quarrel of three private persons with the quarrel of his Majesty and of the whole realm. They must also make accounts of the money which shallbe spent in this war, against the decree of the estates and of the kings counsel, to defend that which pleaseth these three private persons: for it is none other but their pleasure, that is to say, to be at the court or at home at their houses. And if such counsellors have goods wherewith to make answer. I trust that at the endeth war shallbe made upon their charges and the charges of such as be principal authors thereof. Upon whose goods I hope to take so much as shallbe spent and to restore the same unto the kings treasure to the comfort of the people.  
¶ For th'end & conclusion of their request they protest that if that which they desire be fully executed, they are ready to withdraw themselves home to their houses. Yea (if need be) to go to the world's end. So that we now understand when we may trust that they will withdraw themselves. Than (say they) when the things beforesaid shallbe done, accomplished, and executed. That is to say, when the decree of january shall by their authority be broken, when by their ordinances all the ministers shall be banished, when they which be of the reformed religion shall not be suffered to hear any sermon, nor to receive the sacrament but of them of the church of Rome. When all that be of the foresaid religion shallbe deprived of their estates, of their charges, of their offices, and moreover spoiled & sent home to their houses in open danger of the rage of them who will devour them, & cause them to lose their life with their liberty if they incur any offence. Interpreting offence (as they have in times past done) not to come to the mass, the assembly of neighbours together to make their prayers to god. Lo this is it that they call an offence. When we shallbe proclaimed rebels and enemies to the king and realm, because we have borne armour and when they have taken away the same from us, and that no man may bear it but in the execution of their determinations. Loo these be the conditions which we may look for at these noble men's hands. Lo this is the most honest purpose that they pretend. But they are wiser than to declare to what pass they purpose after ward to attain. Now let my request be reported and set in comparison against theirs. I require the maintenance of the decree of january, and they will by their authority break it and disannul it. They require the decay and ruin of an infinite number of houses, as well of the nobility as of the third estate. I require & desire that all the kings subjects of what sort so ever they be, may be maintained and kept in their estate and goods, & defended from all injury and violence. They purpose to banish all them that be of the reformed religion: And I desire that we may be reserved till the time that the king be come to full age, at what time we will be ready to obey all that it shall please him to command us: & in the mean season that they which be of the romish church be not troubled, molested, ne hindered, neither their goods, nor in the exercise of their charges. They require an army, wherewith to execute that which they have taken in hand, and consider not that they shall constrain an infinite number of good men to defend themselves. They consider not the lack of expenses: neither the incommodities and ruins which civil war bringeth with it. And (that which is the worst of all) they have sent for and have agreed together to cause foreign soldiers to come into the country, which is to say in plain language, to give this realm in pray unto foreigners. On the contrary part I require not to have men of war remain with me. I spend not the kings money, I call not strangers into my country: but have refused to receive such as were offered me, as god is my witness. I prayed them that they should not come, and that they would let others to come either with me or against me. And I require (as I have done ever heretofore) that we may put away our arms as well on the one part as the other, being assured that on our part there shall neither be rebellion ne disobedience, & that on our behalf arms shall never be of such force and efficacy as the love, the fidelity, the obedience which we ought unto our king, for whose sake we will never stick to hazard our lives and goods. And we have given to under stand that we are not Idiots, as it was reported, and that we are more able to do him service in his need than they who would banish us, with all their train and practices. They require that we may be proclaimed rebels, they require our lives, our honours and consciences. We require nothing at all pertaining to their lives, to their honours, to their goods, nor to their consciences: neither do we wish them any more harm than that which we will bind ourselves unto, which is that they and we withdraw ourselves home to our houses, following wholly the conditions which are written at large in our declaration and protestations made heretofore, and sent to the king & queen. And they can not say that their honour is therein any thing touched at all. For seeing we also accept the same conditions, there remaineth no place for them to complain or discontent themselves. Our request is just, for so much as they came to their king (as hath been oft reheried) otherwise than according to their duty, and with such purposes as have been the causes of the troubles which we presently see. And they have required and sought the undoing of so many good men, that notwithstanding our request were not upon so good a ground as we suppose it is, yet ought we rather to displease. v. or vi. (for so many they be) than offend th● two parts of the whole realm. And they which be of the like sort and force as be they themselves, who would banish them acknowledge and confess this day that there is no way to assault them, much less to overcome them, without the aid of foreigns and strangers.  
¶ And although there be no like comparison of the on request unto tother, forsomuch as the one is full of justice and equity, the other of unjustice, tyranny and cruelty. And that they who present the bloody & violent request, mean for their pleasure & to bring their purposes to pass to trouble this royalme: The other require nothing else but a common rest and quietness, and have not taken arms but upon constraint and for to defend their lives, their honours and their consciences. The queen may judge which of that two requests ought to be received or denied. And whereas presently either because she is not at liberty (as she is not in deed at this time) or for some other consideration she can not give judgement hereof, neither would displease them who have presented them. May it please her majesty, that these troubles may the rather be brought to an end, to cause the foresaid two requests to be registered in the court of parliament at Paris. That the decree of january be maintained and kept, and that the one part and the other lay away their arms and withdraw themselves to their houses till the king be come to full age, that he may judge who hath done well & who evil. orels that the queen's majesty will give judgement herein with the advise of the estates which shall for this intent be called together. This remedy is common to us all, and no man shall have occasion to complain or discontent himself therewith. And may so easily and readily be executed that he who will not agree thereunto, cannot deny but that he is enemy unto the king and realm. And it is not to be judged that there is any man in the world (if he be not carried aways with some private affection) but he will condemn all them that might and would not slake this fire and flame which threateneth us so many evils and inconvenience. Moreover every man may judge who is the rebel and enemy to the king, whether he that offereth to leave his arms & to withdraw himself to his house, or he that will rather lose all then to let go the pray which he hath of the kings person. And for so much as in all civil war none other end can be looked for, but such as is full of all misery and calamity, and that it is a hard matter to stape the hands and affections of Soldiers being provoked against them who would become tyrants over them. I protest before god and before all men, that I am greatly sorry & aggrieved to take arms and to lead them who bear the same. And that I would with my blood if I could take away the miserable effects wherewith the war threateneth us. But sith my request is not regarded, sith mine enemies will be my judges and command now adays under the name and authority of the king. I protest that my purpose tendeth to none other end but to set the king at such liberty as he was in now six months passed, to restore the government to the queen's hands with the assistance of the king of Navarre as was concluded by the estates. And to keep & preserve the nobility and people from all tyranny & oppression of such as be not called to rule & command them. And that of this whole enterprise I look not for nor will look for (but had rather die) any private profit, neither any purpose that tendeth to covetousness & ambition.  
But I will refer all my doings and the grace which god will give me, unto the honour of god, to the service of the king, and to the quietness and comfort of all his subjects.  
Ended at Orleans the. 19 of May. 1562. thus subscribed. Lois d' Bourbon.