A REFUTATION OF M. JOSEPH HALL. HIS APOLOGETICAL DISCOURSE, FOR THE Marriage of Ecclesiastical Persons, directed unto M. john Whiteing.  
IN WHICH Is demonstrated the Marriages of Bishops, Priests &c. to want all warrant of Scriptures or Antiquity: and the freedom for such Marriages, so often in the said discourse urged, mentioned, and challenged to be a mere fiction.  
Written at the request of an English Protestant, By C. E. a Catholic Priest.  Libertatem promittentes, cùm ipsi sint servi corruptionis. Promising freedom, whiles themselves are the slaves of corruption. 2. Petr. 2. 
Permissu Superiorum, M. DC. XIX.   

AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER.  
WHEREAS according to the order set down in the ensuing Letter, I had determined to add another paragraph to the former three, containing A detection of M. Hall's errors, and oversights in writing, I found in the pursuit thereof so abundant matter, as I could not comprise it all within the narrow bounds of a paragraph; and increasing so much under my hands, I resolved at length to set it out a part, at amounting to more than what I have already written in answer of this Letter to M Whiteing, which being one entire Controversy, might perhaps better be set out alone than conio●ned with other points nothing at all incident to that matter, as are the other doctrinal Errors, Untruths, Mistake, Impostures, and other fraudulent, ignorant and malicious behaviour which I am forced to detect, and wherewith all the ●apsodyes of his Epistles that contey● any disputable question are fraught to the full.  
Another cause hereof was, for that a Gentleman lately come out of England, gave me notice of other books of the same Author, which I had not yet seen, and of one entitled, The peace of Rome, on which in particular dependeth very much of that which I have written in the Detection, especially in refuting that most shameless assertion, 
Decad. 3. Epist 5.  that Bellarmin acknowledgeth under his own hand two hundred thirty and seven Contrarietyes of doctrine amongst catholics: which is nothing else but 237. lies in one assertion, if he mean as he must do, of points that belong to saith and Religion, and not of matter undecided and merely disputable in Schools. And yet further (which to one not acquainted with the forehead of Heretics may seem incredible) he avoucheth, the dissensions of Protestant's to be only in cerimonyes of the catholics in substance: theirs in one or two points, ours in all. Again, ours is in the whole cloth, theirs only in the skirts etc. with more to the same effect. All which, or at least the chiefest part, I mean the disagreement of catholics in fundamental points, are as I suppose discussed in that work, and I cannot so well refute his words in general, until I see his special prooses that are made against our unity, and the proper subject of every particular dissension.  
Only here to his general charge, I return also in general this answer: That neither he, nor all of his Sect set together can make this good: and in case he be so bold in his Peace, as he hath been in his other Write, we shall find store of most impudent untruths (for lying and detraction if it be for the advancement of the Gospel seem with this Man to be meritorious works) and those delivered with such audacity, as if they were most certain and uncontrollable truths: of which kind there be many discovered in the refutation of this Letter, but the number that remain is without comparison greater: which when I consider, together with his eminent ignorance, I cannot but greatly admire the scarcity of learned men in our Country, that could find no better Doctors to send to Do●t Conference, to conclude the peace between the skirtwrangling-brethrens then M. Hall, no more to be compared with learned men, than a Pedlar with Merchants, a Pettifogger with Lawyers, a mere Pedantical Grammarian with grave and learned Divines.  
Were the matter in Controversy to be concluded with outfacing of lies; M. Hall might sit for Arbiter and judge of the whole Assembly, & (unless they be too shameless) ouerbeare them all. Of a main multitude which already I have set down in the Detection, I will touch one here, and that only to discharge and clear myself from that whereof I accuse him, I mean of detraction, and defaming his person Let this then pass for an example which so confidently he writeth in his Quo vadis, or Censure of 
Pag. 41.  Travel: where though he say that, A discreet man will be ashamed to subscribe his name to that whereof he may be afterwards convinced, yet 
Pag. 6●.  so indiscreetly doth he deal, as he blusheth not to write in these words: What packets fly abroad of their Indian wonders? Even Cardinal Bellarmine can come in as an avoucher of these cozenages, who dares aver, that his fellow Xavier had not only healed the deaf, dumb, and blind, but raised the dead; whiles his brother Acosta after many years spent in those parts, can pull him by the sleeve, and tell him in his ear so loud, that all the world may hear him, Prodigia nulla producimus, neque verò est opus etc. So M. Hall.  
And I appeal to all the Ministers of Dort, whether they ever heard a more impudent untruth. For first Acosta was never in the East indies at all nor Xavier in the West: and how then would Acosta spend many years in those parts where Xavier had lived? This is one lie, and that so long a one, as it reacheth as far as it is from the East to the West, or from the artic to the Antarctic Pole. Again so far is Acosta from pulling Bellarmine by the sleeve, or disavowing the miracles of Xavier, as in this very work he doth both acknowledge & confess them for true. For thus he writeth: Conuertamus oculos in 
Lib. 2. 10.  saeculi nostri hominem, B. Magistrum Franciscum virum Apostolicae vitae etc. Let us cast our eyes upon a man of our age, on B. Master Francis (Xavier) a man of an Apostolical life, of whom so many & so great miracles are recorded by many, and those approved witnesses, as there are scant recounted more or greater (unless it be of the Apostles) of any. What have M. Gaspar (Berzaeus) & other not a few of his Companions done in the East Indies? How much have they advanced the glory of God's power in converting that people by their miraculous works? So far Acosta.  
Out of whose words delivered in so plain, & honourable terms of this Blessed Man Francis Xavier, the Reader may see whether he were a fit witness to be produced against the miracles of the said Father: whether he pull Bellarmine by the sleeve, and cry so loud in his ear, that all the world may hear him, or rather whether M. Hall do not most lewdly lie, and maliciously abuse his Reader in applyirg that to Xaverius which Acosta spoke only of himself, and others then living with him in Perù, Brasil, Mexico, and the adjoining coasts, and assigneth the causes of their not working miracles, as I shall more fully declare when I shall come to handle this in the Ditection.  
And even now there is come to my hands a book written by one Collins in defence of Doctor Andrews. If Spenser the Poet were living, he might very well make another Collins Slowt upon his slowterly discourse, so lose & loathsome, as will weary the most patiented Reader, and withal so ignorant, railative, and lying, as I wonder that it was permitted by privilege to come to the Press, & was not suppressed with his other which he wrote against the Reverend Father Andraeas Eudemon-Ioannes. He is fortunate in the choice of his Adversaries, for be singles out such as are singular; but in the combat he is weak, simple, and a mere prattler: this he shall better hear from him whom it concerns, than I shall need now to declare. Only this I must note in him, that———— Et Platanus Platanis, Alnoque assibilat Alnus. One egg is not more like another, then are these Ministers in lying, For this silly fellow in his Epistle to his Majesty (of all others which ever I saw written to a Prince the most beggarly) thus writeth of Cardinal Bellarmine.  
He in his devoutest Meditations of all others, his book last set forth the aeterna Felicitate (saith M. Collins) will not excuse Kings from being murdered de iure (not only de facto) only he passes it over as a casus omissus, happily because avouched in his other Volumes more peremptorily. So he▪ Insinuating that Bellarmine alloweth the murdering of Kings, not only de facto, but also the iure: for what other sense can his words bear, that he will not excuse Kings from being murdered de iure? And again when afterwards he saith, The Cardinal not content with a death de facto, implies that they may be slain de iure too, but that it doth approve it? which is so far from the cardinals meaning, as he insinuateth the quite contrary. For having compared the Saints in heaven with Kings on earth, he cometh after to show wherein the Saints do excel them: and putteth this for one point, that earthly Kings are subject to many calamities, from which the Saints are exempted: and delivereth the difference in these words.  
Denique potest etiam Rex subditos vinculis, carcere, exilio, flagris, morte mulctare: sed potest etiam Rex (de facto loquor, non de iure) vinciri, carceri mancipari, exilio, vulneribus, 
Lib. 1. c. 5.  morte mulctari. Id verum esse probavit julius Caesar, Caius, Nero, Galba, Vitellius, Domitianus etc. To conclude, a King may also punish his Subjects with fetters, prison, banishment, whip, and death: but the King also may be fettered (I speak de facto, not the iure) may be committed to prison, may be punished with banishment, wounds, and death. This did julius Caesar find to be true, this Caius, Nero, Galba, Vitellius, Domitian etc. So Bellarmine. And let any here judge whether the Cardinal speaking de facto and not the iure, do not grant the one, and deny the other? Grant I say that such facts have fallen out (and may upon the wicked disposition of the people fall out again) but not that they were lawfully done. Which is further confirmed by the other examples which he doth produce, of which som● were good Princes, as Gordian, Gratian, Valentinian the second, and others. Some also Saints, as S. Edward of England, S. Sigismond of Burgundy, S. Wenceslaus of Bohemia, and S. Canutus of Denmark. And is it possible to conceive that the Cardinal should affirm all these to have been lawfully murdered? And in case he had so imagined, why then did he interpose that negative exception, de facto loquor, non de iure, I speak of the facts which have fallen out (for certain it is the forenamed Princes to have been slain) but not of the lawfulness of their kill? Was it not, trow you to excuse the Kings, and accuse the murderers? For if he would have implied the contrary, or approved it as lawful, he would never have spoken in this phrase of speech, but either have concealed these words, or expressed his mind in other.  
And it cannot but move laughter to see, how this man geeth about to prove the immortality of Kings, and reprehendeth Bellarmine for saying only, that Kings de facto may be slain, telling his Majesty most son●ly, that the Scripture leads us to speak of Kings & Princes in another strain, as if they, that ought not to be violated by any mortal hand, could not die at all. So this gross flattering Parasite. But where I pray you are those strains? Sure I am he must strain hard before he find any such on our Bibles. He allegeth the saying of David, speaking of the death of Saul, How was he slain, as if he had not been anointed with oil? But doth this show that de facto Kings cannot be slain? or rather doth it not show the contrary? For here you have Saul a King, and yet the facto slain, which is as much as the Cardinal doth affirm. But to this M. Collins very learnedly (scilicet!) replies, that Kings die not as Kings but as men (quatenus homines non qua●enus Principes) and so granteth that Kings as men may be killed, but not as Kings. By which reason I will deny that any Minister, Cobbler, Tinker, or Tapster may be killed, or die at all. Or though some of these degrees come to be promoted to the gallows, yet are they hanged as wicked men, not as Ministers, not as Cobblers, not as Tinkers, not as Tapsters: for else all Ministers, Cobblers, Tinkers, & Tapsters should be hanged, which were as you know a very pitiful case. And the like happeneth although they die in their beds, for they do not die because they are Ministers, Cobblers, Tinkers, & Tapsters, which are accidental qualities, but for that they are mortal men, and subject to corruption.  
But I leave him to his learned Adversary, who yet as I persuade myself, if he read any one Chapter in him, will be more moved to contemn his writings then to answer them. And indeed he should to much injure himself in case he should seriously go about to refute such an idle froth of indigested fully, or encounter with so base and babbling an Adversary, whose pride, ignorance, & rusticity are such, as the one maketh him to reject, the other not to discern the truth, and the last to forget all modesty, or good method in writing. S. Bernard speaking of Heretics truly said: Nec rationibus convincuntur, quia 
Bernard. serm. 66. in Cantic.  non intelligunt; nec auctoritatibus corriguntur, quia non recipiunt; nec flectuntur suasionibus, quia subversi sunt. Such Ministers as M. Hall, M. Collins and the like, are not convinced by reasons, because they understand them not; nor amended by authorities▪ because they regard them not; nor moved by persuasions, because they are subverted. So he. And were it not for others of more indifferent judgement, we should surcease from all labour of further writing: but their salvation we earnestly thirst, howsoever we distrust of these Ministers reclaim. And so much hereof. Now let us come to the Letter itself.   

Very loving Sir,  
THE letter you sent me by the English passenger came very 
The occasion of writing this letter.  late to my hands, which I impute to the negligence, or misfortune of him who should have delivered it, and it must excuse my delay in returning the Answer, which I suppose you expected sooner, and I acknowledge myself much indebted to your love, who with such special courtesyes have so kindly prevented me: for I have received (though after some six months expectance) the Books you sent me, together with other remembrances at other times, and seeing that in am of better requital you were content to have my censure of M. joseph Hall his writings, presently upon the news of your arrival I took his works into my hands (for before I had never read any thing of his) and opening the Book I found by yourself two leaves turned down before his epistle to M. Whiteing, 
D●cad. 8. epist. 3.  whereby I gathered your meaning to be that I should peruse that letter with some attention, as debating a point much in controversy between us. I have done as you desired, and examined all the passages brought for proof out of any author: which exact survey hath drawn my letter to a greater length, so as it may seem not a letter, but a Treatise. My end only is to give you satisfaction, which if I perform, I shall not need to repent me of the labour, or you complain I hope of the prolixity. If I be wanting therein, you must impute the fault where it is, to my insufficiency. If you be satisfied, to the force of Truth, & want of learning in M. Hall who gives so great & open advantages as any Adversary may easily refute him, I crave no more but indifferent hearing: let no favour or disfavour balance you: as you have yielded one ear to him, so a little lend me the other: when you have heard us both to speak, you shallbe the better able to judge of both: and if the Truth delight you, there will, I trust, be no difficulty where to find it. I pray God there may be as little to embrace it, as I well hope there will not.  
2. And although that much less be said in this matter I treat, than the thing itself would 
The authors scope in the ensuing refutation.  require, because my chiefest scope is only to refel what M. Hall doth bring, and not thoroughly to discuss the main controversy itself, unless it be where his arguments give me occasion of further enlargement: yet as the Sun in dispersing the clouds doth show itself to the sight of all, so likewise doth Truth in the detection of error, and removing the falsehood of heretical sophistry (which like a veil cast before the eyes of the ignorant, no less darkeneth their wits then perverteth their wills) so sufficiently appear, as all may see the grounds of Protestants to be so weak as they cannot subsist, and by the same view perceive also the truth to stand with us: for according to the received rule of schools verum vero non contradicit, truth cannot be contradictory to truth (because one extreme must needs be false in all true contradictions) & our assertion standing on these terms with the doctrine of Protestants in disproving the falsehoods which they bring, we also confirm the truth which we maintain, one necessarily following of the other: as if one should say, that M. Hall either is not a married Minister, or he is: if I prove that he is, I do therewith all disprove the negative that he is not: and if I prove that he is not, than I convince the other part to be false which affirmeth that he is. Even so in the marriage of Priests and Clergy men, whereas he granteth the free liberty allowed now in England for all to marry without control, to have been still in use for a thousand years together after Christ, and thereupon concludeth his letter saying: What God and his Church hath ever allowed, we do enjoy. If I prove that neither God, nor his Church ever allowed this carnal liberty in clergy men, with the same labour I show the single life for which I plead to have been still required▪ approved, used (speaking as M. Hall doth of the general use and approvance, for the abuse of particular places without general acceptance is neither the voice of God or doctrine of his Church) and the use of wives never without special abuse to have been permitted.  
3. If in the prosecution thereof finding in 
The manner of writing observed against M. Hall.  M. Hall so many paradoxes, untruths, impertinencyes, paralogisms, so much ignorance, immodesty, folly, scurrility, and other ill behaviour I may seem sometimes to have sharpened my pen to much, or dipped it a little too deep in gall, although I forbear all virulent terms, which in him are very frequent (as presently you shall see) and much more from all scolding words of disgraceful reproach, as whores, strumpets, panders, and the like (the usual thetoricall flowers of this man's eloquence) yet I confess that his malice and ignorance (both which in him do strive together for the pre-eminence) have made me more earnest than I would have been, and in a manner forced me to offer violence to mine own nature, known to such as best know me, not to be so much subject to such bitterness, as well perceiving sharpness in words or writing to be the whetstone of dissensions, by which men's minds are soon moved, but hardly removed from an immortal distaste of each other: and this hatred hereby begun between their persons becomes at last the hindrance of truth itself, and prejudice of whatsoever cause or controversy shallbe treated between them: and truly were the immodest terms hee● used personal against myself, I should with contempt let them pass unanswered, but being against the Vicar of Christ, the whole Church, most virtuous persons of particular note, they require a sharper rejection; yet still in this acrimony I shall observe the admonition of the Comic, ne quid nimis, to shoot rather too short ' 
Teren. in Andria.  then too far at these rovers.  
4. Touching the order of writing, this 
The order observed in this letter.  short table of the things treated, will show what method I observe. The letter to M. Whiteing is part by part answered, without the least pretermission of any one sentence or clause that maketh for M. Hall's purpose: no authority of Scriptures, Canons, councils, Fathers, Histories, or other writers is neglected: the whole is discussed, answered, refuted, and the whole discussion, answer, and refutation, for better perspicuity, is divided into three parts or paragraffs under these titles.  
The doctrine of the Apostles expressed in Scripture, and alleged by M. Hall for the marriage of Priests, with his other proofs for their practice, are examined and refelled: the vow of Chastity is proved to be lawful, and not impossible. §. 1.  
Of the testimonies and examples of the ancient Fathers, councils, especially the Trullan, and histories produced by M. Hall for the marriage of Priests and Clergy men. §. 2.  
The later Part of M. Hall's letter is examined: the fiction of S. Vdalricus his epistle to Pope Nicolas the first, is refuted: Gregory the seventh defended: & withal is declared the practice of our own Country, even from the Conversion under S. Gregory. §. 3.  
5. Further to satisfy your request, I have added another paragraph which containeth a more general censure or survey of M. Hall's whole book, not that I tax or touch as much thereof as deserveth correction (for some other more potent Index expurgatorius is necessary to blot out all the faults, and to purge either by water or fire this impure stable) but for that out of these which I have taken, you may make a conjecture of the other which I have left, and more fully be able to conceive the worth of this writer, whom to me you have so much extolled: for all his painted words serve to no other end, then to make the simpler sort to swallow down more greedily his poisoned pills, whiles they see them covered with such golden phrases of superficial eloquence, and urged with so great show of zeal, as if the man meant nothing but truth, whiles he plainly gulleth them with most open lies. Of these thirds is this net woven, which catcheth so many of the weaker people, much like as S. Hierom saith to the web 
Hier. ep. ad Cyprian. Presbyt.  of spiders, that catcheth weak flies, & by birds and beasts is broken a sunder: telam araneae texunt (saith he) quae parva & levia potest capere animalia: The Heretics weave a spider's web which is able to catch little and light creatures, as flies gnats, or the like, but by others of more strength is broken in pieces: the light and more simple sort in the Church are deceived by their errors, when as they cannot seduce such as are strong in the truth of faith. So he of all heretics, and I of M. Hall. Read what I writ, & then believe as you find; this paragraph is long and beareth this inscription.  
A detection of sundry errors committed in M. halls writings, which he shall do well either to amend, or else hereafter to be altogether silent. §. 4.  
The length of the thing makes me sometimes, as occasion serves, to speak to M. Hall, sometimes to the Reader, sometimes to yourself: no other thing is to be noted, and for that the rest is directed to you alone, I will not here give you the farewell, but refer that until I come to the end of the whole.  

The doctrine of the Apostles expressed in Scripture, and alleged by M. Hall for the marriage of Priests, and his other proofs for their practice, are examined and refelled: the vow of chastity is proved to be lawful, and not impossible. §. 1.  
BEFORE I descend to the particulars of M. Hall's Apologetical discourse for the marriage of 
A censure of M. Hals manner of writing.  Ecclesiastical persons, this briefly in general I must say thereof, that I have not read a more lose, base, & ragged piece of work, or so many impertinences couched together in so narrow room in any matter, or writer of controversies which I have seen between the Protestants & us, as in this; which made me wonder to behold one so busy of so little ability: for the learning he every where showeth is less than mean though his malice be great, & doth still over reach his knowledge, and surpass all modesty: but much more did I marvel to see such passions so predominant in him as he could not contain them within some of the bounds of his own Characters of moral Courtesy, but was transported by their violence so far as to transgress not Christian charity only, but even the prescript of common civility, as every where you will see: for in this short Letter, upon no occasion or ground at all, he breaketh forth into such base and reproachful terms, useth such insultations and insolencyes, such false accusations and impostures against Catholics, as will loathe any modest man to read, and must needs argue little wit, and good intention in the writer, who in so grave a matter is forced to stoop to so Ruffianly demeanour.  
7. And truly this base spirit seemeth to be so habitual in M. Hall, as I can expect nothing 
M. Hall's railative speeches taxed.  from him in case she should reply, but whole cart loads of contumelies, so fast they do flow from him, and so little power he hath to bridle these impetuous motions of his discomposed mind, that notwithstanding in his vows and meditations he say: that if he cannot tame his passions 
Lib. 2. §. ●●.  that they may yield to his case, yet at least he will smother them, by concealing that they may not appear to his shame, yet so unable he is to do the one or the other, as that even where shame should have withholden him most, I mean in the pulpit deputed for the word of God, and instruction of the faithful (in delivery of which we can never be to grave or modest) even there I say, he could not contain, but in two sermons hath uttered more unsavoury filth, than the jesuits, take them all together, have done in two thousand, or in all the sermons of theirs extant in print (so different are their spirits, & therefore no marvel if he bear them such implacable hatred) for thus in one sermon he saith: If ever you look to see good days of the Gospel, the unhorsing and confusion of that strumpet 
Pharisaism and Christianity pag. 55.  of Rome etc. Again, dost thou think he sees not how smoothly thou hast daubed on thine whorish complexions? and yet further, in belying the jesuits, wherein he is copious without end, malicious without wit, and railative without measure. A poor widows cottage (saith he) filled the paunch of that old Pharisy, how many fair patrimonies of devout young gentlemen druryed by them (pardon the word, it is their own, the thing I know & can witness) have gone down the throats of these Loyalists, let their own Quodlibet and Catechism report. And is it tolerable, trow you, thus with lying ribaldry to entertain the people gathered to hear his sermon? is this the word of God which he doth preach? is this the modesty of the Gospel? and for the two books which he calleth their own, it is his own untruth, for they were composed by their enemies, I mean by men of as much credit as himself, and one of the writers publicly at his death recalled what he had written, and craved pardon of the jesuits for the wrong; & of the world for the scandal which he had given by his books. But M. Hall himself will needs out of his kindness forsooth enter for a witness in a thing which he doth know to be true, but this you must understand to be only a Puritanical truth, which is nothing else but a stark lie, as in the last paragraph shall be declared; for these men neither in printed books or pulpits are to be believed if they speak against Catholics, specially if they rail against jesuits, wherein they use all lawless liberty, and in despite of truth will lie for the advantage.  
8. Which point is not only the trivial subject of their ordinary sermons, I mean to lie, & 
M. Hall's passionate sermon of our saviours passion.  to use such loathsome terms as none in such occasions would use but themselves; but also in the most grave and holiest matters, as of our saviours Passion, of all themes the most sacred, & that on good friday, at Paul's Cross, they cannot refrain; so as no place, time, or theme i● able to bridle the unbridled passions of our English ministers: for this man speaking of pardons or Indulgences (which I think he understandeth not) in his Passion sermon, he very modestly saith of the Catholic Roman Church, that strumpet would well near go naked if th● were not: and further talketh or rather tatleth o● Antichristian blasphemy, furious bulls that bellow ●● threats, and toss them in the air for heretics, and th● like, much less beseeming the pulpit, then ● fools cap the preacher. But of this dealing of his, I shall after have more occasion to warn● him, and by this little you may see how iustl● now and then I am moved to use a rough wis● to scour so unclean a vessel. Let him be mor● temperate and I will never be sharp: if stirre● thereunto by his example I should observe Lege● talionis, let him thank himself who without all example or occasion offered did first provow me thereunto, though yet notwithstanding hi● provocation I intent not paribus concurrere telis, ● encounter him in the like style with maledictum pro maledicto, leaving that as hereditary to Protestants: my words shall still beseem myself, have modesty and truth for their characters, they shall offend no chaste ears, and as little as may be M. Hall's patience (which yet I take to be very tender) unless it be where he offends others of much better credit and esteem then himself, and that also shall be rather for his correction that he may see his own error and amend it, then for any ill will I bear his person, or delight I take in that vain of writing. But to proceed.  
9 Although that M. Hall be every where 
M. Hall's Thrasonical vaunting, though he perform nothing.  virulent against us as you see, yet is the man very favourable and overweening towards himself, for albeit he scant understand the true state of the question he treateth, albeit he produce nothing but either by wrong interpretation misunderstood, or by corruption forged, or of itself counterfeit, and albeit he never bring true authority (one only excepted and that of no credit) that toucheth the controversy, no argument that concludes, nothing in fine of any weight or moment; yet doth he so vaunt every where over his adversaries, so advance himself, is so courageous and confident, as though he were some great Goliath waging war with Pigmeyes, and that his adversaries were so far from withstanding his force, as they durst not stand before him, or endure his assault: for as though that God and man conspired in this without all contradiction, he telleth us, that if God shallbe judge of this controversy, it were soon at an end, and to us he crieth out, hear o ye papists the judgement of your own Cardinal, and confess your mouths stopped: and of himself, that if I fire not this truth let me be punished with a divorce, yea so light doth this grave man make this controversy, and the truth thereof on his behalf so clear, as though none but some Carpet knight did doubt of it, or dispute against it: some idle table talk (saith he) calls us to plead for our wives, perchance some gallants grudge us one who can be content to allow themselves more, & for a scholar to refute table-talkes, or young gallants, is as you know no great mastery, nec habet victoria laudem.  
10. But presently forgetting his young gallants and table-talkes, he bordeth us and never leaveth us till the end of the epistle, so as his whole scope is to disprove the single life of Catholic priests, and thereby to impugn our doctrine in that behalf: in which finding other adversaries then young gallants, or idle table talkers, and stronger arguments than he knew how to dissolve, being on the one side unwilling to be silent, and on the other not able to perform what himself desired and friends expected, like a right Craven flieth out of the field, never so much as looking on the proofs for our assertion which to much affrighted him, as being all endorsed with a noli me tangere: but seeing many objections in Bellarmyne out of Caluin, Melancthon, the Magdeburgians, and others answered, and so answered as he could make no reply, the poor man was driven to that exigent, as he was forced to borrow from thence the objections, but without any mention at all of any solution given by the Cardinal, and so he cometh forth with his answered arguments, as with broken shafts, and flourisheth in the air, and vaunteth above measure.  
11. You may think perhaps that I extenuate too much M. Hall's learning, or exaggerate too 
M. Hall's arguments in Bellarmine and their solutions dissembled.  far his insufficiency, for being reputed and taken for a scholar, he could not but see the discredit that would follow of such dealing: but in this I will make yourself witness, yea a judge also, for the books themselves will speak, and there needeth no more in one who understandeth Latin, then to bring his eyes & read both Authors: for what place of Scripture doth M. 
Bellar. de Clericis l. 1. c. 20. etc. 1. Tim. 4. 1. Tim. 3. Hebr. 13.  Hall produce that is not there answered? there he shall see his text of the doctrine of Devils explicated, there that other, Let him be the husband of one wise, there lastly, how marriage is honourable in all, and yet not lawful between brother and sister, Father and daughter, friar and nun, or in any person that hath vowed the contrary: there of the Apostles wives in general, & of S. Paul's in 
1. Cor. 9 Philip. 4.  particular: for councils there the Canon of the Apostles, and the sixth Synod, there Pope Steuens decree, there in fine is the history of Paphnutius rejected, the letter of S. Vdalrick disproved, the examples of married Bishops answered: so as there is all the sap and substance of this letter refuted, for on these things specially doth it rely, and yet as if nothing had been said unto them they are here again repeated, and Bellarmine not so much as once named in all the letter, but this silence proceeded of no ill policy: for he was loath to name the place from whence he had fetched his store, lest there the Reader should by his recourse have found the answers, and discovered his weakness.  
12. And the like policy he useth in painting out his margin with Greek & Latin sentences, 
Great vanity and ostentation.  which to the simple who understand neither the one or other tongue maketh a great show of sincerity and learning: especially being conjoined with so many resolute speeches, as when he saith, That he passeth not what men and Angels say whiles he hears God say, let him be the husband of one wife, that one word (saith M. Hall) shall confirm me against the barking of all impure mouths. Again, That if he convince not all adversaries, he will be cast in so just a cause: with so many eager chargings of us, with burning, blotting out, cutting away, and perverting what we cannot answer. What (saith he) dare not Impudence do? against all evidences of Greek copies, against their own Gratian, against pleas of antiquity? this is the readiest way, whom they cannot answer to burn, what they cannot shift of, to blot out, and to cut the knot which they cannot untie: and last of all with beating us back, as he would seem with our own weapons: For besides the Scriptures, you have councils and those sacred, Fathers and those ancient, the Pope's decrees, Gratian the Canonist, the later Cardinals, the Greek Church, and purer times: which names alone wherewith his text and margin is stuffed, being thus ranged together, cannot but make great impression in the eyes of the ignorant, who without further inquiry (as being not able to search into these matters) take all for true which with these circumstances are delivered unto them.  
13. But these are now, have heretofore been, and willbe always the sleights of heretics to cover 
Heretics cover a wolf with a sheep skin.  a wolf with a sheep's skin, and on the foulest matters to make the fairest pretence, never making a deeper wound than where they would be thought to work their greatest cure; or using more deceit, then when they most preach of plain dealing: for here M. Hall would seem to stick to God against men and Angels when as he clean leaveth him; he offereth to be cast in his cause if he do not evince it, when as he relateth a mere fable, a notorious untruth; talketh of our burning of books, tearing out of places, and the like, where there is no show or shadow thereof; he allegeth Canons, councils, Fathers to no purpose but to delude his reader with their names, and to hide his hook with a more alluring bait, for without this art his words would be of no regard, or able ●o persuade any. Nam nec venator seram (saith S. 
Greg. l. 7. epist. ep. 112.  Gregory) aut avem auceps 〈…〉 ret etc. For neither ●he hunter would catch the beast, or the fowler ●he bird, or the fisher the fish, if either the hunter ●r fowler should lay their snars open to be seen, ●r the fisher with a bait should not hide his ●ooke: by all means we are to fear and beware ●f the deceit of the enemy, lest by a secret blow ●e do not more cruelly kill, whom by open ten●tion he could not overthrow. So he, of the di●ls, and we of heretics.  
14. But now let us come to the particulars ● M. Hall's proofs, and behold how well they ●nclude, for somewhat you may imagine he 
Bernard. ep. 190.  ●th found out quod tot latuerit sanctos, tot praeterierit ●ientes, or else he would never use such confidence and Thrasonical vaunting, & offer the hazard of a divorce: and to the end there may be no mistaking you must know that our controversy is not whether any Priests and Bishops have been married, or had children, for of that there can be 
The true state of the question is set down, which in this controversy is much to be noted.  no difficulty, it being evident the Father of S. Gregory Nazianzen, afterward Bishop, S. Hilary, S. Gregory Nassen, and others named in this epistle to have had wives, & some of them by their wive issue, but our question only is whether any after they were made Priests or Bishops did ever ma●ry, or if they married not, whether yet they use their wives which before they had, & wheth● that use was approved as lawful. And this th● protestants affirm both in doctrine & practice and we deny; and for our denial bring the consent of all times, all places, all Authors of no● and credit for our assertion: whereas M. Hall● now you shall see, produceth little else but i● allegations, impostures, and mere untruth this we shall now examine.  
15. After a few idle words to no purp● thus he writeth. But some perhaps maintain o● 
M. Hall beginneth with a cluster of untruths.  Marriage not to be lawful out of judgement, by them make much of that which Paul tells the● is a doctrine of devils, were it not for this opini● the Church of Rome would want one euide● brand of her Antichristianisme: let their shaueli● speak for themselves upon whom their y● lawful vow hath forced a wilful and imp●ssible necessity: I leave them to scan the old ru● in turpis vote muta decretum. So M. Hall, making you see his first entrance with a fierce assa● being set as it should seem into some choler, ere we end, I hope we shall in part cool his courage, and show his chiefest talon not to be in disputing, in which he is no body, but in railing and lying, wherein we contend not with him, but willingly give him the garland of that conquest: and as for untruths they will be very frequent with him when as even here he beginneth with such a cluster together.  
16. For truly if any one out of judgement 
In few lines no less than five untruths.  doubted of the marriage of priests & clergy men, he cannot but be further off from believing it, when he seethe M. Hall so, without judgement learning, or truth, to maintain it: for omitting his railing in these few words are fine untruths. 1. That S. Paul calleth the single life of priests the doctrine of devils. 2. That this is a brand of Antichristianisme. 3. That this vow is unlawful. 4. That it forceth an impossible necessity. 5. That it is turpe votum, which are contradictory terms, for a vow can never be turpe, because it is defined by devins to be promissio socta Deo de meliore bono, which can contain no turpitude in it. I see we shall have a good harvest ere we come to the end, seeing he gins with so great abundance, for all this his entrance consisteth only of untruths.  
17. Which untruths albeit I might with as great facility reject as he doth aver them, 
The first untruth refuted.  seeing they have no other ground then his bare assertion for their proofs▪ yet very briefly I will touch them all in order as they lie. I say therefore that it is untrue, that S Paul calleth the single life 
Theodor. in Com. Haymo ibidem.  of priests the doctrine of devils, for he speaketh of those, as Theodore● doth expound him, qui execrabiles nuptias & plurimos cibos appellabant, who called marriage and divers meats execrable: he speaketh 
Tract. 9 in loan.  of those, as S. Augustine saith, who said: quod malae essent nuptiae, & quod diabolus eas fecisset, that marriages were nought, and that the Devil had 
3. Stromatum.  made them: he speaketh of those according to Clemens Alexandrinus, qui matrimonium abhorrent, abhor matrimony: in one word he speaketh of the Manicheans, and other heretics, as S. Ambrose, Epiphantus, 
Ambr. in comment.  and others expound him, who held matrimony in itself to be unclean and impute 
August. haeres. 22. Epiphan. haeres. 42. & 66.  from which the catholics are so far, as they not only allow it as clean, torus immaculatus, the bed undefiled, but also approve it for a Sacrament.  
18. And it followeth not as M Hall surmizeth, that because priests and Religious refuse to marry, therefore they condemn marriage, and teach the doctrine of devils: for as S. Augustine well noteth: Si ad virginitatem sic hortaremini, quimadmodum 
Aug l 30. contra Paustum Manic. c. 6.  hortatur aposto ica doctrina: Qui d●t nuptum, benefacit, & qui non dat nuptum meliùs facit: ut bonum esse nup●ias diceretis sed meliorem virginitatem, sicut facit Ecclesia quae verè Christi est Ecclesia, non ves spiritus sanctus ita prenuntiaret. dicens & c. ●f you (saith he to the Manichees) did so exnort to virginity as the Apostolical doctrine doth, saying: he that matrieth his daughter doth well, and he who matrieth not doth better, that you would grant marriage to be good, virginity to be better, as the 
Anselm. in comment.  Church doth, which is truly the Church of Christ, the holy Ghost would not so forewarn us of you; saying, prohibentes nubere, forbidding to matry: & then addeth this sentence which verbatim S. Anselm in his commentary hath taken of him: I●e prohibet qui hoc malum esse dicit, non qui huic bono aliud bonum anteponit. He forbiddeth a thing according to S. Paul, who saith it is ill, not he who before one thing that is good prefers another that is better: which is the very case of those mentioned, as is evident. And the self same hath S. chrysostom in his Commentary. Aliud 
Chrys. in comment.  (saith he) est prohibere, aliud suae voluntatis dominium relinquere etc. It is one thing to forbid marriage, another thing to leave a man free: for one (as the afore named heretic) so far as he is able forbids marriage, another (to wit the Catholic) exhorts unto Virginity, as the more noble: neither doth he do it as forbidding to marry, sed celsioris virtutis merita sectanda proponit, but sets before their eyes the pursuit of the merits of a more 
Fulgen. ep. 3. cap. 9  eminent virtue. So S. chrysostom. And S. Fulgentius in few words answereth this stolen cavil, saying: Neque sic virginitatem frumentis ascribimus, ut coniugium inter zizania deputemus. We do not so compare virginity to pure corn, as to cast matrimony amongst the unclean cockle.  
19 The second untruth is, that this is the 
The second untruth refuted.  brand of Antichristianisme: belike none of Antichrist his Chaplyns shall have wives, or else I see not why this should be his brand: for if he mean as he seemeth to do, that to profess continency out of marriage is Antichristian, whether in widows, or virgins; with our Clergy, and Religious he will brand also S. Paul, who in the very next Chapter after this cited by himself speaking of certain young widows who after their vows would marry saith: damnationem 
1. Tim. 5.  habentes quia primam sidem irritam secerunt, having damnation because they have made void or broken their first faith: where by the word faith all Fathers without exception understand a Vow, or promise made to God of continency in the state of widowhood. S. chrysostom, Theophilact, and Oecumenius call it pactum, a covenant or accord. By which word that a vow i● meant is plain by Theodoret, where he saith: hoc autem (non peccat) dicit de ijs quae virginitatis pacti 
Theod. epitome. di 〈…〉 decreto. cap. de virginet.  conventa seu vota nondum secerant: that which the Apostle saith (he doth not sin) he saith of those who as yet had made no covenants or vows of virginity. S. Hierom calls it a promise, S. Ambrose a profession, and the same doth also Theodoret saying: Cùm enim Christo professae sunt in viduitate castè vivere, secunda Matrimonia contrahunt, when as they had professed to live chastened in widowhood, they married the second time, and which is all one with the former. S. Augustine in many places calleth it a Vow, and saith that these wanton widows were condemned for breaking their Vows made of not marrying any more. Non quia (saith he) ipsae nuptiae velut malum iudicantur, 
August. serm. de bono viduitatis●. 8. & 9  sed damnatur propositi fraus, damnatur fracta voti fides. These widows are not therefore condemned for marrying because marriages are held to be nought, but the transgression of their contrary purpose is condemned, the breach of their vow is condemned. So he. Again in another place, the Apostle speaking of certain who vow chastity, & after will marry, which before their vows was lawful for them to do, he saith: they have damnation, because they have made void their first faith. In this manner also Primasius expoundeth this Text: quia fecerunt sibi illicitum, quod licebat vovendo castitatem, they made that unlawful which before was lawful by vowing of chastity. The same hath Haymo, S. Ambrose, S. Thomas, and others, yea all that I could ever find to comment on this passage, as well Greek as Latin.  
20. But what need I stand upon particular Authors, when I may bring two hundred and 
Concil. Carthag. 1. Canon ultimo.  seven together, all Bishops, all sitting in Council at Carthage, all agreeing in this exposition, amongst whom S. Augustine himself was both present and subscribed: in this Council, I say, in the very last Canon it is decreed, that if any widow after she hath received the habit and vowed thastity shall marry again that she shallbe excommunicated, & the reason is assigned, because according to the Apostle damnationem habebunt queniam fidem castitatis quam domino voverunt irritam facere ausaesunt. They shall have damnation because they presumed to break the promise of chastity which they have vowed unto our Lord. What more clear?  
21. Wherefore this being the uniform opinion 
M. Hall hardly urged.  of all antiquity, avouched by so many, and never by any contradicted, of the sense of this place, I demand now of M. Hall whether these young widows in breaking their vows did sin or not; if they did not, why shall they have damnation? and why are they condemned by the Apostle for breaking their former promise? Why is their marriage reproved which they might lawfully contract? if they did sin, as indeed they did, then how is the vow unlawful? how the brand of Antichristianisme? how doth it induce an impossible necessity? For no man sinneth where there is either necessity or impossibility, much less in breaking a filthly vow, as this impure companion speaketh, which never bindeth the maker: let him turn himself into all Pretheus his forms, he shall never avoid the force of this reason. For either he must deny the word Faith, to signify a promise, vow, or covenant and then he condemneth the Ancient Fathers, or say that these widows sinned not, and then he condemneth S. Paul; or grant that they did sin, and then he condemneth himself. This Gordian knot requires more strength then M. Hall's learning, and a sharper edge than Alexander's sword, to dissolve, or cut it asunder.  
22. And herein I appeal to the judgements of all scholars, whether this one inference of th● Apostle, do not forcibly overthrow all his untruths together: for supposing these widows to have vowed, their vow to have been lawful, the transgression damnable, the observance laudable, who seethe not that it is no doctrine of Devils, but divine and Apostolical; no brand of Antichristianisme, but a band of Christian perfection; no unlawful vow; no impossible necessity; no turpitude, but Angelical purity to be contained therein, and the like. I know 
Caluins' ridiculous cuasion.  some Heretics of our time, do understand this first faith of the faith of Baptism, but how can this faith hinder marriage? or how do they break this faith, that thereby they should incur damnation? This alone might suffice for a full answer to all his first objection, yet to deal more friendly with him, I will add a word o● two more touching the other three untruths.  
23. The third untruth is, that this vow is 
The third untruth refured.  unlawful which he proveth not, though it be a fundamental point in this new Gospel, & was the plea of M. halls Heroical Luther (for so he styleth him) when he became so wanton, as he 
In his Passion Sermon.  could no longer be without his woman, and so lewd as to make laws to maintain his unlawful lust: for by these good works was the fleshly fancy of justification by only faith, first framed and set on foot, and therefore this point being so essential, deserved some better proof, than a bare avouching, unless perhaps M. Hall think to have proved it to be unlawful, by affirming it to be impossible, but that is nothing else, then to prove only by making of another, or to speak more properly, boldly without proving anything to multiply untruths, & abuse his Readers: and indeed such Propositions deserve no other answer then a resolute denial, with some check of the maker, for supposing the thing that most of all imported him to prove, & that against all the laws of learning, which call this dealing petitionem principij, a fault unworthy of a puny Sophister, who will shame to assume that as evident which is denied by his adversary, and instead of proving fall to supposing, by which kind of arguing he may prove what he list, and make an ass to have eight ears, because he may suppose him to have four heads.  
24. Nevertheless that this new heresy began with breaking of vows, and pleading the unlawfulles and impossibility of them, I mean upon the occasion offered of M. Hall's words, to discuss a little either member a part, and let you see both, what our Adversaries now say, & what the Fathers, whose authority M Hall so much doth reverence, have said in this matter: although for the later none can be ignorant who read their works, how vehemently they have approved vows, and without all disproof of marriage, have extolled single life both for perfection and merit before matrimony: and M. Hall against vows of virginity and chastity, from them fetcheth no testimony, but relieth on his two foresaid supposed, and not proved principles, to wit, that they are unlawful, that they are impossible, and so being unlawful they may not be made, being impossible they cannot be kept: & for that the unlawfulness he mentioneth may be as well meant of that which floweth from the very nature and essence of such vows, as from the surmised impossibility of the object, in regard whereof he calleth it turpe votum, a filthy vow, as including in itself some uncleanness; I will show such vows to be far from all impurity, far from impossibility, and consequently that they may lawfully be made, and inviolably observed by the makers.  
25. Which point deserveth the greater discussion for the cause alleged, I mean for that these later heresies began by vow-breakers who to excuse their incontinency condemned all vows, and made this in particular to be worse 
Luther. l. de votis Monast. tom. 6. Ggr. pag. ●32.  than adultery, to be unlawful, to be impossible: Quid igitur de voto castitatis (saith lewd Luther) amplius dicam etc. What then shall I say more of the vow of chastity? my purpose is not to declare by what means it is to be kept, but by what means it cannot, or ought not to be kept. And what think you to be the cause hereof? no other truly but that which M. Hall doth here allege, that it is an unlawful vow. Quomodo fieri potest (saith Luther) ut tale votum non sit. pe●us quàm adulterium seu fornicatio? How can it otherwise be, but that such a vow of chastity is worse than adultery, or fornication? And in the same book he saith, that a man doth mock God by these vows no less, then if he should vow to be a Bishop, and that God doth reject these vows no less then if he had vowed to be the mother 
Luth ep. ad Wolfgangum Reissenbusch.  of God, or to create a new Heaven. Again against Catharinus he saith, that the tenth face of Antichrist is the single life of such as do vow chastity: planè Angelica facies, sed diabolica res; indeed it is an Angelical face, but a diabolical thing, & to vow the same is nothing else, then to condemn and accurse matrimony. With this mad Martin, Pelican & Bucer two other married Friars 
In cap. 1. Matth  do in judgement and opinion accord: for they will have the Law and Commandment of God to be to the contrary, that is, to inhibit the vow of chastity, and to command all men to be householders, all women to be housewives.  
26. And so far did Luther think men to be bound by the obligation of this law, as thus he 
In eolloquijs German. c. de vita coniugali.  writeth of himself: Ego priusquam matrimonium inieram, omnino mecum statueram etc. I before I was married had fully determined with myself that in case I should die sooner than I expected, that even in the agony or pang of death I would betrothe myself to some young maid. So sharp set was this wanton companion on marriage, as he thought it necessary, and that also necessitate medi to salvation: and he who will consider the quick dispatch he made in marrying, shall find that his haste was somewhat more than his good 
Epist. ad Patremsuum joannem tom. 2. latin. Wittenberg. Epist ad Wm●eslaum Linchium. Luther. ep. ad joan. Cruel, joan. Durr, & Gasp. Miller. ton. 9 German.  speed, for having cast of the yoke of all regular discipline, and bragged in a letter to his father that now he was under none but Christ, ipse me●● est immediatus (quod vocant) Episcopus, Abbas, Prior, Dominus, Pater, & Magister, alium non novi ampliùs Christ is my immediate Bishop (as they call it) he is my Abbot, Prior, Lord, Father, and Master, now I know no more but him: the next year after he married (to use his own words) cum honesta virgine Catherina Bore, quae aliquando monialis fuit, with an honest virgin Catherine Bore, which once had been a Nun: and to make sure work, ne quod impedimentum obijceretur, mox etiam festinatum adieci concubitum, and lest any impediment should occur etc.  
27. And he did well to mention his hasty copulation, or else the effect had appeared before the cause, and his Kate had showed herself a mother before she had been known to be his 
Erasm. ad Danielem Mauchium Vlmensem.  wife: for Erasmus writing to his friend Daniel Mauchius of ulme's, thus reporteth the matter. Montini lepidissimis literis nescio an vacet nunc respondere etc. I know not whether I shall be at leisure now to answer the pleasant letter of Montinus, you shall 
The unluckines of Luther's over hasty marriage.  tell him a pretty jest: Luther laying aside his Philosophical cloak hath married a wife, of the noble family of the Boars, a very fair maid of six and twenty years of age: but he hath no dowry with her, and she had been a Nun; & that you may know this marriage to have been very lucky, a few days after the marriage was celebrated, the new wife was brought to bed. so Erasmus: and more compendiously justus Baronius: 
justus Baronius opere de praescriptionibus.  Lutherus heri Monachus, hody sponsus, cras maritus perendie Pater: Luther was yesterday a monk, to day a bridegroom, to morrow a husband, the next day after a father. So he. Which as you see was somewhat to hasty indeed, and yet notwithstanding which is more strange, after he had known his harlot, and she was known to be great with child, he wrote a letter to one Spalatinus, 
Epist. ad Spalatin.  and calleth his wife a virgin: Spero (saith he) me os obtur asse ijs qui me unâ cum mea desponsata mihi virgine Catharina de Boar traducunt & dissamant: I hope now that I have stopped their mouths who staunder and defame me together with my espoused virgin Catherine Bore. And the like he writeth to Nicolas Amsdorsius, calling her after this again virtuosam virginem, a virtuous virgin: but such virtue, such virgin: a fit matron she was for so mad a friar.  
28. Besides this precept and practice of marriage in these men, to add further that the vow of perpetual chastity is impossible to be kept, may well seem a thing impossible to be affirmed by a Christian man, but Africa was never so full of different monsters as these men are of prodigious opinions: for now nothing is so improbable but may find an Author, and this of chastity howsoever it be a brutish paradox, is affirmed by Luther, and that in such blunt and beastly manner, as I am ashamed to put down all his words, as unwilling to let any thing pass my pen that may defile your cares, or by reading offend any chaste mind. Wherefore to omit other his base speeches to show a vow of chastity for term of life to be impossible, thus he writeth: Ponamus quòd aliquis 
Tom. 6. de votis. Monasticis pag. 221. & Epist. ad Wolfgangum Reiss●nbus.  voveat condere novas stellas, montesque transfer, a● non iure vocares amentiam? sed enim vo●um castitatis à tali voto nihil differt. Let us suppose that one should vow to make new stars, and to remove mountains, would you not worthily call this vow a mere madness: but there is no difference between the vow of chastity and this vow. So Luther, and again to the same effect: Castè & integrè vivere tam non est in manu nostra quàm omnia reliqua 
Tom. 7. pag. 505.  Dei miracula: to live chastened and continently is as little in our power as are all the other miracles of almighty God: and so whereas it lieth not in our power to work all the miracles of God, to make new stars, to remove mountains, & the like, no more is it in our power to live chaste, which sayeth this Epicure, homini à Deo nullo modo conceditur, 
Greg. Thaumaturgus ut referunt Basil. Grego. Nissen. Beda, alij.  is not granted by God to any man: and indeed though I have heard of one who removed a mountain, yet did I never read of any that made new stars, though some by the revolution of their Epicycles have newly appeared, but they were made by the same hand which made the rest, and at the same time, and therefore by good illation it will follow, that as no man is able to make a new star, so by Luther's doctrine no man is able to live chaste.  
29. And this might suffice to show his opinion of this impossibility, and it is to monstrous as yowsee, but yet as though this were not more then enough, he further putteth down for surplusage this position: Quàm parùm in mea potestate situm est, ut vir non sim, tam parùm etiam in mea potestate 
Luther. lib. de vita coniugali Tom. 6. Witemberg. Germ. pag. 171.  situm est, ut absque muliere sim: ac rursum, quàm parùm in tua potestate est, ut mulier non sis, tam parùm etiam in tua potestate est, ut absque viro sis, quia hac res non est arbitaria seu consilij, sed res necessaria ac naturalis, ut omnis vir multerem habeat, & omnis mulier virum etc. estque hoc plusquam praeceptum magis necess●rium quàm comedere & bibere, purgare & exspuere, domire & vigilare. As little as it lieth in my power not to be man, so little is it in my power to be without a woman: and again as little as it is in thy power not to be a woman, so little is it in thy power to be without a man. Because this matter is not left in our own hands, but it is both necessary and natural, that every man have a woman, and every woman have a man etc. And this is more than a commandment, and more necessary then to eat and drink (purgare & exspuere are to homely stuff to be Englished) to sleep and wake. So far this Christian Epicure: and some 6. pages after he counseleth what is to be done in case the wife be froward, and will not come at her husbands call, and his advise is to leave her in her frowardness and to take some other: to seek some Hesther and leave Vasthy, with other such beastly impertinencies.  
30. By this you see how Luther, and M. Hall 
The first point is discussed, to wit, whether the vow of chastity be Unlawful or not.  like Pilate and Herode though at variance between themselves, yet in this do agree against us, that the vow of castity is unlawful and impossible: let us now debate friendly the matter itself in either member, and see if this either in reason or from the warrant of Scriptures or the Fathers can subsist. And to begin with the unlawfulness: if the vow of chastity be unlawfwll it must either be in respect of the vow, or of the matter vowed; but from neither of these two branches can this unlawfulness proceed, and consequently it is not unlawful at all. Not from the first, because 
Deuteron. 23. Eccles. 5. psal. 21. 49. 65. 75.  vows in general are lawful, and as such are allowed in the old and new testament, and of the Messiah it was prophesied, that the Egyptians should worship him in sacrifices and gifts: and further, Vota vovebunt Domino & soluent, they shall 
Isa. 19  make vows unto our Lord and shall perform them, and these vows do more straightly bind us unto God, than any promises made amongst men do bind them to one another. Quàm gravia 
Ambros. lib. 9 in Lucam in caput 20.  sunt vincula (saith S. Ambroise) promittere Deo & non solvere etc. How grievous are the bands to promise to God and not to perform? It is better not to vow then to vow and not to render what we have vowed, Maior est contractus fidei quàm pecuniae, the contract or promise of Religion, is greater than the contract or promise of money: satisfy thy promise whiles yet thou art alive before the 
Leo epist. 92. cap. 15.  judge come, & cast thee into prison. So he. The same, to omit others, hath S. Leo: Ambigi non potest etc. It cannot be doubted that a great sine is committed where the (religious) purpose is forsaken & vows violated. The reason whereof he yieldeth saying: Si humana pacta non possunt impunè calcari, quid de eyes manebit qui corruperint foedera divini Sacramenti? If human contracts are not broken without punishment, what shall become of them, who have violated the contracts of their sacred promise made unto God? So he. And this was the cause why the Apostle said, that the young widows by violating their vow, had incurred damnation, because it was made to God, and so could not be made void at all. Quid est, saith S. Augustine, 
August. in psalm. 75.  primam fidem irritam ●ecerunt ● voverunt & non reddiderunt. What is meant, that they made void their first faith? they vowed and performed not their vows. What more clear? And in another 
De virginitate cap. 33.  place: primam fidem irrittam fecerunt, id est, in eo quod primò voverant non steterunt, they made void their first ●ayth, that is, they remained not constant in that which they had first vowed.  
31. And this place, not only proveth a vow to be lawful in general, but even in this particular matter we now speak of, I mean of chastity. Because these widows were reprehended of the Apostle, for that they would marry, and not live chastened in widowhood as they had vowed, as before I have showed: to which end, and to prove the perpetual band of these vows, it is applied also by S. Fulgentius, when 
Fulgentius de fide ad Petrum cap. 30.  he faith: Quistatuit in cord suo firmus, non habens necessitatem, potestatem autem habens suae voluntatis etc. He who hath determined in his heart being steadfast, not having any necessity, but having power over his own will, and hath vowed chastity to God, he ought with all care, and solicitude of mind to keep the same until the end of his life, lest he have damnation if he shall make void his first faith. So he. And to the same effect before him wrote S. Hierom saying: Nazaraei 
Hierom. in caput 46. Ezechielu. ●  sponte se offerunt, & quicumque aliquid voverit & non impleverit votireus est etc. The Nazarites voluntarily offer themselves, and whosoever hath vowed any thing, & not fulfiled it, is guilty of his violated vow, whereupon of widows it is said, when they wax wanton in Christ they will marry having damnation etc. for it is better not at all to promise, than not to fulfil what is promised: 
Lib. 1. in jovinian.  and in another place against jovinian: If jovinian shall say that this was said of widows, how much more shall it be of force in Virgins, and i● it were not lawful for widows, for whom shall it be lawful? So S. Hierome.  
32. And further to prove the lawfulness o● a vow in this particular matter, to wit, of chastity either virginal, vidual, or of single life (the special subject of our controversy) to om● other arguments, I will only touch five, ● which four shallbe taken out of such Father's writings, as M. Hall doth acknowledge, and ●● whom he refers his cause. The first where● shallbe their comparing the state of such as liu● a chaste life, with the state of Angels, and exhorting thereunto. Secondly their preferring of● before marriage. Thirdly their sharp rebuke● such as have broken their vow. Lastly th● condemning of the marriage of vow-breaken calling it worse than adultery etc. To these will add the approvance of the Canon and punishments appointed by the Civil laws for such: abused Religious women, and then leave it ● any to judge, whether it be turpe votum, a brand● Antichristianism, worse than adultery, a diabolical thi●▪ or the like, or whether this base assertion w● ever taught or believed in the world by any ●ther than Heretics. And M. Hall if he will sta● to the trial of antiquity, shall I assure him ● this be either forced to acknowledge his errou● or else to recall what he hath written: that the Father's trial it as reverend, as any under heaven, & further: 
Hall decad. 4. ep. 8. to tippling Thomas of Oxford.  certainly it cannot be truth that is new, we would renounce our Religion, if it could be over looked for time: let go equity, the older take both. So he. And we shall by this particular see, whether this frank merchant venturer that hazards so easily his faith, and salvation upon antiquity, although erroneous, will stand to his word in this doctrine of chastity: for if he will maintain his former grounds, he must allege more ancient, & authentical records, than those here produced, or disprove such as we bring against him, which he shall never be able to do. Or finally deny what he hath said of the vow of chastity, in calling it a filthy & unlawful vow, which by so great and so grave authority, is taught to be both lawful, sacred, and Angelical.  
33. The praises then given to Virgins, & single life by these renowned pillars of truth, 
The state of chaste livers Angelical. August. l. 6. confess. cap. 3. Of S. Cyprians book of virginity, S. Hierom● maketh mention Epist. ad Demetriad. in sin●.  mirrors of learning, and patrons of all purity, are so plentiful, as they take up no small room in the vast volumes of their renowned works. S. Ambrose alone, whose chastity S. Augustine so much admired, hath three books of Virgins, besides one of widows, one of the training up of a virgin, and another entitled, a persuasion to Virginity. Of this S. Cyprian, S. Augustine, S. Basil, S. chrysostom, S. Gregory Nissen have whole books, of this S. Hierome to Eustochium, Demetrias and many others hath very long epistles, and as well these as divers grounding themselves upon the words of our Saviour, that in heaven there is no marrying, because the Saints are equal unto the Angels, show the life of such as vow chastity to be Angelical. S. Ambrose in the last book above cited saith: Audistis quantum sit praemium 
Ambros. tract. de hortat. ad Virgin. post initium.  integritatis: regnum acquirit & regnum caeleste, vitam Angelorum exhibet etc. You have heard how great the reward is of Chastity, it purchaseth a kingdom, and a heavenly kingdom, it exhibits unto us the life of Angels: this I persuade you unto, than which nothing is more beautiful, that among men you become Angels, who are not tied together by any band of marriage. Because such women as do not marry, and men that take no wives, are as Angels upon earth; in so much, as they feel not the tribulation of the flesh, they know not the bondage, they are freed from the contagion of worldly desires, they apply their mind unto divine matters, and as it were delivered from the infirmity of the body, do not think of those things which belong unto men, but which appertain unto God. So S. Ambrose, as contrary to M. Hall, as heat to cold, white to black, truth to falsehood.  
34. S. Bernard styled by M. Hall devout Bernard, useth also the same similitude saying: Quid castitate 
Bernard. epist. 42.  decorius? quae mundum de immundo conceptum semine, de host domesticum, Angelum de homine facit etc. What is more beautiful than chastity, which makes 
Hall. Decad. 4. ep. 3.  him clean who was conceived of unclean seed, makes a friend of an enemy, an Angel of a man? For albeit a chaste man, and an Angel do differ, yet is their difference in felicity, not in virtue: & although the chastity of an Angel be more happy, yet is the chastity of man of greater fortitude; only chastity it is which in this place and time of mortality, representeth unto us a certain state of the immortal glory, because it alone, amongst the marriages here made, follows the custom of that happy Country, in which (as our Saviour said) they neither marry, nor are married; exhibiting in a certain manner unto the earth an experiment of that conversation which is in heaven. So S. Bernard. And a little after, hoc itaque tantae pulchritudinis ornamentum etc. This ornament of so great a beauty I may worthily say doth honour priesthood, because it makes the Priest grateful, or beloved of God & man: & although he be yet on earth, makes him in glory like unto the Saints. So he. With S. Ambrose and S. Bernard let us join him, who is all in all heavenly, S. Augustine, as M. Hall termeth him, 
August● serm. 24●.  who saith, qui in castitate viwnt Angelicam habent in terris naturam, castitas hominem cum Deo coniungit, Angelis facit civem; they who live chastened have an Angelical nature on earth, chastity conjoineth a man with God, & makes him a citizen with Angels.  
35. As with the same spirit, so with the same tongue do the other Fathers speak both Greek & Latin. Tertullian saith that Virgins are 
Tertul. l. ad uxorem cap. 4. Hieron. ep. 22. ad Eustoc. cap. 8. Athan. l. de virginit. Cyril. Catechesi. 12●  de familia Angelica, of the company, or household of Angels. S. Hierome, that the life of Virgins is the life of Angels. S. Athanasius crieth out, O continentia Angelorum vita, Sanctorum corona! O chastity the life of Angels, the crown of Saints: yea it is also an Angelical crown, as S. Cyrill of Jerusalem saith, and above the perfection of human nature: & further he addeth that chaste livers are Angels walking upon the earth. S. Gregory Nazianzen speaking to a Virgin saith, Angelorum▪ 
Nazian. orat. 31.  tam elegisti, in eorum ordinem te aggregasti. Thou h● chosen the life of Angels, thou hast put th● self into their rank. S. Ephrem, O castitas quae ● 
Ephrem. serm. de castitate.  mines Angelis similes reddis! o chastity which makes men like unto Angels: and not only like but equal, saith S. Cyprian, cùm castae perseveratis ● 
Cypr. l. de discipl. & habitu virginum. Basil. de vera virgin. longiùs à fine.  virgins Angelis Dei estis aequales, whiles you remain chaste and virgins, you are equal unto Angell● yea most noble and eminent Angels saith S Basil, qui virginitatem servant Angeli sunt, non obscuri a qui sed sanè illustres atque nobilissimi, they who preserve their virginity are Angels, and not some inferior obscure Angels, but eminent and mo● noble: yea in one respect as S. Bernard above cited did note, and before him S. Cyprian, S. Barnes S. chrysostom and others, they are more nobs than all the Angels together: Virginitas aequat● 
Cypr. de discipl. & beno pudicitiae.  Angelis, saith S. Cyprian, si verò exquiramus etiam e● cedit etc. Virginity equals itself with Angels and if we penetrate the matter further it also e●ceeds them, whiles in this frail flesh whic● Angels have not, it getteth the victory even against Nature. So he: Angeli carneis nexibus lib● 
Basil. l. de virginit.  (saith S. Basil) integritatem suam in caelis servant etc. The Angels free from all fleshly bands preser● their purity in heaven, both in respect of th● place, and their own nature inviolable, being still with God the supreme King of all: but virgins by wrestling here on earth with the allurements and pleasures of the flesh, and by continual combats overcome the tentation of the Devil, and with singular virtue before the eye● of their Creator have preserved their integrity equal even unto the purity of Angels. So S. Basil. But for that this point is more lively set down by S. chrysostom, I will with his words end this matter: for he who by all these testimonies is not convinced, will never be persuaded by the authority of Fathers.  
36. Thus then writeth this flowing Father in the praise of virginity: Bonum est virginitas, & 
Chrysost. l. de virgin. cap. 10. 11.  ego consentio, & matrimonio etiam melior, & hoc confiteor etc. You say then that virginity is a good thing, and I do grant it; it is better than matrimony, and this also I grant: and if you will, I shall show you how much it is better, to wit, by how much heaven is better than earth, Angels than men, yea to speak more resolutely, more than this: for albeit that Angels neither marry, nor are married, yet are they not made of flesh and blood, they dwell not on the earth, they feel not the sting of the lust, they need not meat, nor drink, they are not alured with sweet songs, beautiful aspects, or any such like thing, but as at high noon we see the clear heaven overcast with no cloud, so their nature's most clear and lightsome, must needs be free from all lust: but mankind inferior by Nature to Angels, forceth itself, and by all means striveth to match them, and this by what means? Angels marry no wives, nor are married, no more doth a virgin; they assist, and serve always before God, the like doth a virgin: Wherefore the Apostle putteth them from all care or solicitude, that they may be continual and not divided: if so be that they cannot ascend into heaven as Angels do, their bodies keeping them on earth; yet from hence they have a noble recompense, because they receive the Lord himself of heaven, because they are holy in body and mind: do you see the honour of virginity? It strives to make the lives of them who live on earth to resemble the lives of the heavenly spirits, it makes them contend with Angels, and not to be overcome by these spiritual troops, it makes them competitors with Angels. And again after alleging the examples of Elias, Elizaeus, and S. Ioh● Baptist he saith: Etenim qua re, dic sodes, ab Angelis disferebant Elias, Elizaeus, joannes germani high virginitat● amatores? nulla nisi quòd mortali natura erant obstrich etc. For tell me I pray you, in what thing did Elias, Elizaeus, and john these sincere lovers of virginity differ from Angels? in nothing, but that by nature they were mortal, in other things if you consider them well, you shall find than nothing inferior, and this very thing wherein they seemed inferior, doth much make to their commendation: for living upon the earth and under the necessity of mortal nature, consider what fortitude and industry was required to be able to reach to so great virtue. Hitherto S. chrysostom.  
37. Now this being the opinion of these Fathers touching this vow and virtue, I woul● 
An inevitable consequence.  ask of M. Hall, how the object can be of such purity, such perfection, and the act that tendeth directly thereunto be impure, and unlawful▪ That is, how chastity can be in itself Angelical, & yet the vow made of observing the same be filthy and diabolical? Truly he may as we● tell me, that albeit adultery be a damnable sin, yet are the adulterers very honest men, & such as resolutely purpose to be nought in that kind, to purpose nothing else but an action of virtue: for if in this case he say, that the object is bad, and the intention of committing that act cannot thereby but be necessarily unlawful; so will I on the other side answer him, that this object is Angelical, and consequently the vow made for that end, having no other ill circumstances annexed, must needs of his own nature be both lawful, virtuous, and commendable: but these men measuring all matters by their own manners, will commend no more than themselves do practise, or admit any other virgins, than such as having known their husbands, are now ready to be made mothers.  
38. If M. Hall do say that in wedlock there 
Marriage much inferior to Virginity.  is also chastity, and that these praises may be given thereunto: as I grant the former part to be true, so I deny the later, and he shall never show me in the ancient Fathers, the state of marriage to be called Angelical, but still to be inferior to that title, as S. chrysostom hath now declared who maketh as large a difference between the one and the other state, as there is between heaven and earth, Angels and men: Virginalis integritas 
August. de sancta Virginitate. cap. 12.  (saith S. Augustine) & per piam continentiam ab omni concubitis immunitas, Angelica portio est, & in carne corruptibili incorruptionis perpetuae mediatio: cedat huic omnis soecunditas carnis, omnis pudicitia coniugalis. Virginal integrity, and freedom through pious continency from all carnal knowledge, is an Angelical portion, and in this corruptible flesh a meditation of the everlasting incorruption: to this the fruitful issue of the flesh, and conjugal cleans must yield, or give place. So S. Austin; and so far doth this holy Father proceed herein, as he saith: Sacratae verò virginitati nuptias 
De Eccles. dogmat. cap. ●8.  coaequare etc. to equal marriage with sacred virginity, & to believe no merit to accrue to such as for the desire of chastizing their bodies abstain from wives and flesh, is not the part of a Christian, but of an heretical jovinian. So he.  
39 S. Cyril and S. Hierome also speaking of 
Cyril. cateches. 4. Hier. Apolog. ad Pamach. c. 1. Lib. 2. ep. 13●.  the same thing say, that virginity or continency in respect of marriage, is like gold in respect of silver, both are good, both are clean, yet the one more pure, more precious than the other, and Isiderus Pelusiota addeth: Bonum est matrimonium, sed melior virginitas, pulchra est Luna sed Sol praeclarior. Matrimony is good, but virginity is better; the Moon is fair, but the Sun more illustrious. And S. Ambrose, multò prastantius est divini operis mysterium, 
Epist. ●1.  quàm humanae fragilitatis remedium: the mystery of God's work (to wit virginity) is more noble than the remedy of human frailty (in marriage) but because this diversity is more fully delivered by S. Fulgentius, omitting all the rest, I 
Fulgent. ep. 3. ad Probam cap. 9  will with his words alone decide this controversy of the different dignity of marriage and virginity or single life: for thus he writeth: Dicimus, à sanctis nuptijs, ubi nubunt qui se continere non possunt, sanctam virginitatem merito potiore distare, quantum distant à bonis meliora etc. We say holy virginity for more eminent merit to be so far above holy marriage (where they marry who cannot live continent) as far as the things that are better differ from the things that be good; the more blessed from the blessed; the more holy from the holy; the cleaner from the clean; the immortal wedlock from mortal marriage; as far as the spirit differs from the flesh, strength from weakness, the fruit of an ever enduring offspring, from the issue of a transitory child, as far as security is from tribulation, tranquillity from trouble, a greater good combined with an everlasting joy, from a lesser that is momentary, and accompanied with anguish. So he. 
The excellency of virginity above marriage grounded on the Scriptures. Matth. 13. Augu. do virgin. cap. 44. & haeres. 82. & 15 do civit. Dei cap. 26. Higher l. 2. in jovin. & Apol. ad Pammach. c. 1. Ambros. epist. 82. 1. Cor. 7. Chryso. de virg. c. 34.   
40. And this great disproportion between these states, is not only gronnded upon the authority of Fathers, but their authority is warranted by the Scriptures, especially in two places of the new Testament. First in S. Matthew where our Saviour speaking of diversity of merits, under the names of a hundred, threescore, and thirty fold fruits, yielded according to the variety of the soils that receive the good seed, which are interpreted by S. Augustine, S. Hierome, S. Ambrose to signify the state of virgins, widows, and married folks; the first yielding a hundred, the second threescore, the last thirty: out of which is concluded the difference of these merits, to arise from the essential difference of the virtues themselves, and pre-eminent excellency of the one above the other: and more plainly is this deduced out of the seventh Chapter of the first to the Corinthians, where the Apostle in express terms preferreth virginity, and the state of single life before marriage, & magnum inter utrumq, ponit interuallum, makes a great distance between them, saith S. chrysostom: with whom agree in the same exposition S. 
a Serm. de virginit.  Ephrem, 
b In Leuit. f. 330.  Procopius, 
c Lib. 1. ad uxo. c. 3 (d) In jovin. cap. 7. & ep. 22. ad Eustoc.  Tertullian, S. (e) Hierome, and others.  
41. Which doctrine is further confirmed by the practice of the whole Church: for who so listeth to search the records of antiquity, shall find many husbands to have left their wives, & wives their husbands, and that with great and singular commendation, as S. 
e Metaphras. in vita.  Alexius, S. 
f Ambr. l. de virginibus, haeres. 78.  Tecla, S. 
g In hist. vitae S. Ceciliae.  Cecily, 
h Greg. l. 3. Dialo. cap. 14.  Gregori●, 
i Hieron. apud Gratianum 27. q 2. cap. Scripsit. Epiphan. haeres. 61. The eager & sharp reprehensions used by the Fathers toward such as by incontinency did violatate or break their vow.  Macharius and others, but there is no one sentence or syllable to be found in them all, that ever it was held lawful for one who had professed chastity, to return to marriage, but the quite contrary, tradiderunt sancti Dei Apostoli (saith S. Epiphanius) peccatum esse, post decretam virginitatem ad nuptias converti: the holy Apostles of God have declared it to be a sin after the vow of virginity to return to marriage, which argueth the vow of chastity, not only to be lawful, but of far greater perfection, than the state of marriage, because such as have left their husbands on earth, as S. Gregory noteth, have deserved thereby to have a spouse in heaven.  
42. And to join the two contrary extremes together, which will make the fairness or filthiness of either the better to appear: he who shall read the sharp invective which S. Ambrose did write, ad Virginem lapsam, to a virgin who was fallen into that sin, and consider with what vehemency he doth check her incontinency, will better perceive both the beauty of this chastity, by the baseness of the transgression (nam privatio optimi est pessima) and how different the spirits of these Saints were from the spirits of these new Masters now adays: servare te oportuit fidem (saith S. Ambrose) quam sub tantis testibus 
Ambr. ad virginem lapsam c. ●.  pollicitaes etc. it behoved thee to keep the promise thou didst make before so many witnesses, and always to think, to whom thou hadst offered thy virginity; thou shouldst more easily have lost thy blood and life than thy chastity: and a little after: nam si inter decem testes etc. for if before ten witnesses when the spousalls are made, and marriage consummated, every woman joined to a mortal man, doth not without great danger of death commit adultery, what thinkest thou shall be done, if the spiritual conjunction (between God and thy soul) made before innumerable witnesses of the Church, before the Angels and hosts of heaven, be dissolved by adultery? I know not if any condign death or punishment can be devised. Some will say it is better to marry, then to burn: but these words concern not one that hath vowed, one that is veiled: for she who hath espoused herself to Christ, and received the holy veil, is already married, is already joined to an immortal husband. So S. Ambrose, and in the eight chapter he wills her to take on a mourning weed, to cut off the hair of her head, to weep, and bewail her offence, to punish her body with fasting, and haircloth, and to use other works of a penitential life: and this was the sense and judgement of divine Ambrose, as M. Hall calleth him, touching the lawfulness of these vows.  
43. Of the same argment, and in the same style S. chrysostom wrote two books to Theodorus, S. Basil three epistles to others fallen from that chastity which they had vowed, and both do urge, and inculcate severe penance to be done for the fault committed: and the former to this purpose, because examples are more persuasive 
Chrys. paren. 1. c. 11.  than words, recounteth the fall of a young man, who although he sinned but once, yet returning to himself, the better to do penance. and make satisfaction for his fault committed, shut himself up for the term of life in a little cell, his fellow every other day bringing him bread and 
A rare example of penance.  water, and in this severity as long as he lived did he persevere in ieiunijs, in precationibus, in lachrimis, repurgans animam ● sorde peccati: in fasting, in prayers, in tears, cleansing his soul from the filth of sin: and to the same doth S. chrysostom invite Theodorus, though he were not so happy as to follow so good counsel, but wallowing in filthy lust, became by favour at length to be Bishop of Mopsuesta, and afterwards was master of Nestorius the heretic: malus coruus, malum owm. For this sensual voluptuous spirit is the seed of heresy, and so infecteth the stalks, that as S. Hierome saith, difficile sit reperire haereticum, qui diligat 
Hier. in c. ●. Oseae.  castitatem: it is hard to find an heretic, that loveth chastity, the cause whereof I shall after assign. Only here M. Hall may see how different the doctrine of the Fathers is from that which he teacheth, and how contrary the Counsel of these Angelical Saints, is to that which lewd Luther wrote of S. Hierome, saying: Sanctus Hieronymus scribit detentationibus carnis, paruares est, uxor domi 
In colloq. Germ. titulo de vita co●iugali.  detenta facilè huic morbo mederi alicui potest: Eustochium hac in re potuisset Hieronymo auxilio venire. O impure lips, and incircumcised tongue! o beastly beginner of this new belief.  
44. Let M. Hall, if he be able, produce us some proof, although but one classical authority of any one ancient writer, where he hath ever persuaded such as having solemnly vowed chastity to use marriage, as a means to overcome temptations, and he shall have some excuse for calling it a filthy vow, and his Heroical Luther for terming it a diabolical thing: but this is to hard a task, and his own Trullan Council in this allows him no liberty, howsoever in one only point (as in the next paragraph shall at large be showed) it do favour him: for thus it defineth, Si quis Episcopus, vel Presbyter, vel Diaconus etc. cum 
Concil. Trullan, can. 4.  muliere Deo dicata coierit, deponatur, ut qui Christi sponsae vitium attulerit: sin autem laicus, segregetur: It any Bishop, or Priest, or Deacon etc. shall carnally know a religious woman, let him he deposed, as one that hath deflowered the spouse of Christ, but if he be a lay man, let him be separated, to wit, by excommunication from conversing with other men: and this was made against the secret abuse, for public marriage was never permitted by any, but still condemned by all.  
45. Which in my opinion is a matter so out of controversy, I mean the not permitting and 
Marriage never permitted to votaries.  the condemning of these marriages, which is the last proof I promised out of the Fathers, as he who denieth the same, and yet will offer to stand to their trial, may seem to be either very ignorant, or impudent; ignorant, if he know not their doctrine; impudent, if he will withstand his own knowledge, and wilfully reject, as reverend a trial as any under heaven: for hear I pray, what they teach touching this matter. Illis quae non se continent (saith S. Augustine) expedit nubere, 
August. de adulter. coniugijs lib. 1. c. 15.  & quod licet expedit: quae autem voverint, nec licet, nec expedit: It is expedient for such women as cannot contain to marry, and that is expedient which is lawful: but such as have vowed chastity, for them is neither expedient, nor lawful: and in another place speaking of such a one as had vowed never to marry. He saith: Non damnaretur 
Praefat. in psal. 83.  si duxisset uxorem: post votum quod Deo promisit si duxerit damnalitur; cùm hoc faciat quod ille qui non promiserat, tamen i●e non damnatur, iste damnatur: quare? nisi quia iste respexit retro? He should not have been damned if he had before married a wife, but after his vow which he hath made to God, if he shall marry, than he shall be damned: when as he doth but the self same thing which the other doth who made no vow, and yet this other is not damned and he is; & this for what other cause, but for that he who vowed hath (with Lot's wife) looked backward? So S. Augustine, whose heavenly opinion toucheth very near the fleshly beginners of this new Gospel, whether we respect the first root thereof in Germany, Luther, Bucer, Oecolampadius, Peter Martyr, and others, or our first English Patriarch Cranmer & his adherents, whom no vows made to God, no shame of men, no conscience, or other band or bridle, was able to keep back from their filthy lust, coloured with the honest title of wedlock, but this wedlock of theirs in the Father's writings hath another, but not so honest title as presently we shall see.  
46. S. john chrysostom writing unto Theodorus the relapsed Monk who presently thought 
Paraen. 2. cap. 2.  upon marriage, or how to have his harlot saith: Si militiae vincula non tenerent, quis sibi desertionis crimen obijceret? Nunc autem in te nihil penitus tui juris est etc. If the bands of this spiritual warfare did not hold, who would ever object unto thee the crime of this revolt? but now thou hast no power or authority over thyself at all, because thou hast entered under the ensigns of Christ: for if a woman have no power over her own body, but her husband; much more those who live more to Christ then themselves, can have no dominion over their bodies. Thus he. And this reason moved the ancient Fathers, not only to condemn these marriages, but further to esteem the vow-breakers, as adulterous persons, because they broke their first faith, promise, contract & spiritual conjunction by purity of life with Christ, by a contrary faith, promise, contract and carnal union with a mortal creature, an injury too grosle to be offered unto our Saviour, a vow to sacred to be violated by so base a motive, an obligation too great so rashly to be broken: Si de eyes aliqua corrupta fuerit deprehensa, saith 
Cypr. ep. ●2.  S. Cyprian, agate poenitentiam plenam, quia quae hoc crimen admisit non mariti, sed Christi adultera est. If a virgin that hath vowed chastity be found to have been deflowered, let her do full penance, because she who hath committed this crime is an advowtresse, not of her husband, but of Christ. So S. Cyprian.  
47. And to Theodous the Monk who made 
lococitato.  the common objection of our lascivious Ministers, that marriage is for all, and denied to none, S. chrysostom answers: Neque ullus te fortè decipiat dicens, nihil de non accipienda uxore Dominus praecepit etc. let not any perchance deceive you saying, God hath commanded a man nothing for not taking of a wife, I know very well he hath forbidden adultery, not prohibited marriage: but you shall commit adultery in case (which God forbidden) you should ever think upon marrying: & what S. chrysostom wrote to this Apostata Monk, S. Basil wrote to a corrupted Nun, to whom 
Basil. ep. 18●. ad virginem lapsam.  speaking in the person of God he saith: Ipsa antem dilexit alienos, & vivente me viro immortali adultera appellatur, & non timet alteri viro commisceri. She hath loved others, and I her immortal husband being alive, she is called an advowtresse, and she feareth not to be nought with another ma● for which cause the said Father in his Canon● to Amphilochius putting down the penance of 
Epist. 3. can. 60.  such who after the vow of chastity had falle● into that sin saith: peccati adulterij tempus conplebit: such a one shall fulfil the penitential time of the sin of adultery: which thing is more exaggerated by S. Ambrose upon the like occasion, who doubted whether any penance be 
Ambros. ad virg. lap. cap. 5.  great enough for so foul an offence, for thus be writeth: Quae se spopondit Christo & sanctum velam accepit etc. she who hath betrothed her●selfe to Christ, and hath received the holy veil is already married, is already joined to her immortal husband, and now if she will marry by the common Law of wedlock, she committeth adultery, she is guilty of death. So S. Ambrose And would these Saints, trow you, ever use su● vehemency, or show such zeal, if these vow were filthy, unlawful, or diabolical? No, no. Their saintly spirits abhorred such sensual uncleanness, and brutish doctrine.  
48. Neither were the Father's content to call this sin adultery, but they further added that it is worse than adultery. So expressly S. 
Loco citato. Mark this M. Hall.  chrysostom: Legitima & justa res coniugium etc. Wedlock is a lawful and good thing etc. but to you it is not now lawful to observe the laws of wedlock: for one who is joined to the heavenly bridegroom, to forsake him, and entangle himself with a wife, is to commit adultery: and although a thousand times you will call it a marriage, yet do I affirm it to be so much worse than adultery, by how much God is greater and better, then mortal men. By which proportion we may see, of what sanctity the impure marriages were which Luther, Bucer, and other renegade friars did make with Nuns, how lawful it is to break these vows, and finally what is to be thought of such married Apostata Priests, as still speak honourably of matrimony, that thereby they may seem not out of frailty good men, but out of mere devotion, to commit adultery, or rather a greater sin: planè 
August. de bono viduit. cap. 11.  non dubitaverim dicere (saith S. Augustine) lapsus & ruinas à castitate sanctiore quae vovetur Deo, adulterijs esse peiores. Certainly I dare affirm the falls and slidings away from that more sacred chastity 
Basil. hom. quo pacto amit●imus & recuperamus imaginem Dei.  which is vowed to God, to be worse than adulteries. So, and in so plain terms S. Augustine.  
49. And this so grievous a sin is termed by S. Basil, & S. Ambrose sacrilege: Quando se Deo semel authoravit (saith the former) per vitae continentiam ac perpetuam castitatem, hoc detrectare non licet etc. When one hath bound himself by vow unto God by continency of life, or perpetual chastity, is it not lawful for him to slide back: and so warily he must keep himself, as he would keep a present, or sacrifice offered to God, lest our Lord at the day of judgement condemn him, as guilty of sacrilege. So S. Basil: and against him, who had abused the virgin before mentioned out of S. Ambrose, thus doth the same Father 
Ambros. ad virg. lap. cap. 8  exclaim: De te autem quid dicam, fili serpentis, minister Diaboli, violator templi Dei; adulterium utique & sacrilegium etc. What shall I say of thee, the son of a serpent, the minister of the Devil, the deflowrer of the temple of God, who in one filthy act hast committed two sins, to wit adultery and sacrilege? sacrilege, for that through thy mad rashness thou hast polluted the vessel offered to Christ, dedicated to our Lord etc. Neither is it only a double, but a threefold sin: for besides the adultery and sacrilege, they also commit incest: Christus Dominus noster cùm virginem suam 
Cyprian. Epist. 62.  sibidicatam, & sanctitati suae destinatam iacere cum alter● cernit quàm indignatur? & irascitur? & quas poenas inincestuosis eiusmodi coniunctionibus comminatur? Christ our Lord and judge how doth he abhor, how is he offended when he seethe his virgin dedicated (by vow) unto himself, and deputed to his holiness to lie with another? and what punishment doth he threaten to these incestuous copulations, saith S. Cyprian? Quae post consecrationem 
Lib. 1. jovinian.  nupserint, non tam adulterae sunt quàm incestae. Such virgins as after their vows and veils shall marry, are not so much advowtresses, as incestuous, saith S. Hierome.  
50. Finally this base thing, either for practise or opinion, was never used or taught, but by the enemies of Christ his Church, which point is worthy of special consideration: for as we in this, and all other points do adhere unto the ancient Saints and Fathers, whom we reverence, admire and follow: so doth M. Hall & his unto such as they have censured, discarded, & condemned, that is, we join with Catholics, they with heretics; we tread the plain 
The progenitors of our English Protestant's in the breach of vows.  beaten path of truth, they of error; such as we follow were the lights and shining lamps of the world, their progenitors were the shame and stain of Christianity. The first that I can find recounted in particular to have put this filthiness in practice was one Tiberianus who having written a book to clear himself from the heresy of Priscillian, revolted again unto the same: Tiberianus Boeticus (saith S. Hierome) taedio victus exilij, 
Hier● de viris illustr. in Tiberian●●.  mutavit propositum, & juxta sanctam Scripturam canis reversus ad vomitum suum, filiam devotam Christo virginem matrimonio copulavit. Tiberianus of Andalusia in Spain, overcome with the tediousness of his banishment, according to the holy Scripture, like a dog returning to his vomit, caused his daughter that was a Nun to marry: and he who first taught this to be lawful was jovinian: Formosus Monachus (as the same Father painteth him out) crassus, nitidus, dealbatus, & quasi sponsus semper incedens. A fair Monk, fat, neat, white, & going always as gay as a new married man. And a little after: Rubent buccae, nitet cutis, comae in occipitium 
Lib. 2. ●● jovinian.  frontemque tornantur, protensus est aquiliculus, insurgunt humeri, turget guttur, & de obesis saucibus vix suss●●● verba promuntur. His cheeks are red, his 〈◊〉 fair and smooth, his locks behind and befog are frizeled, his belly bears compass, his shoulders rise aloft, his throat swells, and his saint 〈…〉 gled words can scarce find passage through ● fat chaps.  
51. This man so fine as most of you Minister's, & so fat perhaps as Marcus Antonius de Do●● (that could not pass to the pulpit) a●beit ● proceeded nothing so far as M. Hall doth, to● the vow unlawful, filthy, and a brand of Antichrist●nisme, much less so far as Lu●her, as to marry Nun, yet for that he did equal the merit● marriage with the meed of virginity, & cause some to marry, was by all condemned for an heretic, of whom thus writeth S. Augustine Virginitatem etiam sanctimoni-lium, & continentia●xus 
August. haeres. 82.  virilis coniugiorum castorum, & fidelium meritis ●● qu●bat etc. He did equal the virginity even ● nuns, and continency of men choosing a sin● life with the merits of the chaste, and fay th●● married folk: and certain old virgins in R● where he taught this doctrine, were said ● hearing of him to have married: himself true neither had, nor would have a wife, which ● said, he did not teach for any greater merith held to be in virginity before God, that mig● avail us in the kingdom of everlasting life but for that it did more avail the present necessity of this, that is, lest a man should be cumbered with the troubles of marriage. In which words of S. Augustin we see two things graunter by our Adversaries, and denied by this Father & us; the first, that it is lawful for such as have vowed to marry; the other, that virginity is not meritorious to everlasting life: for M. Hall, as after we shall see, can endure no merits of our works: and C●lu●● ●n this will have virginity only to be better than marriage, because it is less subject to worldly entanglements, not for any merit or sanctity that he will have to be in the same, wherein he agreeth with jovinian, as you see, as we with S. Augustine. And this much out of the Fathers.  
52. There resteth to shut up this matter, that we also allege the Canon and Civil laws 
Proofs out of the Canon & Civil law.  which for that I have been so prolix in the former authorities of the Fathers, I will the sooner dispatch, and hast to come to the other part of the Impossibility, avouched by M. Hall, in which I shall be forced to make some little demur. The Canons therefore show how Eusebius 
Gratim. causa▪ ●. q. 2. cap. d●ponsa●ā & cap. De●reta. Greg. l. 6. epist. 20.  the Pope decreed, that if a virgin be betrothed to one, her parents cannot force her to marry with another, but it is lawful for her to enter into a monastery and become Religious: which case happening after in the time of S. Gregory the Great at Naples, where not the parents, but the party to whom the virgin was assured, either of grief, or despite kept all her goods from her, S. Gregory commanded the Bishop Fortunatus to see all restored, because saith he, the decrees of the Canon law do no ways permit any to be punished with whatsoever mulct who will become Religious. So he. And here as you see the state of virginity is preferred before marriage and the monastical life exalted without any touch of unlawfulness, filthiness, or Antichristian brand.  
53. In the civil is that resolute degree of jovian successor to julian the Apostata, still extant in the Code: Si quis, non dicam rapere, sed attentare 
Codice de Episcop. & Cleric. lege si quis.  tantummodo iungendi causa ●atrimonij sacratissimas virgines ausus fuerit, capitali poenaferiatur. If any one I will not say shall ravish, but shallbe so bold as to attempt only to solicit the most holy virgins with intention to marry them, let him be put to death. So the law. And the occasion whereupon it was made, is very remarkable: for julian the Apostata attaining to the Empire, & revolting from Christian faith unto Paganism, dealt with holy Virgins, as our King Henry the eight with all the Religious of England (so well did these two Princes agree,) for he permitted certain lewd companions to marry some of them, and without all check or rebuke to solicit others to that uncleanness: the matter by Sozomen is thus related: Istam legem ideotulit quod 
Sozomen. l. ●. cap. 3.  quidam improbi viri etc. Therefore did jovian (or jovinian as some call him) make this Law, because some wicked men under julian the Emperor had married some such virgins; making them either by force or persuasion to yield to this abuse, as it usually falleth out when in the troubled state of Religion filthy lust finds freedom 
The singular zeal of jovian in defending the purity of Religious Virgins.  without punishment, to commit such villainy. So he.  
54. And in setting down the words of the law this Historian expresseth one clause omitted in the Code, which showeth with how great zeal this worthy Emperor embraced this thing; for he not only made it death to persuade such a virgin to marriage, & much more to ravish her by force, but further added that the same punishment should be extented to whosoever else, that lascivo solùm obtutu aspiceret, should but as much as cast a wanton look upon them: and we may conceive, what he would have said and done, had he but found Friars married to Nuns, or a lay man in his Empire under the title of his Vicar general (as was Thomas Cromwell 
Thomas cromwell.  to King Henry) visiting all the Abbeys, priories, monasteries, Nunneries of his dominions, putting forth all Religious persons that would go, and forcing all under the age of 24. to go whether they would or no, and that in secular attire, to seek their fortunes: doubtless this puissant Prince had never expected so long another occasion to cut off the head of such an impure monster, as King Henry did, who after divers years charged him with heresy, treason & robbery: for this alone had sufficed, this had been more then enough if King Henry the eight had not been more like unto julian the Apostata, then devout jovian; and others about him at that time, like the Heliotropium which bendeth always his head to the Sun, had not flattered and followed him, I mean in all his wicked designs: among which sort of people it was no miracle to find such base spirits, because men of that stamp, as jovian was wont to say: Non Deum sed purpuram colunt, make the King's robes the rule of their Religion, seek to rise by other men's ruins, procure their private advancement by public spoil, and without all care or conscience transgress and break all laws of God, or man, rather than they will withstand the unjust pleasure of any licentious Prince, by whom they may expect to be preferred.  
55. This just and rigorous decree of jovian is further seconded by another in justinian, where there is extant a law against those that should 
Lege 41. de Episcop. & Clericis.  by violence ravish virgins, diaconesses, or widows, that if such were taken, adhuc flagrant delicto, they should being convinced by the parents of the said virgins, widows etc. or their kinsfolks, tutors, or procurators, be put to death: and then further it is enacted, ut huic poena omnes subiaceant etc. that all be liable to the same punishment, whether the fact were committed with the consent, or against the will of the said Religious woman, Diaconesse, or widow. So as not only the sin of rape, but their voluntary lapse is also punished by death, in such as had abused virgins etc. Whereof I conclude all manner of authority to stand for us for the lawfulness of vows. And continent life: and he who listeth to see this matter more confirmed, and all arguments solved, which the Protestants object to the contrary, may read the same very learnedly and largely handled by the Author of the work, entitled of Policy & Religion in the second 
M. Thomas Fitzherbert Priest now of the Society of jesus.  part, and third Chapter, of which if I had not been ignorant, and taken my first view thereof after that I had ended, what I have now written, I should have used his labour, and spared mine own, and remitted M. Hall to that grave and learned Author for a sincere, full, and resolute satisfaction.  

THE SECOND PART OF THIS paragraph.  
Wherein the observance of the vow of chastity is proved not to be impossible, and other points before mentioned, touching the Apostles practice, and Constitution etc. are discussed.  
OF the five untruths touched in the beginning of the former paragraph to be uttered together by M. Hall, the fourth was, if you remember, the impossible necessity which he supposed 
M. Hall measures the chastity of Catholic Priests by that which he finds in English Ministers.  to be in the vow of a single life: for measuring the ability of Catholics by himself, and his fellow Ministers, he telleth us of scanning of his former rule, in turpi voto muta decretum, if they had not rather, saith he, cautè, si non castè, as if all Catholics were incontinent who vowed chastity, by reason of the impossibility supposed, but yet that they concealed the matter so, as if nothing were known of that which yet indeed is done: but we no less declaim from this cloak, then from the thing itself, neither should this companion have been so bold to charge, where (setting lies and slanders a side) he had no shadow of proof: that wicked rule of covering a filthy life with feigned virtue, and beastly behaviour with exterior honesty, although it concern some on all sides, for amongst great multitudes wicked will not want, and among them such also who though rotten in the root, will yet show fair in the rind; notwithstanding this is verified as much in English Ministers as in any other whatsoever, which (lest I seem by way of recrimination only to retort) may perhaps be proved out of this very principle, begged by M. Hall, but not granted by us, that the vow of chastity is impossible, and the argument may be framed in this manner. Perpetual chastity is a thing impossible, but some Ministers in England and Bishops also never had any wife, and are now old men, & not like to have any, the consequence will follow which I will not express: and if M. Hall will persist to urge us by false accusations, he may chance hear me prove him this better by some true examples then by any mood or figure of a logical syllogism: and my examples shallbe taken from the lives of his own Brethren and Lords, who though unmarried have neither so cautè, nor castè carried themselves, but that their behaviour is known, and lewdness is liable to open proof, and demonstrative eviction.  
2. Which course unless his intemperate scurrility, and injurious calumniations force me thereunto, I abhor to take, and willingly 
Many of our English married Ministers incontinent.  in disputing of matters of Religion discuss the cause, not touch the persons: and this silly man in forcing us to the contrary, shall soon find by ripping up the particulars what disadvantage he gives against himself, in so much as his friends shall have little cause to thank him (his fellow Ministers I mean) for rubbing so much on this soar, whose lives are such as most bars and benches of the land will afford us testimonies of their virtues, their neighbours of their lives in general, many records of special accusations, and some pilleryes and gibbets also of their due deserved shame: and all this not for faults forged by malice, as in the case of Catholic Priests it falls out, where truth is made treason by Law, and fidelity to God & his Church disloyalty to the Prince, and enmity to the state: but by such clear and evident proofs, as even compelled the delinquents themselves to confess their faults, to clear their accusers, and accept their punishments as due unto them by justice, and to have been more mildly and mercifully inflicted, than the atrocity of their offence did require: the labour will be long, because the store is so great of these good fellows in this carnal Clergy: and M. Hall needed not to have been so hasty to slander others with his lies abroad, that hath so many infamous examples of his own cote at home. I speak not of his private person which I will not touch, but of others of his rank and profession, of whom the times past & present yield us much homely matter in this kind: but not to go further in this till I be further urged, I return to the impossibility.  
3. Whereas therefore M. Hall saith that the vow of chastity, casteth upon the makers an impossible 
The cause why Luther held the vow of chastity impossible. Epist. ad Wolf. Reissenb.  necessity; this impossibility may spring from divers heads, and so Luther sometimes assigneth one cause thereof, sometimes another; as first he casteth it upon the nature of our body, which saith he, is made of woman's flesh: Corpus nostrum pene in universum muliebris caro est: Wherefore he that will not marry must leave the name of man, and the contrary vow is impossible, impium, nullius momenti, impossible, wicked, of no moment. Secondly for that it is as natural and necessary to marry as to be a man, woman etc. or as to eat, 
Locis sup. citatis.  drink and the like. Thirdly he deduceth it out of the end of man's creation: Nemo hominum (saith he) ad continentiam creatus est, sed omnes un à ad generandum 
Tom in c. 7. primae ad Cortut.  sobolem conditi sumus, & ad matrimony toler andas iniurias. No man is borne to live continent, but all of us together are created to beget children, and undergo the miseries of marriage. Lastly for that chastity is the gift of God, and independent of us, in vowing chastity, saith he, what else doth he do but vow a thing, Quae prorsus nec est, nec esse potest in manibus suis, cùm sit solius Dei 
De votit Monast.  donum, quod accipere, non offere potest homo: Vow I say a thing which is not, nor cannot be in our hands, because it is God's gift alone, which a man can receive but not offer: so as here out of man's infirmity, his essential substance, the end of his making, and the nature of the virtue 
Lutherus, Bucerus, Pellicanus sup. citati.  itself which is supernatural, and requireth special help, and influx from God, we have these vows to be impossible, and not that only but further by a contrary command to be condemned, even by him to whom & for whom alone they are made and offered by the makers.  
4. How far M. Hall approveth all these opinions, I know not, for here without any reason he only supposeth his unreasonable position and I find him notels where to insist on any other ground, then that only of the weakness or imbecility of Nature: for in another letter to Sr Thomas Challenor, in which he slanders (if his 
Decad. 1. epist. 5.  word be a slander) the virtuous Religious Virgins of Brussels, after some other foleryes, which I let pass, thus he writeth: They are willingly constrained (saith he) to serve a master, whom they must 
A malicious surmise of the English Religious of Brussels.  and cannot obey, whom they neither can forsake for their vows, nor can please for their frailty: what follows hence? late sorrow, secret mischief, misery irremediable. So this wanton companion. But God, and before God and his Angels, their own consciences, & the whole world are witnesses of their purity, and so far they are from all sorrow, mischief, misery, as this man is from all truth, conscience, or honesty: for besides that their innocency is so well known, and acknowledged, if this axiom or rule of his may be granted, none would find greater sorrow, run into more mischief and misery, then married men.  
5. And not to exemplify in any other than himself, I demand when he was in France last with the L. Hayes, and was so long absent from his wife, whether he would hold him for an honest man, who should either openly charge, or closely by insinuation cast forth suspicions that both he, and at that time, was nought with other women at Paris, and his wife with some other men in England? For any may as well say of them both, as he of these virtuous Virgios, flesh is frail, and M. Hall and his wife were far a sunder, temptations are frequent, a continent life is impossible, especially amongst Ministers, for of such as had primitias spiritus, when as yet this new Gospel was, as M. jewel in his Latin Apology reporteth, in herba, in the grass or first growth, Erasmus even at that time did write of them all: Quae (malum) est ista tanta salacitas? unde tantacarnu rebellio in ijs qui se iactant agi spiritu Christi? What so great lasciviousness is this with a mischief? whence happens it that so great rebellion of flesh is in these (Ministers) who brag that they are lead by the spirit of Christ? Which being so, that Ministers are so wanton, their wives oftentimes but light housewives, whereas M. Hall was far from home, and aswell he as his wife like others of the same impression, are both frail and fleshly, what follows hence? but late sorrow, secret mischief, misery irremediable?  
6. Were this Christian dealing M. Hall? doth it become a Minister, a Doctor, a Preacher, and Character-maker thus to write? This is indeed & satyrae, and sat irae, to use your own words: for here is more bitterness and rancour than discretion or modesty, and this vein of writing may much better beseem some light headed satirical Poet, than one that would fain be taken for a sober Divine. For standing on these grounds and impossibility, I may well say to M. Hall, is it possible for you and your wife, so many months to live chastened asunder (if you did live chastened) and is it impossible that these virgins whose whole life is a continual practice of virtue, after their vows should remain chaste? or can you devise a better argument to prove their incorrupted purity in any tribunal of the world, than that which they do bring, I mean the testimonies of all, as well friends, as enemies that know them, for they live not in any obscure corner, but the eye of the world; thither still resort foreign Catholics, thither Heretics of all sects, thither come many English, & there now for many years have resided either Ambassadors or Agents to his Majesty our Sovereign, let even their enemies juridical verdicts be taken under their oath, whether any of them 
The spirit of Catholic Religious Nuns is far different from the spirit of the heretical English Ministers.  ever heard by any of any credit, that Angelical company, either in general, or particular to be touched, or so much as suspected in that kind? & why then do you so maliciously go about to slander them? Why do you endeavour to make others suspect ill of such, who yet never gave the least occasion of any ill suspicion? What learning or conscience can warrant this dealing? I doubt not, but if your wife should ask you▪ M. Hall, how you lived out of wedlock so many years before you were married unto her, but that you would clear yourself, and make her believe, that you were an honest man: and the like would she say and swear unto you, if you should ask her, and yet in all that time was flesh frail, many temptations occurred, and if for so many years together you could both live a chaste life, why no more? why not always? Is it possible for you to live the one part of your life (and that the more dangerous) chastened, and is it impossible to live the other? I would gladly know the reason hereof, & wherein it is grounded, why I say the later part should more force us to marry then the former. 
The impossibility of a chaste life refuted by S. Paul. 1. Tim. 5.   
7. Again this impossibility cannot stand with the doctrine of S. Paul condemning the young widows mentioned, and counseling S. Timo●hy to live chaste, nor yet with the common doctrine of all the Father's exhorting to virginity, especially S. Ambrose and S. Augustine in their special books thereof, of which two S. Bernard said: Ab his duabus columnis, Augustino loquor & Ambrosio, 
Bernard. epist. 77.  crede mihi difficitè avellor: From which two pillars, Augustine I mean and Ambrose, believe me I am very hardly drawn: for where there is impossibility or necessity, there is no sin, no counsel, no exhortation; as none sin in not making new stars, in not removing of mountains, in not working new miracles: and it were ridiculous for any preacher to go about to persuade their Auditors to abstain from all meat and drink, sleep and rest, because it is impossible that our life can pass without these helps: and no less impertinent was it in the Fathers to preach perpetual chastity, to veil Virgins, to punish vow-breakers, when as they could not alter their natures, it being as impossible for them, as these men will have it to continue in that purity, as to live without meat, drink, or rest, yea or as it is for women not to be women, or men not men: and as no man is punished for that he is a man, so no woman can be punished for breaking her vow, the one as Luther doth teach being as necessary as the other: to such straits are they driven who put these wicked, profane, and detestable impossibilityes.  
8. Which doctrine how wide a gap it further 
The principles of Protestant's open the way unto all lasciviousness.  opens to all lasciviousness, I shall not need to write, for this will also ensue thereof, that no Father can blame his child for being incontinent: for if he plead this impossibility, what can the Father reply? you will say, perhaps, he is bound to provide in this case a husband for his daughter, and wife for his son: but that is not a work of an hours warning, and if in the mean time they be tempted what shall they do? to contain implies an impossibility; to do otherwise, is to offend their parents and shame themselves: offend their parents, I say, for they cannot offend God, when it lieth not in their powers to do the contrary. If M. Hall say that for a while they are able to live chaste, but not for any long time; I ask again how long that while shall endure, and what warrant they have therein for not falling, seeing it may so fall out that in the while appointed, they may be more tempted than they shallbe again in all their lives after, or were ever perhaps in their lives before, what then shall they do? if this temptation bring an impossibility for overcoming it, then are parents most cruel tyrants that punish their children's incontinency, which lieth not in their power to avoid, but are forced thereunto by an inevitable necessity: If the children be faulty, 
M Hall hardly pressed.  than it lay in their power not to fall, than was there no necessity, then as they could overcome this tentation, they might as well overcome another, overcome all, and remain chaste out of wedlock to the end of their lives: where is the necessity? where the impossibility? And the same difficulty occurs in such as having been married for a time are after some occasion, as discord, diseases etc. separated the one from the other, & forced to live a sunder all days of their lives, what shall such do? live together they cannot, marry again they may not, to live continent with this man is impossible, what remedy is to be taken? must they be premitted to wallow in all unlawful wantonness? that is more than the very Turks Alcoran will allow them.  
9 Besides these inconveniences we say with 
The observance of the vow of chastity is in our power & not impossible. August de gratia & lib. arbit. cap. 4.  S. Augustine, that the thing is in our power, and although it require the assistance of God's grace (which still preventeth our wills) yet that hinders not, but that we may if we list ourselves, live chaste all days of our life, as we may believe in God, as we may love him, and for him our neighbour, which no less require God's grace for their performance, then perpetual chastity: Numquid tam multa quae praecipiuntur in lege Dei etc. Do so many things as are commanded in the law of God, to wit, that neither fornications, not adulteries be committed, show us any thing else then free will? For they should not be commanded unless a man had free will whereby he might obey the divine Commandments, and yet it is the gift of God, without which the precepts of chastity cannot be kept. So S. Augustine: and a little after answering the objection of this carnal impossibility: ●i dixerit, volo servare, sed vincor à concupiscentia mea etc. If any shall say I desire to be chaste, but am overcome of my concupiscence (as M. Hall, Luther, and our English Ministers) the Scripture answereth to the free will of such a one that which before I said, Noli vinci à malo sed vince in bono malum: be not overcome of evil, but 
Rom. 12.  overcome evil with good, which grace doth help us to do. So he. Never dreaming of these impossible fancies which M. Hall and his do frame.  
10. For supposing such a necessity of nature, fornication or adultery should not be sins at all as I have said, because they are not voluntary, but violent; as no man sinneth in not doing what he is not able, or in yielding to that which lay not in his power to withstand: as no sole man commanded by his king to subdue Constantinople, or take the vast Kingdom of China can be punished if he do it not, for the surprising of the one, and conquest of the other, cannot be done without many thousands, or can he put any one to death for not going into the East, who was bound hand and foot, and violently carried by others into the West: so if women be as necessary as our nature, as filthy Luther did affirm, and to live chaste be impossible, as M. Hall; how are men commanded not to commit fornication and adultery, which they cannot fulfil, or are punished for the fact, which not their own wills did move, but violence did compel them to commit? Wherefore if we will grant it to be a sin, we must with all necessarily grant that it lay in our power, which without any impossibility was able to avoid it, yea was bound to overcome it, and for not overcoming it is guilty of the offence, and condemned for the transgression.  
11. And the same falleth out in wedlock, 
Wedlock requireth a special grace for the chastity required therein which yet resteth in our power to perform.  the chastity of which requireth a special grace, no less than virginity: which grace as it profits the weakness of nature, so is it never wanting, where the will is ready to accept it, which will is also prevented by the same grace, that it may not refuse to take it, and therefore both the vows of virgins, and chastity of wedlock are alike exacted, as both resting in our power, in our wills, and ability, which point S. Augustine in one place doth excellently deliver saving: Arbitrium humanae voluntatis ne quaquam destruimus etc. 
August de bono viduit. cap. 17.  We destroy not the freedom of man's will, when not out of proud ingratitude we deny, but out of a grateful piety we acknowledge the grace of God by which free will is helped, it resteth in us to will or desire, but the will itself is warned that it may rise, is cured that it may be able, is enlarged that it may receive, and is filled that it may have: for if we would not, then truly neither should we receive the things that are given us, nor should we have them. For who hath continency (that amongst other gifts of God I may speak of this, of which I speak to yourself) who I say should have continency▪ but he who would have it? For no man would take it, but he who would have it: but if you ask me of whom it is given that it may be received, and had of our will, mark the Scripture; yea because you know it, remember what you, have read: When I knew, saith Wisdom, that no man could be continent, unless God gave it, and this was a part of wisdom to know whose gift it was: for these are great gifts, wisdom and continency, wisdom I say by which we are framed in the knowledge of God; and continency by which we are withdrawn from the world. God commandeth us that we be wise, that we be continent, without which benefits we cannot be just and perfect. And a little after: Qui dedit coniugatis fidelibus ut contineant ab adulterijs etc. He who hath given grace to married folks that they abstain from advowtryes, or fornications, he hath also given grace to holy virgins and widows to contain themselves from all knowledge of men, in which virtue integrity of life (●y continual chastity) and continency are now properly named. So S. Austin. 
Let M. Hall mark well this argument.  Out of whose words, I frame against M. Hall this Syllogism: It is as well in the power of single men to be always continent, as it is in the power of the married to keep conjugal chastity: but the chastity of wedlock is in the power of the married: Ergo the other is in the power of the continent: and then further out of the same Father; God's concurrence with us by his grace (which in every good action is necessary) overthroweth not our free will, but doth perfect it, and consequently as well the election, as observance of single life dost rest always in our power and will, and is not impossible and necessary, but free and voluntary.  
12. And if in the state of matrimony grace be given to both parties to remain faithful to each other, and that to the end of their lives, 
Virgins as more united unto God then married folk, so have more strength to persevere in their vocation.  notwithstanding that continual cohabitation breed so many causes of distaste, and the feruentest affections in many do wax cold, and much decrease with time; shall such want his help, who for his love despise all earthly lovers, and have made choice of himself the author & lover of all pure desires? Shall he better love such, who are divided as the Apostle saith from his service by marriage, than those who to serve him the better, have withdrawn themselves from all worldly encumbrances that might divide them, and bestowed themselves wholly upon his service? or shall the grace of God granted to virgins be of less force to keep them faithful to their lover, then that which is given to them, who for carnal love are combined together? These men who are thus persuaded would never 
August. l. de virgin. cap. 54. Ambr. l. ●. de virginib. initio.  preach unto virgins, as S. Augustin did when he said: Si nuptias contempsistis filiorum hominum, ex quibus gigneretis filios hominum, toto cord amate speciosum forma prae filijs hominum: vacat vobis, liberum est cor à coniug alibus vinculis, inspicite pulchritudinem amatoris vestri etc. If you have despised the marriages of the sons of men, by whom you might beget the sons of men, with all your heart love him who is fairer than the sons of men. You have leisure enough, your heart is free from matrimony bands, look upon the beauty of your lover. So. Augustine. And again: Si magnum amorem 
Lib. citat. cap. 55.  coniugibus deberetis etc. If you should owe great love to your husbands, how much ought you to love him, for whose sake you have refused husbands? Let him be wholly fixed in your heart who for you was fixed on the Cross, let him possess all in your soul whatsoever you would not have bestowed in other marriage, is it not lawful for you to love him a little, for whom you have not loved that which was else lawful for you to love. And not to go further to show the thing possible, to show it to be in our power to stand or fall, to break off, or persevere, to begin and continue unto the end, he saith: Vos autem sequimini cum tenendo persever anter quod vovistis, ardenter facite 
Cap. 58.  cùm potestis, ne virginitatis bonum à vobis pereat, cùm sacere nihil potestis ut redeat. You virgins see you follow Christ perseverantly, keeping what you have vowed, labour earnestly whiles you are able, lest ye lose your virginity, sithence you are able to do nothing, that if it be lost is able to recover it. So he. And doth he who so teacheth, so exhorteth think of M. Hall's impossibility? Doth he think that such virgins serve a Master whom they must and cannot obey? whom they must for their vow, and cannot for their frailty? His words are too clear to be corrupted by so base a commentary.  
13. And no less plain, no less absolute for this purpose is S. Ambrose, whose diuin books of this subject I wish M. Hall to read: for in them he shall find the excellency of this virtue, not more eloquently then truly described: there he shall see the arguments of Protestants answered, there the keeping of vows urged, veiling of Nuns mentioned, this impossibility refuted: for to such as did cast these suspicious doubts, he saith: Facessat hic sacris virginibus metus, quibus tanta praesidia 
Ambr. l. de Virgin. propefi●ē▪ The divers helps which virgins have for their perseverance.  tribuit primùm Ecclesia etc. Let this fear of falling be far from holy virgins, to whom first the Church affoardeth so many helps, which careful for the success of her tender issue, with full breasts as a wall doth defend the same, until the siege of the enemy be removed: then secondly of our Saviour with stronger force, and last of Angels: Neque enim mirum, si pro vobis Angeli militant, quae Angelorum moribus militatis: meretur corum praesidium castitas, quorum vitam meretur: castitas etiam Angelos facit. It is no marvel if for you Virgins the Angels do war, who in your behaviour do follow the purity of Angels: virginal chastity deserves their help, whose life it deserves: for chastity also maketh Angels. And in another place having persuaded them to ascend above the world saying: justice is above the world, charity is above the world, chastity is above the world, and the like, he proposeth this difficulty which M. Hall proposeth, saying: Sed arduum 
Ambr. l. 3. de virgin, paulò antefinem.  putas humana virtute supra mundum ascendere: bene asseris etc. But if you think it a hard matter for human force to ascend above the world: you say well. For the Apostles deserved to be above the world, not as fellows, but as followers of Christ to wit, as his disciples, be thou also disciple, be a follower of Christ, he prayeth for thee who prayed for them: for he said I pray not only for my Apostles, but for those who by their doctrine shall believe in me, that all may be one; therefore our Lord will have us to be one, that we may be all above the world, that there be one chastity, one will, one goodness, one grace. So S. Ambrose. Out of which words M. Hall may learn from whence all Religious have their strength and force to continue until the end, to wit, from the merit of the prayer of our Saviour, and his peculiar assistance.  
14. Furthermore concerning such enemies of purity, as M. Hall, who carped at S. Ambrose for 
Ambrose ibidem circa med.  his so fervent, so frequent persuading to chastity, and forbidding Religious women to marry, thus he putteth down his adversaries charge, and his own answer: Initiatas inquit sacris mysterijs, & consecratas integritati pu●llas, nubere prohibes. You forbidden, saith my acculer, such as are entered into Religion, and have professed chastity to marry; to which he replies: utinam possem revocare nuptur ●s, utinam possem flammeum nuptiale pio integritatis mutare velamine etc. I would to God I were able to hinder even such as are to marry, I would to God I were able to change the veil of marriage with the veil of virginity: doth it seem a thing unworthy to you that the holy virgins be not drawn from the sacred altars to marry? & for them to whom it is lawful to choose their husband, is it not lawful for them to prefer God? And a little after he demandeth whether this be, improbum, nowm, aut inutile, unlawful, new, or unprofitable: and against the first, that 
This M. Hall will grant though S. Ambrose do deny.  is against M. Hall, he showeth that it is not bad, or unlawful: for than improba essent vota omnium, improba vita est, Angelorum, quàm gratia resurrectionis imitatur; qui enim non nubunt, neque ducunt uxores erunt sicut Angeli in caelo. All vows should be unlawful, then is the life of Angels unlawful, which the grace of our resurrection doth imitate; for they who neither marry, nor are married, shall be like the Angels in heaven. Thus S. Ambrose, proving immediately after, this life to be of singular excellency, out of the words of our Saviour in S. Matthew of the eunuchs not so borne by the imperfection of Nature, or made by the malice of man, but by free election and voluntary choice, laying violent hands on the Kingdom of heaven, so framed by themselves: and after alloweth, yea defendeth the entrance of young virgins into Religion, with more to the same effect, which for avoiding of prolixity I pretermit and conclude the possibility of this vow in all virgins, either young or old, with the words of 
Origen. tractat. 7. in Matth.  Origen, answering an objection of the Heretics that this gift is not for all.  
15. Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc: all men receive not this saying but to whom it is given, and thereby some pretended that they would willingly have lived chastened, but were not able: Quibus est respondendum, siquidem accipimus libenter quod dictum est, sed quibus datum est etc. to whom it is answered (saith he) if we take that simply, which is said, sed quibus datum est, but to whom it is given: and mark not what is said in another place, Petite & dabitur vobis, & omnis qui petit accipit, ask and it shall be given unto you, and every one who asketh doth receive: either we are not of the number of the faithful, or understand not the Scriptures: for he that will be capable of that which is said of chastity, let him ask, and trust in him who saith, & accipiet, and he shall receive, no way doubting of that which is said, omnis qui petit accipit, every own who asketh doth receive. So Origen. In whose words is insinuated another ground, from whence not only the possibility, but faciliiy also of these vows do proceed, that is from two main fountains, whereof one is the prayer of Christ for us before mentioned, the other is our prayers to him: the first for acceptance can have no repulse: the other hath his promise for our assurance, & both the one and the other makes all yokes sweet and burdens light.  
1. And besides these helps there is another from which this power and possibility of a chaste life doth principally flow: I mean the passion of our Saviour, the meritorious cause of all our grace and sanctification, one special effect whereof is, that by virtue and force derived from the head to the members, they may be able to exercise all Christian virtues, to offer up a pure sacrifice of vowed virginity to him, who being the Author of all purity, and son of a virgin, therefore as S. Hierome writeth, among other our redeeming torments, would be crowned with thorns, that from them the roses, lilies, and flowers of virginity, the chief garland of his glorious conquest and triumphant spoil on earth might bud and spring forth: Ideo jesus 
Hier. ep. ad Demetriad. ant med.  spinis coronatus est (saith he) & delicta nostra portavit etc. Therefore was jesus crowned with thorns, did bear our offences, and lamented for us, that out of the thorns and tribulations of women, to whom it was said, the woman shall bring forth her children in sorrow and grief etc. the rose of virginity, and lilies of chastity might spring up: for this cause doth the bridegroom feed amongst the lilies, and among them who 
Cant. 2. Apoc. 14. Eccles. 9  have not defiled their garments, because they have remained virgins, and have obeyed that commandment: Let thy garments be always white: and the Author and Prince of viginity 
Cant. 2.  speaketh confidently: I am the flower of the field, and lily of valleys. So S. Hierome.  
17. From whose words I gather, our Adversaries in this to be injurious to our saviours passion, who in other things, as after we shall see to rid their hands of all labour, will out of presumptuous temerity seem to rely thereon more than they should: for as from that ever flowing fountain, or rather full ocean of merits & mercies, whatsoever force we have to practise any action of piety is derived, so to deny the same unto this particular, so particularly grateful unto him, as to make it a thing impossible, what is it else then to weaken the force, diminish the value, and in a manner cuacuate the whole effect of his suffering? And to make such as are redeemed by his blood, sanctified by his grace, & partakers of his merits, to be as faint and feeble in the works of virtue, as any Pagan or Infidel living under the imbecility of nature, and altogether devoid of these supernatural helps: & which is more, to make that to be impossible to Christians which amongst jews, Pagans, Heretics, and infidels if we believe the records of all antiquity hath in exterior proof and practise been found possible: & out of this which I have delivered, we see this impossibility so diversly refuted by the Fathers, as there are divers means by them assigned to the contrary. S. Ambrose as you have heard named the protection of the Church, the patronage of Angels, the prayer of Christ; S. Augustine addeth our free will prevented by grace; Origen, our prayers proceeding from both; S. Hierome, the grace and merit of Christ his passion peculiarly applied to virgins, all these praised, all preached, all persuaded virginity, and not one of them all ever taught, thought of this fancy, nor yet any other heretic before Luther (whose incontinency was notorious) that I can remember: for albeit some abased the worth thereof, & advanced marriage too far, and because they could not reach to the highest, would confound high and low, gold & silver, heaven and earth, marriage and virgininity together, yet were they not so savage, as to say that a chaste life was impossible, or by an unavoidable necessity subject to secret mischief, and irremediable misery, as this man and his master doth tell us.  
18. And this being supposed that women the weaker sex can both lawfully vow virginity, & persevere in the same to the end; there seemeth to be no less difficulty in vows of Clergy men which proceed no less from their own free & deliberate election: for the Church forceth none thereunto, but only to keep the vows which without any enforcement they have made, which is the very case of the widows before mentioned in S. Paul, and being come to so ripe 
The vow of Clergy men voluntarily made performed with facility.  age, to so perfect knowledge of themselves, and their own forces, they may if they list take upon them this sweet and easy yoke of a purer life, best beseeming the calling and function of an Ecclesiastical man, and not above the power and ability of any that will sincerely embrace it, and use the ordinary means of prayer and such things as make our prayers more available, as fasting, hair cloth, disciplines, and other mortifications to preserve it: for if young virgins (to use S. Augustins' argument, which he used against 
August. l. 8. Confession. c. 11.  himself being yet in heresy, when he was persuaded as our Protestants are that he could not contain) if young virgins I say in all ages have vowed and dedicated their virginity to God, & with so singular constancy have preserved it, why may not mature men do the like? and if to them not only marriage be unlawful as S. Augustine saith, but even the desire of marrying be damnable, why may not Clergy men also vow, and by their vows be bound to contain or punished punished if they transgress?.  
19 Yea so much is this within our power, assisted with God's grace, which is never wanting, if we be not wanting to ourselves, that in case any who had no calling to an ecclesiastical life should unwillingly be promoted thereunto, 
Many unwillingly made Priests, who yet were bound to live chaste in the time of S. Austin.  yet were he bound unto this chastity, to vow it I say, and never under deadly sin to violate his vow: this if the Church now should practise, how would M. Hall, and his lascivious companions brand us with Antichristianisme, cry out upon unlawful vows, forced continency, impossible necessity? How would he not stir up his impure wit to invent if he could base terms then of shavelings, a filthy vow, a Popish tyranny, a doctrine of Devils? and yet this was not only approved, but practised also in the primitive Church, and that very usually: for thus writeth S. Augustine against such as committed adultery, because as they said, they could not contain, which I fear me will prove the centre of perfection of our married Ministers: Quando terremus 
August. l. 2. de adulterinis coniugijs cap. ultimo.  ne adulterinis coniugijs haerendo pereant inaeternum, solemus eis proponere continentiam Clericorum, qui plerumque ad eandemsarcinam subeundam rapiuntur inviti etc. When we terrify men (saith he) lest in their advowtrous marriages they everlastingly perish, we are wont to lay before them the continency of Clergy men, who for the most part are taken against their wills to undergo that burden, & having undergone it, bear it through to the end. We say therefore unto the advowtresse, what if you also by violence of people should be taken to bear this burden? Would you not chastened perform the office imposed upon you, and presently turn yourselves to ask strength of God, of which before you did not think upon? but they say that the honour doth much comfort Clergy men, and we do answer them, let fear also withhold you: for if many of God's Ministers have received the office suddenly, and without further thinking thereon, because they hope thereby to shine more gloriously in the kingdom of Christ, have lived chaste; how much more ought you by avoiding adultery to live chastened, fearing (not to shinelesse in the kingdom of God but) to burn in hell fire? Hither to S. Augustine. And where at this time was the impossibility of which M. Hall here dreameth? necessity I grant there is of observing the vow once made and facility, impossibility there is none.  
20. There would be no end, if I should allege the Father's words for the possibility of single life. S. Augustine shall suffice, who saith: 
August. l. 2. de adul. coniugijs cap. 29.  Non terreat sarcina continentiae, levis erit si Christi erit, Christi erit si fides aderit quae impetratà iubente quod iusserit. Let not the burden of continency affright us, it will prove light if it be of Christ, it will be of Christ if we have confidence, which obteynes the thing commanded of him that commands. So he. And in another place speaking of these vows, and how far they bind the makers, he hath these words: Quod cuiquam antequam vovisset 
De adult. coniug. l. 1. cap. 24.  licebat etc. that which any man might lawfully do before he vowed; seeing he hath vowed never to do it, shallbe unlawful, but so as he vowed, that which was to be vowed, as is perpetual virginity, or continency after wedlock in such as are loosed from the band of matrimony by the death of one party, else let the faithful & chaste couple being alive by mutual consent release to each other these carnal duties, which for the one to vow, without the other is unlawful. These things therefore, and the like which are lawfully vowed, when men have vowed, are by no means to be violated etc. Thus far S. Augustine. With more to the same effect, in many other places of his works, and so easy he maketh this matter to be, as if God did grant nothing to man more willingly than this virtue of a pure life: Si pulsant (saith he) qui desiderant castitatem, that eye continuò gratiam & 
August. serm. 171. detempore.  sanctitatem. If they knock at the door of his mercy who desire chastity, he giveth them presently grace and sanctity: and if this in Gods grant be so easy, from whence cometh the impossibility in our performance?  
21. Notwithstanding all that hitherto hath been said against M. halls impossibility, yet to 
How chastity among Ministers is impossble.  end this matter, I must and will condescend so far unto him, as freely to grant that amongst Ministers it is impossible to live chaste, taking the word impossible in that sense, which the Apostle did, when he said: Impossibile est eos qui semel sunt illuminati, gustaverunt etiam donum caeleste etc. It is impossible for them who have been once enlightened, 
Hebr. 6.  have also tasted the heavenly gift etc. & are fallen, to be renewed again to penance: whereby impossible, as many interpret, is understood a great and singular difficulty of rising again of such as are once fallen, and so in this case we now treat of, albeit amongst heretics, jews, and Pagans to live chaste be not absolutely impossible: for some even among the ancient Romans are reported so to have lived, and continued till their deaths, and may also among Heretics, yet were those very rare, and the difficulty very great, as the histories do recount, & much greater it is in Heretics, & that for two reasons; the one of their persons, the other of the place: of their persons because for the most part all heretics do preach carnal liberty, and take away all means of corporal austerityes by which the flesh is kept in subjection to the spirit, and her rebellious appetits overcome & subdued, in which point we have M. Hall's clear 
Hall. Decad. 3. ep. 3.  confession saying: All false Religions are carnal, and carry the face of nature their Mother, and of him whose illusion begot them, Satan. And long before him S. 
Hieron. i● c. 4. Hieremi●.  Hierome wrote: Nulla haeresis nisi propter gulam ventremque construitur, ut seducat mulierculas oneratas peccatis. There is no heresy begun, but either for gluttony, or the belly, that it may seduce light women loaden with sins. And this being the doctrine, this the practice of all Heretics, and the one & the other so repugnant to chastity, no marvel if they esteem it almost as impossible to themselves thus disposed so to live, as it is impossible for one to see where there is no light, or to walk where there is no place to fix his feet.  
22. A chaste life as it is a peculiar gift of God, and special grace, so it requireth also many 
The means ●● preserve chastity.  things in the receiver to conserve it, as much prayer, mortification, watch and custody of our senses, a humble a lowly mind, a great care to avoid all idleness; and to live united with God, and the like, which Heretics not attending unto, but the contrary (for how can he be united unto Almighty God, who by schism is separated from his Church, and by that separation is become devoid of grace, humility, all other virtue and supernatural help) they may well in their words still speak of the spirit, who in their breasts have no spark thereof, and prate of virtue, who practise none; & blush not to blaze in pulpits, and printed books this brutish Paradox, that chastity is a virtue impossible to all, because so it is to such lascivious libertines, sensual and sinful people as heretics are: for it is not one only wantonness▪ but many sins together that always attend and follow heresy, which makes all heretics more prone to fall, and more feeble to resist temptations then other men: Si quis dicat (saith S Augustine) haereticus est, non potest ho● solum esse, quin & alia consequantur: carnalis est enim 
August. l 4. de Ba●t. cap. 20.  & an●m●lu a● per ●oc ●mulus sit necesse est, & animosus & invidus, & inimicus ipsi veritati, ab eaque dissentiens. If any one say he is an heretic, he cannot alone be such a one, but that many other things must follow: for he is carnal and sensual, and consequently he is also contentious, stubborn and envious, and an enemy to truth itself, and disagreeing from the same. So S. Augustine, and that men so qualified should be chaste, is a thing of great difficulty, if not altogether impossible.  
23. Again the place yieldeth great disadvantage to our adversaries: for though all jews 
The Church of Christ the place of chastity.  and Gentills be out of the Church, yet only heretics in hostile camp, as open and professed enemies, do most violently impugn her doctrine, and scorn her rites, when as yet she is the spouse of Christ, a pure virgin, but fruitful mother of the faithful, and only proper dwelling place of this virtue: Ecclesia domus est castitatis 
Ambr▪ in psal. 11●, octon. 6. Chrysost. 6. de virgin. cap. 1. Optatus l. 3. in 〈…〉  saith S. Ambrose▪ the Church is the house of chastity: Virginitatis laudem (saith S. chrysostom) judaei adversantur, admirantur & suspiciunt exteri, sola autem colit Ecclesia Dei. The jews abhor the praise of virginity, aliens (or such as are out of the fold of Christ's flock) admire and reverence it, only the Church of God doth observe it. And Optatus Milevitanus: Ibi & sacerdotia sunt, & pudicitia, & virginitas quae barbaris gentibus non sunt, & si essent tuta esse non possent. In the Church there are Priests, there is chastity, there is virginity, which are not amongst the barbarous Gentiles (or wanton heretics) and in case they were, they could not be secure. So he. And S. Athanasius in his Apology unto Constantius the Arian Emperor, from hence draweth an argument to prove the 
Athanas, Apolog●●.  truth of Catholic Religion, saying: Numquam sanctum illud & caeleste virginitatis mandatum feliciter adimpleretur, nisi duntaxat apud nos Christianos, atque in eo magnum documentum est, planè apud nos esse veram Religionem That holy and heavenly precept of perpetual virginity, is only happily performed among us (Catholic) Christians, and thereby we gather ours to be the true Religion. So he. And by this M. Hall may learn where to seek and find chastity: and as this gift is given to the true Catholic Church, in which it doth and hath always flourished even to the admiration of Pagans, so hath it very seldom been found in any schismatical company, or heretical conventicles, which break the unity, & deflower the purity of Christian doctrine: for the life and belief of such is commonly alike, being all or the most part without faith perfidious, Without charity contentious, without chastity lascivious, without all unity seditious, disordered and turbulent. And I have known some of special note, who leaving this confused Babylon of Protestants and Puritans, and being reconciled to the Catholic Church, have freely out of their own most happy experience confessed, that now they found chastity to be very easy, which whiles they were in heresy seemed impossible, yea they could never think upon their former frayltyes committed, without great grief, compunction, and tears.  
24. But for that modern examples do less 
The conversion of S. Augustin showeth the gift of chastity to be only in the Church. August. l. 8. confess. cap. 11.  move a wilful mind: let M. Hall call to his remembrance the famous conversion of S. Augustine from the Manichean heresy, from which not without a strong and extraordinary calling he was recalled to embrace the Catholic truth, & he shall find that one of the greatest motives to keep him back, were the carnal pleasures in which whiles he was an heretic he had wallowed: Retinebant me (saith he) nugae nugarum & vanitates vanitatum antiquae amicae meae, & succutiebant vestem carneam meam, & submurmurabant: dimittis ne nos? & a momento isto non erimus tecum ultra in aeternum' & a momento isto non tibi licebit hoc & illud in aeternum? The toys of toys, and vanities of vanities my old familiars kept my back, & shaked my fleshly garment, and whispered me in the ear saying: dost thou now leave us? and from this time shall it not be lawful for ever for thee to do this and that? Quas sordes suggerebant? quae dedecora? What filthy, what dishonest things did they suggest? And being in this bitter conflict, the flesh drawing one way, and the spirit another, the Devil desirous to detain him in error, and God determining to bring him to the truth, his pleasures past alluring him to look back, and future penance affrighting him to go forward, being in this trouble (I say) and wavering of mind, thus he describeth the success of the combat.  
25. Aperiebatur ab ea part qua intenderam saciem & quo transire trepidabam, casta dignitas continentiae etc. 
Loco citat.  There appeared unto me on that side where I did cast my eyes, and was afraid to go (to wit in the Catholic Church) the chaste excellency of single life, cheerful and not wanton pleasant virtuously alluring me to come unto her, & not 
A description of chastity.  to doubt at all, and she stretched forth her devout hands full with the multitude of good examples of others to receive and embrace me: in them were to be seen so many young boys and girls, there store of others of youthful years, and elder age, there grave widows, and old virgins, and chastity herself in all these was not barren, but a plentiful mother of children, the joys of thee, o Lord, who art her husband, 
Prosopop●ia.  and she mocked me with a persuasive scorn, as if she had said: Tu non poteris quod isti & istae? an verò isti & istae in semetipsis tossunt, ac non in Domino Deo suo? Dominus Deus eorum me dedit eyes etc. Canst not thou do that these young boys and maydnes, widows and old virgins do? or can these do it of themselves, and not in God their Lord? their Lord God hath bestowed me upon them, why dost thou stand, and not stand on thyself? cast thyself on him, and fear nothing, he will not slip aside, and let thee fall: cast thyself securely upon him, he will receive thee, and he will cure thee. Thus S. Augustine: in which words as he showeth the proper place of chastity to be in the Church, so withal doth he overthrow M. Hall's impossibility confuted by the very examples of young boys, and maids of all sorts and sexes, who in this sacred Ark, this house and tabernacle of God do profess and observe perpetual chastity.  
26. And so far was S. Augustin from acknowledging any impossibility of a continent life in the Church of Christ (albeit whiles he was a Manichean, he thought it a thing impossible to live chaste) that being himself now made a Catholic, his own experience without other argument demonstrated the contrary unto him, & 
August. l. ●. Confess. cap. 1. S. Augustin being made a member of the Catholic Church, presently sound it an easy matter for to live chaste.  made him see the thing not only to be possible, but most easy also and facile: for thus he writeth of himself: Quàm suave mihi subitò sactum est carer● suavitatibus nugarum & quas amittere metus suerat, iam dimittere gaudium erat etc. How sweet a thing did I find it on the sudden to want the sweetness of former toys, and now it was a comfort to cast away that which before I was afraid to lose. Thou didst cast them out from me, who art the true and supreme suavity; thou didst cast them out, and didst enter thyself for them, more sweet than all pleasure, but not to flesh & blood; more clear than all light, but more close than any secret; higher than all honour, but not to such as are highly in their own conceit: now was my mind free from all by●ing cares of ambition, of covetousness, of wallowing or scratching the itch of ulthy lusts. So S. Augustine, and hereby (to end this whole matter) M. Hall and his fellow Ministers may learn, that in case this itch of lust, or rather, as S. Augustine calleth it, scabiem libi●i●um, do so violently possess, and drive them to this persuasion, that it is a thing impossible to live a continent life; they must know the cause to be either for that the brutish spirit of heresy being fleshly and sensual, comporteth not this purity, or else that chastity itself, as neither charity, can be separated from true faith, as the material cause from the formal, that is, the chastity of the body from the chastity of the soul: Virginitas carnis (saith S. Augustine) 
August. in psal. 147.  corpus intactum, virginitas cordis fides inco●rupta. The virginity of the flesh is the body untouched, the virginity of the soul an undefiled faith: and 
Prosper. epig. c. 74.  out of him S. Prosper: Carnis virginitas intacto corpore habetur, virginitas animae est intemerata fides, and so it cannot be found in her entire perfection, in terra suaviter viventium, but where penance is preached, and truth professed, which is only in the Catholic, and Roman Church: to which S. Augustin when he left the manichees did accrue, & I wish M. Hall so much happiness, as to follow his worthy example: and so much of this impossibility, wherein for that I have been so long, I will be shorter in the rest. 
The fifth untruth refuted.   
27. There remaineth yet one of the five untruths mentioned in the beginning, in which M. Hall, if you remember, leaveth us to scan the rule, in turpi voto muta decretum: In a filthy vow 
Turpe votum. A vow if it be true can never be filthy. See S. Thom▪ 2. ●. q. 88 artic. 2.  (for so this man will have it Englished) change the determination, in scanning of which I can scantly explicate, or sufficiently admire his ignorance: for seeing that a vow is not properly of any indifferent thing, much less of any ill or filthy thing (for it is a voluntary promise made unto God de meliore bono) there can be no such vow, no exchange of decree. And the words he citeth do not bear that sense, which he supposeth: for the word Votum is taken there improperly for a promise, and so it would have appeared had he put down the whole sentence of S. Isidore (if it be his) alleged by Gratian, where 
Gratian. causa. 22. ●uaest. 4.  he treateth of unlawful oaths and promises, for thus it stands: In malis promissis rescind fidem, in turpi voto muta decretum, quod incautè vovisti ne facias, impia est enim promissio quae scelere impletur. Break the pact in ill promises, in a filthy promise change the determination, do not that which you have unadvisedly promised, for the promise is wicked which is performed with mischief. So he. Wherefore from an unproper acception of the Latin word, to infer an argument as if it were taken in the proper sense, is the property of him who intendeth to deceive, and to apply that title unto virginity or the continency which Priests and Religious do vow, is so base, as it better beseemeth some Epicure, Turk, and Pagan (if among them any can be found so beastly) then any Christian or civil man: for if virginity be filthiness, where will he find purity, unless perhaps in the bed of a harlot? But let us pass on to some other matter.  
28. Having included us (at he supposeth) within the labyrinth of an impossible necessity, he, 
The freedom of English Ministers.  preacheth the freedom of English Ghospellers, and praiseth it as devoid of all such entanglements, having no vow, or necessity in it, nor any more impossibility then for a stone to tumble downward (for supposing the known frailty of these men, I think it no great miracle for them to marry) and out of our own grant, and the clear text thus he would demonstrate the same against us. Even moderate Papists (saith he) will grant us free, because not bound by vow, no not so far as those old Germans, proposse & nosse. Or what care we if they grant it not? While we hold us firm to that sure rule of Basil the Great: He that forbids what God enjoins, or enjoins what God forbids, let him be accursed. I pass not what I hear men, or Angels say, while I hear God say: Let him be the husband of one wife. So he. And who would not 
1. Tim. 3. Answered by Bellarmin c. 20. §. argument. 2. English Ministers may lawfully marry, but they are not lawful Clergy men.  think this controversy at an end, seeing that both we allow the Ministers their wives, and God himself not only to allow, but also to appoint and enjoin them to marry?  
29. And truly for the first part I freely with other catholics grant that our English Ministers according to their calling make no vows: I grant their marriage to be lawful, I grant that every one of them may be the husband of one wife: yea further I grant, that he may be the husband of as many wives as ever was King Henry the eight, if he can rid his hands as fast of them as he did, that he may be bigamus or trigamus, thrice told if he will: for there is no vow at all of single chastity, or simple honesty annexed to their order: this I say we grant & deny not, but we deny them to be truly Clergy men, or to have any more authority in the Church then their wives, or daughters have, and this because they want all true calling and ordination: for they entered not in at the door like true pastors, but stole in at the window like thieves: we deny their ministry, I say, to be lawful, because they did run before they were sent, took their places by intrusion, thrusting themselves into the Churches, as robbers upon the possessions of honest men, expelling the true owners by force and violence, having themselves no better claim, calling, authority, right, or title to these offices which they now usurp, than had the Arians, Macedonians, Pelagians, Nestorians, Eutychians, or any other Heretics in former ages, to teach and preach as they did: Let M. Hall disprove this, and I will say, Tu Phyllida solus habeto. Let him keep his wife and benefice together, I will no more contend with him. But till this be proved, the plea for Ministers wives is both idle and superfluous, & only showeth their posse and nosse to be wholly in carnality, 
The text of S. Paul willing a Bishop to be the husband of one wife is discussed.  to savour more of the body then of the soul, of flesh then of the spirit, of earth then of heaven, of human infirmity, then Angelical perfection.  
30. Now for the other member, because the place of the Apostle concerneth true Bishops, the place of S. Basil nothing at all this purpose, and M. Hall misunderstandeth the one, & the other, I will a little more discuss, especially this text of S. Paul. No man I think will deny the rule to be most true of his being accursed, who forbids what God enjoins, or else enjoins what God forbids: but what will M. Hall infer hereby? Will he say as he seemeth to insinuate that all Clergy men are enjoined by God to marry? then why did S. Paul himself according to the common opinion of most Fathers (gathered out of his own words 1. Cor. 7.) never marry? why did not S. Basil himself take a wife? why did all the ancient Fathers so much commend, so earnestly persuade, so faithfully practise, & exhort to virginity? was there none among them, who understood this injunction? yea supposing this ground S. Paul cannot be excused 
1. Cor. 7.  from error in persuading the virginity, and preferring it before matrimony, seeing this hath the injunction of Christ, and the other as a thing impossible, the prohibition. But of this injunction or prohibition for clergy men from the first of S. Matthew, to the last of the Apocalypse there is no one sentence, word, or syllable to be found.  
31. And it argueth little capacity in M. Hall when he saith after the former rule: I pass not what I hear men or Angels say; while I hear God 
1. Tim. 3.  say let him be the husband of one wife, for I say that he understandeth not the Apostle, who in the judgement of Luther himself, as Bellarmine noteth 
Bellarm. loco citat.  is to be understood negatively, and the sense not to be that every Bishop is bound to have a wife but that he is bound not to have other women together with his wife. So he. But to our purpose and agreeable also unto truth, S. Hierom 
Hier. l. 1. in jovin.  saith, unius uxoris virunt, qui unam uxorem habuerit, non habeat. The husband of one wife, who hath had one wife, not he that hath her: that is, none is to be made Bishop, who hath been twice married, or who yet useth his wife in matrimony, but he who having been once married, purposeth to live in perpetual continency: Episcopi (saith he) Presbyteri, Diaconi, aut Virgines eliguntur aut vidui, aut certè post sacerdotium 
Apologia ad Pammach. in fine.  in eternum pudi●i. Bishops, Priests, Deacons are either chosen virgins or widowers, or certes after their priesthood such as for ever are continent. So he.  
32. Again he saith: Non enim dicit eligatur Episcopus qui unam ducat uxorem, sed qui unam habuerit uxorem. S. Paul saith not, let a Bishop be chosen, who may marry one wife, but who hath had one wife, and this for the cleans required in the Episcopal and Priestly functions, as else where he declareth saying: Si indignè accipiunt mariti, non mihi irascantur, sed Scripturis sanctis etc. 
Apol. ad Pammach.  If married folks take it ill (that I prefer virgins so much before them) let them not be angry with me, but with the holy Scriptures, yea with the Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, with all the priestly and levitical quire, who know that they cannot offer up sacrifices if they attend to the duty of marriage. So S. Hierome. 
Hieron. in Vigilant.  And against Vigilantius, as though he had seen as it were in that root, the progeny of our married Bishops in England, and ordering of Ministers, who should charge all the parish Churches with their plentiful offspring, he crieth out: Prohnefas! Episcopos sui sceleris dicitur habere consortes etc. O villainy! Vigilantius is said to have Bishops partakers of his wickedness, if they be to be named Bishops, who order not their Deacons till they have married wives, mistrusting the chastity of single men, or rather showing of 
Note this M. Hall.  what holiness they are themselves, who suspect ill of all, and minister not the Sacraments of Christ, till they see the wives of Clergy men great with child, and young babes crying in their arms. So he speaking in the person of Vigilantius to all our English Clergy, who suspect that none can live chaste, and therefore will have all to marry to avoid forsooth this idle impossibility.  
33. With S. Hierome agree in this exposition S. Augustine, and S. Epiphanius, and assign also the same reason, to wit, the purity required 
De boro coniugali cap. 18.  in Priests & Clergy men. Non absurdè est (saith S. Augustine) eum qui excessit uxorum numerum singularem etc. Not without cause hath it been esteemed that he who hath exceeded the singular number of wives, should not thereby be thought to have committed any sin, but to have lost a certain decency required to the Sacrament, not necessary to the merit of good life, but to the 
Epiphan. haeres. 59 It is against the ancient Canons that Priests should marry.  seal of Ecclesiastical ordination. So he, with more to the same effect. And S. Epiphanius: non suscipit sancta Dei praedicatio post Christi adventum eos etc. The holy doctrine of God after the coming of Christ admitteth not those, who after one marriage & death of their wives do marry again, and that for the excellent honour and dignity of Priesthood: and this the holy Church of God receiveth with all sincerity, yea she doth not receive the once married person, that yet useth his wife, and begetteth children, but only such a one she taketh to be a Deacon, Priest, Bishop, or Subdeacon, as abstaineth from his wife or is a widower, specially where the holy Canons are sincerely kept. So he, and I see not how possibly he could have spoken more plainly for us, or we for ourselves.  
34. S. Ambrose both in his commentary, & else where is no less clear, and resolute in this point then the former: quamuis secundam habere uxorem etc. although (saith he) it be not forbidden 
Ambr. in 2. ad Tim. 3.  to marry the second wife, yet that one may be worthy to be a Bishop, he must leave his lawful wife, for the excellency of that order: because he must be better than others who desire that dignity. So he. And in another place refelling as it were of purpose the opinion of S. Hierome, who held, that marriage before Baptism 
Hier. ep. ad Ocean.  did not hinder, but that if a man took another wife after, as Carterius whom he defendeth did, he might notwithstanding (his wife married after baptism being also dead) be made Priest, restraining bigamy to the second marriage 
Ambros. l. 3. ep. 25. edit. Vaticanae ad Ecclesiam Vercellensem. idem habetur l. 1. officiorū●. ultimo.  of the faithful only. S. Ambrose hereunto replieth: Quisine crimine est, unius uxoris vir, teneatur ad legem sacerdotij suscipiendi etc. Let him be preferred to priesthood, who is without fault, the husband of one wife: he that hath married the second time, hath no fault by which he is defiled, but he is excluded from the prerogative of a Priest. So he, and addeth the Fathers in the Nicen Council to have decreed none to be admitted at all into the Clergy after the second marriage.  
35. And because S. Hierome urged that all faults by the force and virtue of Baptism were remitted, and so the first marriage by the same either to be taken away if it were a sin, or cleansed if impure: he answereth hereunto: Culpa lavacro, non lex soluitur etc. The fault is forgiven in baptism, the law not dissolved; there is no fault in wedlock, but there is a law (for priesthood) the law is not remitted as a fault, but remains as a law, therefore the Apostle made a law saying▪ if any be faults the husband of one wife. So S Ambrose. demanding in the same place this question, which I likewise demand of M. Hall, and all his married brethren in England: Quid interesset inter populum & Sacerdotem 
The lives of Priests ought to be more pure than the lives of secular men.  si ijsdem adstringerentur legibus? What difference should there be between Priest & people, if they should follow the same laws? if both should marry, and both live a like? truly none at all, and yet as this Father saith: Debet praeponderare vita Sacerdotis sicut praeponderat gratia. The life of the Priest ought to be more eminent, as his calling is more high: and M. Hall as though he acknowledged no purity out of wedlock, or as though all that preferred continency were impure, addeth after this testimony of the Apostle, that one 
Ibidem.  word alone shall confirm me against all impure mouths, but if S. Ambrose had been his Bishop, he would have taught him better to have understood the Apostle, and to have inferred the contrary conclusion: for he saith, that this authority doth not persuade us to beget children in priesthood: Habentem enim dixit filios, non facientem. S. Paul saith the Bishop that hath children, not he who begets them, as our English Bishops and Ministers do.  
36. With the Fathers now mentioned others conspire, whom I might also if it were needful allege, who all acknowledge in the 
1. Tim. 3. 1. Tit. 1.  Apostles words a permissive dispensation, not any positive command, and that also at such a time, when amongst the Heathens converted unto the faith, there could not be found so many single men as the Clergy required, which both S. Epiphanius, S. Hierome, and Theodoret do 
Epiphan. haeres 59 Hier. l. 1. in lovin. cap. 19 Theod. in comment. Chrysosto. comm●n●s. in 1. ad Titum.  observe: and truly if he had meant to have left this matter free, there had been no need of this restrictive limitation, to the husband I mean of one wife, but that as S. chrysostom well noteth: Castigat impudicos dum non eos permittit post secundas nuptias ad Ecclesiae regimen, dignitaetemque Pastoris assumi. He checketh the incontinent whiles he permitteth them not after their second marriages, to be preferred to the government of the Church, and dignity of Pastor. So he. And that this was only for that time: and out of the error thereof he further in another place confirmeth saying: Voluit orbis Pastores constituere etc. S. Paul went about to place Pastors over the 
Chrys. ho. 2. in job.  world, and for that virtues were rarely found, ordaining Bishops he saith to Titus, make Bishops as I have disposed, the husband of one wife not to that end that this should now be obserserued in the Church: for a Priest ought to be adorned with all chastity. And after: Non quod id legis loco posuerit, sed quod errori ignoscebat. Not that he made a law that every one should marry, as M. Hall interprets him, but that he condescended to the error, to wit of those times.  
37. I will only adjoin one more, whom M. Hall citeth for himself, and is very eager in defence of his words, as after you shall see: so as his authority must needs be without exception on his behalf, to wit; S. Isidore Bishop of Seville, who thus conform to the other Fathers and truth also, expoundeth the former words 
Isidor. d● offici●s Eccles. l. ●. cap. 5.  unius uxoris virum, the husband of one wife thus: Sacerdotium quaerit Ecclesia, aut de Monogamia ordinatum, aut de virginitate sanctum: Digamus autem haud fertur agere sacerdotium. The Church seeketh for priesthood, either decent from single marriage, or holy from virginity; he that hath been twice married is not to be Priest. So he, so others, so all. And by this any may see who agree with 
No disagreement between S. Ambrose, and S. chrysostom, though one do grant a law in S. Paul's words & the other deny it, because they do speak of different laws.  the Fathers, and who leave them, who interpret the Scriptures out of their own spirit, and who follow the beaten path of the Church's doctrine, who antiquity, who novelty, who truth & who error, which point I might further dilate, if the laws of a letter restrained me not to a more contracted brevity.  
38. If M. Hall say, that S. Ambrose by me cited acknowledgeth in the Apostles words a law, and S. Chrysostom denieth any law to be in them, but only a dispensation for that time, and occasion, I answer that both of them speak properly, both truly: S. Ambrose speaketh upon supposition, that a married man is to be made Priest or Bishop, and then saith, that there is a law prescribed by the Apostle, that he have been married but once, so as this law is negative, to wit, none is to be ordered who hath twice been married: but S. chrysostom speaketh absolutely of a positive law, and affirmeth that the Apostle by no such law doth bind every Priest of Bishop to marry, which I call positive, because it must run in this tenor. Every Priest or Bishop ought at least once to be married, for neither doth S. Ambrose grant this law, or S. chrysostom deny the other, but both jointly agree, that none hereby is bound to marry, and he that 
Tertull. exhort. ad castitatem cap. 7. Concil. Valentin. cap. 1. Carthag. 4. cap. 69. Toletan. 1. cap. 4. Concil. Aratisican. cap. 25. Arelat. 3. cap. 3. Roman. sub Hilar. cap. 2. Agath. cap. 1. Epaun. c. 2. Gerund. cap. 8. Aurel. 3. c. 6. etc. Bezal. de divortijs.  hath been twice married is not to be ordered.  
39 With this doctrine concurreth the practice in all ages: for Tertullian near the Apostles times, thus out of his own knowledge writeth: Apud nos pleniùs atque strictiùs praescribitur etc. Among us it is more fully and straightly ordained, that such alone be chosen to be made Priests, who have been but once married, in so much as myself remember certain who were twice married to have been deposed. So he. And in the 4. Council of Carthage it is defined, that if any Bishop should wittingly order any who had married a widow, taken again his wife whom he had left, or taken a second, that he should be deprived of all authority of ordering any more. And the same was appointed in divers other councils here by me noted, and their words are alleged by Coccius in his rich treasure of the Catholic truth. Which assertion of ours is so clear & evident, as Beza himself could not deny it, but in his book of Divorces doth confess it, as he who reads him will confess that he is the undoubted scholar of Antichrist: Digamos (saith he) id est eos qui plures successiuè uxores vel etiam unam & eam viduam duxerant etc. So far did most men in times past esteem those who were Digami, that is those who had taken more wives one after the other, or else had married but one and she a widow, to be unworthy of the sacred ministry; that they did not only exclude them from holy orders, to wit, of being Bishop, Priest Deacon, or Subdeacon, but once also they excluded them even from the very Clergy: Let this be never so ancient, notwithstanding I affirm it to be most wicked, and not tolerable in the Church. So he▪ Giving at one clap as you see the checkemate to all Fathers, councils, Churches, antiquity, and whatsoever, yea (if all the Fathers have not in their commentaries erred) to the very Apostle himself: so sharp are these men set to defend their wives, as they affect rather as it should seem to be kind husbands, then sincere Christians.  
40. For M. Hall also even in this very epistle maketh his chief plea for his own and his 
M. Hall seemeth to set more by his wife, then by his Religion.  fellow ministers trulls out of the Council of Trullum, which although it never had in all parts full authority in the Church, as not received for Oecumeniall or lawful, although against the Protestants it have many articles, and those in matter fundamental, although it have one Canon denied by all Protestants, Catholics, and others except jews, and some few Brownists in Suffolk, yet because it favours the marriage of Priests (notwithstanding in this also it neither reach so far home as M. Hall would have it, for it denies all marriages after their ordination) yet I say for this point alone, it is by him called a sacred Council, and urged to the confusion of all replyers, with a bitter exclamation against us, for cutting out this sovereign decree, being as he saith, so flat confirmed by authority of Emperors, and 
M. Hall. p. 131. 132.  àbiding no denial. Again this one authority, saith he, is enough to weigh down a hundred petty conventicles, and many legions (if there had been many) of private contradictions. But of this Council shall speak in due place, now only you may consider that these men seem, as I said, to care more for their wives then for their Religion: and it seemeth that if we grant them that comfort, they will not further contend with us: for if they receive this Synod as sacred, than we shall have altars, real presence, immaculate sacrifice, and other things as after we shall see, which they call Antichristian: and if in these points this Council in their judgements erred, how can it be sacred, & of so great authority only in the behalf of their wives? Who seethe not whereunto this doth tend? but not to digress further from M. Hall's method.  
41. I have been the longer in examining this place of the Apostle, because it is the only place on which this man relieth: and you see in the Father's judgements what small relief his cause hath thereby, and if therein he find nothing besides his ignorance and mistaking to 
Impertinent allegations of Scriptures.  lean unto, much less would he find in other places, which with this controversy have no coherence, reference, or dependence at all, as when immediately after the former authority he addeth: He that made marriage saith it is honourable, 
Heb. 13.  what care we for the dishonour of those who corrupt it? To which I answer that as he who hath made marriage calls it honourable, so in like manner do they call it, so esteem it, who by vow of higher 
De fide ad Pet. cap. 3.  perfection have for ever debarred themselves from it: Honorabile connubium in omnibus, & thorus immaculatus etc. saith S. Fulgentius: marriage is honourable in all, and the bed undefiled, and therefore the servants of God in that they abstain from wife & flesh, do not refuse them as things unclean, but follow the rule of a purer life, & when they forbear marriage they do it not for that they think it a sin to marry, but for that they are certain continency to be better than good marriages, especially in this time of grace, when of continency it is said: He that can take it, let him take it; but of marriages, He that cannot contain, let him marry: in the one is an occasion of virtue, in the other our weakness is helped with a remedy. So he. And if any in this more eminent estate have by their incontinency fallen the dishonour is personal, the state not defiled, the state we defend, we dislike the abuse: as marriage it not the worse in his own nature, though some as you say dishonour themselves, and live in adultery, no more is chastity, for the faults of the incontinent.  
42. That wedlock is called a chaste work, undefiled bed, and the like, is not by us denied: for we yield willingly thereunto so many honourable titles, as the truth will bear, or as may without prejudice of virginal perfection, holy widowhood, or ecclesiastical continency 
Hieron. Apol. ad Pamma●h.  which are of a higher degree, be given thereunto: Ecclesia, saith S. Hierome, matrimonia non damnat sed subijcit, velitis nolitis maritus subijcitur virginitati & viduitati. The Church condemns not matrimony but makes it inferior, will you, nill you a married man is inferior to virginity and widowhood. So he. And to enter into the praises of marriage, which no man dispraises, is but to 
M. Halls trifling.  trifle, unless M. Hall could prove that we either in public schools, general Counsels, or by common consent maintain the contrary, which he shall never be able to do: if he will thus infer, you prefer the one, ergo you condemn the other, the illation is too childish, and deserveth rather contempt than answer, yet do our Adversaries very often blot their papers with these idle inferences.  
43. Like unto which argument follows another: for he saith, If God shallbe judge of this controversy it we●e soon at an end, who in the time even 
A bad collection.  of that legal strictness, allowed wedlock to the Ministers of his Sanctuary. So he. For if he mean that for purity or perfection of life the law of Moses was more strict than the Gospel of Christ, the untruth is notorious, and every where contradicted by Christ himself: and if not, why doth he add, even of that legal strictness? and how doth he conclude that because their Priests marry, ours should also do the same? any one would rather thereof prove the contrary, seeing the old law to be but a shadow of ours, and their sacrifices 
Hier. in c. 1. ad Tit. in illa verba: Sed ●ospi●alem.  to have only figured the sacrifice of the new law, as S. Hierome and other Fathers do learnedly discourse: for the perfecter the sacrifice is which is offered, the more perfection is required in him who offers it: and the holier the sacraments, the greater holiness is exacted of the receivers, and more strictness to be used where the abuse offered by unworthiness, both in the offerer & receiver is judged for damnable: Tantum 
1. Cor. 11.  interest inter propositionis panes & corpus Christi, quantum inter umbram & corpora &c. There is as great difference between the shew-breads and the body of Christ, as there is between the shadow and bodies, between the image and truth, between the patterns of things to come, & those things which were prefigured by these patterns: therefore as there ought to be in a Bishop meekness, patience, so briety etc. so likewise a peculiar chastity, and (as I may say) a priestly purity, that not only he abstain from all unclean work, but that soul which is to consecrate the holy body of Christ, must also be free from every light look, and bad thought. So S. Hierom, rightly upon the inequality of the things done, deducing a disproportionable perfection in the doers: and the permission of wives in the aaronical priesthood argueth evidently the imperfection of that Law, as according to the 
See S. Bede in cap. 1. Lucae. Euseb. l. 1. demonst. evang. cap. ●.  title of his book, Eusebius doth demonstrate saying of the jewish Priests in respect of ours: remissiorem atque liberaliorem vitam agebant, they lived a more easy and free life, and the strictness was only in the multitude and manner of their cerimonyes, not in the perfection of their lives, as M. Hall doth seem very fond to imagine. 
Chrys. 3. d● sacerdotio & ho. 14. in ep. ad Hebraeos.   
44. To confirm this matter, and to overthrow us by our own Authors, he bringeth in the testimonies of a Cardinal, of Gratian, & of Pope Pius 2. speaking in his behalf: and for the first he magnifyeth him very much, and craveth audience for him: Let Cardinal Panormitan (saith he) be heard to speak. And then having cited a short sentence to no purpose, a little after he crieth out: Hear, o ye Papists, the judgement of your own 
Much foolish & impertinent babbling.  Cardinal, & confess your mouths stopped. And having cited the words of Panormitan, again he braveth and demands: is this a Cardinal think you, or a Huguenot? but if his red hat be not worthy of respect etc. To answer first unto his last question, I say that Panormitan was neither Cardinal, nor Huguenot, but died in the schism that was made against Eugenius the fourth: and albeit Felix the false Pope made him Cardinal, yet did the said Felix renounce his falsely usurped Popedom, and so as some write would Panormitan have done also his counterfeit cardinalship, if he had not been prevented by death before he could effect it.  
45. So as we respect not the red hat, nor will hear him speak as a Cardinal, much less will we acknowledge him for our Cardinal, unless he had come to that dignity by better means than he did: and as well may M. Hall tell us that 
Panormitan M. Hall's Cardinal hath nothing against us.  the Protestant Bishops of England be our true Bishops, as that this Abbot was our true Cardinal: for we believe both the one & other alike, knowing full well their ordinations to have been either schismatical, or heretical: notwithstanding seeing M. Hall doth request us to favour him so far, we are content to hear him speak (for that now he stands with his hat of) and to tell us, that continency is not of the substance of the order, nec deiure divino, nor annexed by divine law. And this we will not only hear him speak, but grant him also, taking the divine law, as he taketh it, for that which is expressly determined in Scriptures, where we also say there is no evident precept set down of continency in Ecclesiastical men by the Apostles, yet is the same there so insinuated, & the observance hath been so ancient, as Bellarmine noteth, that it may truly be termed Apostolical, which is all that we require, and is not gain said by Panormitan.  
46. And whereas he allegeth Gratian in this manner: And Gratian out of S. Augustine yet more: their marriage, saith he, is neither forbidden by legal, nor evangelical, nor Apostolical authority: I must 
A gross untruth.  make bold to tell him, that in these words is a very gross untruth: for Gratian taketh nothing out of S. Augustine, who in the text of Gratian speaketh no more of marriage then of midsummer Moon: for the difficulty in that question is about lots, whether the practice of casting them in any matter of moment be lawful, seeing the same was used in the detection of Achan, and election 
joshua. 7. Act. 1.  of S. Mathias, to which end he quoteth this short sentence of S. Augustine: Sors non aliquid mali est sed res est in dubitatione humana divinam indicans voluntatem. A lot is no ill thing, but it is a thing showing, where men do doubt, the will or pleasure of God. So much out of him and no more, which as you see nothing at all concerneth the marriage of Ministers: and the words which follow are of Gratian himself, deciding the controversy thus: His ita respondetur: antequam claresceret Euange ium multa permittebantur quae tempore persectionis disciplinae penitus sint eliminata etc. To these thus I answer that before the manifestation of the Gospel, many things were permitted, which in the time of more perfect discipline were quite abrogated: for the carnal copulation of Priests or kinsfolks (permitted in the old law) is not forbidden by any legal, evangelical or Apostolical authority; Ecclesiastica tamen lege penitus interdicitur, sic & sortibus etc. But yet by Ecclesiastical law it is altogether forbidden, 
Two faults of M. Hal in one citation.  so likewise in lots it is clear that there is no harm in them, notwithstanding they are forbidden to be used of the faithful, least under the colour of this divination, they should fall back again to the old worship of Idolatry. Thus Gratian, which as you see is no more than Panormitan before said, & we granted, touching the divine law: but touching M. Hall there are two foul faults in this citation, the one of commission in avouching both in the English text, and Latin margin these words to be taken out of S. Augustine, the other of omission in concealing the marriages of kinsfolks within the prohibited degrees, which although only forbidden by Ecclesiastical law, yet dares not M. Hall as I think transgress it, so as this law hath greater force than he supposeth it to have.  
47. Neither doth the demand he maketh much move us, unless it be to laughter for his folly, or compassion of his simplicity, when he asketh us saying: God never imposed this law of continency: 
An idle demand.  who then? the Church: as if a good spouse would gainsay what her husband willeth? To which idle question I answer, that this Spouse cannot gainsay what her husband willeth, because she hath his spirit to lead her into all truth, his promise that Hell gates shall never prevail against her: 
Matth. 16.  his command that all shall obey her, or be held as Heathens and Publicans; she is espoused to him, who never dies, who will never seek divorce; she is so beautiful as without spot, so bright as all may see her, so sure as she is the pillar and foundation of truth, so permanent as she shall endure to the world's end: and this minister who would make the one to gainsay the other should bring some place or sentence to show the same (which he may chance to do the next morning after the Greek Calends) or else never avouch so unchrhristian a paradox. I pass over his other passage of Panormitan with which he would have us confess our mouths stopped, as though this man alone were Apollo Delphicus, and every thing he saith were to be held for an oracle: we tie not ourselves to every man's opinion, for that were to prejudice public authority: the common is Catholic, private judgements are subject to more than private exception, & this sentence is censured by Bellarmine as erroneous: 
Bellar. l. 1. de Cler. c. 19 §. 1. antem.  neither is it otherwise delivered by the author, but as his own proper opinion, supposing the abuse of some Clergy men, as it should seem in his days, who living incontinently, he thought it better for them to marry even after their orders, then to give such scandal: but no law can prevent all abuses: even in matrimony we find adulterers, and they who in single life so lewdly follow their lust, would also perhaps not have been restrained in marriage within the prefixed limits of conjugal chastity; at least for the errors of some, the law is not to be altered that bindeth all, especially being so ancient, so universal, so necessary, as we shall after show this law to be.  
48. The like liberty I might use in pretermitting other of his impertinent allegations, if I thought the man would not, where he findeth no answer, think that they were unanswerable, & therefore I mean to examine them all, though this which follows be not worth the taking up, had he not by misinterpreting the Latin made it more advantageous to his cause, than ever the speaker meant it: for thus he writeth: But if this red hat be not worthy of respect, let a Pope himself speak out of Peter's chair, Pius the second, as learned as hath sit in that room this thousand years: marriage, saith he, upon great reason was taken 
False interpretation of Pius 2. his words.  from the Clergy, but upon greater is to be restored. What need we other judge? Thus M. Hall: in which words are two manifest untruths, the one that he spoke this out of Peter's chair: for he never made any decree thereof, and Platina who alone is cited to report it, saith that in familiar talk only he was wont so to say, which is far from defining out of S. Peter's Chair, which requires a definitive sentence, as from the head of the Church and delivered in absolute terms, for the affirmative or negative of any assertion: for in like manner Kings are not said to do out of kingly authority, what they do or say in familiar discourse or recreation amongst their subjects, but what they do or say by their public laws, edicts, proclamations, commands, and the like.  
49. The other untruth is more malicious: for whereas the Latin words in the margin are: Sacerdotibus magna ratione sublatas nuptias, maiore restituendas videri, which truly translated signify no more, but that marriage upon good reason was taken from Priests, and may seem upon greater to be restored: this man bringeth in one lie to confirm another, to show, I say, that the Pope defined out of S. Peter's chair, he maketh him absolutely to say, Marriage upon great reason was taken from the Clergy, but upon greater is to be restored; and to make it have a large extent, instead of Priests he translateth Clergy, which includeth also Bishops, who yet are excluded by his own sixth Council, as we shall after show, and then exclaimeth, What needeth other judge? and I say there needeth no other, but some who understand their Grammar, to tell M. Hall three things, that the word Sacerdotibus signifieth Priests, and not the Clergy, 2. that nuptias restituendas videri, is to be Englished, marriages may seem to be restored, and not are to be restored: and 3. that every compassionate speech of dislike in familiar talk, is not a decree from S. Peter's chair. As for his superlative lashing of this Pope's learning in 
M. Hall's honourable terms of such as he citeth in favour of the marriage of Priests & dishonourable of the impugners.  comparison of others, no regard is to be had thereunto: for now this Minister measures all things by marriage, and seethe nothing but through false spectacles; a schismatical Council is for favouring wives presently become with him sacred, and the authority irrefragable, Paphnutius for favouring the same as ●e supposeth in the Nicen Council is styled, a Virgin famous for holiness, famous for miracles. S. Athanasius, holy Athanasius, a witness past exception, and shall serve for a thousand histories till his time: if he cite a Cardinal then must his red cap stop our mouths, and he be termed a learned Cardinal: if a Pope, then ex tripod he defines him to be as learned as any hath been in that room for a thousand years: But if any speak against this licentious liberty, as did Gregory the seventh, he is presently a brand of hell, S. Dunstane no more but plain Dustane, and the like of S. Anselme most famous for learning and holiness of life. But all sanctity, all learning, all authority is lost with this man, if you allow not marriage unto Priests, Bishops, Monks, Nuns and all other votaries.  
50. From the lawfulness and necessity, he cometh to the antiquity of the marriage of Clergy men, and because he will deduce it from the Apostles times, yea from their examples he beginneth with this exordium: How just (saith he) this law is you see; see now how ancient: for some 
M. Hall's contradiction about priority of tyme.  doctrines have nothing to plead for them but time: Age hath been an old refuge for falsehood: Tertullia's rule is true, that which is first is truest. So he: in which obscure words without any interposition at all of any other, there is a flat contradiction: for if age have been the refuge of falsehood, how can the other part be verified, the more ancient, the more true? again if Tertullia's rule be true, that which is first is truest, how can prescription of time be a refuge for falsehood? Do these men wake or sleep, when they write? do they deal in matters of controversy, or deliver their dreams? if that which is first is truest, then must priority of time be the guardian of truth, and not the refuge of falsehood, which doth shun and avoid this trial.  
51. If this Maxim of trying truth by time, had been observed of King Henry 8. in England, Martin Luther in Saxony, and Zuinglius in Zuricke, these late heretical noveltyes, with which Europe is now pestered, had not entered with such full sail as they did: but then age was a refuge for falsehood, and Tertullia's rule was overruled as irregular, which now in the marriage of Priests is made to be the only square of truth: & truly as M. Hall doth handle the matter, it is 
M. Hall makes antiquity a Lesbian rule.  made a Lesbian rule, which may be turned, changed, wrested, and applied as you list: for if you urge the constant, uniform & general consent of all places, times, pastors, writers for purgatory, real presence, merits, justification by good works, the Supremacy of the sea of Rome, and the like, always confessed, never without the brand of heresy denied, then is age the refuge of falsehood, mother of error, and no certainty can be drawn from the authority of men: let but a minister have but one seeming place of any Father near the Apostles times, although but of one among all, and of all others disproved, as here M. Hall presumeth of Clemens Alexandrinus, though he make indeed nothing for him, and then forthwith Tertullia's rule is true, that which is first is truest, and these men will be the Advocates of antiquity,  — Quo teneam vultus mutantem Prothea nodo? 
Horac. ep. 1.  
52. Now that he may for age ouerbeare us he beginneth with Moses, and saith, that it is clear what he and the jews did, which is not denied, though yet in eating their Paschall lamb they had their loins girt, abstained from their wives when they did minister in the Tabernacle, or did eat their shew-breads, had many purifications 
No argument of equality in perfection can be drawn from the Priests of the old law, to the Priests of the new.  and cleansings, and in fine he who specially figured the eternal Priesthood of Christ our Saviour in the sacrifice of bread and wine, to wit, Melchisidecke is not read to have had any wife at all, and the perfection of the new law being in so excessive a degree above the other of Moses, no argument grounded in equality or proportion can be made from the one to the other, or if any be, it must be the quite contrary to this of M. Halls, as before I haved noted. Wherefore omitting the old law, let us come to the new, in which also this man would out strip us: for he demandeth what did the Apostles? I answer that none after their Apostolical vocation did marry, and they who were married before, did leave their wives. He asketh again: Doth not S. Paul tell us, that both the rest of the Apostles, and the brethren 
No Apostle after his calling did marry & such as were married before did after their vocation leave their wives. See this answered in Bellar. cap. 20. § Ad locum igitur. Luc. 8.  of our Lord, and Cephas had wives (and which is more) carried them still along in their travels? I answer him, no. For they were not wives, but devout women who followed them sometimes, and maintained them, as there were some who did the like to our Saviour, as S. Luke recounteth: and it must needs argue great ignorance in this man, in not understanding the Apostle expounded alike by all the Fathers, and intol arable pride (as these qualities commonly go together) in preferring his judgement before all who ever wrote or commented on this place, in the Greek or Latin Church, one only excepted, and not only preferreth his own judgement, but with exceeding contempt rejecteth them, laughs them to scorn.  
53. For besides the omission of the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which should have been expressed as Bellarmine noteth, if the Apostle had meant wives, the other two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the judgement of S. Hierome, S. Augustine and others, as we shall now see, do clean overthrow this fancy, but what saith this man hereunto: for that childish elusion (saith he) of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who can abide but to laugh at it? and citeth in the margin the translation of the Rheims Testament, a sister a woman; which interpretation notwithstanding is approved by themselves in the margin of the later editions of the English Bible, and therefore we may as well conclude, that S. Paul saying mulierem sororem did speak of a woman 
See the Bible see out Anno 1613. and printed by Robers Barker. Act. 1. Hier. l. 1. in jovin. The Apostles carried not their wius up and down the country after them.  not a wife, as S. Peter saying, viri fratres, did speak of men, and not of husbands, for else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek were superfluous: upon which word alone S. Hierome against jovinian M. Hall's predecessor, doth most cleearely evince that they were not wives, but other virtuous women: Si autemillud nobis opposuerit etc. If jovinian (saith he) shall object that unto us, to prove all the Apostples to have had wines: have we not power to carry about women or wives (because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Grecians doth signisy both) let him join thereunto what is in the Greek copies: Numquid non habemus potestatem sorores mulieres, vel uxores circumducendi? Have we not power to carry about sister's women, or sister's wives? Out of which it appeareth S. Paul to have spoken of other holy women, which according to the custom of the jews, did maintain their teachers out of their wealth, as we read the like done to our Lord himself: for the order of the words importeth so much: Have we not power to eat and drink, or to carry about sister's women? where first he speaketh of eating and drinking and maintaining them, and then he infers of women sisters, of which it is evident, not wives but those other women to be understood (as is said) which maintained them of their goods, which also is recounted in the old law of that Sunamite which was wont to receive Elizaeus, & prepare him a table, bread, and candlestick, or truly if we take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for wives, not women, that which is added sisters taketh away wives, & showeth that they were their true sisters inspirit, not their wives. Thus far S. Hierome.  
54. The same likewise saith S. Augusine, to wit, that they were fideles mulieres habentes terrenam substantiam, Christian women of wealth, 
August. de opere Monach. c. 4. & 5.  who out of their substance maintained the Apostles: and addeth (which I with M. Hall to mark) hoc quidam non intelligentes, non sororem mulierem etc. This some not understanding, interpret it not a woman sister, when the Apostle said: have we not power to carry about a woman sister, but a wife, the double acception of the Greek word deceived them, because in the Greek tongue by the same word is expressed a woman and a wife, although the Apostle have so expressed this, as they should not have been deceived, because he said not only a woman, but s●rorem mulierem, a sister woman, or woman sister, and saith not of marrying, but of carrying them about. Nevertheless this ambiguousnes of the word deceived not other interpreters, who expounded the word a woman, and not a wife. So S. Augustine. And now let M. Hall if his beard be thick enough to hide his face from blushing laugh at S. Hierome, & S. Augustine, for relying so 
M. Hall is so light headed as to laugh at the exposition of all the Fathers.  much upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sister, on which alone as you see they do both learnedly and directly infer that they were not wives, and S. Augustine also further addeth, that they understand not the Apostle who otherwise interpret him: for the word sister is a clear eviction they were not wives: whereas on the other side this silly poor soul, against the one and the other, upon his bare word saith, they were wives, but proveth it not; and that the word sister is so far from being an eviction, as it is a childish illusion, and that he cannot but laugh at it: Vtricreditis auditeres? whom had you rather believe and follow, these most learned and renowned Doctors, or this ridiculous light headed Minister?  
55. Neither do these two alone (though they alone where nothing is brought to the contrary might suffice) follow this exposition: for except Clemens Alexandrinus whose singularity 
Clem. Alexan. 3. Strom●t ●  in this against the main multitude of others, we rather seek to excuse then follow, and perhaps for this amongst other things did Gelasius condemn his books as Apocryphal: besides him I say, all others, as well Greek as Latin interpret as we do. So S. Ambrose, Tertullian, S. Cyprian (if he and not Origen were the author of the work desingularitate Clericorum) Primasius, Haimo, S. Bede, S. Thomas, and others of the Latin Church; and of the Greek S. chrysostom, Theodoret, Occumenius, Theophilactus etc. who as I suppose understood Greeke somewhat better then our English Ministers do, and to charge all these with childish illusions, or to laugh at them, may better beseem the frantic folly of some lewd Minister, than the judgement or gravity of any discreet and sober man.  
56. Again it is to be noted, that Clement albeit he acknowledged more Apostles to have 
Clemens Alexandrinus favoureth not M. Hall's cause.  had wives then other authors will grant, albeit he interpret S. Paul of carrying them about (a pretty vagary for the Apostles wives, to run up and down all the world over after their husbands) yet doth he deny that they used them as wives, but only as sisters: so as neither the authority cited out of him, or S. Ignatius whom he also citeth, maketh any thing against us at all supposing all were granted which they say: for touching our controversy as well may we grant all the Apostles to have had wives as one, and as much difficulty there is to answer one as all▪ for it sufficeth us that after their calling to be Apostles, they used not their wives, which Clement confesseth, though as Baronius proveth S. Paul had no wife, for which we may cite S. Paul 
Ambros. exh●re. ad v●g●●it. initio.  himself: Non potuisset (saith S. Ambrose) ad tantam Apostolatus sui peruentre gratiam, si fuisset allig●tus coniugij contubernio. He could never have come to so great honour of his Apostleship if he had been tied to a wife. So he, & the testimony of S. Ignatius to the contrary is a meet forgery of t●e ●ther Grecians, there being no such thing to be found in all the more ancient copies that are extant.  
57 But saith M. Hall, their own Cardinal learned C●ietan d●th avouch and evince it. We acknowledge C●ietan to be our Cardinal, we acknowledge 
Cardinal Caietan never allowed that Priests should marry.  him to have been learned, especially in school learning, which far transcends this poor Epistlers capacity, and in interpreting the Scriptures we no less acknowledge him to have had his errors, among which this may pass for one of turning S. Paul his companion into his wife, wherein he not only swerveth from all commentaries 
This place of S. Paul is answered by Bellarmin cap. 20. §. ad lo●um ex Philip.  Greeke and Latin, but even from Caluin, and Beza M. Hall's great Rabbyns, and yet for the cause in hand maketh nothing against us, who rest contented with either of these two grants, to wit, that he was not married at all, or if he were married, that he used not his wife after he was made an Apostle: and this later our own learned Cardinal doth both avouch and evince for us, and that in this very place by M. Hall in these 
Caietan. ●om. in c. 4. ad Phil.  words: Constantissimè credo, & nullatenus dubito &c: I do most constantly believe & no ways doubt, that if S. Paul had no wife before his conversion that he never had any at all: for having committed unto him the charge of preaching the Gospel over the whole world, he had been the veriest fool alive, and had gainsaid the doctrine of Christ, if he had married a wife: and much comfort must the wife have had of such a husband, still overwhelmed with injuries, stripes, wounds, brands, uncertainty of place, and excessive poverty: these I say had been dainty 
M Hal by his own Authors proved to be stubborn.  marriages. Again I would most earnestly defend, yea clearly evince and persuade one who were not stubborn (for it were most easy) not one of the apostles of Christ, who followed him after their calling, not only not to have married but to have renounced their wives which before they had taken. So our learned Cardinal: & will M. Hall allow this learning? I think not, and therefore I may well challenge this Cardinal to be truly ours in this controversy, and all his avoucbing and evincing to be against the Protestants, so good choice hath he made of an Advocate. But let us proceed.  
58. To end this matter of the Apostles he cometh from their practice, as he saith to their Constitutions, & bids his Reader look in these 
The Canon of the Apostles.  Canons, which the Romish Church fathers upon the Apostle, & Fran. Turrian their jesuit sweats to defend it in a whole volume, there you find, Can. 5. 
See this answered in Bellarmine c. 21. §. ad 1. Respondet Hubertus.  enacted that no Bishop, Presbyter, Deacon, shall forsake his wife (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in pretence of Religion, upon pain of deposition, it would move laughter to see how the jesuits gnaw upon this bone, & suck in nothing but the blood of their own jaws, while the sixth General Council avers and proclaims this sense truly Apostolical, in spite of all contradiction. Hitherto M Hall. In which words if you mark them well, 
M. Hall. urgeth the Apostles Canons for proof & yet will have them to be counterfeit.  one part doth overthrow the other: for he saith of the Canons, that the Romish Church fathers them upon the Apostles, & that the jesuits sweat to defend it, which is as much as if he had said, that they are not indeed theirs, and by Protestants they are disavowed, neither in other things will M. Hall stand to their authority. Wherefore this Canon even in his own opinion is not so Canonical, as now he would make it, & how then doth he tell M. Whiteing: this was their practice, what was their constitution? How is it made such a hard loan, as he who gnaws it can suck in nothing but blood out of his own jaws? For granting that it was not made by the Apostles, which Protestants do, and we may also if we list, there is no hardness or difficulty in it at all. Wherefore to obtrude it for such, is a mere cozenage of his friend, and deluding of his Reader, or if he, more than his mates, will admit these Canons, then let him expound us the 17. in order, wherein it is decreed that none can be made Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, who hath married a widow, or one who was divorced from her husband, or a serving maid: which if it were practised amongst them in our country, and all such deposed as are so married, who seethe not that the English Clergy would be soon reduced to a smaller number.  
59 But the truth is, that he maketh no more account of this Canon, then of any counterfeit thing whatsoever, and thereby his Reader, & especially M. Whiteing, may know whom he trusteth: for to prove not only the doctrine & practice, but Constitutions also of the Apostles to stand for the marriage of Priests, he produceth for the later this Canon, and besides this no nother authority, only for the approvance of the sense which he pretendeth, the Trullan Council is cited, or rather misalledged, as presently I shall declare: and this Canon when he talketh with M. Whiteing, is so hard a bone as they who gnaw thereon can suck nothing but blood out of their own jaws; but afterwards forgetting what he had said to him, he telleth his tippling ridiculous friend Thomas james of Oxford another tale, & maketh this proof out of the Apostles Constitutions, as light as a feather, and with one blast bloweth both it and some nine or ten Fathers with it away together, exclaiming against us for relying any authority thereon: What a flourish (saith he) do they make with usurped names? whom would it 
Decad. 4. pag. 18●.  not amaze to see the frequent citations of the Apostles own Canons, Constitutions, Liturgyes, Masses, Clement, Denis the Areopagite, Linus, Hippolytus, Martial of Bordeaux, Egesippus, Donations of Constantyne the Great, and Lewis the godly, of 50. Canons of Niece, of Dorotheus, Damasus his Pontifical etc. and a little after of all these and others he saith, that all carry in them manifest brands of falsehood and supposition: and consequently this matter of Priest's marriage which he would show to M. Whiteing to be the Apostles constitution, and that out of one of their own Canons, drawing blood from the jaws of all Catholics that gnaw thereon, is only a mere cozenage & deceit; for this Canon, this Constitution is nothing else, but a vain flourish of usurped names, and amazing of M. Whiteing with the citation of a Canon, and constitution Apostolical, which by his own confession hath nothing in it of any Apostolical authority, but only of mere falsehood, supposition, and forgery: this is indeed to incur the 
Gal. 2.  Apostles check of pulling down that which before he had built, this is to blow hot and cold with the same breath, to say and unsay, allow and disallow any testimony or authority at his pleasure.  
60. Neither were it a matter of any difficulty to justify the credit of all the Authors he reproveth if I would digress so far, and the thing itself did so require: but to avoid larger excursions into other matters not incident to the controversy in hand, I will leave all our proof in this matter, and in one word deal with M. Hall, as God did with the Egyptians, of whom in the Prophet Isay he said: Concurrere 
Isa. 19  faciam Aegyptios contra Aegyptios. I will set Egyptians against Egyptians, Protestants against Protestants, M. Hall's brothers or rather Masters and Superiors against him, to speak, to defend, to urge the authority of S. Clement, S. Denis, S. Damasus, S. Dorotheus here denied, and others of no less uncertain authority with some of our Adversaries, than any that M. Hall hath named: for this is a solemn custom and very currant amongst these men, that in case some Catholic do urge any of these Authors against their heresy, then presently to discard them with contempt, to twit them with bastardy, or (as M. jewel scornfully was wont to do) to say they are of the black guard: but when Protestants and Puritans war one against the other, then are these Authors classical, their works undoubted, their words of weight, their credit uncontrollable, which point as I said were not hard to show in divers particulars if I would stand upon them.  
61. M. Doctor Whitgift lately termed of Canterbury, when he wrote against the Puritans urged the authorities of the four above named, and for that they were denied by Cartwright and others, as branded with falsehood and supposition, the Author of the Survey of the pretended discipline in a long chapter (wherein the Puritans dealing with the ancient Fathers, Ecclesiastical histories, and general Counsels are laid open) checketh them for the same: for (to pretermit 
Survey pag. ●29. 330. & dein●eps. Pag. ●●6. Against the Puritans the Protestant's object Fathers, which they refuse when they are objected against themselves.  other charges of their contempt and rejection of Fathers) thus in one place he writeth: To prove the antiquity (saith he) and lawfulness of the name of Archbishop, there being alleged the authorities of Clement, Anacletus, Anice●us, Epiphanius, Ambrose, & Sozomenus etc. the Puritans term the bringing in of these authorities, the moving and summoving of hell, that those times were not pure and virginlike but departed from Apostolical simplicity, and do tread them all under feet with as great facility as may be: Clement, Anacletus, and Anicetus, are discharged for rogues, and men branded in the forehead. So there, with more to the same effect: and after to prove S. Timothy to have been Bishop of Ephesus, are cited among others Dorotheus and Dionysius Areopagita, with the like disallowance of the the Puritans as the former: whereas yet Oliver Ormerod in his Picture, towards the end, to prove the interrogatoryes 
Pag. 338.  made in Baptism to be no trifles or joys, as the Puritans termed them, but used in the Apostles days, citeth S. Denis Areopagita▪ and A. N. in his Bible-bearer doth the like to prove the use of the Cross used in the same Sacrament saying: Dionysius Areopagita, who lived in the Apostles 
Dionys. de Ec●les. hierar l. 7. c. de b●ptis.  time, maketh mention of the Cross in Baptism etc. But not to digress further from the Suru●y▪ where immediately before the place above cited for the antiquity of the name of Archdeacon were alleged saith this Surveyor, the testimonies of Damasus, Hierome, Sixtus, Sozomene, and Socrates, to whose authorities their answer is: two of them are counterfeits: Damasus spoke in the dragon's voice: among men the best ground beareth thistles: those times were corrupt, and yet Sixtus lived Bishop of Rome about the year 265. and was a godly Martyr. So the Survey, and M. jewel in his Reply citeth also Fabian, Alexander, Anacletus, and others: so as with the Protestants, S. Clement, S. Denis, S. Damasus, Anacletus, Anicetus, Sixtus, Alexander, Fabian, Dorotheus, are good Authors, and if they speak in their behalf their words must be admitted for true authority in respect of their virtue and venerable antiquiquity, and the Puritans for denying their testimonies, condemned as enemies to the ancient Fathers.  
62. This is the course held by the Protestants against the Puritans, but when they writ against us, then do they turn their sails, and 
jewel. Replyart. 1. Chark in his Reply to the censure ●. Your last.  then are all these Father's counterfeit, and not the authors of those works extant under their names, then will M. jewel tell us that this S. Denis cannot be Areopagita S. Paul's disciple, and M. Will. Charke very soberly lets us know, that he hath not been a companion of our bastard Denis in his journey to heaven. Then again will M. jewel demand from whence cometh M. Hardings Clement? then Damasus, Anacletus, Anicetus, Sixtus, Alexander, Fabian and all other Pope's decretal epistles do manifestly 
Artic. 1. diuis. 29.  deprave and abuse the Scriptures, they maintain the state and kingdom of the Pope, they publish vain and superstitious ceremonies, and proclaim such things as are known to be open lies: then will he labour to show, that they 
M. juells dealing with the Fathers.  cannot possibly be theirs whose names they bear. So he saith of them all in general, and after by name he casteth of Anacletus, Anterus, and Fabian, but yet in the same division, forgetting himself to confirm what he would have, he citeth a decree of Anaclete, and in the next division after, another of Fabian, saying: Fabianus also Bishop of Rome hath plainly decreed that the people should receive the Communion every Sunday. So as if these Decretal epistles make for him they are forth with authentical, if against him than is there nothing in them but depravation of Scriptures, superstitious ceremonies, known and open lies.  
63. And whatsoever M. Hall in words doth pretend of the other ancient Doctors whose works are allowed, and whom in one place he setteth forth with their honourable titles, as sententious Tertullian, grave Cyprian, resolute 
Decad. 4. ep. 3. to M. Matthew Milward. Loco supra citat. Trial by the Fathers rejected by the chief Protestant writers. Zuing. in explanat. art. 64.  Hierome, flowing chrysostom, divine Ambrose, devout bernard, and who alone is all these, heavenly Augustine, adding further their Counsels, verdicts and resolutions to be wise and holy, and in another place confessing the Court of the Fathers, as reverend a trial as any under heaven: yet notwithstanding all this, when this trial shallbe made, this man will stare post principia, play least in sight, or rather fly far out of the field: for the chiefest champions of these later sectaries have still refused to enter into this combat, & he by name who gave the first name to the base brat of the Sacramentary heresy, Zuinglius I mean, in one place thus writeth of them all together: Mox incipis clamare Patres Patres etc. Presently (saith he) you begin to cry the Fathers the Fathers, so forsooth the Fathers have delivered, but I reply unto you that not the Fathers, nor the mothers, but the word of God it is that I require. So he. And Musculus so much reverenced every where by M. Whitaker, saith 
Musculus in lo●is come tit. de Scriptures sacris.  that he is malignant to the Church of God, who admits the trial of Fathers. Doctor Humphreyes in jewels life saith: Quid rei nobis cum Patribus, cum carne & sanguine? What have we to do with the Fathers, with flesh and blood? and M. Whitaker 
Whitak. ad 6. ratio. Campiani.  makes this Caveat: Cavendum semper est ne nimium Patribus tribuamus cum Papistis etc. We must still beware not to give too much credit to the Fathers with the Papists, but that in reading them we maintain our right and liberty, and examine all their sayings by the rule of the Scripture with which if they agree, that we receive them, but if they disagree, that then with their good leave we may freely reject them. So he. And further demandeth this wise question, equum ne iudicas etc. do you think it meet, M. Campian, that if the Fathers erred in interpreting the Scriptures, that we should follow their steps? and that we should forsake the truth we have found, because they could not find it? Lo what account these men make of the Fathers whose credit on the sudden is with M. Hall so great, and trial so reverend.  
64. But not to enter further into this matter, Luther alone may suffice to clear this question, who by name rejecteth all those whom M. Hall in words will seem to admire. S. Cyprian he 
Sermon. convinialibus tit. de Patribus.  calleth a weak divine, S. chrysostom a babbler, S. Ambrose unlearned, Tertullian no better than Carolostadius, Luther's contemptible Antagonist, S. Bernard a good preacher a bad disputer, in S. Augustine nothing saith he is singular, but especially above all others he raileth at S. Hierom, to whom he saith: Quin te Hieronyme conculcamus, cum tua Bethleem, 
Ad cap. 22. Genes.  cuculia & deserto. Why do we not tread thee Hierom under our feet with thy Bethleem, cool & desert. And in another place he saith he was an Heretic, and addeth the cause, which somewhat concerneth M. Hall: Nihil de Christo loquitur, 
S●rm. coviu. cap. de cholaest. Theolog.  duntaxat illius nomen ore fert etc. he saith nothing of Christ, only he hath his name in his mouth, I know none to whom I am so great an enemy as unto Hierom, and why I pray you? what hath S. Hierome done to you more than the rest that may deserve so great hatred? marry saith this fat Friar: Tantùm scribit de jeiunio, de delectu ciborum, de virginitate etc. The wrong is evident: for he only writeth of fasting, of choice of meaner meats, of virginity, & the like, which is a yoke that neithee lewd Luther, nor M. Hall, nor any else of the one or other sect can support: and had M. Hall found any relief for his cause in any of 
No Fathers ever favoured the marriage of Priests.  these Fathers for the marriage of Priests, their names, and authorities had not been spared in his text or margin, but he citeth no one of them all for this matter, but two or three words of S. Cyprian about Numidicus, & they most shamefully mistaken, as shallbe showed in the next paragraph: and when he shall read their words by me cited against him, he will I doubt not deal with their authorities as he doth here with the Apostles Constitutions, canonize them when they may seem to make for his purpose, and afterwards tell us they were all men, they had their errors: he will follow them as far as they follow the Scriptures, and no further, which is just as much, and as a little as himself listeth: for if they interpret the Scriptures against him (as we see they did the words of the Apostle of carrying about a woman sister) than their learned Commentaries shallbe childish illusions, and he cannot hold but, out of the reverend respect he bears them, must needs laugh them all to scorn: but to return to the Constitutions.  
65. If M. Hall contend that this authority though not approved by him, yet at least urgeth us who allow these Canons: I answer that our allowance of them is not so absolute, but may admit restriction: for though some plead for them, yet others disprove them, and Baronius answering this very objection, saith of all these Canons: Apocryphorum non est tanta authoritas etc. there is not 
Baron. tom. 1. anno 53. §. Hisigitur.  such authority to be given unto Apocryphal Canons, as to infringe things so certain, so ratified, & confirmed as is the single life of Clergy men: at least M. Hall should not have put down the matter in such peremptory and undoubted terms, where on all hands he knew to be so much controversy: and it is an untruth worthy 
Never lawful for Bishops to marry, or keep their wives.  of himself to say, that the sixth Council proclaims this sense truly Apostolical in spite of all contradiction: for there we find no such proclamation, but the contrary especially concerning Bishops: for in the next precedent Canon the people of Africa and Lybia exhibited a complaint against some Bishops for only dwelling with their wives which they had married before they were Bishops, and the Council decreeth, ut nihil eiusmodi deinceps ullo modo fiat, that no such thing hereafter be in any wise done, with this thundering conclusion: Si quis autem tale aliquid agere deprehensus fuerit, deponatur. If any shallbe round to do the like let him be deposed. For which cause in the next Canon whereon this man most relieth, no Bishop is named, but only Subdeacon, Deacon, or Priest without any further ascent, and you may imagine what these would have said and decreed of our Protestant Prelates (who not only dwell with their wives but use them us much as before) if such a complaint had been brought and exhibited against them.  
66. Furthermore in the same Council, the 48. Canon doth both confirm what I have now said of Bishop's wives, and explicateth also this other Canon of the Apostles: for thus they define: Vxor eius qui ad Episcopalem dignitatem promotus 
Concil. Trullan. Canon. 48.  est, communi sui viri consensu prius separata etc. Let the wife of him who is promoted, when he is ordered and consecrated Bishop, being by mutual consent first separated, enter into some monastery, built far from the dwelling place of the Bishop, and let her be maintained by him. So this Canon, & so it seemeth that these men although incontinent enough, were not yet fully arrived to the perfection of our English Protestants, 
The true sense of the Apostolical Canon.  but came one degree behind them: and it is evident also that when in the Apostles Canon it is prohibited that no Priest eijciat, or abijciat, turn out of doors his wife, or shake her off to shift for herself, it is to be understood not of their separation the one from the other but of their maintenance, that their husbands should be bound to provide for them: & the Greek word which M. Hall so often citeth, but seemeth not to understand confirms this sense: for it signifieth as well wariness, as Religion, and as Bellarmine well 
Greg. l. 7● ep. ●●. Con. Turon. Can. 8. Distin. 3●. cap. O 〈…〉 nino.  observeth, the meaning is, that no Bishop or Priest under pretext of wariness, because he is bound to live continently, put his wife away without further care of providing for her: & this sense is also avowed by S. Gregory, and the 2. Council of Towers, and was given long since to this objection, as M. Hall may find in Gratian, where he hath found things of far less moment, but this he listeth not to see.  
67. And these are all the proofs he could find out of the Apostles writings, practice, and constitutions, wherein how little he hath gained you have now seen, or rather how he is cast in them all: for whatsoever Apostolical authority delivered in writing, what practise soever recounted by antiquity, all Canons, and Constitutions canonical being taken in the sense they have always heretofore been taken that is, in their true and proper meaning, without wresting, mangling, misinterpreting, or other bad demeanour, are so far from succouring his cause, as they quite overthrow it, and yield invincible arguments for the Catholic truth: having seen this I say, you may well judge how well he deserveth according to his own proffer to be punished with a divorce, the greatest punishment as i● should seem that can be inflicted on this tender hurted husband, which yet will be more clear in the ensuing authorities taken from the Fathers, which are less liable unto his commentaries then the Scriptures, of which many Texts he boldly perverteth with his own gloss, or which is all one with the commentaries of late heretical writers repugnant to the ancient: but the other testimonies taken from the Fathers, and histories recounting only matter of fact, need no commentaries for their explication, and so are less subject to his abuse. Let us then see what he allegeth.    

Of the testimoryes and examples of the ancient Fathers, councils (especially the Trullan) and Histories produced by M. Hall for the marriage of Priests and Clergym●n. §. 2.  
FROM the Scriptures and Apostolical times M. Hall draws us to the Fathers of the Primitive Church & succeeding ages, & as though in the former he had given us a deadly blow, he entereth into this with more courage, and means as it should seem to knock on a pace while the iron is hot: for as if he were afraid to lose the advantage if he did not closely pursue us, he saith: Fellow the times now, what did the ages succeeding? search records: whatsoever some palpable soysted epistles of 
A vain flourish.  Popes insinuate, they married without scruple of any contrary injunction: many of these ancients admired virginity, but imposed it not. So M. Hall: feigning as you see golden ages of mirth, and marrying under the most grievous yoke of tyrannical persecution, when as every where innocent blood was shed, and Christians sought for to the slaughter. That marriage all times without contrary injunction was lawful, is not denied, nor will it be proved in haste, that Priests or such as had vowed the contrary, might use that liberty: and we say not that virginity is violently to be imposed on any, for it cometh by free election, but where the vow is free, the transgression is damnable: for we are bound to render our vows to him, to whom we have made them. I need not make myself a soldier, unless the Prince do press me, but if not pressed I put myself under pay, I am bound to march to the field, to fight, and follow the camp. The cause is free, the necessity subsequent.  
2. And it seemeth M. Hall to be half afraid 
M. Hall's starting holes when he shallbe pressed by authority.  notwithstanding his facing, to stand to this trial, in that like a malefactor he presently seeketh for a city of refuge to retire unto when he shallbe pressed: for if you bring him any record of a Pope, though a Martyr and Saint, and near the Apostles times (and the same we may imagine of others) he blots out his authority with one dash of his pen, and saith: that they are palpably soysted epistles, you must not put him to the proof, for that were too too much to his disreputation: he takes himself for another Pythagoras, whose word without other warrant must be your best assurance: and for authors to plead for his marriage, you must think he findeth great scarcity, when as for the first four hundred years, he could only find but three, Origen, S. Athanasius, and S. Cyprian, of which the first saith not word for him, the second is against him, & 
Origen falsely alleged by M. Hall.  the third is most shamefully abused, of which abuse the first also wanteth not his part.  
3. For to begin with Origen, who though himself a wilful Eunuch (saith M. Hall) yet is feign to persuade the Sons of Clergymen not to be proud of their 
Origen. tract. 9 in Matth.  parentage. Grant it be so, what thereof will he infer against us, who will grant further that the same persuasion might have been made to S. Peter's daughter (as many are of opinion that he had one) and yet will it not follow, that he knew his wife after he was an Apostle, as it neither doth in this case, that these parents were Priests when they begot these sons: and that indeed they were not, we shall need no better interpreter to explicate Origen then Origen himself, 
Origen. hom. 23. in Numer.  who telleth us: Certum est quia impeditur sacrificium indesinens etc. It is certain that the continual sacrifice cannot be offered of these who attend to the works of wedlock. Wherefore in my opinion he alone is to offer the ever-during sacrifice, who hath vowed himself to an ever-during 
Lib. 7.  and perpetual chastity. So Origen. And in his book against Celsus, showing the force and efficacy of Christian doctrine, and what change of life it worketh in such as embrace it, he saith of them: Tantùm absunt ab omni lascivia, spurcitia, turpidin● libidinum, ut in morem persectorum sacerdotum ab omni coitu abhorrentium etc. They are so far from all wantonness, uncleanness, and filthy lust, that after the manner of perfect Priests abhorring all carnal knowledge, many of them do altogether live chastened, and purely from all conversation, yea though otherwise lawful, with women. So he. By which it is evident, what he thought of single life of Priests, and that in the place cited by M. Hall he did speak of the children they had before they were either Bishops, Priests, or Deacons which nothing at all toucheth our Controversy, as in the beginning I observed.  
4. Though this some what touch M. Hall's credit that he untruly delivereth the sense of Origen, 
M. Hall understandeth not Origen.  when he maketh him to persuade the sons of Clergy men not to be proud of their parentage: for that is not origen's persuasion, but that they should not be proud, that they had always been brought 
Matth. 19  up in the Christian faith, and insult over others, who had been converted from Paganism, seeing our Saviour said, Multi erunt novissimi primi, & primi novissimi: Many who were first shallbe last, and many who were last shallbe first: which would have been apparent, had M. Hall permitted him to speak out of his own mind, & not as though he had been troubled with a chyncough, to speak some words, and leave others unspoken: were these three words, M. Hall (in ipsa Christianitate, in the Christian faith) such rough burrs as they must needs stick in your throat? or so troublesome unto you to write as they must be cut off with an etc. for whereas Origen hath: Qui à Christianis parentibus enutriti sunt in ipsa Christi anitate, maximè fi fuerint ex Patribus sacerdotali sede dignificatis etc. Who are brought up of Christian parents in Christian faith, especially of Fathers dignified with priesthood etc. M. Hall citeth all the other sentence at full length, but stumbleth at these three words, in ipsa Christianitate, saying: Qui à Christianis parentibus enutriti sunt etc. maximè si fuerint ex patribus sacerdotali sede diguificatis, as though he had spoken of carnal education, whereas he speaketh of their education in faith and belief: and then falsely telleth us. that he had persuaded them not to be proud of their parentage, whereas the pride he speaketh of, is not of their parentage, but of the priority of their calling to Christ, for that they had always been Christians, and the other not, but had first been Pagans, as is evident to any who will read the place.  
5. His second author, as I said, is S. Athanasius, before whose words he maketh this Encomiasticall 
5. Athanasius made to speak the quite contrary to that which he intendeth. Atha. ep. ad Dracontium.  entrance, Holy Athanasius a witness past exception, shall serve for a thousand histories till his age. So M. Hall, and one would think he had found somewhat in this worthy Author (for you shall not find him easily to praise, where he is not beholding) that will directly conclude & supply all histories, or whatsoever defect of other authority. But as men in their sleep do dream often of great wealth, & when they wake do find nothing, so M. Hall as it should seem not in his sleep (though perhaps in some slumber) but in serious study dreameth of great wealth and advantage, where he doth find nothing else but his own shame, beggary, and confusion.  
6. The words he citeth of S. Athanasius are these: Many Bishops have not married, and contrarily Monks have been fathers of children, as contrarily you see Bishops the fathers of children and Monks that have not sought posterity. So out of S. Athanasius, which so little serveth to our purpose, as M. Hall might have been ashamed to allege it: for what will he infer of these words? that Bishops & Monks may lawfully marry? S. Athanasius saith it not, but only recounteth the fact that some married of both sorts, but whether they did well or ill, or whether himself did approve or condemn the same, there is no word in this sentence: but if M. Hall had not taken his authorities by retail of some blind notebook, but had fetched them himself from the originals, this witness without exception that must serve for a thousand histories, had 
The true sense and meaning of S. Athanasius.  never been alleged to testify any thing in this matter. For so far is S. Athanasius from allowing Bishops and Monks to have wives, as in this place he reprehendeth the lewd behaviour of some who lived in the one and other state, I mean Episcopal dignity, and Monastical profession, the occasion whereof was given him by Dracontius, who at the persuasion as it should seem of the Monks, would not yield to S. Athanasius to be made Bishop, but objected that many inconveniences followed that state, which draw divers into danger, & many to perdition, from which the retired repose of a Religious life was free and secure. S. Athanasius answereth here unto by showing these dangers to be no less in Monastical, then Episcopal profession, and that as well by the scandalous examples which had fallen out in both, as eminent virtue which had been found in either: for thus he discourseth: Nec dicas, nec dicentibus credas Episcopatum esse causam peccati, aut quod inde nascantur occasiones deliuquendi etc. Tell me not, nor believe them who tell you that Episcopality is the cause of sin, or that from thence proceed the occasions of offence: and a little after: Ne igitur talia obijciant tui Consiliarij. Let nor those who counsel you object these things: for we have known Bishops fasting, and Monks feeding; we have known Bishops not drinking wine, and Monks drinking; we have known Bishops working miracles, and Monks working none; many Bishops not to have married, and Monks to have had children; as likewise you may find Bishops to have been fathers of children, and Monks not to have sought for marriage; Clergy men to have tippled, & Monks to have been abstinent. So he. Showing both the one & the other state, by their bad members, to be subject to abuse, & concludeth: Non enim coroha pro locis, sed pro factis redditur. The crown of glory is not given for the place, or profession we live in, but for the good works we do in that profession.  
7. By which it is evident that the words so barely brought forth by M. Hall, were not spoken by way of simple narration, but of mislike 
Priests were not married in time of S. Athanasius.  and reprehension: for it was never lawful for Monks or Bishops to beget children, & that neither Priests might do the like in the time of S. Athanasius, is demonstrated by the testimony of S. Hierome, who lived in the same age, & demandeth of Vigilantius the sworn enemy of virginal chastity, and ●ho no less than his children our Protestants, would have all Clergy men to marry: Quid facient Orientis Ecclesiae? quid Aegypti & sedis Apostolicae? quae aut virgines c●ericos accipiunt, aut 
Hier. l. 1. in Vigil.  continentes, aut si uxores habuerint, mariti esse desistunt. If all Clergy men must marry, what shall the Churches of Greece, of Egypt, and the sea Apostolic do, who receive into the Clergy, either virgins, or such as be continent, or if they have had wives, do cease to be husbands? So he. Where so expressly naming the Church of Egypt, of which Alexandria was the chief seat, & the practice therein, he taketh away all doubt or scruple: for if marriage were there denied to Priests, much more to Monks, & Bishops, whose calling requires greater perfection, and more singular virtue.  
8. Wherefore when S. Athanasius saith: that 
Of what Monks S. Athanasius speaketh.  he hath known Monks the fathers of children, he speaketh of lewd licentious Monks, that by lose life fell from the severity of their order, of which even yet in fresh memory, we have likewise known some, and those married also to Nuns, and to have been the fathers of many children. For thus the first Progenitor of your new Gospel Martin Luther speaketh of himself: Anno 
Tom. 2. latin. colloq. tit. de morbis Lutheri.  25 in seditione Rusticorum 12. Junii uxorem duxi etc. In the year 25. (to wit after a thousand five hundred) in the sedition of the Boots (when all Germany was in arms and uproar) the 12. of june (to drive care away) I married a wife: in the year 26. my eldest son john was borne: in 
Luther's brood.  the year 27. my daughter Elizabeth: in the year 29. on the eve of the Ascension Magdalen: in the year 31. the 7. of November Martin: in the year 
Augu. de bono viduit. c, 11. & Chrys●. ep. 6. ad Theod. lapsun.  33. the 28. of january Paul: in the year 34. Margaret. Thus Luther of Catherine Bore his sow had six pigs: for had he not been a beast, he would never have gloried in his sacrilegious marriage (worse in the judgement of S. Augustine then adultery) and his unlawful issue.  
9 But for multitude of children we have another Patriarch of a more plentiful grogeny, who will for number twice overgo Luther, and contend with jacob himself, yea ouerbeare him by one, and that is Martin Bucer another renega●e 
Grees●rus come. ●●●getico in jacobum Regem c. 1.  Apostata, and Apostle of Cambridge, who of one Nun is said to have bad thirteen children: & yet as though these generations did not multiply fast enough, he who by the Duke of Somerset Seymour was called into England with this Martin, to preach in London, was content to allow them 
Bernardinus Ochinus.  as many wives together, as the former had children, if not more: so as when these men were sent forth to sow the seed, or tars rather, of these later heresies, they observed the rule of the Apostle, but in a wrong sense: Non prius quod spirituale, 
1. Cor. 15.  sed quod animale, nature went before grace, the carnal generation before the spiritual, the first care to satisfy their own lust, and then to instruct their followers. I omit other of the same stamp as Peter Martyr, Oecolampadius, Pelican etc. all husbands of one wife at least, but unworthy of further mention, as being famous for nothing so much as their own infamy.  
10. You must think that for the last proof by authority he hath kept a sure card, seeing neither of the former to make for him, and for that end he seemeth of purpose to have displaced 
● Cyprian shamefully abused.  it: for if we respect the time S. Cyprian is more ancient then S. Athanasius, and yet here he is put after him, and made to say, that Numidicus the Martyr was a married Presbyter (for Priest he will not name him) and then citeth in the 
Cypr. l. 4. epist. 10.  margin the words of S. Cyprian thus: Numidicus presbyter qui uxorem concrematam & adharentem lateri laetus aspexti Numidicus the Priest who cheerfully saw his wife sticking fast to his side, to be burned. So S. Cyprian, as M. Hall hath made him speak: and this testimony I confess seemeth to urge more than the former, because he was a Priest, was married, & his wife adhaerebat lateri, so as it should seem they lived not asunder. Again the Author is without exception, the time most ancient, the case clear: and truly if the matter stand as here it is declared, I will not withstand him herein, but grant (which is yet more than I need) that he hath by this example evinced his cause, and will never any more mention his divorce.  
11. But if in this passage he cog notoriously, if he affirm the quite contrary to that which is in his author, if as before out of Origen, he cut off three words with an &c.: so here he do add one word which quite altereth the sense, than I hope his friends will bethink them well how they trust such jugglers, who with the Egyptians look them in the face, whiles their fingers be in their purse, and I wish that with his falsehood he did but pick their purses, and not seduce their souls, bought & ransomed with the dear price of the precious blood of the son of God. And that there be no mistaking between 
What M. Hall doth affirm out of S. Cyprian, and I do deny.  us, remember I pray what M. Hall doth affirm, to wit, that Numidicus was a married Priest, and that S. Cyprian avoucheth so much: I on the other side deny both the one and the other, and say that he was never a married Priest, and that S. Cyprian never said any such thing, but the quite contrary, that he was made priest after his wives death. Let S. Cyprian decide the doubt between us.  
12. This Numidicus then being a married man was by the persecutors carried together with his wife and others to be martyred, the rest 
When Numidicus was made Priest.  were put to death before him, & with them he cheerfully saw his wife burned, making no other account but to drink of the same cup, and to follow her into the flames: he did so, & was left for dead: Ipse (saith S. Cyprian) semiustulatus, 
Epist. 35. juxta Pamelum. alias l. 4. ep. ultim.  & lapidibus obrutus, & pro mortuo derelictus etc. He half burned, covered with stones, and left for dead: whiles his daughter out of filial duty sought his body, he was found not to be fully departed, and being taken out, and by careful attendance somewhat refreshed, he remained against his will after his companions, whom he had sent before him to heaven: Sed remanendi ut videmus haec fuit causa, ut eum Clero nostro Dominus adiungeret. But this as we see was the cause why he remained behind, that God might make him of our Clergy, and adorn the number of our priesthood, made small by the fall of some, with glorious Priests. Thus far S. Cyprian, whose words are so plain, as they need not explication: for he plainly testifieth that he was made Priest after his wives death, and for that cause to have been preserved alive, and he saith not as you see: Numidicus presbyter uxorem suam concrematam etc. Numidicus the Priest saw his wife burned, but only Numidicus saw his wife burned, & 
A foul corruption.  the word Priest is added both in the English text and Latin margin by M. Hall, and that as you see for his advantage clean contrary to the mind of his author.  
13. For without that word what doth this testimony avail him? what doth it prove? will he reason thus, Numidicus after his wife was burned was made Priest, therefore he was a married Pbesbyter, and his example proveth the marriage of all Priests to be lawful? these extremes are too far asunder to meet in one syllogism, and he shall never be able to find a medius terminus, that can knit them together: I wish that I were near M. Hall, when some or other would show him this imposture, to see what face he would make thereon, whether he would confess his error, or persist in his folly: for I see not, but turn him which way he list, he must be condemned 
Protestant's never write against Catholics, but they corrupt Authors.  for a falsifyer. I know not what fatal destiny follows these men, that whatsoever they treat of in any controversy between us & them, they cannot but show legier-du-mayne, fraud, and collusion, and yet notwithstanding pretend all candour and simplicity: for here on the word Priest standeth all the force of M. Hall's argument, and that is foisted in by himself, & not to be found conjoined with the words he citeth in S. Cyprian.  
14. If M. Hall say, which is all he can say, that in the beginning of the epistle S. Cyprian hath these words: Numidicus presbyter ascribatur presbyterorum Carthaginensium numero, & nobiscum sedeat in Clero etc. Let Numidicus the Priest be numbered amongst the Priests of Carthage, and let him sit with us in the Clergy: & then goeth on with the description of his merits, of the courage he showed in seeing his wife die etc. this plaster cannot salve the soar: for this epistle S. Cyprian wrote after he had ordered him Priest, and his ordination, as there he declareth, and you have now heard, was after his wives death: Numidicus himself giving by his rare constancy, & his so resolutely offering himself to die for Christ, occasion of his promotion, yea of further preferment: for in the end of the same letter, S. Cyprian saith, that at his return to Carthage, he meant to make him Bishop, as Pamelius doth rightly interpret him. So as there is no evasion left for M. Hall to escape.  
15. I have purposely transposed the fact of Paphnutius in the Council of Niece, the authority 
The fact of Paphnutius in the Nicen Council is discussed.  whereof although it be more ancient then S. Athanasius, who therein albeit present, was not Bishop, but Deacon, yet are the Authors who recount the same much more modern, and all the credit lying on their relation, no writer more ancient so much as mentioning any such matter, the Council if self disclaiming from it, & these Authors in other things being found unsincere & fabulous, I thought it not worth the answering: but seeing that M. Hall notwithstanding he saw it fully answered in Bellarmine, and others, will needs bring it in again, as though nothing had ever been said thereunto, 
Answered by Bellarmine l. ● de Clericis cap. 20. §. argumentum 5. & ultimum.  and out of his wont folly and vanity insert here and there his Greek words, which have no more force and emphasis than the English, with this conclusion in the end: His arguments won assent, he spoke and prevailed, so this liberty was still continued and confirmed I will briefly deliver what hath been answered thereunto, if first I show what legier-du-maine is used by this Epistler in setting it down with advantage to make it serve his purpose the better.  
16. For whereas Socrates recounteth the fact 
Socrates l. 1. cap. 8. S zom. l. 1. cap. 22.  of Paphnutius in a particular matter touching the wives of such Priests only, as were ordered when they were married men, whether such should be debarred from their wives & bound to continency as the rest, this man from the particular draweth it unto the general, & from only married Priests, to all Priests whatsoever. When the Fathers of the Nicen Council (saith M. Hall) went about to enact a law of continency, Socrates the historian expresseth it thus: It seemeth good, saith he to the Bishops, to bring in a new law into the Church: it was then new, & they but would have brought it in: therefore before it was not. So he. But I must pull him back by the sleeve, and before we go further ask him what this new law was, that is here mentioned? 
M. Hall's unsincere setting down the narration of Socrates.  of what subject? was it in general for the continency of all Clergy men, which is the argument of this his letter? so it should seem: for so without any restriction he reports it, and makes Paphnutius to withstand the same: when as his Author in this very chapter hath the quite contrary, and only speaketh of such as in the state of wedlock were ordered, excluding in plain terms the other from all marriage, and that according to the ancient tradition of the Church.  
17. And this M. Hall could not but see; seeing after the words he citeth uz. It seemeth good to the Bishops to bring in a new law into the Church, it followeth immediately: ut qui essent sacris initiati, sicut Episcopi. Presbyteri, & Diacon● cum uxoribus quas cùm erant laici, in matrimonium duxissent, minimè dormirent. That such as were in holy orders, as Bishops, 
It was never lawful for Priests after their ordination to marry.  Priests, and Deacons should not company with their wives, which they had married before, when they were lay men. So he. Which words evince the continency he speaketh of only to be in this particular case, and not of all continency, as here he is made to speak, which yet is more clear in the same chapter, where he expressly denieth that such as took holy orders in single life (which as we have showed out of S. Hierome, and S. Epiphanius must needs be the greater part) may marry at all:  qui in Clerum (saith he) ante adscripti erant quàm duxissent uxores, high secundum veterem Ecclesiae traditionem deinceps à nu tijs abstinerent. That such as were made of the Clergy before they had married wives, should according to the ancient tradition of the Church abstain from marriage. So Socrates, and we see that besides the aspersion and touch of falsehood, without which this man delivers nothing, that the authority cited, reacheth not half way home, for proof of that wherefore it is brought although all were granted which this Author reporteth.  
18. Yea further this testimony duly weighed maketh more for us then our Adversaries: for if we make this first proposition out of Socrates, no Clergy man after his orders taken can marry: and then out of S. Hierome, and S. Epiphanius add this other, but in the Churches of Greece, Egypt, and Rome all Bishops, Priests, Deacons, were chosen virgins, or widowers, or after their priesthood for ever continent; the conclusion will follow that for the most part, as I said, even according to the ancient tradition of the Church, the Clergy consisted of single men, an the other married who claimed their wives after their ordination in respect of them, to have been very few, which yet is more plain by S. Epiphanius, who speaking of such as were made Priests, saying: Sanctum Sacerdotium ex virginibus 
Mark● this M. Hall.  quidem ut plurimum procedens, si verò non ex virginibus, at ex solitariam vitam agentibus: si verò hi non suffecerint ad ministerium, high qui continent à proprijs uxoribus accipiantur. Holy priesthood for the most part proceeding of Virgins, or if not virgins, yet of such as live a solitary or single life, or if these suffice not for the Ministry, let those be taken who live continent from their own wives. So he. And this alone abundantly showeth in what rank and number married men were in the Clergy.  
19 And all this have I said as supposing the truth of that history, but there want not more than seeming conjectures to disprove this 
The report of Socrates and Sozomen touching Paphnutius is rejected as fabulous.  narration, and to show it to be false, whereof that may pass for the first, which I last alleged out of S. Hierome, and S. Epiphanius, both more ancient, more learned, and of far more credit than Socrates: for they living so soon after the Council, and writing in so general manner for the single life of Priests, and continency of such as in wedlock were ordered, without the least mention of any contrary custom, which if it had been in use and that upon so famous a plea of so renowned a Saint, they could not but have known, the one being a Grecian borne, and the other brought up under S. Gregory Nazianzen in Greece, argueth most clearly no such pleading, no such custom ever to have been: for had it been so notorious as in the open Council by so remarkable a man as S. Paphnutius, in a cause of this consequence, it could not have been concealed, but must needs have been most public, most famous, and known to the whole world: neither could these Saints have durst to gainsay it, and deny that to have been practised, which in the Council had been condemned: & great marvel it were if Socrates living so long after, should better know what the Nicen Council had determined, then S. Hierome and S. Epiphanius, who lived in the same age, and that no one Author before of those times (although Ruffinus writ both of that Council and Saint) could be found to register, or at least to insinuate this counterfeit conquest left only to Socrates & Sozomen both heretics, as many hold, 
Bellar. loco ●itato.  to be delivered to posterity, and from them against the credit of all others to be taken up as an undoubted truth to M Hall, and they by him to be made to speak far worse than they did.  
20. Again S. Gregory taketh Sozomen with untruths, and saith that in his history, multa mentitur, and the Reader may see (where M. Hall would not be seen) in Bellarmine I mean, three gross untruths related by Socrates, even in one chapter, and in the history of his own time, as 
a Epiph. haeres. 70. Ambr. l. 10. ep. 83. Athan. de synodis Arimin. & Seleve.  that it was lawful to keep Easter when any one listed, the Church having determined nothing thereof, 
b Leo serm. 4. de quadrag. Greg. ho. in evang.  that in Rome they fasted but 3. weeks before Easter, 
c Aug. ep. 86. & 118.  that in Rome they used not to fast on the saturdays: all which are convinced by S. Athanasius, S. Epiphanius, S. Ambrose, S. Augustin, S. Leo, & S. Gregory to be false: so as in this also of married Priests, seeing he is the first relator, and that against the relation of others, we may worthily suspect him, & without the prejudice of truth reject him also, unless some other of more fidelity had likewise affirmed the same.  
21. Moreover there are in the Council itself two Canons, the first and the third, made upon one occasion, to wit, for that Leontius a Priest the more freely to keep a young maid in 
The Council of Niece allowed not marriage of Priests, Can. 1. Can. ●.  his house, had made himself an Eunuch, for which he was deposed, and after became an Arrian: the Council in the first Canon provideth that none under pain of deposition, offer violence to his own body, as Leontius had done: & then to put the axe under the root of the tree, and remove all occasion of whotsoever disorder hereafter in that kind, the third Canon forbiddeth all Bishops, Priests, & Deacons to have any woman in their houses, unless it be their mother, sister, or aunt by the Father, or such only of whom there can be no suspicion: and where is the wife in this enumeration? truly if Priests may live freely with their wius, I see not why their wives may not as freely have what maids they list to tend their children, and wait on themselves besides their husbands, aunt, sister, or mother, who I think will not so easily be drawn to stoop to that attendance. Let our Bishops try, and they will find my words true: & if the Council had allowed these wives, why doth it only speak of the Priest, his mother, sister, aunt, and nothing of the sister, Mother, aunt of his wife? Doubles for no other reason, but for that these wives were unknown, & no 
The Protestants have none to adhere unto for the marriage of Priests but condemned heretics.  man then dreamt of the Protestant Heteroclital Clergy, so dislonant from others, as it is without example, unless it be of such whom though they shame not to follow, yet may they blush to name, jovinian Vigilantius, and other heretics.  
22. Last of all S. Leo the Great, living at the same time with Socrates & writing to the Greek Bishop Anastasius of Thessalonica, showeth the practice then jointly to conspire with this now, and he writeth in such manner, as if the thing were out of question, without contradiction, known, & acknowledged by all: for speaking of the excellency of Priesthood, he bringeth this for proof thereof: Sacerdotum tàm excellent est electio, 
Leo. ep. 84. cap. 4.  ut haec quae in alijs Ecclesiae membris non vocantur ad culpam, in illis tamen habeantur illicita etc. The calling of Priests is so eminent, that those things which in other members of the Church, are not reputed for a fault, are yet in them unlawful: for whereas for such as are not of the Clergy, it is free to marry and beget children, notwithstanding to show the purity of perfect continency, carnal wedlock is denied unto Subdeacons', that both those who have wives may be as if they had them not, & they who have them not, may remain single: but if this be worthy to be kept in this order, which is the fourth from the head, how much more is it to be kept in the first, second, and third, lest any should be thought fit for the Levitical ministry, or Priestly honour, or Episcopal excellency, who is discovered not yet to have refrained from conjugal carnality? Hitherto S. Leo.  
23. And this not only concludeth against the former Historian, the testimony being so direct, and the writer so grave, but refuteth also the other example, which M. Hall doth produce out of Socrates, concerning Heliodorus Bishop of Trica (deposed from his Bishopric, as Nicephorus writeth for his wanton verses) and made to be the first author of single life in the Clergy of Thessulia, because in the same chapter he hath the 
Many mistake of Socrates in one Chapter.  other three untruths above rehearsed, and this may be numbered for the fourth; and we may add for the fifth his Paradox, when like an honest Protestant he affirmeth that fasting is free, and to be used only when we list ourselves: so as I marvel not if he were so great a friend to wives that so little favoured abstinency: and all these untruths being found in this chapter cited, it may well be termed a lying chaprer, but howsoever, he being an Heretic and contradicted in this by S. Hierome, S. Epiphanius, S. Leo, and others deserveth no credit at all, or further refutation.  
24. Yet before I leave this lying chapter I must needs adjoin one more which the same Author maketh therein, and M. Hall doth also allege, that all which he hath of him may pass together under one view: thus than he maketh him to speak concerning the practice of the East Church: Socrates (saith he) thus flatly writs of those Bishops of his time: for many of them in the place and function of Bishops beget children of their lawful wives. I grant that Socrates writeth the words, but with three other circumstances which M. Hall should not have concealed, the one that these Bishops were married before their ordination, the other that the famous Bishops and Priests did the contrary, so as these seem to have been some infamous obscure Bishops, and of no account among the rest: lastly that the other custom was more general in the East, especially in Thessalia, Macedonia, and Greece, and Nicephorus relating the same thing almost 
Nicephor. lib 12. c. 34.  verbatim out of Socrates saith, that this custom of deposing Priests, who after their orders taken, did again know their wives: Thessalonicae, atque in Macedonia & Graecia omni seruata est: Is observed at Thessalonica, and in Macedonia, and in all Greece, though both take Greece for that special Province so properly called, & both in this do err, which I marvel M. Hall did not mention when they avouch this chastity, although usual, yet to have been mere arbitrary, and not imposed by any law, and Heliodorus as I have said to have been the first Author thereof in Thessalia, neither of which can stand with that which S. Hierome, S. Epiphanius, S. Basil, S. Leo and others have written: neither is it likely that Heliodorus, who rather would lose his Bishopric, then recall his lascivious book, would be so eager above the 
Heliodorus his wanton book entitled Aethiopia.  rest for the continency of his Clergy: and it cannot but move laughter to see M. Hall term him in his margin, Author of the Aethiopicke histories, as if Heliodorus had written some history of Aethiopia, whereas he only entitled his wanton work Aethiopia, and wrote no more history thereof, then Sir Philip Sidney did of Arcadia, or Apuletus of the Arcadian Nightingale, that sings so sweetly to the Harp.  
25. But not to stand on this, but on the main point in question, that there was no law for the continency of Clergy men, especially Bishops in Greece, is clearly refuted by the Fathers alleged, and S. Epiphanins expressly mentioneth 
Epiphan. haeres. 59  Canons here denied, and the continual use and tradition of the Church might have sufficed for a law, had Canons wanted, which yet in this behalf are very abundant, & M. Hall's sacred Council of Trullum doth yield us two, 
Concil. Trullan. Can. 10. & 48.  the 10. and 48. and before that the Council of Ancyra, Neocaesaraea, and Niece have others as I shall afterwards show, and as these manifold authorities do much overweigh the single credit of Socrates, so the notable case which happened in his 
Nicephor. l. 14. c. 55.  time doth clearly conclude the prohibition mentioned to have had a larger extent, than Thessalia, Macedonia, or Helladian Greece: for thus it happened. Synesius a famous Philosopher being 
A notable example of Synesius Bishop of Ptolemais.  made a Christian, and soon after chosen by the Clergy, and sought for by the people to be made their Bishop, Theophilus then Patriarch of Alexandria approving the election, went about to ordain him Bishop of Ptolemais, which the other refused in so vehement manner, as that, omni arte & robore, by all art and force he laboured to withstand the ordination, saying that he did rather desire to die, then to be made Bishop, and 
Synes. ep. 11. & 57  that on his knees he had prayed for that exchange, I mean of his Bishopric with death, to which end he used all the sleights, excuses, stratagems that he could devise (as S. Ambrose did upon the like occasion at Milan) to divert Theophilus' Patriarch of Alexandria from approving his election, or proceeding further to his ordination: but what think you did he object.  
26. Truly many excuses he made, and some of them untrue: for he not only pretended that he was a new Christian, not yet fully instructed 
Synes. ad Euopsium ep 105. See Baron. anno 410.  in the doctrine of his belief, but further that as yet he believed not the resurrection of the flesh, and other points taught, professed, and acknowledged by all Christians, that his other studies, & encumbrances would not permit them to be Bishop, that his want of health 
Synesius very unwilling to be Bishop.  and disposition of mind made him altogether unfit for that calling, & the like: but most of all he urged the matter of his marriage, as the proper & special means of his hinderanc or deliverance rather from that burden, & the manner of his urging well showeth the clear incompossibility he conceived to be between the one & the other state: for in this earnest manner doth he deliver the same: Mihi & Deus ipse (saith he) 
Loco cita●o.  & leges, ipsaque sacra Theophili manus uxorem dedit etc. Both God himself, and the laws, and the holy hand of Theophilus hath given me a wife: wherefore I foretell all men, and will have it recorded, that I will not forsake her, neither as an adulterer will I secretly know her; for the one (to wit to leave her) stands not with piety; the other (to know her after his Episcopal ordination) is not lawful: but I will and desire rather to have many honest children borne of her, and of this the Author and chief dealer in this election ought not to be ignorant: let our friends Paulus and Dionysius whom I understand to be chosen by the people for Ambassadors in this matter know so much. So Synesius, and how can this plea made by so famous a man upon this occasion at the very time when Socrates lived, and that even in Greece, stand with the arbitrary chastity here surmised? How can it be that there was no law, nor Canon of the continent life of Bishops, and yet that this renowned Philosopher, and most learned man should urge his marriage, and the not dissolution thereof as an essential impediment utterly unabling him to be Bishop? and the thing itself to be unlawful in one of that calling?  
27. And in case the matter had been, as Socrates in that lying chapter doth relate it, than had the folly, or rather stupidity of this reason been very singular, which will the better appear if we apply it to some domestical example 
Socrates' proved to be unsincere.  of our English Superintendents, among whom that is taught for true doctrine, which Socrates here delivereth, and these lewd Bishops (if there were any such) are said to have practised: and to single out one amongst many to exemplify in, let us suppose that M. john King, now by an Equivocal 
M. King with my Lady his wife of London.  title surnamed of London, had been unwilling to be made Bishop, and to hinder his election should have exhibited to his Metropolitan of Canterbury a memorial concerning the reasons of his refusal, and among the rest he should have stood stiff on this point, that forsooth he was a married man, that he meant not to leave his wife, that he intended to have more children by her, and that it importeth much that M. Abbot's should not be ignorant of this his resolution, lest perhaps he should unadvisedly by making him Bishop, go about to separate the poor effeminate man from his wives company, whom he would in no case (for that he loved her much better than his Bishodricke) forsake,  — Spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici? 
Can any forbear laughing to hear this ridiculous reason, that seethe so many married Bishops in the land, and no prohibition to the contrary? Whereas therefore Synesius so eagerly urged this point, and our adversaries are ashamed to mention it, we may well discover a presupposed prohibition to have been extant, & that Socrates, attended 
Lib. 5. c. 23.  only to the matters of Constantinople, where he was borne, and brought up, either to have been very ignorant of the customs of other places, if not also of his own city, where in all the row of these patriarchs this could not be specified 
Nicephor. lib. 6. c. vlt.  by any one example, or else, as a Novatian heretic, for which Nicephorus taxeth him, out of the known lascivious spirit of such men, to have dissembled, and wilfully contradicted the truth.  
28. And these being all the testimonies, that M. Hall bringeth for the first four hundred years, and all wide of the mark, whiles we expect that he should according to promise follow the times and show in all ages succeeding the marriage of Priests to have been lawful, he maketh a foul skip from Origen, S. Cyprian, S. Athanasius, and the Nicen Council, unto Gratian the Canonist, & leapeth over well near eight hundred years together, though after leaving three or four hundred years untouched, he recoil a little back to the Trullan Council, S. Vdalricke, and others, but with what effect we shall after see: and in this place instead of the testimonies 
M. Hall mistaketh the state of the question and in saying much proveth nothing.  of writers, he brings us in an idle beadrole of names, to wit, of such Bishops as had been once married, which being all granted as they lie, prove nothing against us, because he showeth not that then they used their wives, when they were Bishops, which is our controversy, and we both say and prove that for ever they were divorced from them, and lived in perpetual continency apart: this M. Hall should infringe, and not produce some few married Bishops of the Primitive Church, few in number, and ordered for the most part after the death of their wives; or if before, yet were these Bishop's dead to them because touching all conjugal duties they ceased to be their husbands.  
29. And this was so known, so confessed, so uncontrolled a truth, that the first enemy and impugner of clerical continency, could not deny it, and therefore S. Hierome boldly said unto him (jovinian I mean) Certè confiter is non posse 
Hier. l. 1. in jovin.  esse Episcopum, qui in Episcopatu filios faciat, alioquin si deprehensus fuerit, non quasi vir tenebitur, sed quasi adulter damnabitur. Doubtless thou dost confess that he cannot be a Bishop who begets children in that state: for if he be taken in the manner, he shall not be reputed as a husband, but condemned for an adulterer. So S. Hierome, and so plainly 
Baro. tom. 1. ann. 58. Basil. ep. 17 in addit.  as you see he pleadeth for us, that his words refuse all commentary, and refute M. Hall's contradiction and practice. S. Basil writing to one Peragorius an old Priest rebuketh him sharply for taking his Presbiteram, she-priest, or wife into his house, upon persuasion that his great age would take away all suspicion of incontinency, and threatens excommunication, unless forthwith he dismissed her, urging the observance of the Nicen Canon: and if this were not permitted unto a Priest, much less unto a Bishop.  
30. But what need we stand upon threats, where exampls are not wanting of sharp punishments inflicted on Bishops, either by themselves 
The penance which Vrbicus Bishop of Claramont did for knowing his wife after that he was made Bishop.  or others for transgressed continency, and that even with their wives: of either kind I will allege one, & for the former of a Bishop, who lived with S. Basil, or soon after called Vrbicus. The story is related by Gregorius Turonensis, who writeth how this man of a Senator before was made of the Clergy, and after the death of Stremonius (whom he succeeded) Bishop of Claramont, his wife all this while being alive, but after the Canonical custom separated from him: Vxorem habens (saith the Author) quae juxta consuetudinem Ecclesiasticam remota à consortio sacerdotis religiose 
Greg. Turonen. l. 1. Histor. Fran. cap. 44.  vivebat: Having a wife which according to the Ecclesiastical custom religiously lived apart from the company of the Priest: whom as the weaker vessel the Devil tempting to return to her husband again, so far prevailed, as she also tempted the Bishop, but not without a Text of Scripture of the Devils prompting, revertimini ad alterutrum ne tentet vos Satanas: return to each other, lest Satan tempt you, and with often & importunate recourse, made him relent from that Ecclesiastical vigour, which should have been in one of his rank and calling, and yield to her desire. But what? did he think it lawful? did he plead M. Hall's impossible necessity? or the posse & nosse of the old Germans? No such matter: But ad se reversus, & de perpetrato scelere condo●ens, acturus poenitentiam Diecaesis suae Monasterium expetit, ibique cum gemitu & lachrimis quae commiserat diluens ad urbem propriam est reversus: Entering into himself and repenting for the wicked fact he had done, went to a Monastery of his diocese to do penance, and there with sighs and tears blotting out the offences he had committed, returned to his own town. So this Author.  
31. And in this one example two things are very remarkable, and clearly conclude for us 
Ecclesiastical men lived apart from their wius & vowed chastity.  in this behalf: first that the Ecclesiastical custom was, that when any was made Bishop if he were a married man, his wife was to live apart from him: and secondly that both were bound to keep perpetual chastity, and never to claim any more matrimonial duties one of the other: and this later is gathered by necessary and inevitable deduction: for else why doth he call it a wicked fact? why did he do penance for it? if no prohibition entered, no sin was committed, they remaining lawful wife and husband as before: which example alone is so hard a bone for M. Hall to gnaw upon, as he shall never be able to rid himself handsomely thereof, & being so ancient, showeth what wives the Bishops had and what liberty in using them was allowed in those days: if our Superintendents and Ministers of England had no more, this controversy had never been raised, but then were other tims, other laws, other Bishops, other belief.  
32. And least M. Hall object that this penance was voluntary, and proceeded of the too much scrupulosity of this Prelate: let us see another 
A notable example of the penance Canonically imposed on Genebaldus, for knowing his wife after that he was made Bishop of Laudun.  wherein by Canonical sentence and judicial severity it was enjoined: Genebaldus Bishop of Laudune, as Hinckmarus' Archbishop of Rheims in the life of S. Remigius reporteth, being married unto the Niece of the said Saint, betaking himself to a religious life left her to whom he was married, and not long after was made Bishop of Laudune, and consecrated by S. Remigius himself, but by the frequent recourse of his wife to him, was tempted in the end, yielded, and knew her carnally again, whom for the attaining of spiritual perfection he had forsaken: but Gods calls were not wanting to reclaim him, nor he to Gods calls to return back from his error, wherefore sending for S. Remigius, casting himself at his feet, with many tears deplored his offence, and that with such vehemency, as he was checked for his so deep distrust, which seemed to draw to despair, or to diminish that confidence which all sinners though never so great aught to have in the abundant mercy of our most loving Redeemer, if they be truly repentant.  
33. Notwithstanding this his grief so excessive, yet did this his Metropolitan put him to 
S. Remigius died anno 545.  seve repennance, made him a little lodge to lie in, with a bed in manner of a sepulchre, with very narrow winddowes, a little Oratory or praying place, and therein shut him up, sealing fast the door for seven years together, in which obscure den he did lead a most strict & penitential life: in so much as the same Author who is both grave and ancient relateth, that at the end of the seventh year, when on the Wednesday in the holy week before Easter, he had watched all the night in Prayer, and with tears bewailed his offence, he was comforted by an Angel, and advertised that his prayers were heard, his penance was accepted, and the sin forgiven, & so was delivered from that prison, and restored again to his Bishopric, living all the residue of his life, as the Author saith, insanctitate & justitia, in holiness and virtue, always preaching the mercies of God, which to himself in such abundant measure had been showed.  
34. What think you of this M. Hall? Was 
Sanderus l. 1. de Scis. mat. Aug.  it free in these times for Bishops to use their wives as you pretend? If in these days had been found a lascivious Crammer with his Dutch Fraw, whom when he had used for his harlot a while in his old age, after for his comfort (poor man) he must needs marry being then Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of England, or else (not to rake further into the infamous ashes of our first parents) as Thorneborough of Bristol, with two wives at once, what think you would they have said? what penance would they have enjoined? with what vigour and rigour also would they have chastised such Ministers, or rather monsters of the Clergy? And truly these two examples being so directly against the use of wives, and M. Hall being not able to bring one to the contrary, wherein it was allowed as lawful for any Bishop or Priest after holy Orders taken to have any, let the Reader judge which doctrine and practice best agreeth, or disagreeth most, with the former times, and purer ages (as our Adversaries sometimes will call them of the first six hundred years) ours or theirs: for here you have nothing brought for them, but that some Bishops had been married men, others made Bishops in that state, which is not denied: but that then they might use their wives M. Hall proveth not, and these examples do evince that they did not, which point out of divers councils, we shall a little after further declare.  
35. And for the catalogue he here maketh of married Bishops, it hath no more truth, and 
Many gross mistake.  sincerity in it, than the rest: for besides that he citeth Authors at random as Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. when as there be there but 26. chapters, and for things which are not to be found in him, which I pass over as petty faults, besides this I say to increase the number of his Bishops, he maketh S. Basils' Father a Bishop, who was never such, and further saith the same of Gabinius brother of Eutichianus Bishop (saith he) of Rome, whereas Gabinius was neither brother of Eutichianus, nor Bishop of Rome, or of any place else: but having been once married, and by his wife having had one daughter, to wit S. Susanna the virgin and Martyr, after the death of his said wife was made Priest, and in the persecution of Diocletian, the same year with Caius the Pope his brother, but not the same day, was also martyred. So as here is nothing but mistaking, and whether I will or not, I see M. Hall must have a sentence of Divorce given against him out of the Court of Arches, for pleading no better for the marriage of Clergy men, which he promised in the beginning either to free, or else to undergo the law, there is no remedy I say, if justice prevail, but that he must part from his wife, or which I sooner think he will do, must break his promse with M. Whiteing: for hither to besides untruths, abusing of Authors, mistaking the question & other impertinencies nothing hath been brought to free this matter.  
36. Now if as I have showed the practice of the Primitive Church, so I would also set 
Bellar. l. 1▪ de Cler.▪ cap. 19 Coccius tom. 2. Thesaur l. 8. art. 6.  down particular testimonies of all the Fathers, both Greek and Latin▪ I should overwhelm him with multitude; I will remit him only to the places cited in the margin, where he shall find store, and that so great, as M. jewel confesseth in this cause our advantage notorious, saying: Hear I grant M. Harding is like to find some good advantage, as having undoubtedly a great number of 
jewel defence pag. 164.  Fathers on his side. So he. But my intention is to disprove only what M. Hall doth bring, and not to urge against him: to answer I mean, & not to dispute: wherefore he having spent all the small store of his authorities, as little boys who 
M. Hall playeth small game.  when they have in play lost their money will stake their points, and when all his go fall to play at pick straw: even so this man after the Father's words, after the examples of their practice, in which both as you see he is foiled, and hath lost all, he cometh now to play at pick-straw indeed, & to urge the palea, or chasse which is in Gratian, as though it were good corn, and out of that will prove, that as one man begets another, so Popes to have begotten other Popes, who succeeded them in the Episcopal Sea: and albeit this fond fiction have been long since refuted for a fable by D. Harding, as it might have 
Harding in his detection fol. 237.  ashamed any man ever to have mentioned it any more, yet seeing it is again brought on the stage, let us see a little what it is. Thus M. Hall delivers it.  
37. To omit others (saith he) what should I speak of many Bishops of Rome, whose sons not spurious as now a days, but as Gratian himself 
Many untruths in one passage.  witnesss lawfully begot in wedlock, followed their Fathers in the Pontifical Chair? the reason whereof that Author himself ingenuously rendereth: for that marriage was every where lawful to the Clergy before the prohibition (which must needs be late) and in the Eastern Church to this day is allowed. What need we more testimonies, or more examples? So M. Hall. In which words that is the first untruth, that Gratian himself witnesseth these to have been lawfully begotten in wedlock: for he witnesseth no such matter: the witness for this thing is the Palea, or Chasse, the Author whereof is different from Gratian, and a more modern writer, 
Baronius in anno 1152. in fine.  as Baronius truly avoucheth, and so his credit the less, and in this particular fancy nothing at all, as now we shall see.  
38. The second, that the sons of Popes now adays are spurious, which with the lie contains an injurious slander: for what sons doth this man know of Popes of our days? I fear me in 
An injurious calumniation.  our days these men will change our old Grammar, and make mentiri of a Deponent to become a verb Common: for no man can pass the impure tongues and lying lips of these men without misreporting or villainy. We know what Nicetas 
Nietas in vitalgnat. Constant.  writeth: Nihil ita capit animos invidia odieque imbutos quàm sinistra de, eo quem oderis narratio. Nothing so much draweth the minds of such as are possessed with envy and hatred, as a false report of him whom you hate: and so knowing M. Hall your hatred, we wonder less at this slanderous and shameless reproach: yea following the rule of S. Bernard, we draw from your wicked words flowing out of the malignant rancour which aboundeth in your heart, the contrary persuasion to that which you pretend: for as he very truly observeth: Non potest bonus non esse qui bonis placet, nec 
Bernard. epist. 24●.  minùs validum argumentum mihi videtur quòd bonus sit, si malis è regione despliceat. He cannot but be good, who contenteth the good, and it is with me no less forcible an argument, that he is likewise good, if on the other side he displease those who be bad. So S. Bernard. Wherefore when you charge Popes with incontinency, all Priests with treasons, & the like, we find that good men love them the better for your hatred, and in many things we say of you and yours, as S. Augustin of Herod in respect of the infants he slew in and about Bethleem: Plùs prosuit odio, quàm prosuisset obsequio: He did them more good by his hatred than he could have done by his favour: so in the later accounting day, these rank breathes patiently endured, will not want their ever enduring rewards, as he hath promised who cannot deceive us, and your persecutions in the end will crown the sufferers with the stole of immortality.  
39 And by this occasion to speak of this present Pope Paulus the fifth, and that not for received courtesies (for I never in respect of my 
The singular continency of this present Pope.  self have had farthing of him) or expected hops (for I pretend nothing) much less for flattery, (which I abhor, and where I never seek to be beholding, why should I flatter) but only and merely for truth, and love of the virtue of purity which I admire, & which in all the course of his life hath been in him most resplendent: We see Princes faults to be more conspicuous than other men's, by reason of their place, whereby they are made the continual object of curious eyes, and ordinary subject of licentious tongues, because men soon espy & easily speak of what Princes do: but such is the integrity of this worthy Pastor, and hath ever been in the whole course of his life, as even those who yet in other things little affect him, never speak but with admiration of his chastity, which none more commend then those who most know the man, and myself have heard divers marvel at the uniform, constant, & singular opinion which all men have of his purity of life, and how that even from his infancy, he never hath yet had the least stain or touch of contrary imputation, & therefore this malicious aspersion might well have been spared of spurious sons of the Bishops of Rome in these days, which only concerneth your Superintendents of England, of whose impurity we want nor certain records, which upon these injurious slanders, we may perhaps be moved to set forth, which else even for very shame, and credit of our nation, we could have been contented to conceal.  
40. The third untruth, and that a very gross one is, that many Bishops of Rome lawfully begot in wedlock followed their Fathers in the Pontifical chair. For in this Chaff in Gratian we find but one named, 
A notorious lie.  & that in these words: Silverius Papa filius Silueri●● piscopis Romae Silverius the Pope son of Silverius the Bishop of Rome: & how then doth this man tell us out of Gratian of many Bishops of Rome following their Fathers in the Pontifical chair? What Hyperbolical manner of speech is this to make one only man, and his son to be many fathers and many sons? doth this man heed what he writeth? Nothing less: for such is his stupidity, as looking with blear eyes, he not only taketh one man for many, but is mistaken also in that very one, and thinketh that to be which is not all: for who ever heard of a second Silverius Pope of Rome? What record, or mention is there thereof? Truly non at all: & suppose there had been, yet would it not have followed, I trow, that he had begot that child whiles he was either Pope or Priest, which as I must often tell him is our only question.  
41. And the weakness of this citation would have appeared the better, if M. H●ll had but alleged the Canon itself, and the first Pope named in that Catalogue, which had been enough to have shamed all: for thus it gins Osius Papa fuit filius Stephani Subdiaconi, Osius the Pope was son 
M. Hall's strange Steven the Subdeacon.  of Steven the Subdeacon. But who ever heard of a Pope Osius? let M. Hall read over all the row of Popes from S. Peter to Paul who now sitteth in the chair, and he shall find no such name, and his Father seemeth to be some individuum vagum, Steven a Subdeacon in the air: for of what place, or whose Subdeacon he was, he saith nothing: and it should seem this Subdeacon Steven was a very charitable man, a friend to orphans, and father of the fatherless: for Deusdedit the Pope wanting as is should seem a Father, this Steven steppeth in again, and standeth for his Father also. Doubtless he was husband to Pope joan, that could beget Popes so fast, and I wish that when any of your friends (M. Hall) print that table again, to put down this particular, which will much grace the whole tale, and you may if you list the better to please fools, follow your Father Fox in giving her a picture between her two sons Popes, Osius, & Deusdedit: but to leave these toys, and to end this matter.  
42. Only the Reader must further note, that this Palea to make up a full number, being as it 
M. Halls Chasse of small memory.  seemeth of a short memory telleth the same men over twice: for so he dealeth with Felix, whom he putteth in the third place, who is brought in again under the name of Felix the third, which addition of number might have been put as well in the first place, because the thing only agreeth unto the third Felix, and none of the rest: for the Father of the first was Constantius, of the second Anastasius: and likewise Agapitus named in the fourth place, is numbered and named again in the last to make up the score: and the Father of Gelasius the first of that name made Bishop of a lay man, such grave Authors doth M. Hall produce against us: and supposing all were true, yea and that they had been many, yet he might have had the answer unto them all, where he borrowed the objection: for the gloss explicateth the Text saying: Omnia ista exempla intellige de ij etc. Understand all these examples of them, who were borne of their parents being in the state of lay men, or the lesser Orders, when they might lawfully use their wives. And what is this to M. Hall's purpose? what doth this prove against us?  
43. You will say that this Author ingenuously as M. Hall saith, doth render a reason hereof, because that marriage was every where lawful to the Clergy before the prohibition (which must needs be late) and in the Eastern Church to this day is allowed: and I answer that the gloss as ingenuously altogether, & much more truly rejecteth this opinion with an, id verò minimè ita esse: there was no such matter, & in another distinction excuseth Gratian 
The name of Priest extended by Canon lawyers to all that are in holy orders.  as taking the word Priest in a larger signification, as including all in holy Orders, and meaning thereby Subdeacons' only and not Priests, which acception is familiar with Canon Lawyers, & founded even in the Canon itself, where it is said: Si quispiam Sacerdotum, id est Presbyter, Diaconus, vel Subdiaconus etc. If any of the Priests, that is to say a Priest, Deacon, or Subdeacon etc. in 
Dist. 31. ini●. can. 1. q. 1. Si quispiam. in glossa dist. 33. cap. 1. dist 81. c. si quispiam Dist. 31. Greg. l. 1. epist. 42.  which sense we may grant that the time was when some who were married were made Subdeacons', which is further confirmed because in another distinction before, Gratian putting down the title: Nondum erat institutum ut Sacerdotes continentiam seruarent: It was not yet ordained that Priests should contain from their wives, he presently citeth a place of S. Gregory, touching Subdeacons', of which we shall speak in the next paragraph.  
44. But whatsoever he meant we are not 
Bellar. l. de script. Eccles. in Gratian. Baron. in annis 341, 774. 865. 876 964. Possevin. in apparatu §. de Gratiano id sciendum ist eum saepe errasse etc.  bound to follow him as an infallible writer, but may with free liberty reject, whom so many grave Writers upon divers occasions have so sharply censured: that he gathered so many laws decrees, & Canons together, argueth great learning, great labour, in so large a matter & con used heap of different authorities to be mistaken is no marvel: wherein he did well we praise him, where otherwise we pity the errors, but follow them not: if therefore he were of opinion as is words seem to sound, that Priests were first permitted to marry, and were after restayned from that liberty, we follow the gloss & not the Text, because all Authors of credit maintain the contrary: and as for the commentary 
Gratian of no infallible authority.  of M. Hall, that this prohibition must needs be very late, I must needs tell him that it is another untruth, & that also refuted by Gratian himself throughout all his 31. Distinction, which falsity because I shall touch after again in due place, I here forbear further to stand upon, and from Gratian come to the main bull work and fortress of M. Hall's defence: I mean the sixth Council, as he calls it of Constantinople, in answering of which 
The authority of the I rullan Synod cited and most insisted in by M. Hall at large refuted.  because he relieth so much thereon, I will be more particular.  
45. And for that M. Hall in urging this Council is no less eager in charging us, then resolute in affirming, that marriage of all Clergy men to be decreed therein, and the testimony not to be liable to any exception, as of a general Council as he styleth it, I will first touch the authority of this Council, than what he saith for himself against us out of the same, and last of all what as well by general as provincial Counsels hath been defined against the marriage of Clergy men, by which I hope it shall appear what little cause there was of triumph before the conquest, & how much our poor adversaries make of a little, who like petty Pedlars lay open their pins and points, obtruding copper for gold, and pieces of glass for precious stones.  
46. This Council then here cited, is not 
See Baron. in ann. 692.  the sixth Council, which made no Canons at ●●, but another Conventicle made some ten years after the sixth was ended, & that at the procurement of justinian the younger, none of the best Emperors, 
The Council of Trullum not the 6. Council.  God wots, who calling together certain Greek Bishops, made them sit in a place of his palace called Trullum, because it was made round and vaulted, and there to gather Canons out of the fift and sixth Synods, which indeed they pretended to do, but with many erroneous additions of their own, and because it made the collection out of these two Counsels it was called Quinisextum, as much to say as of the fift and sixth: the chief suggester of this seditious meeting was Callinicus Patriarch of Constantinople, and that for extreme hatred of the Western Church, by which we see, which in many histories we observe, that it is easy for a Prince who intendeth to be nought, to find some one or other Clergy man of the same disposition to second him. justinian had his Callinicus, the fourth Henry Emperor his Benno, and our King Henry the 8. his Crammer, and others the like.  
47. And further we see all the circumstances occurring in this Council, to demonstrate it rather to have been a seditious conspiracy than 
The Trullan Synod no lawful Council but a seditious conspiracy.  any lawful synod: for i● had no form of a Council, no legates of the Pope, no inviting of the Latin Bishops, no authority but imperial, no lawful convocation, and in fine did out of arrogant presumption that which appertained not unto it to do: for if in the Council of Chalcedon after the last session was ended, when presently Anatolius to further the better without contradiction his ambitious claim over the other patriarchs (the Patriarch of Alexandria Dioscorus who should have withstood him being then newly deposed) gathered the Greek Bishops to make another Decree, the same, as not done in Council, was annulled: what is to be thought of this meeting, when not one day, but ten years after a general Council was ended, these men who were but one part, and that the least and less sincere, without calling the rest, or being lawfully called themselves, laid hands on two general councils at once, cut out Canons, chopped, changed, added and altered at their pleasures?  
48. And how general this Council was and how generally accepted even in the Greek Church where it was held, Anastasius Bibliothecarius 
Anastasius Bibliothecarius.  will testify in his dedicatory epistle unto john the eight before the seventh Council which he translated into Latin, where after he had said that all these Canons were unknown in the Latin Church, he addeth: Sed nec in caeterarum Patriarchalium sedium (licet Graeca utantur lingua) reperiuntur archtuis etc. Nor yet are they found in the treasuries, or places where public charters or records are kept of the other patriarchal Seas: 
The Trullan Synod not admitted by the other patriarchs.  because none of these patriarchs did promulgate, consent, or was present when they were set forth, notwithstanding the Grecians report those patriarchs to have promulgated them, but this they cannot prove by any certain arguments. So Anastasius. So as the credit and authority of this Council was confined like our Catholics in England to their five miles, I mean within very narrow bounds, and was even in the very birth like a base brat branded in the forehead with shame, both of the matter and makers.  
49. And this is further evicted by two grave Authors of that age, whereof one, to wit Venerable Bede was then living, and Paulus Diaconus the other, not long after, who both writ of it as of 
It was presently condemned by Pope Sergius.  a schismatical and no true Council, and that Sergius the Pope condemned it, for which cause the furious Emperor sent Zacharias his Ambassador to Rome, to bring the Pope prisoner to Constantinople, which had been effected if the soldiers of Ravenna had not resisted and forced the Ambassador not without shame, and fear also of his life to return back without him: Hic beatae 
Beda l. de sex aetat. in lustin. iuniore.  memoriae Pontificem Romanae Ecclesia Sergium etc. justinian the younger (saith Bede) commanded Sergius Bishop of Rome of blessed memory, to be carried to Constantinople, because he would not favour and subscribe unto his erring Council (erraticae Synodo) which he had caused there to be made, sending for that purpose Zacharias his chief captain; but the garrison of the City of Ravenna, and soldiers of the places adjoining, rejected the wicked command of the Prince, and made the said Zachary not without reproach & injuries to recoil. So S. Bede. And the same in the same words Paulus Diaconus: and so far was Sergius from approving it, as he saith of him that justinian 
The rare constancy of Pope Sergius.  in another embassage before that now recounted had sent unto the Pope, as to the head of all Priests the said Council written out in six tomes to be subscribed unto: Qui beatissimus Pontifex penitus eidem justiniano Augusto non acquievit etc. Which most holy Pope yielded not a jot to the Emperor justinian, neither would he vouchsafe to take or read them Moreover he rejected them as of no force, and cast them away, choosing rather to die, then to yield to the errors of these noveltyes. So Paulus Diaconus, who also recounteth how the same Emperor taking afterwards a contrary resolution, sent two of his Metropolitans to Rome to Pope john to confirm or correct these Canons, but neither the one or other was done.  
50. In fine after much wrestling in this matter, for Constantin the Pope, with Gregory who succeeded him (than a private man) went to Constantinople, disputed, answered, refeled the errors, 
God's just revenge upon justinian the Emperor and Callinicus the Patriarch.  declared the truth, when notwithstanding the Emperor still persisted, God showed at last which part pleased him best: for the first Author or instigatour Callinicus had both his eyes pulled out by the emperors command, & was banished to Rome where he knew full well what his entertainment would be, and the Emperor himself having first lost his nose, than his Empire, last of all lost also his life, having first his son Tiberius butchered, and then his own head cut off by one of his rebel soldiers, and sent to Philippus his mortal enemy and successor in the Empire: so as we see just revenge sooner or later overtakes them who are to busy in laying their hands on the sacred Ark of Ecclesiastical affairs, and out of their arrogancy will teach & direct those of whom they are themselves to be taught & directed: for in matters of this nature Bishops or Pastors have always taught Kings, and no Christian Kings in the Primitive Church have prescribed unto Bishops, unless such alone as with their sceptres have violently over swayde all reason and Religion together.  
51. This is the true narration of this bastard Council, which of purpose I have exactly promised, and that both for the better perspicuity of the thing itself, and my answers which depend thereon, as also for that you may the better know the vain humours of our Adversaries, & how they can face out a matter when they intent to deceive, or are not able to show what they would pretend to prove: for here M. Hall tells us what this Counsel saith: To the confusion of all replyers, in spite of all contradiction, that 
Singular impudence in facing out matters upon so small proof.  the catholics seeing themselves pressed with so flat a decree, confirmed by authority of Emperors, as would abide no denial etc. And again: that this one authority is enough to weigh down an hundred petty Conventicles, and many legions (if there had been many) of private contradictions. And what will you say to this pedlar, who thus prattleth of his small wares? If he had any argument against us as he hath none, how would he vaunt? do these men speak out of conscience or knowledge, trow you, or else ad populum phaleras, to entertain time, and deceive their Readers? in my judgement this is impudence in the superlative degree, and for this alone he deserveth for ever to be discredited; seeing he could not but know what we had answered to this Synod, & and that himself was not able thereunto to make any reply, but this his talent of shameless dealing will better appear in all the other particulars, which I will now in order discuss.  
52. First then he saith that this was a general Council, and so he still termeth it the sixth general Council, but this we have now showed 
The Trullan Conventicle no general Council.  to be false: for it was neither the sixth, nor yet general, as not called by the Bishop of Rome, but by him who had no authority, no Bishop, Priest, or Deacon sent from the Sea Apostolic was there, which in no general Council lawfully assembled was ever wanting, none of the rest of the patriarchs of the East were present, none of the West invited, and the Canons by supreme authority at their first appearance condemned, which things cannot agree to a true general Council: and if it were Provincial (as M. Hall shall never make more of it if he make so much) then can it not make laws to bind the whole Church, but that particular province wherein it was made, and if these also by higher power be condemned, as in this case it happeneth, then doth it not bind that neither, or any place else, but is to be refused of all, as was the Council of Carthage called by S. Cyprian, which allowed the rebaptizing of infants which had been christened by heretics, which M. Hall might as well have urged against us, as this of Constantinople, and better also for that S. Cyprian is of a greater authority, more antiquity, sanctity and learning, than Callinicus was: for he died a renowned Martyr, and the other neither Martyr, nor Confessor, nor scant an honest man.  
53. Nor is M. Hall contented with that title of general falsely and unjustly as Binnius noteth usurped by these schismatical Bishops, but further will have it to be a sacred Council▪ for so he 
The Trullan Synod no sacred Council but a profane assembly.  saith: But this sacred Council doth not only universally approve this practice etc. which point before upon another occasion I have spoken of, when I showed these men more to care for their wives, then for any conscience or Religion at all, which there I did only insinuate, and here as in the proper place I mean more fully to prosecute, and to show that in this Council nothing is directly decreed for M. Hall and his, but that Priests may sometimes use their wives, all other Canons being either of things indifferent, or for us against him, or else for some error against us both, which if I show it will take away all doubt in this matter, and prove that in this man's opinion the only granting of a wise is sufficient to make a Council, that hath defined never so many 
Canon. 4. Carnal knowledge of Religious women punished by the Trullan Council.  other things against him to be both general & sacred.  
54. First then in the fourth Canon it is defined, that if any Clergy man, have carnally known a Religious woman (as Luther, Bucer, & others did) that he be deposed: which article if M. Hall will insist on his own grounds he cannot defend, because he calls the vows of Religious filthy vows, and will have their observance to involve an impossible necessity: and no doubt should he be permitted to preach in any Monastery of Nuns, his first Sermon should be to persuade them to set open the doors, run their ways, and take husbands: so as in this the sacred Council standeth more I trow for us then him, yea quite condemneth his first parents, who allowed no virgins, but deflowered them: & how in our Country this new Gospel favoureth monasteries here mentioned appeareth by this, that the first corner stone thereof was laid by King Henry in the overthrow of all monasteries of England, and the same spirit still remaineth in all the children and posterity of these parents.  
55. In the 32. Canon it is commanded that 
Canon 32.  water be mingled with the wine in the sacrifice and that in this form of words: Quoniam ad nostram 
Mingling of wine & water in the sacrifice.  cognitionem pervenit etc. because we are given to understand that in the country of the Armenians they offer only wine on the holy table, not mingling water therewith who celebrate the unbloody sacrifice, alleging the Doctor of the Church john chrysostom, saying thus in his commentary upon S. Matthew: Where Christ after his Resurrection drank not water but wine, pulling up by the root another wicked heresy, because there were many who used water alone in the mysteries etc. And a little after▪ Wherefore because the wicked heresy of water defenders was ancient, who for wine used only water in the proper sacrifice, this divine man refelling this wicked succession of that heresy, and showing it to be directly contrary to the Apostolical tradition, he confirmed that which is now said, and because in his own Church where he was Bishop, he appointed, when the unbloody sacrifice was offered, water to be mingled with the wine, proving this doctrine out of the precious sovereign blood, & water which issued from our saviours side, & was shed for the life of the world, and redemption of sinners.  
56. And then further showing the same out of the practice & ordination of S. james, the Apostle in Jerusalem, of S. Basil in Caesarea, and express mention thereof in the 3. Council of Carthage (in which was S. Augustine) all these I say mentioning the sacrifice and mingling of water with the wine in the same, this sacred Council maketh this cautelous, resolute, & full decree: Si quis ergo Episcopus vel Presbyter non secundum traditum ab Apostolis ordinem facit etc. If therefore any Bishop or Priest observe not the order delivered by the Apostles, and mingling water with wine so offer the undefiled sacrifice, let him be deposed, as proposing the Mystery imperfectly and foolishly, & innovating those things which 
An unbloody sacrifice mingling of water with wine at Mass, Apostollcall traditions granted by the Council of Trullum.  have been delivered to the Church. So there. Which words I have cited more at large, for that they make so directly for us against our Adversaries, and that in three special points in Controversy.  
57 For here we have an unbloody sacrifice, not Metaphorical, which only the Protestants allow, of prayers and praising God, but real and that in bread and wine: that there is water to be mingled with the wine, which they also both in doctrine and practice deny, and both the one and the other are proved by Apostolical tradition, which with M. Hall makes no proof and for all this we have the authority of another Council of S. Basil, and S. chrysostom, so as this one Canon of this sacred Synod allows us as I said three Catholic truths, and hath nothing for Ministers, but that they are not defenders of water alone without wine in their communions, with which heresy no man who knoweth well their natures will ever charge them: for they are so far from that error, as they will taste as little water as they may, and drink nothing but of the pure grape without any other mixture to allay the heat: but let us see some few more Canons.  
58. I omit the very next Canon which 
To●●ura Cl●ricalis.  warneth all Priests to have their hair cut, and that none unless he be cut after the Priestly manner, nisi is Sacerdotali tonsura usus sit, be suffered to preach: so that what authority soever M. Hall 
M. Hall's modesty.  give unto the decrees, and make them sacred, yet the decreers must needs in his judgement be all shavelings, as it pleaseth the modest man to term all Catholic Priests and Religious persons: but for that this more concerneth manners and Ecclesiastical policy or government then faith, I will no further mention it, as neither the 49. Canon, wherein it is decreed, that no monasteries be ever made secular houses, or given over to be inhabited by secular men, which if it were in use in England, would overthrow many gentlemen who are in possession (but by what right will be seen at the last day) of Abbey lands and houses: for to omit other reasons, here they have a severe decree of a sacred Council, if M. Hall may be credited against them, which puts them all under the penal laws of the Canons made in that behalf.  
59 In the 73. Canon the worship of the 
Can. 73.  Cross is delivered, & we are taught to ad●●● the same, the words are perspicuous & effectual, & 
The worship of the Cross acknowledged  bear this sense, that by reason it is the banner of our salvation, & instrument whereby we were delivered from the shall we had in our first parents that therefore, & mente, & sermone, & sensu adorationem ci tribuentes etc. in mind, speech, and affection adoring the same etc. and for this cause all crosses be forbidden to be made on the ground, or pavement, lest by the passengers feet walking thereon, victoriae tropheam iniuria assiciatur, the trophy of our victory be abused. Is this observed in England? do you ministers teach the people for reverence of our saviours passion to make the Cross in no place, but where it may be worshipped? and not on the ground, lest it be trodden under foot? or else do you pull them down from the Churches where they were worshipped, and tread them under your feet? you shall not need to answer, for your facts do speak, & show you to be as perfect Iconoclasts as ever lived, and enemies of these Crosses, whereof these Bishops were so great friends: and further where you hold the worship of the Cross Idolatry, how can that Council be sacred with you which so plainly commandeth it? I see the love you bear your wife, M. Hall, is a potent passion and far transports you; seeing it forceth you to call that Synod sacred which defendeth Idolatry.  
60. And as in this Canon they reverence 
Can. 30  the Cross, so with no less respect do they speak of all other holy images in the 82. calling them 
The use of holy images approved.  venerabilium imaginum picturas, the pictures of venerable images: and forbidding the painting of Christ according to the shadows of the old law, they give order how he is to be described; which care never troubles your thoughts who as much reverence the picture of the Devil, as of jesus Christ: for you deny all reverence to either, and although in shops or chambers you permit them both to be painted, yet within your Churches Christ his picture is as much excluded as the image of Beelzebub, and sometimes it happens that in walls and windows we see our saviours and his Saints pictures defaced, razed, and broken in pieces, whiles the picture of the other stands entire and untouched, which practise in those times were unknown when images were worshipped by Christians, and image breakers condemned for heretics, which happened in the very next general Council held after this Trullan conventicle, as all the world doth know.  
61. Of the use of holy chrism, what better testimony can be required then the 95. Canon? 
Can. 9●. & 101.  and of the real presence in the 101. where in the Communion the faithful are said to receive immaculatum corpus, the immaculate body, 
Holy chrism, and real presence.  and before in the 28. where a Priest entangled with unlawful marriage is forbidden ne Christi corpus alijs distribuat, that he distribute not the body of Christ to others by communicating them, and the power of remitting and retaining sins in the last, where the Priest is said to have received power of binding and losing, and is willed to consider the quality of the sin, and sinner, that thereby he may be the better able to help him: all which points in our English Synagogue are paradoxes, and either repugnant to the Word, or wanting sufficient warrant of truth, but in this Council they were not doubted of, but are all and each of them acknowledged and approved as Catholic and sincere.  
62. Besides these Canons which by us are acknowledged, & impugned by our Ministers, there is one Canon which we do both condemn, 
Can. 76. Forbidding of meats which have blood in them.  to wit the 76. where all meat that hath blood in it is forbidden, according to the old decree in the first Council that ever was called in the Apostles times, wherein it was defined that Christians should abstain à suffocato & sanguine, from strangled things and blood, which being but a temporal law made to exercise the obedience of the Gentiles, and support the weakness of the jews for a time, until they were fully united, and the law of Moses had yielded to the Gospel of Christ, and all legal ceremonies ceased, these men as if we were still under that yoke, forbidden the eating of blood, which yet the Protestants do eat, and feed also their servants with black puddings, though in Suffolk some are found to be more scrupulous, as is reported in the Book of the profane schism of the Brownists.  
63. I may seem to want compassion thus to crush one so far under, as that he can neither go, stand, nor creep, and indeed I could be contented with these Canons alleged, which show the sanctity of this Trullan Synod so much magnified and extolled, as you have heard, to show some pity to this poor man, but that ere I end, I must perforce cope closer with him, and that in the very matter controverted: which combat requirs the better attention, for that M. Hall adventures far, and offers if he be cast to be esteemed as faithless: and I offer no less if I ouerbeare him not therein to undergo the same infamy, so as now we both must stand to our tackling, or else lose all our credit. M. Hall as a 
M. Hall 〈…〉 at his word.  champion casting up his Gauntlet, with more courage than wit, maketh this challenge. If any Protestant Church (saith he) in Christendom can make a more peremptory, more full and absolute, more cautelous de●rce for the marriage of Ecclesiastical persons, let me be condemned as faithless. So he: a bold proffer, and I take him at his word, & will prove him faithless by this very Council, yea this very Canon which he doth city, or else I give him leave to bestow that infamous title on myself.  
64. And to the end there be no mistaking in the terms: I understand by a full and absolute 
What is to be proved against M. Hall to prove him faithless.  decree, such a decree as compriseth whatsoever belongeth to all the things in controversy in that matter wherein it is made: for if it should touch one only part, and not another, it were neither full nor absolute, but rather defective and limited: so as when M. Hall saith, that this decree of Vrullum is full and absolute for the marriage of Ecclesiastical persons, and that no Protestant Church in Christendom can make one more full, it must necessarily follow that it absolutely and fully concludeth all this matter of the marriage of Clergy men in most ample manner, and that if it be defective in any one point, it is not so full and absolute, but that a fuller & more absolute may be made by Protestants if they should meet together to make one, as in King Edward's days they did: this he must understand, or else he understandeth not himself, and this if I disprove, I prove him faithless: I mean if I show this Canon not to be so full, but a more full and cautelous may be made, as supplying that wherein this is wanting, which is very much of that which this man pretendeth as now you shall see.  
65. And for the better decision of this point & understanding of this Canon, it will be necessary 
What in general i● decreed in the Trullan Council touching the marriage of Priests & Clergy men.  to know what touching the marriage of Clergy men hath been delivered in this Council, all which may be reduced to four heads, whereof the first concerneth their wives, the rest themselves. Touching the first in the 4. Canon one restriction is made, that if any Bishop, Priest, Deacon, Subdeacon etc. shall have carnal copulation with a Religious woman, that he be deposed: if any lay man, that he be separated, and the reason is, ut qui Christi sponsae vitium attulerit: because he hath deflowered the spouse of Christ. And in the next precedent Canon is made another, wherein it is defined, that whosoever hath twice been married, or hath had a concubine, can neither be Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, and likewise that none can be Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, who have married a widow, or one put from her husband: and truly if marriages be free for Clergy men without all restraint, and the Council have made so full a decree, as none can make a fuller, why may they not have as much liberty herein as other men have, and marry toties quoties their wives shall die and they have list to take others? And if Ecclesiastical men by this Council have an express prohibition to the contrary, than I infer that they are restrained: for if this prohibition were not, the decree of their marriage were more full, more peremptory, more absolute, as he hath more full peremptory and absolute liberty who is free to go where he will, than he who is forbidden many places where else willingly he would go: this needeth no more proof, than this other: here it is midnight, ergo here it is not noon day.  
66. The second point defined is in the 6. Canon, where according to the constitutions of the Apostles it is determined:  deinceps nulli penitus 
None permitted to marry after ordination.  hypodiacono, vel Diacono, vel Presbytero post sui ordinationem contrahere liceat etc. That hereafter it be not lawful for any Subdeacon, Deacon, or Priest to marry after his ordination, and if he presume to do it, let him be deposed: but if any who are to be Clergy men will by the law of matrimony have a wife, let him marry before he be either Subdeacon, Deacon, or Priest. So there, which particularly toucheth M. Hall if he have any orders: for I understand that he was Minister first and married after, which here to such as be in holy orders is absolutely forbidden, and thereupon it follows that such as were made Priests, Deacons, or Subdeacons' of married men after the death of their wives, were for eever debarred from marrying again.  
67. The third thing decreed is, that which 
Bishop's forbidden to use their wive which they had before their ordination.  before I mentioned out of the 10. and 48. Canons, in both which Bishops are forbidden not only to use their wives, but also to dwell with them, yea their wives are commanded to live in a Monastery, which must be procul ab Episcopi habitatione exstructum, built far off from the house of the Bishop, where the said Bishops are commanded to provide for them: and that if any do the contrary he be deposed.  
68 The 4. and last thing is, that which M. Hall hath painted out in his margin, setting it 
The Council allowed married men to be made Priests, but with some restriction.  down at full length, and it is only the main proof of his epistle, of which he so much braggeth and vaunteth as you have heard, and saith that it is as full and absolute a decree as any Protestant Church can make, or else he will be condemned as faithless: and to the end he may not complain that I extenuate or diminish the force of his argument by following another translation, as less favouring him, although in the thing itself I find no difference in any edition: I will take the Text out of his own book, truly turned out of Greek into Latin (as he saith) by Kemnitius, though I need not to take all for truth, which M. Hall (whom presently by his own testimony I shall condemn for faithless) proposeth for such. Thus than it runneth.  
69. Quoniam in Romana Ecclesia loco Canonis, seu 
Can. 13.  decreti traditum esse cognovimus etc. For that we have known it delivered in the Roman Church by way of Canon, or decree, that such Deacons or Priests as are to be esteemed worthy of ordering profess for the time to come never to know their wives, we following the old Canon of the Apostolical, sincere, exquisite, and orderly constitution, will have the lawful conjugal cohabitation of holy men (or men in holy Orders) even from this day hereafter to be valid & firm no ways dissolving their conjunction or copulation with their own wives: therefore if any one be found worthy etc. he is not to be prohibited to ascend to this degree, for that he dwelleth with his lawful wife, neither let it be demanded of him in the time of his ordering, or be compelled that he would or ought to abstain from the lawful use of his own wife. So he out of the Council. And this is that rare jewel he hath found in scraping the dunghill of this condemned Synod.  
70. All these things then being defined in this Council, let us now see whether this one decree be so full, absolute, peremptory, and cautelous, 
No Bishop named in the Trullan councils Canon cited by M. Hall.  as that no Protestant Church in Christendom can make a more full, for the marriage of Ecclesiastical persons: for first no Bishop is here named, and by other Canons they are by name excluded. Again here is no grant for Priests to marry after their ordination, nor yet is that recalled of having but one wife, or debarring such as have married widows etc. and cannot this in your opinion M. Hall be more full, more absolute? I hope you will grant Bishops to be Ecclesiastical men, and likewise Priests, who are ordered out of wedlock, as you were yourself, if that disorderly promotion of yours may have that title, and then upon that concession I make this argument, or demonstration rather to conclude you faithless: No Canon is so full and absolute for the marriage of Ecclesiastical persons as a fuller cannot be made which allows not all Bishops (the chiefest of the Clergy) & all single Priests leave to marry, & such as may marry, not to take what wives they last: but the Canon cited by M. Hall is such a one, ergo it may be more 
Two most evident demonstrations.  full and absolute. And then further: If that Canon may be more full and absolute, then is M. Hall proved faithless with his own consent, but it may be more full & absolute: for it may grant marriage as well to Bishops, as single Priests, & liberty to take what wives they list, ergo M. Hall is faithless. I see not what other answer he can give hereunto, then concedo totum: for it is in perfect form and figure.  
71. And in my judgement none can sufficiently admire the rare impudence of these men who use so much boasting where they find so little occasion: for whereas of four things determined in this Trullan Council touching these marriages, three of them make directly for us; he as though all stood full on his side, offers very desperately to be condemned as faithless, if any Protestant Church can make a fuller decree than that which he citeth, when as not only they can make, but de facto have made in England, as now I will show, where Bishops and Ministers, even in their ministry marry and remarry, & toti in hoc sunt, which dealing of his, is as much as if some ridiculous soldier should vantingly brag of his horse, to be the best and swiftest in the land, and offer to pawn his life on any race he should run, and yet that horse of his should be found to have but one leg, & that also lame, 
Bedlam bragging.  on which he could neither go, nor stand; who would not think such a one more fit for bedlam then any sober company? and truly so it fareth here with M. Hall, who pawneth all his credit (which to an honest man is more dear than his life) if any Protestant Church can make a more full decree for Ecclesiastical men's marriages, when as yet in four points decreed by the Council touching that matter, three are flat against him, and the fourth also doth want of full measure as is evident.  
72. For after the words cited before by M. Hall, it followeth in the same Canon, Scimus & qui 
The use of wives forbidden to Priests whiles they did serve in the Church.  Carthagine convenerunt etc. we know, as the Fathers also who assembled at Carthage, having care of the gravity and honesty of the Clergy have said that Subdeacons' who touch the holy mysteries, as also Deacons, and Priests in their turns, abstain from their wives, and to the end that we may likewise observe the custom delivered by the Apostles, & observed in all antiquity (knowing the time for every thing) let this especially be kept in fasting and prayer: for they who ●ssist the divine altar in the time they touch these sacred things, must altogether be continent (or abstain from their wives) that they may obtain that of God, which they humbly demand. So in this Canon, at the making whereof it seemeth these married Subdeacons', Deacons, Priests to have been ordered for the want that was of others in supplying the offices of the Church, and so were not bound always, but at certain time & by course to yield their attendance, at which time they were as you see debarred from their wives: and if they had always been employed, their wives had for ever been forbidden, and so the grant here given is not so full as it should be for M Hall, and his, who will endure no such restrictive limitation.  
73. But when it pleased God whose judgements are unsearchable to permit our country to make a revolt from the known Catholic Church, and to submit the same to the malediction 
Isa. 3.  mentioned in the Prophet: Dabopueros Prin cipes, & esseminati dominabuntur eyes. I will give them children for their princes, and effeminate companions 
The decree for the marriage of Clergy men under King Edward the 6. far more full absolute, and peremptory then than which was made in the Trullan Synod.  shall rule over them: then I say under a young child, an effeminate Metropolitan, and a silly simple Protector the fullness of this lewd liberty did enter, and the reins were let lose to all licentious life: I mean in the time of K. Edward the sixth, when Only faith covered all sins, satisfied for all villainy, and supplied all good works, and when there was no mirth among Ministers but in marriage; then I say in the first parliament (albeit King Henry the 8. by the same authority some 7. years before had made it to be enacted, that Priests after the order of priesthood by the law of God might not marry) it was decreed that whosoever should be afterwards, or were already of the Clergy, that the same person or persons should be from thence forth admitted, & allowed to have his or their 
Anno 1. Eduard. cap. 12.  Clergy, although they or any of them had been divers or sundry times married to any single woman, or to any widow or widows, or to two wives or more, any law, statute, or usage to the contrary whatsoever. So the Parliament. And this is more full, absolute, and peremptory, than the Canon of Trullum as you see: for here that is granted, which is there denied: there was a limitation to one wife, a prohibition from a widow; here hell gate it set wide open, and leave given to the Clergy to take more wives, or widows, no less then for any other men, without any limitation or prohibition at all.  
74. But the statute albeit fuller than the Canon, yet cometh short of another made in the 2. and 3. years of the same King, when at one blow they chopped off all these points together which either in the Trullan, or other councils whatsoever had been defined against them: for in despite of all the world beside, contrary to to the whole course of the Christian Church, General councils, and continual practice of all times and places, especially of our own country thus it was determined, and set down for a law. Be it eneacted by our Sovereign Lord the King with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal etc. that all and every law and laws, Canons, constitutions, and ordinances heertofor made by authority of man only which doth prohibit, or forbidden marriage to any Ecclesiastical 
A most full, peremptory and absolute decree.  or spiritual person, or persons of what estate, condition, or degree they be, or by what name or names soever they be called, which by God's law may lawfully marry in all and every article, branch, and sentence concerning only the prohibition for the marriage of the persons aforesaid, shallbe utterly void, and of none effect. And that all manner of forfeatures, pains, penalties, crimes, or actions which were in the said laws contained, and of the same did follow concerning the prohibition for the marriage of the persons aforesaid, be clearly and utterly void, and of none effect, to all intents, constructions, & purposes, as well concerning marriages heretofore made by any Ecclesiastical or spiritual persons aforesaid, as also such which shallbe duly and lawfully had, celebrated, and made betwixt the persons which by the law of God may lawfully marry. So there.  
75. And now who so will parallel this parliament with M. Hall's sacred Council of Trullum, 
The decrees of the Council and parliament paralleled.  shall soon see how short the one cometh of the other, the Synod I mean of the Statute: for that in the former is only leave given to Priests to keep their wives which they had married before their ordination, and in the Parliament is an absolute leave given to all, and that whether they were married before or after. In that Council Bishops were to put their wives far from them, here they are permitted to keep them at home, or if they had none, to seek and marry them: there the second marriage, or else the taking of a widow made men incapable of holy orders: here no multitude of wives or widows do hinder at all: there to have known a Nun was sacrilege, here if she list to marry, there is open freedom and no prohibition: there (even in M. Hall's Canon) Subdeacons', Deacons, and Priests that did serve by course in the Church, where to forbear their wives for the time of their attendance: here is no more restraint for that time then for any other: there it was a constitution of the Apostles not to marry after they were in holy orders; here where all things went out of order, God's law is to the contrary: in fine this reverseth all that was ordained in that Council against the Protestants, and therefore in the behalf of the marriage of their Clergy men, this is without comparison far more full, and absolute than that.  
76. And as for peremptorines, that was here very singular: for what could be more peremptory 
The Parliament in K. Edward's days very peremptory and resolute.  then for a few sectaries of a little Island, to sit upon all councils, Canons, Constitutions, and all Ecclesiastical laws made and allowed by the whole Christian Church (a few lose Grecians excepted) and without all control practised for so many ages together, and to proclaim them all inualide & of none effect? and further to call them, though defined again and again in never so many councils, General, Provincial, National as after shallbe showed, to be the Laws, Canons, Constitutions, and ordinances made by authority of man only, as if the authority of the whole Church were but the authority of man which is subject to error, and had not the warrant of Christ for her direction and infallibility: and as though that Parliament had had more authority then of a man only, to wit, either Angelical or Divine, when as many therein assembled were not Angels, God wots, & the chief dealers in this broken matter were scant honest men: and as for divine authority it was enough for them to name the law of God, which rightly understood made as much for them, as the laws or our land do for thieves, murderers, and other malefactors.  
77. Which desperate attempt was somewhat 
jacke Straw in the time of K. Richard the second.  like the proceeding of jacke Straw, Wat Tiler, john Bull etc. in the time of Richard the 2. when without authority they sat in Council to suppress all the nobility, Bishops, Canons etc. to kill all the lawyers, and burn the laws of the realm, and of the Clergy to leave none alive but only begging Friars: for as that attempt of subjects was seditious & treasonable, because done against the authority, dignity, person of the King, and laws of the land, so was this of ● few schismatical Bishops, and other lay men, who still have been striving to meddle in Ecclesiastical affairs▪ ●o less rebellious, schismatical and heretical against the Church of Christ: for they who sat in this Council, had no authority over the Church, but were subject to her laws as members thereof, and such Pastors as were present in the same, were subordinate to others of higher calling, without whose consent, authority, and approbation they could not conclude any Ecclesiastical new law prejudicial to the former, more than jacke Straw & his consorts against the Civil: much less could they overthrow a law by divers Synods so often confirmed and still in use from the first planting of the 
The Parliament only a civil Court.  faith in the Island; that also being no tribunal to decide Ecclesiastical, but temporal and Civil, for which only all national Parliaments are summoned: a Parliament may confirm by decree what the Bishops in Synod have defined for the better execution of Ecclesiastical laws, but make laws, or define matters of that nature, being only a Civil Court, it cannot.  
78. Wherefore to end this matter, having showed the large difference that is between these two different decrees, which is as much as I did undertake to do against M. Hall, or else to be cast in this cause, it resteth now that out of these premises & his own grant I conclude against him, and say as our Saviour said to the wicked servant in the Gospel, ex ore tuo te judico serve nequam: I judge thee wicked servant out of thine own mouth: for thus if you remember he said. If any Protestant Church in Christendom can make a more 
M. Hall concluded to be faithless.  peremptory, more full, and absolute, more cautelous decree (than the 13. of the Trullan Synod) for the marriage of Ecclesiastical persons, let me be cond〈…〉ed as saythles: to which mayor, or first proposition set down in his own words, I add this minor: bue the statutes of Edward sixth are more peremptory, more full, more absolute, more cautelous (for they take away all scruple and remorse) than that decree: the conclusion w●ll necessarily follow, ergo he is to be condemned as faithless, or else he must show wherein this syllogism, either for matter, form, or figure doth fail, which he shall never be able to do.  
79. The Apostle amongst other notes of an heretic putteth this for one, that he is proprio judicio 
Tit. 3.  condemnatus, condemned by his own judgement, or a S. Cyprian in divers places conform 
Heretics condemned by themselves.  to the Greek readeth à semetipso, is condemned by himself, which may very fitly be applied to M. H●ll, who is taken as you see in his own turn, and condemned by himself, and that either to want honesty, if King Edward's laws be more full, absolute etc. then the other which he allegeth, or else to be devoid of all shame, if he stand in denial of that which every one perceiveth to be so manifest, and notorious. He shall never be able so to direct his bark, though he were never so skilful a Pilot, as to pass between this Scylla and Carybdis without falling into the gulf and perishing in the froth of his own precipitate folly: and in case this of King Edward were not full enough (as it is too full and runneth over) yet may the Protestant Churches devise a fuller, & so he no less than now remain faithless, witless, and shameless.  
80. And as though he meant to be faithless, witless, and shameless indeed, presently after the words of his rash and reckless promise, he faceth out so palpable an untruth, as in all the writings I have read of Protestants, or all the lies they have made, which are both gross and many, I never to my knowledge have seen any de● 〈…〉 ered with such bravery or lusty bragging as this: so as if any list to know the man's special talent, or the lively character of a shameless writer, he shall not need to seek for any other example: 
A slaunting lie conjoined with singular impudence.  for speaking of this his sacred Canon which sanctified in his opinion the whole Council thus he ruffleth. A place I grant (saith he) miserably handled by our adversaries, and because they cannot blemish it enough, indignly turn it out of the councils: what dare not impudence do? against all evidences of Greek copies, against their own Gratian, against pleas of antiquity? this is the readiest way, whom they cannot answer to burn, what they cannot shift off to blot out, and to cut the knot which they cannot untie. So M. Hall. And who would not think that it were impossible, that one so earnest, in such riot of words, with an exclamation of what dareth not impudence do? in so direct, so eager, so confident, so resolute a charge, to use such villainy (pardon me if I be earnest for this his behaviour is so base, as I know not what other title to give) as to report a mere untruth, & charge us with a lie?  
81. For let this man tell us if he can, how we have blemished, how turn, how burnt, how cut off, how blotted out, against Greek copies, Gratian, and 
All editions of the Trullan Council have M. Hall's Canon.  pleas of antiquity, this Canon? when the same as it is cited by Gratian, as it is in Greek copies, as alleged by authority, is as full, as entire, yea as advantageously set down for our Adversaries in our councils, as is the translation of Kemnitius which he hath given us in his own margin? and of my denial, because it is not set down with such bravery of words, be not a sufficient answer to his affirmative slanderous charge, let the Reader but see these editions which are all that at this present I have by me, to wit of Severinus Binnius, which of all the rest is most ample, in his third ●ome set forth in the year 1606. the edition of Venice printed by Dominicus Nicolinus, in the year 1585. the Roman edition printed in the Pope's Vatican 1612. and before all these, the edition of Paris printed by Audoënus parvus in the year 1555▪ and if all these editions have it (and I suppose the like of others which have printed that Synod) how do we cut it out? how do we tear, burn, or blemish it? and why doth this man so tragically exclaim and declaim against us for that which we neither do nor pretend?  
82. And so far we are from burning, or tearing out this Canon, that in case all the councils that are extant in the world were burnt & torn, yet this Canon would be found both in Gratian, Baronius, Bellarmine, and others: and for pleas of antiquity it is set down by wicked Photius in his epistle to Pope Nicolas at large, which is extant in Baronius: and for the Greek copy, that he shall also find printed in the Vatican 
Baron. to. 10. anno 863. Nicolai 6.  edition, where every page having two columns, one is the Greek, and the other is the Latin: and to go about to cut, burn, blemish, tear, or deface a Canon cited, urged, answered by so many Authors were ridiculous, and impossible: and this man should have proved that we tear, and burn as he saith this Canon indignly, and not instead of proving which he 
What dareth not M. Hall's impudence do?  could not do, cry out like a Bedlam: what dare not impudence do? For we know that impudence will do any thing, if it meet with one that will be as impudent as M. Hall: for than it will even charge us, as he doth, most vauntingly with doing that which we do not, but the contrary, as in this particular instance I have clearly declared.  
83. I am sorry to use this sharpness, were it not that I lance such a festered so are, as lenitives would but hurt, and corrasives must cure: let M. Hall be less impudent, and he shall find me more respective: I love his person, but hate his heresies, and will not see my cause, which is common with all Catholics betrayed, or 
Heretics not to be spared where their dealing is to impudent.  truth by painted falsehood to be misprized: and if he forget all modesty so far, as upon a false & injurious charge to tax us also with impudence, and that even when he showeth it himself in the highest degree, he must have patience if we use so vehement a rejection. Catulus the Roman Orator earnestly pleading, was demanded by his Adversary, cur latras Catule? why dost thou bark Catulus? and he answered, quia lupum video, because I see a wolf. And if I for the same cause bark more than I would for such intolerable dealing, where truth is trampled under foot, & insolency advanced, I deem it better to be too earnest, then with too much mildness to incur the check of the Prophet, Canes muti non valentes 
Isa. 56.  latrare: be like dumb dogs not able to bark, or encounter with the wolf, where his behaviour is so unmasked and open, as here it is. I hope this warning will make him more wary, & if he writ any more to see that it be with such characters, as need not make the writer to blush, his friends to shame, and adversaries to disgrace him: but to draw to an end of this Council.  
84. After this charge (which now to his shame we have discharged) it followeth in his epistle. The Romanists in the next age (saith he) were somewhat more equal, who seeing themselves pressed with so flat a decree, confirmed by authority of Emperors, as would abide no denial, began to distinguish upon the point, limiting this liberty only to the Eastern Church and granting that all the Clergy of the East might marry, not theirs. So Pope Steven the second freely confesses. The tradition, saith he, of 
Answered by Bellarmine cap. 21. §. ad 5. dico.  the Eastern Church is otherwise then that of the Roman Church: for their Priests, Deacons, or Subdeacons' are married, but in this Church or the Western no one of the Clergy from the Subdeacon to the Bishop hath leave to marry. So M. Hall. And then after his manner vauntingly saith: Liberally, but not enough: if he yield this why not more? with other such interrogatories as I shall after set down, when I have refuted the former passage.  
85. Where first to pretermit the false interpretation of Deacons or Subdeacons', as if they were not different orders, because now in England there are no Subdeacons', and the Latin word atque doth not signify or, but and, and so he should have said Deacons, and Subdeacons', and not have confounded them together as he doth: besides this peccadillo, there are three other main untruths in these words, and all the ground whereon it relieth is false. For where he saith: that Catholics saw themselves pressed with so flat a decree 
The first untruth in M. Hals words.  confirmed by authority of Emperors, as would abide no denial, we have before made it abide a denial, and to be so far from a flat decree of any Council which bindeth all to embrace it, as that hitherto it hath never been received in that kind for flat or round, and that by authority of such as then lived, as S. Bede, or not long after, as Paulus Diaconus, and Anastasius: and for the confirmation of Emperors, the matter is small, unless it had first had another confirmation which could not be gotten, but was flatly denied. councils take not their authority from Emperors, but Emperors second Counsels with their power, that all under them may obey what they who are in spiritual authority over them have decreed: and M. Hall's Emperors in particular, to wit justinian the younger, Philippicus etc. being such as they were, we will not much envy (M. Hall) their confirmations, whose lives and actions were such, as they were stains to Christianity, and their deaths so disastrous, as well showeth by whose heavy hand and indignation they were chastised.  
86. And if M. Hall will have all councils confirmed by Emperors to be lawful, and their decrees Canonical, them let him embrace another Council of Constantinople, called soon after the 
Touching the confirmation of councils by Emperors.  former by Philippicus Bardanes the Emperor, wherein the heresy of the Monothelites (who will have our Saviour not to have had any human will) was defined, and the true sixth Synod of Constantinople condemned: and as well may M. Hall plead for himself out of this Council as of the former: for in this was the authority of the Emperor who called, who confirmed it, there was john Patriarch of Constantinople, and far more Bishops then in the Trullan Conventicle: wherefore in the doctrine of this man, the decree is flat, confirmed by the authority of the Emperors, admits no denial. The Monothelite heretics will thank you, M. Hall, and remain your debtor. How much the Church hath gotten by Imperial Synods, too lamentable experience hath taught us as well in these, as in divers others, whereof one was within few years after this of Philippicus, called by Leo the Iconoclast, who with our Protestants condemned, defaced, razed, pulled down, abused and burned all sacred images of our Saviour, and his Saints: and (to omit others in the later times as the Conventicles of Henry the fourth against Gregory the seventh &c.) it is not the authority of Emperors when we speak of councils which makes them so firm as they can abide no denial, but the promise & assistance of the holy Ghost with the Pastors of the Church, without any reference to the civil magistrate, or else the first Apostolical Council had been void and of none effect, when notwithstanding they said, visum est Spiritui sancto & 
Act. 15.  nobis: it seemed good to the Holy Ghost and us: the sceptre in this must yield to the mitre, the sheep to the Pastors, the civil Magistrate to the Ecclesiastical, Kings and Princes unto Bishops and Prelates. The causes are different, and the Courts divers. The second untruth is that Pope Steven granted that the Clergy of the East might marry, which after shall in due place be refuted.  
87. The last untruth is touching Steven the seconds decree: for whereas in Gratian there is 
The untruth of M. Hall's touching Pope Steven.  no number of second, or third, or any else, M. Hall (as none are more bold than such as know least) without more ado resolutely affirms it to be the second Steven, but truth so reclaims against it, or rather overbeareth it so violently, as it cannot subsist: for the second Steven living but three 
Gratian. distin. 31. can. aliter.  days Pope, or four at the most, had no leisure to call a Council or make decrees: and that this was done in Council, Gratian witnesseth, who saith that he made the decree in a Council held in the Lateran Church, and three days being too short a time even for the very intimation, the falsehood of this charge doth refute itself, and demonstratively show this decree not to have been made by this Steven.  
88 If M. Hall to help himself will take the third for the second as some do, who by reason of the short life of the second Steven, do not number him among the Popes, that will also as little avail him: for in all his time there was no Council held in the Lateran Church, or any where else: for such were the troubles of those tempestuous times, Aistulphui raging in the West, and the furious firebrands of the Iconoclasts or image-breakers, being in perpetual care & travel from one place to another, to compose all seditious tumults, and to cancel the decree of another Council gathered by the emperors 
What manner of Counsels heretics do bring for confirmation of their heresies.  authority, to wit Constantinus (your friend M. Hall though scant sweet) for suppressing of images, and called the seventh Ecumenical, but with as good reason as your Trullan was called the sixth, for no other Patriarch was present, none of the West invited, no Legate of the Popes, or authority required, no law or form of a true Council observed, all went by force, fury, and faction, & such commonly ●re the councils you bring for confirmation of your heresy.  
89. I confess that Steven the 4. held there a Council, but that was only called for the deposing of the false Pope Constantine, and deposing of such as were ordered by him in that schism, and preventing the like inconvenience of choosing a lay man to be Pope again: for such was this Constantine chosen by popular tumult, without all order or form of Canonical election, by the seditious and tyrannical procurement of his brother Toto then in Rome, whose power and violence at that time none could withstand; & last of all it disannulled the decree of the false Synod of Constantinople against holy images: but of Priests wives, either in the East or West, there is no mention, nor yet in any Author of these tymesym. When M. Hall is more particular in his charge, he shall have a more particular answer: in the mean time I say with Bellarmin, that Canon perhaps to be of no authority, but an error of the collectors, and that for the reasons alleged, and the cause is poorly defended that is grounded on the errors or mistake of others.  
90. And in case we granted all the words which M. Hall bringeth out of this Canon, nothing 
Gratians Canon nothing maketh for M. Hall.  would follow thereof against us, but that the Greek Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons' were married, which is to be understood before their ordination, as the Gloss expoundeth, and the Council as before you have heard did define: and it is ridiculous to say, as M. Hall doth, that then they began to distinguish: for whereas the Grecians de sacto had in this separated themselves from the Latin Church, had made councils, or rather Conventicles of their own, and were borne out in all by the sword of their Emperors, where the fact and practice was so different, as all might see it with their eyes, little need there was that any should invent a distinction or limitation of liberty, as this man dreameth: and the Canon he citeth out of Gratian (if it be a Canon) is but a declaration of the fact (which was so conspicuous as could not be denied) showing only what was done in the East Church what not permitted in the West.  
91. And whereas M. Hall averreth, that this Canon granted that all the Clergy of the East 
M. Hall's want of Logic.  might marry, but not of the West, his gloss foully corrupteth the Text, and containeth an evident untruth: for neither all the Clergy, nor any of the Clergy could marry in the Eastern Church: and this man seemeth to be of very gross capacity that will have these two propositions to be equipollent, or to bear the same sense; Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons' in the Greek Church are married, and this; all the Clergy of the East may marry: for first Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons' make not all the Clergy, or else Bishops, Archbishops, patriarchs, Metropolitans shall not be Clergy men, which yet are the chiefest of that rank, and to whom all the other as inferiors to their betters are subordinate and depend, which yet are debarred from marriage. Again, that Priests, Deacons and Subdeacons' in Greece were then married is clear, but it is no less clear that they were not married when they were Priests, Deacons, 
It was lawful for married men in Greece to be made Priests, but never lawful for Priests to marry.  and Subdeacons', but before, as the Council declared: for although it were permitted that married men might be made Priests, yet was it forbidden that Priests should be made married men, and the same of Deacons, and Subdeacons': and so I conclude with M Hall, that not only all the Clergy of Greece might not marry, but that no Clergy man in holy orders (for such only are specially so termed) might marry at all. I hope M. Hall that your brains are not so far spent, but that if you pause a while, and scratch your head where it doth not itch, you will conceive this difference, that married men may be preferred to the Clergy, but not Clergy men permitted to marry: the first by the Trullan Council was granted, the other never allowed: and therefore these words of yours, all the Clergy of the East might marry, may be crowned with a silver whetstone.  
92. By that which I have said unto this objection of Pope Steuens Canon, that it is of no authority, as having no certain Author, that it maketh not against us, in case it were true that M. Hall's collections thereon are false, you may well of yourself without any further discourse be able to judge what regard is to be had to his vaunting demands and interrogations, multiplied without cause: for after the words of Pope Steven, thus he writeth: Liberally, but not enough: & if he yield this, why not more? shall it be lawful in the East, which in the West is not? do the gospels or laws of equity 
Many idle words.  altar according to the four corners of the world? doth God make difference between Greece and England? if it be lawful, why not every where? if unlawful, why is it done any where? so than you see we differ not from the Church in this, but from the Romish. So M. Hall. And by this you may perceive the vain of the man, and his Thrasonical boasting: he would fain be crowing, & if he had but any advantage, there should need no other trump to sound out his praises, conquests, and triumphs then his own pen: but all this noise will prove but the sound of anempty tub, and powder shot without bullet, a froth I mean of idle words, and childish clamours as full of vanity, as devoid of wit.  
93. If he yield this, saith this wise man, why not more? but of what yielding doth he dream? in the words cited in Steven the seconds name▪ I find no yielding nor resisting, no fight nor vanquishing, no battle nor conquest, there it is only related what the Grecians did upon their false Council, what liberty they usurped, in so much as their Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons' were married, but that it was not permitted in the Latin Church: & what is that more which this Epistler would have him to yield? he answereth very wisely by another demand: shall it be lawful in the ●ast, which in the West is not? I answer him yes: and further to gratify the man, do add that one & the self same thing at one time may be unlawful, and yet lawful at another. And if he know not this his parishioners are troubled with a silly Minister, who have him for their Curate: though this in the mean time I must tell him, that Steven saith nothing of this fact of the Grecians, whether it be lawful or unlawful: and therefore M. Hall frames collections out of his fingers ends, without any ground or grant of his authors: I know he stretcheth far and maketh him to say, that they might marry, but he saith not so much, but only that they were married, whether well or ill, he defineth not. But to come to our case.  
94. He cannot be ignorant what our Saviour answered the pharisees touching the question propounded about putting away their 
Matt. 29.  wives in S. Matthews Gospel, which they urged to show that it was lawful to marry another, even during the life of the former, so there had been a bill of divorce made between them, our Saviour replied: Moses ad duritiam cordis vestri permisit vobis dimittere uxores vestras, ab initio autem non fuitsic. Moses' permitted you for the hardness of 
Even the law of God did bind at one time & not at another.  your heart to dismiss your wives, but from the beginning it was not so: as if he had said: in the beginning every one was bound to one wife, & so long it was not lawful to have more, but in the end Moses permitted divorces, and then upon his permission it was lawful: if here some light head should dally, as M. Hall doth, & ask, what, is God's law changed by times? shall that be lawful to day, which yesterday was unlawful? if it be God's law, it endureth for ever, if it be abrogated by a contrary permission, it cannot be the law of God, and so forth, all were idle babbling, because God being the Author of his own law may alter, change, dispose, and abrogate the same at his pleasure.  
95. So in this present question the single life of Priests being an ecclesiastical law, though 
Marriage of the Greek Priests why permitted.  Apostolical and still in use from their times, to save the Greek Church from further revolt, being so carnally given, and so forward to embrace all heresies, as the Arrian, Macedonian, Nestorian, jutichian, Iconoclasts, Monothelites, and divers others begun and nourished amongst them, the Church to stay them in the rest, permitted them with the former restrictions to take wives before their ordination: for in Ecclesiastical laws the Church can dispense if they contain matter of fact and not of faith or belief, as this doth, & that only ad duritiam cordis corum, for the hardness of their heart: for here no other reason entered, because as now we shall show, ab initio non suit sic, it was not so from the beginning, even in the Greek Church, and therefore the collection of this man is fond and ridiculous, when after these brags he saith: that until the time of that Council the marriage of Clergy men was free, he might aswell have concluded thus: in King Edward the sixth his time it was enacted by Parliament that all Clergy men and Religious might marry, ergo before that time there was never any prohibition to the contrary: a noble argument and worthy of the maker.  
96. And of this it doth proceed, that this thing is lawful in the East, and not in the West, because that the permission is granted to that Church and not to the other: and every man living under the laws of one certain Church, 
A thing may be lawful in one place which is not in another.  some permission by the whole may be granted to that part, which is not granted to the rest, as in France for some saturdays after Christmas it is permitted to eat flesh, which permission is not in other Countries: and therefore in that Country I may lawfully eat, and in others I should sin mortally by eating, because I do violate the contrary precept which forbids me to eat and there doth bind, unless sickness or some other like necessities do excuse me. But saith this silly man: Do the gospels or laws of equity altar according to the four corners of the world? No, gentle Sir, nor is your marriage, God be praised, yet become the Gospel: for not one of the four Evangelists, or any other give testimony for your wives; neither have you brought any one place out of any one of them to that purpose, which in such penury of yours had not been Omitted, if any could have been sound to favour you, as I suppose.  
97. And for laws of equity, who seethe not 
The law of the marriage of Clergy men was no law of equity but of great iniquity.  that different Kingdoms have also their different statutes and manner of proceeding, either in criminal or civil causes? And if under that title you include the law of marriage of Priests, it was so far from all equity, as I never knew any made with more iniquity, or wherein one Parliament did more fight with another, and both so tossed the law of God as a tennis ball, now banding it to one part, now beating it back again to the other, as in this; and the other five articles decreed by Kin● Henry the eight together with this in the year 1540 though repealed by his son King Edward in the very first year of his reign.  
98. For in King Henry's Statute it is said that the King in his own person came into the Court of Parliament, and there like a Prince of most high prudence, and no less learning, opened and declared many things of high learning and great knowledge touching six articles, for which godly study, pain, and travel the whole Parliament, that is the Lords spiritual, temporal, and commons, thought themselves bound to thank the King, and entreat that they might be enacted by authority of the Parliament, as they were: the first was the real presence by transubstantiation: 
The stature of si● Articles anno 1540  the second that the Communion under both kinds by the law of God was not necessary. 3. that Priests after their orders taken might not marry by the same law. 4. that vows of chastity ought to be observed by the same law. 5. that private Masses by the same law also were to be allowed. 6. that auricular confession was to be retained. These were then out of the high learning and great knowledge of K. Henry determined, and severe penalties imposed upon the transgressors.  
99 There had passed but six whole years, when the same Metropolitan, Prelates, & noble men, in the same place under a King, who by reason of his young age, and feeble constitution, 
A notable example of our Parlamental inconstancy.  could not be of high prudence or learning, and his uncle the Protector, who also for want of both prudence and learning, could declare nothing of any great judgement or knowledge, the same was reversed, and made voy●, and of no effect, with this similitude premised to the decree which well suited the matter in hand: that as in a tempest or winter one course, or ●arment is convenient, in calm or warm weather a more liberal race, or lighter 
Fine similitudes.  garment, both may and aught to be used etc. So these good Tailors could shape out new fashions of saith for all times, in the rough winter of K. Henry's reign one form was cut out; in the calm summer of King Edward another: in King Henry's time the best course was to go fair & soft, — Velut qui junonis sacra ferrent, 
Horace.  To flatter the King, to admire every thing he said, as proceeding from high learning, and great knowledge, to thank him for his godly study, pain and travel, to desire that all might be enacted which he had devised: but under his son having gotten the reins into their own hands, the times were altered, and they meant to run a more liberal race, to give the bridle to all lose liberty, and heretical novelty, & therefore they began to laugh at Kings Henry's pains, & learning, and to esteem him not only a very fool, but the wickedest man alive, in forcing them, and in them all the land to subscribe, embrace, acknowledge, & reverence that to be according to the law of God, which in their judgements they thought to be quite opposite, contrary, and repugnant to that law, and so by that Parliament were declared to be repealed, utterly devoid, & of none effect.  
100 And not to digress from this particular controversy, some six years after the former Parliament, notwithstanding that K. Henry had declared many things of high learning and great knowledge, touching the marriages of Priests, and had delivered in plain terms that Priests after the order of Priesthood received might not marry by God's law: yet did his son by another act declare, that all Priests or Ecclesiastical 
God's law in two parliaments made to affirm two contradictoryes.  persons by the law of God might lawfully marry: and all contrary decrees are repealed and made void. And what will you say to such Parliaments? one saith that by the law of God Priests may not marry; another, that by the law of God it is lawful for them to marry: and yet this law of God is but one law, and cannot be repugnant to itself: and it may be noted how far Cranmer dispensed with his own conscience, dissembled 
Cranmers deep dissimulation.  in Religion, and prevaricated in this K. Henry's Parliament, who having his own Trull, & desiring openly to enjoy her, yet for fear of the King, not only kept her close, but so also collogued with the rest, or rather above the rest, being the chiefest in place and authority in that Court under the King, as he not only commended his high learning and knowledge, but did also crouch & creep to have that confirmed which in his heart he did abhor, and upon the first occasion offered did utterly condemn. I see he could make his garment to serve the time indeed, his horse to travel according to the weather. O constant Prelate, and worthy founder of our new English Gospel!  
101. These then, M. Hall, being the first Tailors that framed this wedding garment of yours, and tank riders who taught you to run this liberal race, to let loose the reins to all carnal delights, and yet still to keep the name of spiritual Pastors, you have little cause to call it the law of equity, which in the first making condemned the makers of so great inconstancy, and faithless levity, as you have heard: but let us follow you further in your demands. Doth God, say you, make difference between Greece and England? 
Ecclesiastical and civil laws may be altered by such as are in suprem authority in the one and other causes.  I answer you that he doth, and if they make an ill law in Greece, you are not bound to follow it in England, but to eschew and avoid it: or in case they be dispensed in some Ecclesiastical law by supreme Ecclesiastical authority, propter duritiam cordis eorum, and to avoid a further inconvenience, it will not presently follow that you or yours in England may do the same: as our Sovereign in England can exempt a man from any law in particular, & it will not I hope presently follow, that all other subjects may claim the same privilege: again if his Majesty make some favourable and beneficial law for all his subjects in general, which the Emperor in Bohemia would not allow; were it not a wise question to demand: Doth God make difference between King james and the Emperor Mathias? between prague & London▪ England England & Bohemia? These things M. Hall which depend on Ecclesiastical or Civil laws, may be dispensed or altered when the occasions are very urgent, by them who have supreme authority in the one and other Courts.  
102. Your last demand well bewrayeth your ignoaance, and showeth that you want the first grounds or principles of Philosophy, or else you would never have framed so impertinent a 
M. Hall ignorant demand.  question: If it be lawful say you, why not every where? if unlawful, why is it done any where? I see now that we must take heed, for this argument cornu ferit, yet shall I with your leave show it to be much weaker than you take it for, yea to be altogether lose and impertinent, and it may be answered in one word, that such things as of their own nature are intrinsically evil, as to kill, steal, lie, slander and the like, are unlawful in all times, places and persons: but this is not so in other things, which being of their own nature and intrinsical essence indifferent, are made unlawful by some positive law to the contrary: and that either divine, as is working on the Saboth day in the old law, marriag of more wives at once, and the like, which therefore are unlawful because they are prohibited, but yet so as that they may by God the maker of them be dispensed in, as not ill of their own intrinsical nature, but as they have annexed his prohibition & restraint: or Ecclesiastical, as of breaking of fasts commanded, of neglecting feasts, or omitting the ordinary ceremonies, rites, or ordinances of the Church: for as all men are children of this Mother, so they ought to obey her precepts, and no private authority can infringe which by so general and public is imposed: or else finally Civil, for if the King command that none bear arms in the night time, that they carry not corn to other Countries, that they transpose no cloth, or the like; these things of their own nature free, are now made necessary by the civil command of the Prince: and as he may dispense in the one, so may the supreme spiritual Pastor in the other: the one as chiefest in civil, the other in Ecclesiastical causes.  
103. This difference M. Hall not observing (as he is dull in distinguishing) confoundeth & 
M. Halls confuse huddling of things together.  huddleth up things together, and supposeth either all things to be of their own nature good or evil, or commanded a like by God for all to observe, which is not so: for some things are left to the temporal Magistrate, others to the spiritual to dispose: and as Kings are to be obeyed according to S. Peter, so also the Church according to our Saviour: and as to disobey the King in civil 
Matt. 28.  matters is capital, so it is schismatical not to obey the Church: and as he is held a traitor who rebelleth against the King, so he an Heathen or Publican who will not hear the Church: and hence it cometh, that as one King is of equal authority with another, and so may recall any edict, proclamation, decree, or injunction made by his predecessors, so likewise may one supreme Pastor, when urging necessity shall so require revoke, or repeal any Ecclesiastical law made before his time, and that either in all, or in part as the nature of the thing shall require, or a General Council determine, or he and his Council shall think expedient: and this prohibition of the marriage of Priests being of this nature, I mean Ecclesiastical, it may be dispensed for one place, and not for another, and so it may also be lawful or unlawful in one place, and not in the other, as the prohibition or dispensation in different places doth either bind or excuse. The title which M. Hall gives us of Romish Church I pass over as not worthy of reflection, this poor man must needs show his nature and be contemptuous in all things.  
104. At length he cometh to the conclusion of this his objection out of the Trullan Council, which is that it giveth leave to all to marry: This sacred Council (saith he) doth not only universally approve this practice (with pain of deposition to the gainsayer) but ●uouches it for a decree Apostolical. judge now whether this one authority be not enough to weigh▪ down a hundred petty Conventicles, and many legions (if there had been many) of private contradictions: thus for seven hundred years you find nothing but open freedom. So he. Which words and others the like, when I read in this man, it seemeth to me that a problematical question may be made, whether he be able to speak the truth or not, for hitherto he hath 
The cause why M. Hall doth multiply so many untruths.  still been taken tardy: and here in these words are two or three untruths and these radiant: but not to bring that into dispute (for perhaps if he had a better cause he would be able by better means to defend it) I rather do interpret these his frailtyes to proceed from the necessity of the matter, then from any impossibility in the man himself.  
105. We have before showed this Council not to be sacred, and the approvance not so universal as M. Hall maketh it: for whereas in the very beginning they oppose themselves to the Latin Church, and make decrees only for the Church of Greece, it cannot be said to be universal for all, which only includeth but one part with the exception mentioned of the other: neither could a particular Patriarch make a law in a Nationall Synod to repeal another in use under his equal, over whom he had no jurisdiction, much less to recall the laws of his Superior, & disallow their practice: for if par in parem non habet potestatem, much less had the patriarch of Constantinople over the Bishops of Rome, who (I mean the patriarch) was always his inferior, and subordinate unto him, and so in the very Canon it is said: Nos antiquum Canonem etc. we observing the ancient Canon etc. So as they restrain this liberty to that Church & themselves alone, without any determination prejudicial to the other, which had not been if they had universally without distinction of places or persons allowed this freedom. 
The Trullan Council never permitted that all the Clergy of the East might marry.   
106. But when you talk of universally approving this practice, which practice do you mean M. Hall? is it that you mentioned a little before, that all the Clergy of the East might marry? if so (and so you must take it, or else you talk at random) then again I must tell you that this your Synod wholly disalloweth that custom, & permitteth no Clergy man to marry: for although it permitted some married men to ascend so high as to be made Priest, yet it never permitted any Clergy man to stoop so low, as to be made a husband, neither did it ever avouch that baseness in any Clergy man to be a decree Apostolical, & therefore if with better attention you read that Council, you shall find it to be as I say, & moreover the pain of deposition to the gainsayers to be only against such as denied the use of their wives to Priests married before their ordination▪ and out of the time excepted by the Synod.  
107. Neither doth the name of an Apostolical decree, where there is nothing else but the name only, much trouble us: for if the decree mentioned be taken in the right sense, it maketh not against us: if in the sense which M. Hall pretendeth it overthroweth the Council, and so he pulleth down with one hand, what he had built up with the other: for if for any decree the Council grant the carnal knowledge of wives to be Apostolical, it is for that which M. Hall cited before, that no Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, shall put 
The Council of Trullum gainsayth the Apostles constitutions even in that thing on which it would seem to rely.  away his wife upon pretence of Religion, upon pain of deposition: if this be the decree, than I demand why the Council decreeth against the same? For here Bishops are allowed their wives, which in the Trullan Synod by two decrees are debarred from them: either M. Hall will allow the decree, and then he condemneth his sacred Council that desines against it, or will stick to the Council, and then he must condemn the decree not to be Apostolical, as containing in it an evident error condemned by so sacred, so general a Council.  
108. Moreover if he follow the Council, whereas the Bishops assembled therefore allowed 
The Trullan Council overthrown by itself in the matter Priests marriage.  married Priests to enjoy their wives because of the Apostolical decree, & yet condemn that very decree in the first branch of Bishops, and decree against it, what ground was this to build upon, and to contradict the Roman Church? & what drowsy decree was this which is grounded on that which is by the very Council itself contradicted? can one and the self same Canon of the Apostles be a warrant for the wives of Priests, and not Canonical for the wives of Bishops, when as in your opinion the one no less than the other is alike to be allowed without any distinction, limitation, or exception at all? O how feeble is falsehood that thus falleth of itself, and is overthrown by the same grounds on which it would seem to stand. M. Hall's chief ground is this Synod, the warrant for the Synods definition is the Apostles Canon, and the Apostles Canon overthroweth the Synod: this is the maze or labyrinth of error, and hereunto all M. Hall's flourishes, brags, and assurances of the weight of this authority overbearing a hundred Conventicles, and many legions of private contradictions are brought: for this heavy weight is as light as a feather, contradicteth itself, was condemned by the Church, and more hurteth than helpeth the cause for the which it is brought.  
109. And truly the triumphant conclusion of the authority of this seditious assembly that it weigheth down a hundred petty conventicles, and many legions of private contradictions, is worthy of M. Hall's wit and learning, and resembles that Poet's praise of Epicurus the Philosopher in Lactantius, 
Lactant. l. 3. divin. Instit. cap. 17.   
— Hic ille est  
Qui genus humanum ingenio superavit, & omnes  
Restinxit stellas, exortus ut aetherius sol.  
This is he who for wit surpassed all other men and obscured the stars, rising like the heavenly sun: by reason of which immoderate and undeserved 
Immoderate praises where there was no desert or cause.  praise that author saith that he could never read the verses without laughter: Non de Socrate aut Platone hoc dicebat qui velut Reges habentur Philosophorum, sed de homine quo sano & vigente nullus aeger ineptius deliravit: itaque Poeta inanissimus leonis laudibus murem non ornavit, sed obruit & obtrivit. He said not this of Socrates or Plato, who are esteemed the Princes or chiefest of the Philosophers, but of a man then whom being sound and in health, no sick man ever more foolishly doted: therefore the sottish Poet did not so much set forth a mouse with a lions praise, as overwhelm and crush him in pieces. So he, and so say I no less fitly of M. Hall than he of Lucretius, that he commendeth not the Council of Niece, Constantinople the first, Ephesine, or of Chalcedon, or such like general Counsels, but a bastard Conventicle not worth the naming, and with the false titles of universal, sacred, authority weighing down a hundred conventicles, & legions of private contradictions, with the like, he covereth but a mouse under a lions skin, and a a scarecrow of clouts with Achilles' armour.  
110. But the man if I mistake him not hath a further fetch in this matter, and will I fear me show us a trick of legier-du-maine, and by crafty conveyance cast that off by contempt, 
The reason why M. Hall giveth so great undeserved praise unto the Trullan Conventicle.  which he saw that by learning he could not answer: for having perused in Bellarmine so many councils cited of all kingdoms, so many authorities in him & Coccius, for cleared this controversy, as evinced the Catholic truth, refeled his novelty, and faithfully delivered the practice of all times, places, authors, Churches, Synods; this man saith of his bastard Council alone: judge now whether this one authority be not enough to weigh down a hundred petty conventicles, & many legions (if there had been many) of private contradictions, so as with this Gentleman all Counsels you shall city against him, though never so ancient, all Fathers though never so grave, all histories though never so authentical shallbe but petty conventicles and private contradictions: and this counterfeit Trullan Council shallbe general, sacred, and of authority to weigh them all down whatsoever.  
111. This is a short mastery, and easy conquest by giving more authority than it deserveth unto one to make riddance of all the rest, and to accept nothing for proof, but that yourself list to allow. M. Hall in this saw the Fathers and councils to be against him, & that for one broken 
M. Hall only praiseth them who can pleasure him, and dispraiseth the rest.  allegation of the Trullan Conventicle, we could bring a whole army of more ancient, more authentical records, and for three Fathers of the four first hundred years, though not one of all the three make for him, the testimonies of all the Fathers of these ages, which he saw at length laid down in Coccius and Bellarmine, but durst not behold them, nor yet the answers to his own arguments in the Cardinal; only he praiseth such as himself produceth, and setteth them out with honourable titles, as Paphnutius a virgin, famous for holiness, famous for miracles: S. Athanasius a witness past exception, who may serve for a thousand histories till his age: S. Huldericus B. of Auspurge both learned and vehement etc. but for all the rest that be against him, they make but private contradictions, & so if they bring his cause no help, he casteth them all off with a Writ of,  — Nil tecum attuleris ibis Homere foras. 
112. Neither is M. Hall the first author of this invention, but scholar rather and follower of M. john jewel, who made and unmade Fathers 
M. jewels making and unmaking of the Fathers.  at his pleasure, as they stood for or against him: in citing once the schismatical Council of Basil for himself, he saith the Fathers of the Council of Basil say etc. but when a far more ancient Council was cited against him by D. Harding, then were all these Father's ignorant men, & lead away with 
See the Return of untruths of D. Stapleton art. 4.  the blindness of that age: when S. Bernard in his books of Consideration to Eugenius, declaimeth against the vices of the Court of Rome, then is he holy Saint Bernard: but when he saith in the same work, that the Pope is for power Peter, for his anointing Christ, the supreme Pastor of all Pastors, then is he but bare Bernard the Abbot: when S. Gregory the Great rebuketh the proud title of john of Constantinople styling himself universal Bishop, than he is holy S. Gregory, but when he writeth of the miracles of Saints, of purgatory, and other the like Catholic articles, than he is Father Gregory the dreamer: Origen if he speak against M. jewel hath presently many errors and heresies, but when he speaketh for him, than he is old Father Origen, and M. jewel will be his white son.  
113. So if one Father speak for M. H●ll, he is past exception, and shall serve for a thousand, if another 
M. Hall submits all authority taken from antiquity to his own tribunal.  though of later times, he must answer all cavils, satisfy all readers, and convince all not will full adversaries: if a schismatical Council though never so base, never so much branded favour his marriage, it is general, sacred, and shall proclaim in spite of all contradiction: but if we for one or two Fathers misunderstood, as I have showed, bring the whole torrent and uniform conspiring agreement of them all, it shall make against him but private contradiction: if we allege the councils gathered in all the coasts and corners of Europe, Asia, and Africa, they are all but petty Conventicles, because M. joseph Hall as an arbiter chosen not by man, or of man, but by some greater power, defines all to be so, and will have all councils, Fathers, histories, records to be allowed or disallowed, accepted or refused, good or bad, authentical or counterfeit, as it shall like himself, which supereminent authority and independence if you grant him not, all his arguments fall to ground: and if you grant him, who will not pity your folly, and think you worthily deceived, who leave the brazen pillars of truth, sanctity, antiquity, to lean on the broken and rotten reed of this silly simple Minister, in learning very little, less in sanctity, and only in his own opinion and imagination great?  
114. He who will not be deceived in judgement, must not weigh the matters controverted by the scales of partial affection towards either part: for that were to make truth subject to private fancy: where two are in suit at law 
Private affections do hinder upright judgement.  the one against the other, if the judge be byazed by one party, and will pronounce sentence for him without so much as hearing the adversary speak, as Seneca in Medea well noteth, the sentence may fall out to be right, but the judgement was wrong. He that will judge uprightly must bear an upright mind, not inclining to the right or the left: for truth is compared by Cassian 
Cassian collat. 23. cap. 9  to a strait line, and as he who walketh on a rope cannot stand or go, if he lean to one side or other, so neither he find the truth who hath tied his affection to any particular, as without further discussion will take all for good, which he on the warrant of his word shall suggest: in this question if you draw your opinion from M. Hall and me, and that so far as neither of us both may be believed, but according to the proof we shall bring, the truth soon will show herself in her native colours, & you shall know where to find & follow her: but than you must not let M. Hall's bare word make white black, nor black white, nor his sayings be an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and able to make a Conventicle a Synod, a seditious Assembly a general Council, or his rejection bring disparagement to any true Council, unless it be seconded by better authority of more ancient and sincere writers. And the like of mine to him which indifferency is so equal, as more cannot be desired, or let M. Hall if he can propose it, and I bind myself to embrace it.  
115. To know then whether councils be true and lawful to be admitted or refused, dependeth upon all the circumstances of their calling, & determining according to the analogy of faith believed and delivered by the Church: such 
A necessary rule.  councils as have not swerved from this rule, nor have been noted of error, schism, or faction, nor contradicted by the writers of that time, and succeeding councils, are to be held for good and lawful, because they are known to agree with the common, universal and Catholic belief, and that spirit which knitteth all the members of this mystical body together, & if in any thing they had swerved, they had not passed without due check & reprehension, which is much in this matter to be pondered: for whereas M. Hall bringeth but one poor petty conventicle, and painteth it out like Esop's Daw with many stolen feathers to make it seem a fair bird, I have by the authors of that time disproved the same as schismatical, & of no credit: let M. Hall show the same in the councils produced by us to the contrary, and he shall do somewhat, let him name the author that condemned, the histories that mention them to be schismatical, other councils that rejected them and the like: but if he cannot do this, then must our councils be allowed, their authority sacred, their testimonies irrefragable, & the least of them able to overbear millions of the Trullan, or such like exorbitant conspiracies.  
116. And this supposed which by the laws of equity cannot be denied, we bring for this truth, I mean against the marriage of Clergy men, Counsels gathered in all the parts of Christendom, all called and kept within the first seven hundred years after Christ, that M. Hall if yet any spark of grace be in him, may with blushing recall his words with which he concludeth this matter saying: for seven hundred years 
A shameless assertion.  you find nothing but open freedom, to wit for all Bishops, Priests, & Deacons to take wives, which is so gross an untruth, as it may serve for seven hundred together: for all the Fathers he hath brought, are either against him, or corrupted shamefully by him, and this Council is of no proof, or if it were, it maketh far more for us, then for him: and whence then cometh this freedom? in what places and persons? in what Church or Province? for I am sure that neither in Asia Europe, and Africa hath it had this continuance and freedom. I fear M. Hall in the end will run to Terra Virginea, Guiana, China, Mexico, or some other regions under the Antarctic Pole to find it out.  
117. For to begin with Asia under which I 
Asia.  include all the Greek Church, that hath yielded us against M. Hall three councils, two provincial, one general: the first held at Ancyra in 
Corcil. Ancyra●. Can. 10.  Galatia, wherein it is defined: Quicumque Diaconi constituti, in ipsa constitutione testificati sunt etc. What Deacons soever that are ordered, if in their ordination they did testify and say, that they must marry wives, because they could not remain in single life, if such shall afterwards marry, let them remain in the Ministry, because it is granted them by the Bishop, but if any say nothing & in their ordination they are received with condition so to remain, if they afterwards do marry, let them cease, or be deposed from their Deaconish. So the Council: and by Deacons to marry as Binius well noteth, are to be understood such 
The vow of chastity where no exception is made annexed unto orders.  as were perforce made Deacons, as some were also in the same manner made Priests (though they never had this permission) as before I have showed out of S. Augustine: and if such Deacons did not express this exception, by force of the order they were held uncapable of marriage, a● having annexed unto it tacitum votum, an implied vow, of perpetual chastity. And if in Deacons, much more in Priests, Bishops etc.  
118. M. Francis Godwin in his Catalogue of English Bishops, amongst other his mistake, 
Francis Godwin in his Catalogue pag. 136. and 137.  attributeth this Canon to the second Council of Arles in France, in the year 326. but in that Council it is not extant, nor was it ever lawful in the Latin Church especially of Europe, as far as I can find, after the taking of holy orders to marry: and the note he addeth, that Restitutus Bishop of London was married, needeth more proof than his bare affirmation, unless perhaps he lived apart from his wife, as the Trullan Council after ordained, and S. Gregory of Towers showeth to have been the Ecclesiastical custom before: for no Church either Greek or Latin ever permitted Bishops to accompany with their wives, but commanded them to live apart from them in perpetual continency, and the very first Canon of this Council is: Assumi aliquem ad Sacerdotium non posse in vinculo coniugij constitutum, 
Can. 1.  nisi fuerit promissa conversio. One cannot be made Priest in the band of wedlock, unless he promise conversion, that is, to abstain from his wife, live apart from her, and vow chastity. Which explication of the sense and meaning of the word conversion is warranted by two other councils, to wit, the first of Arausica, where of 
Arausic●. 1. an●● 4410 c. ●●●  Deacons it is said: Non ordinentur coniugati, nisi quiprius conversionis proposito professi suerint castitatem. Let none be ordered Deacons, but such as have first of purpose or intention of conversion professed or vowed chastity: and again in the Council of Agatha: Si coniugati inuenes consenserint 
Agath●●. Concil. anno. 5●●. c. 16.  ordinari, etiam uxorum voluntas ita requirenda est, ut sequestrato mansionis cubiculo, religions promissa, postea qui pariter conversi fuerint ordinentur. If any married young men (so they be not under the age of 25. years, for such are excluded by the same Canon) shall agree together to take orders, the intention of their wives is so first to be required that they separate themselves from the chamber of their husbands, promise to live chaste, and then let such as have made their conversion together be ordered. So these councils, and so little freedom did they allow in this matter.  
119. The second Council is of Neocasarea in Cappadocia, which no less than the former was held before the Council of Nice, and in the very first Canon it is decreed: Presbyter si 
Concil. Neocaes●●▪ Can. 1.  uxorem duxerit ordino suo moneatur. Let a Priest if he marry a wife be deposed. Is this the open freedom you mean M. Hall, that possessed the world for seven hundred years? have Ecclesiastical men no more liberty now in England? and indeed this decree is renewed in the Trullan Council: so little help can you find of the Greek Church which yet in this seemeth most to favour you. The third Council is the first of Nice celebrated in Bythinia, the third Canon whereof I have before in answering the objection of Paphnutius alleged, and urged to this purpose.  
120. From Asia let us come to Africa, where this continency was exactly kept, and 
Africa.  there we have also four Counsels: the second, third, fourth, and fifth of Carthage, defining for us: in the second it is said: Gradus isti tres conscriptione 
Ann. 396. Concil. Carthag. 2. cap. 2. vide Concil. African. sub Caelestino Can. 37.  quadam castitatis per consecrationes annexi sunt etc. Those three degrees are linked within the band of chastity by holy orders (Bishops I mean Priests, and Deacons) for it is expedient that Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, or those who are employed about the divine Sacraments be chaste in all things etc. And to this of the Council is added: Placet, ut in omnibus, & ab omnibus pudicitia custodiatur, qui altari deseruiunt. It pleaseth the whole Council, that chastity be kept in all, and of all who serve the altar: so there, & beer is chastity annexed to Orders, here are Altars, here is consecration by imposition of hands: and in the third Council the Nicen Canon is 
Ann. 397. Carthag. 3. cap. 17.  confirmed, and such women assigned, as may dwell with Priests, as their mothers, aunts, sisters, and the like. In the fourth to Bishop's Priests, Deacons, are added Subdeacons'.  
121. In the fifth is this concluding Canon: Cùm de quorumdam Clericorum, quamuis erga uxores 
Ann. 398. Carthag. 5. cap. 3.  proprias incontinentia reserretur etc. Whereas relation was made of the incontinency of Clergy men, although with their own wives, it was decreed Bishops, Priests, and Deacons according to the former decrees to live continently from their wives, which unless they perform let them be removed from all Ecclesiastical function: other Clergy men are not to be forced hereunto, but the custom of every particular 
M. Hall's freedom for all Clergy men to marry never dreamt of by the Fathers.  Church is to be observed. So the Council. So as here we have an express restraint from the use of wives, and this freedom dreamt of by our English Clergy, whiles they are a-awake, was never so much as dreamt of by them in their sleep, or else let M. Hall tell us what now we say more for ourselves, than these in the purer times of the primitive Church, as M. jewel calleth the Fathers of the first six hundred years, have said for us.  
122. In Europe we have many more: where 
Europe.  as the Christian faith hath still continued, so hath it in all points by many councils been 
14 French Councell● for the single life of Clergy men.  most confirmed: and to leave our Nation, of which I shall speak in the end of this letter, in our neighbour Church of France, we have no less than fourteen councils within the compass of 700. hundred years to confitme this point, one of Arles, one of Arausica, one of Angiers, two of Towers, four of Orleans, one of Agatha, 
Coccius loco citato.  one of Aruerne, one of Masson, one of Lions, & one of Challon. The words of all which were to long for my intended brevity to set down: the learned may read them in Coccius at large, only I will abridge the sum of that they have determined: 
The sum of the Decrees of the French Counsels.  for by that you will be able to decern whether this chymericall liberty were ever in practice in that Country.  
123. The sum of their decrees is: 1. That no married man can be made Priest, unless he leave his wife, so the councils of 
a Cap. 16.  Agatha, and 
b Arel●. 2. c. 2.  Orleans: he must take her for ever after as his sister, so of 
a Cap. 12.  Aru●rus, 
b Turon. ●. cap. 1;.  Towers, and 
c Cap. 11.  M●sson: if ever any Priest know his wife again, he can neither offer sacrifice, or minister Sacraments, so of 
a Turon. ●. cap. 2. Turon. 2. cap 20.  Towers: he is to be deposed, so of 
a Aurelian. 4. c. 4.  Orleans, and 
b Cap. 21.  Arau●ica: by carnal knowledge of his wife he committeth incest, is to be deposed, so of 
c Cap. 11.  Aruerus. Moreover not only Priests, but Deacons also are not to be ordered, unless they vow chastity, so the Council of 
d Cap. 22.  Arau●ica: if after they do marry they are to be 
e Aurel. 3. cap. 7.  excommunicated, 
f Aurel. 2. cap. 8. Aurel. 3. cap. 2. Cap. 3.  to be deposed, so of Orleans: and the same in the third Council of the same place i● extended to Subdeacons', who if they know their wives are likewise to be deposed, and the Bishops dissembling their faults are also to be punished: lastly the 3. Canon of the Nicen Council is renewed, that none have other women about them, but their mothers, aunts, sisters, and the like, so the Council of Angiers in Baronius Anno 453. and the second of Orleans: that their wives who have vowed chastity living in the house with them, have their beds and chambers apart, under pain of excommunication, so the Council of 
a Aurel. 4. cap. 17.  Orleans, 
b Turon. ●. cap. 10. & 11.  Towers, 
c Lugdun. 2. cap. 2.  Lions, and 
d Cabiloven. cap. ●.  Shallan: other councils of this country I might produce, but for that they are after seven hundred years of M. Halls pretended free liberty, I do pretermit them.  
124. In Spain there are nine Counsels that 
●. Spanish councils for the single life of Clergy man.  have decreed the single life of the Clergy, one and that most ancient of ●liberis, one of Se●ill, one of Gerunda, and six of Toledo, which being the Metropolis or chief City of all that kingdom, the Archbishops have still endeovoured to make it more famous by the frequent calling of councils thither, and these councils so agree with the French, as they may seem to speak with one mouth, as they were indeed guided by one spirit, who directed them all, and they do specially insist on this, that no women do dwell with men in holy orders, but such as have been often mentioned in other councils, so of 
a Toletan. 2. c. 3.  Toledo the second, the first of 
b Hispal. 2. cap. 3.  Seville: that they vow chastity, so the 4. of 
c Toletan. 4. cap. 26.  Toledo, and the eight 
d Tolet. 8. cap. 5.  of the same place, where the Canon saith: Quosdam Sacerdotes & Ministr●s obliviscentes mai●rum ac veterum constitutorum, aut uxorum aut quarumcumque feminarum immunda societate, & execrabili contagion● turpari etc. They had understood certain Priests, and other Clergy men forgetting their ancestors, and old decrees to be defiled with the impure company, and execrable 
Where was M. Hals open freedom when this Canon was made.  contagion of their own wives, and other women. So there. And this savours little of open freedom for all Ecclesiastical persons to marry, or enjoy their wives as you see, & these Fathers were so far from thinking any impossible necessity to be in the vows of Priests, as our impure Ministers do teach, as they held the return to their former wives to be a defiling impurity, and execrable contagion.  
123. Furthermore in the 9 Council of Toledo, there is a Canon, which if it were in practice 
Toletan. ●. cap. 10.  in England, would much cool this fervent lust of our wanton Ministers: for it is determined that from the Bishop to the Subdeacon, if any by detestable wedlock being in that degree should beget children, that the Fathers of these children should be put under Canonical Censures, 
A cooling Canon of the ninth Council of Toledo.  and the children borne of that polluted copulation should inherit nothing of their Father's goods, but for term of life be servants of that Church, or Churches whereof their Fathers were Priests, and never to enjoy more freedom. So as the Father was deposed, the child was a slave, such was the liberty which even within the seven hundred years possessed these parts.  
126. I may not pretermit the Council of Eliberis, the first that was ever held in Spain, in 
The decree of the Council of Eliberis.  the year 313. in which ancient Synod is this decree, which may seem rather to be made in the Council of Trent, such unity and uniformity there is in doctrine, manner of speech, and practise of the primitive Church with this of our time, of that Council with ours, and no less repugnance and contradiction with that of our adversaries: for thus they decree: Placuit in totum prohibere Episcopis, Presbyteris, Diaconis, & 
Concil. Elibert. cap. 33.  Subdiaconis positis in ministerio abstinere se à coniugibus suis, & non generare filios: quod quicumque fecerit ab honore Clericatus exterminetur. It seemed good to the Council, altogether to forbid Bishops, Priests, Deacons & Subdeacons' appointed for the ministry of the Church, to abstain from their wives, and not to beget children: which whosoever begets, let him be deposed from the honour of the Clergy. So these Fathers. And this testimony in the judgement of any that hath any judgement left him, is able to overweigh ten thousand Trullan Conventicles, being for time far before it, not made in schism, never controlled, never condemned in this point: nor shall M. Hall ever be able to show me that ever in Spain his imaginary freedom was tolerated, much less permitted in that Clergy.  
127. In Germany within the prescript of this time were no Counsels kept, that people being not wholly reclaimed to the Christian faith, until some years after by the worthy endeavours of S. Boniface a most renowned Martyr, & by birth an English man, after whose death which happened in the year 754. there was a Council kept in that City whereof he had been Archbishop, and to show that new Church to agree 
Concil. Mogunt. Can. 10.  with the old: they defined that Priests should study to preserve perpetual chastity, and in the same forbidden them to have any women in their houses, but such as were allowed by the Canons. So this new Church lately converted to Christ togeaiher with her Christianity embraced this purity; and in alleging the licence granted by the Canons, confirmed what we have produced of all the former councils.  
128. To conclude with Italy, where this practice even by the confession of our Adversaries 
Single life of Clergy men always in use in Italy.  hath ever inviolably been observed, and none can show at what time, in what part, under what Pope, or Emperor, the contrary custom was ever in use, much less allowed: in the Roman Council called soon after the first appearance of peace in the Christian Church, to wit, the same year with the Nicen in Greece, it is defined, that no Subdeacon do marry, or presume to violate that decree, and if in this of all sacred orders the lowest and least, perpetual chastity be required, much more in the other which being of themselves higher, require more eminent purity, chastity, and if it were 
Chrys. l. 3. de Sacerd●●●● i●it.  possible, as S. chrysostom well observeth, more cleans than is in Cherubin or Seraphim, or any other Angelical nature: and the same for Deacons and Priests, as Baronius noteth, was expressly confirmed in another Council of Rome, held in the thirteenth year of the Emperor Mauritius, and ninth of S. Gregory the Great, in which is this Canon: Si quis Presbyter, aut Diaconus uxorem duxerit, anathemasit. If any Priest, or Deacon marry a wife, let him be accursed. So as still curses and not blessings have followed the marriage of Clergy men, even in this time of M. Hall's prescription.  
129. Wherefore now to end this matter, having against the Conventicle of Trullum brought 
A collection upon the premito.  one and thirty councils, all more sacred, all more approved, all without any contradiction of these times, and ensuing ages more accepted than the Council of Trullum, it will need no great deliberation to resolve, or discourse to judge, or learning to decide this Controversy in hand, whether for the space of seven hundred years, there is nothing to be found, but open freedom for all Clergy men to marry, or whether this freedom were debarred: when as all these Counsels were held within the compass of that time, which condemn it, & this Trullan false Synod, not until some years after: for all is resolved to this, that for seven hundred years M. H●ll finds not one Council, or ancient Father (unless perhaps some lying Heretic) to make for him, & we have all the Fathers with one and thirty councils against him, so as this poor soul like a naked child without any thing in his hand, cometh forth to fight with a whole army well appointed, and although he be not able to strike a struck, but must needs be beaten to the ground, and crushed in pieces, yet doth he crack that the victory is his, and that all the main army hath defended him, and his cause: what will you say to such madness?  
130. And truly to me he seemeth not to be 
M. Hall overthrown by his own grounds.  more mad than blind: for otherwise he would never have proclaimed this freedom of 700. years, seeing the very form of words used by his own sacred Synod, doth so strongly withstand his fond collection: for there it is decreed in these words: Qui sunt in sacris coniugia deinceps ex 
Concil. Trullan. cap. 13.  hoc temporis momento firma & stabilia esse volumus. We will that the marriages of such as be in holy orders from this time forward, be firm and valid: for in case this freedom had been before common, never doubted of, but acknowledged by all, why did they use this form of words ● why did they say from this time forward? for why did they name the time forward, which in all the time backward had been still in use, never in question? were it not a ridiculous decree, if it should now by act of Parliament be enacted; & that from this time forward the King of England should be reputed to have title to the Crown of France, which for almost three hundred years he hath taken and possessed? If he say that the Roman Church withstood this pretended custom, and against that this decree was made, I grant both the one and the other, and thereof infer this freedom to be counterfeit, as never in use in the Latin Church, and as then the Roman use contradicted the Grecian so doth the French King now contradict our Sovereign about this title, not permitting any book to be printed there, wherein he is styled King of France, and yet doth not this opposition hinder, but that such a decree in England were foolish: and so is this in Greece, if still they had been in free possession of their wives, as they were never before that time, when by too much flattering the Emperors they laid the first foundation of their future schism, which hath brought them to that most miserable thraldom in which now they live, and may both be an example and terror of God's just revenge to all others that make the like attempts.  
131. It is pity M. Hall, that when you got the Rhetoric lesson in Cambrige, you had not got the Logic: for in case you had taught Logic, you would have seen the folly and feebleness of your inference, & rather have made the contrary illation to that which you have here made: for I appeal to all puny Sophisters in Cambrige, whether it be not a better inference to say: this thing is decreed from this instant, for the time forwards to be observed, Ergo before it was not in use, then to dispute as you do thus: from this instant forward this shall be allowed, Ergo always before it was approved. All the walls and windows from the Hall to the Kitchen, may mourn to see an University man to have so little wit, as to conclude so fond: and yet you do much worse, when you argue, that the Trullan false Council allowed married men to be made Priests, Ergo before it was lawful for Ecclesiastical men to marry; when as before that time it was always unlawful, and in that very Council it is not permitted, but in plain terms prohibited for any Clergy men to marry.  
132. This then being so, that this Council maketh not for you, that it contradicteth itself, that it brought in a new law in despite of the Roman Church, that it was not only a provincial, but a false and schismatical meeting, that it was never allowed, that the Authors were severely punished by God, as well the patriarch as the Emperor, that the chief Pastor condemned it, that yourself do not understand it; and on the other side, that all the other Synods are beyond exception, sincere, Catholic, lawful, and authentical: I may say to M. Hall as S. 
August. in julian. l. 2. cap. ultim.  Augustine did to julian the Pelagian: Vsque adeo permiscuit imis summa longus dies? usque adeo tenebrae lux, & lux tenebrae esse dicuntur, ut videant Pelagius, Celestius, julianus, & caeci sint Hilarius, Gregorius, Ambrose? Hath tract of time so confounded all things together, & turned them upside down? is darkness so far forth become light, and light darkness that the Trullan Council alone could see, & the others of all Asia, Europe, and Africa were blinded? And in the precedent book having alleged some few Fathers of special note, he turneth his speech unto julian, and saith as I now 
Lib. 1. in julian. c. 4.  say unto M. Hall, and therefore put his name and errors instead of julian's: Introduxi te in sanctorum Patrum pacificum honor andumque conventum▪ sit op●rae pretium obsecro te, aspice illos quomodo aspicientes te etc. I have brought you into the peaceable and honourable assembly of the holy Fathers: I pray you let me not lose my labour, behold them as it were beholding you, and meekly and gently saying unto you, is it so indeed M. Hall? are we maintainers of the marriage of Clergy men? I pray you, what will you answer them? how will you look upon them? what arguments will you devise? what predicaments of Aristotle with which as a sharp disputer that you may assail us, you desire to be esteemed cunning? what edge of gloss of your feeble arguments, or leaden daggers will dare to appear in their sight? what weapons of yours will not fly out of your hands, and leave you naked? will you say perchance that you have accused none of them by name? But what will you do, when they all shall say unto you, that it had been better you had railed at our names, then at our Religion, by the merit of which our names are written in heaven? And a little after: Iterum te admoneo iterum rogo, aspice tot ac tales Ecclesiae Catholicae desensoret, 
Ibid.  atque rectores: vide quibus tam gravem tam nesariam irrogaveris iniuriam. Again I warn you, again I entreat you, behold so many and so worthy defenders, and Governors of the Catholic Church: see to whom you have offered this grievous and wicked injury. So S. Augustine.  
133. And here to end: if so many lawful councils against one schismatical, so ancient against so modern, so express decrees against one so intricate, as that it maketh more against our Adversaries then for them, so many holy 
The conclusion of all this Trullan Controsy.  Bishops against a few seditious and turbulent Prelates, so many Countries against one Province, yea all Asia, Europe, and Africa against one corner of the world, if the purer ages and Apostolical times against the later, when through the pride of those Princes, patriarchs & people they began to kindle the coals of that whereof now we see the flames, and execrable combustion, be not sufficient to move M. Hall to look back, but that copper if he list shall still be pure good, light darkness, and darkness light, there will be no disputing against such wilful and precipitate pride, and heretical arrogancy. But others I hope are of a more upright judgement. and will not disesteem so sacred, so constant, so generally received authority: to which I might add our own national Synods, but M. Hall's method causeth me to put them over to another place, and therefore here I end this Controversy of the Trullan Synod, and there with all this whole paragraph.   

The later Part of M. Hall's Letter is examined. The fiction of S. Vdalricus his Epistle to Pope Nicholas the first is refuted. Gregory the VII. defended: and withal is declared the practice of our own Country, even from the Conversion under S. Gregory. §. 3.  
AS men in their dreams do often conceive great wealth, and golden mountains with many prosperous and fortunate events, that are befallen them, which afterwards prove nothing else, but idle motions of their unsettled fancy, which being to be directed by reason, is then left to her own operation, and having no determinate object or end, produceth strange Chimaeras & monsters against nature, to which like john Dunns Pse-domartyr, nec pes, nec caput uni 
Dunns Pseudomartyr a mere bundle of rotten rags ill favouredly bound together.  reddatur formae (as being a disjointed gall-ma-frey of many things huddled up together, whereof no one part or patch agreeth with another) so it seemeth to have fared with M. Hall, who (like him of Athens, that persuaded himself that all the ships which came into the haven were fraught with his goods, & so still fed his mind with joy of imaginary riches, although neither ships, nor any thing in them appertained unto him) not out of reason, but strong fantastical imagination thinketh all Authors to stand for him, and still beateth on this string that for the first seven hundred years all Priests were in possession of their wives, & all the world went for him, in full liberty and freedom; when as the quite contrary is so evident, as nothing can be more, so many Fathers, Histories, Counsels, giving testimony for the truth, as you have heard: and M. Hall himself if yet his reason be returned home after his sleep, and be able to over bear his fancy must needs acknowledge, seeing himself so destitute of all authority but his own, or such as is to be regarded no better than his own, that none at all stand for him in this plea against us.  
2. And truly in respect of M. Hall, little help is needful to refute him, because he so refuteth 
M. Hall overthrown by his own Authors.  himself, as his adversary shall need no better weapons to overthrow him, than his own words: for even here he telleth us: That all the scuffling arose in the eight age, wherein yet this violent imposition sound many and learned Adversaries, and durst not be obtruded at once. So he, and all in his dream: for in case he had been waking, he could not but have known, what himself wrote before out of the Trullan Synod, where the very first words of his sacred Canon are: Quoniam in Romana Ecclesia loco Canonis seu Decreti traditum esse 
Concil. Trul●an. Can. Can. 23.  cognovimus etc. For that we have known it desired in the Roman Church by way of Canon, or Decree, that such Deacons or Priests, as are to be esteemed worthy of ordering, profess for the time to come never to know their wives etc. Which words alluding no doubt to the former Canons, cited out of the Latin councils, show the continency of Clergy men, to have been long in use before that Synod.  
3. Wherefore the scuffling if there were any, was not as he fancyeth to take away wives, and bring in single life, but the contrary by preserving single life, to debar from marriage, or use of wives such, as of married men, were made Ecclesiastical. And whereas the Trullan Synod contradicted this custom, and in their decree against it said: that from that day forward such as were married before, might keep and know their wives, they brought in a new law, & began to scuffle and ruffle for the grant of that which was before forbidden, though yet they did shoot short of M. Hall's butts, and not yield the half of what he would have: so as in his aforesaid words, are three untruths. The one that 
Three untruths in one short sentence.  this scuffling was to bring in the continency of Clergy men, which was brought in before, and was never out of use, and this was only to preserve it, being already in possession, against the violent opposition of incontinent Grecians, and others, who claimed marriage. The second that this found many and learned adversaries: for against this long and laudable custom of the single life of Clergy men, none but Heretics, or Schismatics opposed themselves, of whose wickedness we read much, of their learning nothing. The third that it was not obtruded all at once, but by degrees. Where M. Hall? and when? in the Latin Church? So you insinuate by that you add out of Pope Gregory the third, and that also in his time: but fie on this impudence, which affirms that to be begun by Gregory the third, which by more than thirty councils was defined before his time: I cannot but here say with S. Augustine: Miror si in sacie hominis tantum 
August. lib 1. in julian. c. ●. in fine.  interuallum est inter frontem & linguam, ut in hac causa srons non comprimat linguam. I wonder if there be so great distance between the forehead and the tongue, that in this matter the forehead doth not keep the tongue back from such over lashing.  
4. And this the more for that in all the testimonies, which he hath raked together to prove this liberty, and freedom in the first seven hundred years, he hath not brought one out of the Latin Church but S. Cyprian of Asricke, whom he maketh to speak that of Numidicus, which he never thought nor said: all other his 
M. Hall could find no Latin Fathers of the primitive Church for the marriage of Ecclesiastical persons.  allegations are of the Greek Fathers of the Greek Church, and for defect of Latin Fathers, he stuffeth his paper with the names, and authorities of Panormitan, Caietan, Gratian, Pius secundus, and other late writers: and yet here, as though all the Latin Fathers and Church, no less than the Greeks' had jointly conspired in this controversy, he speaketh o● the violent imposition, and obtrusion of this law, as though that Gregory the third first of all by little and little would have brought it into the Church, but was afraid to be too bold in the beginning, and therefore is feigned to give a disiunct charge; which is a mere dream, falsehood and foolery, and hath not so much as the least shadow of any probability: but let us hear his words.  
5. Lo even then (saith he) Gregory the 3. 
A mere forgery.  writing to the Bishops of Bavaria, gives this disiunct charge: let none keep a harlot or concubine, but either let him live chastened, or marry a wife, whom it shall nor be lawful for him to forsake. So M. Hall. Putting the words down in latin in his margin, but without further reference where to find them, and I think he must seek long that can find any such words: for there is extant but one epistle in Baronius, Binnius, Serarius, Surius, and others, of this Gregory unto the Bishops of Bavaria, and in that there is no such clause, or any thing tending to this purpose, so as until M. Hall show us his Author from whence he hath taken it, we will urge against him the Cornelian law, which so severely punisheth impostors, who to get credit to their leasings, obtrude their own forgeryes, under the name and title of the uncontrolled authority of other men.  
6. But let us suppose some such words be extant, as I think verily there are none, yet doubtless the Pope meant them of such lay man 
M. Hall's citation proved to be counterfeit.  as kept concubines, and not of Clergy men: for otherwise this testimony had appeared long before this time in other men's books, and not first have peeped out of M. Hall's Epistles, being so urgent as it is for this matter, and yet I have not seen it objected by any: which negative if it suffice not, at least this affirmative with me will conclude, that Zacharias Pope, and immediate successor unto this Gregory, in the very 
Zacharias Papa ep. 1. ad Bonifacium.  first epistle he wrote unto S. Boniface the Apostle of Germany, having occasion to speak of this matter, so writeth as though the thing were undoubted of▪ and saith: Apostolus unius uxoris virum etc. The Apostle will have him to be made Priest, that is the husband of one wife, & this is lawful to do before priesthood, but from the day of their priesthood they are forbidden from their proper wedlock, or to live with their wives. And again speaking of the lascivious Priests in Germany he saith: Isti verò è contrario etc. But contrariwise these men do not only abstain from one wife, but being wholly given to lust, commit greater offences then secular men, in so much as they presume to have more wives, who after their orders taken are not permitted to touch one. So Gregoryes successor, and he also a Grecian, who further appointeth them to be suspended from the practice of their function, accordint to the Canons and decrees of the Fathers: and this being so contrary unto the other words, and not mentioning any revocation of his predeessours' decree, which always in such cases is accustomable, M. Hall's forgery is liable to no excuse, but addeth a new confirmation to that which needed no other, that as well in this as in his Trullan decree, and almost in all things else he is to be condemned as faithless.  
7. And his conscience as it should seem accusing him of perfidious and faithless dealing he seeketh to ward the blow, and avoid the charge by laying the like fault on us, bet in such confused manner being as it seems in some choler, as he understandeth not himself: for after the forged testimony of Gregory, that none keep harlot or concubine, but either live chastened, or marry a wife, whom it shall not be lawful for him to forsake, he adjoineth immediately: According 
A foolish & impertinent charge.  to that rule of Clerks▪ cited from Isidore, and renewed in the Council of Mentz to the perpetual shame of our juggling adversaries, nothing can argue guiltiness so much, as unjust expurgations. Isidore saith, or let them marry but one, they city him, let them contain, and leave out the rest, somewhat worse than the Devil cited Scripture. Hitherto M. Hall, in which words he chargeth us as you see very hotly, to our perpetual shame of unjust expurgations to city Authors worse than the devils Scripture, to be jugglers, and guilty of the greatest crime of all others, which is unjust Expurgations, more grievous in this man's opinion, then to frame forged testimonies, and father them on other Authors, as he did now immediately on Gregory the third, and is ready to do again at a pinch, if he be urged thereunto.  
8. But this clamour is only superfluous babbling proceeding from an inflamed heat of contradiction, having no other ground besides the malice and ignorance of the writer, and exceeding negligence in not seeing the places in the Authors from whence they are taken, but receiving them upon trust out of other men's 
M. Hall either did not read, or not understand S. Isidore.  notes, which the very title he giveth the book doth bewray: for he citeth him Isidor. reg. Cleric. whereas no such work under that title is extant, and the place he allegeth is out of his second book de Ecclesiasticis officijs, and second Chapter, & had he but read the Author, the objection would have carried the answer in his forehead: for S. Isidore in the beginning of his book, speaking of Clergy men in general, whether in sacred or in the lesser orders, saith of them all together, that either they must continually live chaste, or else live in the band of one marriage, which after when he cometh to every particular order, he doth more fully declare: and of Bishops, Priests, Deacons & Subdeacons' he saith, they are bound to continual chastity, of the rest he saith nothing at all in this matter, and thereby insinuateth, that they might marry, as indeed they might: and that he taketh the word Clerici, Clergymen in this most ample signification is evident by his first Chapter of his second book, and very first words thereof: for thus he beginneth: Omnes qui in Ecclesiastici ministerij gradibus ordinati sunt, general●er Clerici nominantur. All who are ordered in the degrees of the Ecclesiastical ministry, are commonly called Clerks or Clergy men, which degrees in the ensuing Chapters he doth particularly specify, and that both sacred and others: for he hath one Chapter of Bishops, one of Priests, one of Deacons, one of Subdeacons', one of Lectours, one of Exorcists, one of those who are called Ostiarij, or attend to the keeping of the door etc.  
9 Of the four first he concludeth, that they must live continently, I mean either in 
S. Isidore contrary to M. Hal.  single life, or a part from their wives in case they were married when they took these orders: for this of Subdeacons' alone, which alone concludeth for all the other Superior orders, he writeth: Isti quoque vasa corporis & sanguinis Christi 
Isidorus l. 2. de E●cl. office c. 10.  Diaconibus ad altarium offerunt etc. These Subdeacons' do offer to the Deacons at the altar the vessels of the body and blood of Christ, of whom 
Subdeacons'.  the Fathers have decreed, that because they touch the holy mysteries that they be chaste, & contain from their wives, and be free from all carnal uncleanness, as is commanded them by the 
Concil. Cartha. 4. l cap. 5.  Prophet saying: be ye clean who bear the, vessels of our Lord. So S. Isidore of Subdeacons', and so likewise the Council of Carthage, and if these were bound to chastity, none I think will deny this band more properly to appertain to Priests, & Bishops, who do not only touch the vessels, but as S. Hierome saith, Corpus Domini sacro ore conficiunt, consecrate with their sacred mouth the body of 
Hier. ep. 3.  our Saviour, and the higher degree in all reason requireth more sanctity, cleans, and perfection than the inferior.  
10. Of Deacons he saith: propterea altari albis 
Deacons.  induti assistunt etc. Therefore they assist at the Altar in their albes, that they may live a celestial life, 
Cap 8. loco citato.  and come white, and without spot to the sacrifices, to wit clean in body, and for purity undefiled: for it beseemeth our Lord to have such Ministers, that are not stained with any corruption of the flesh, but rather shine with the perfection of Chastity: and a little after explicating the words of S. Paul he saith: Diaconi similiter irreprehensibiles. Let Deacons be irreprehensible, or blameless, that is without spot, as are Bishops, that is chaste, containing themselves from all lust. So S. Isidore of Deacons: and of Bishops, 
Bishops & Priests.  and Priests he saith as we have cited him in the first paragraph upon the words of S. Paul: unius uxoris virum, the husband of one wife: Sacerdotem quarit Ecclesia, aut de monogamia ordinatum, aut de virginitate sanctum etc. The Church seeketh for a Priest or Bishop (for the word in S. Isidore is taken for both, especially the later) either for single marriage decent, or holy from virginity: he who hath been twice married cannot be Bishop. So he. And this being the judgement and doctrine of S. Isidors', let us according to the same examine M. Hall's charge, and see of what weight and moment it is. 
M. Hall's untruths in urging the testimony of S. Isidore.   
11. False then it is that the sentence of Gregory, or rather of M. Hall in Gregoryes name is according to the rule of Clerks of S. Isidore: for between the one and other is no semblance, no coherence, no dependence, but open contradiction and repugnance, because he brought that sentence to prove that Priests might marry, at least under a disiunct charge, but this is not allowed by S. Isidore, by any disjunction, or copulation, but disproved in all holy orders from the Subdeacon to the Bishop, from the highest to the lowest, and it is nothing else in M. Hall, then mere juggling, and most shameful dealing to apply that unto Bishops, Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons', which S. Isidore meant of others, and to restrain the word Clerk to such only as are in holy orders, when the other extendeth it to all the lesser, and to any whosoever serve the Church.  
12. Another falsity it is, that this rule is renewed in the Council of Mentz, and that to 
Concil. Mogun. 1. cap. 10.  our perpetual shame, whom he calleth his juggling adversaries: for that Council is so far from renewing that rule, as that part which alone concerneth M. Hall's purpose, to wit, aut certè unius matrimonij vinculo soederentur, is pretermitted, & the other disjunctive part of preserving perpetual chastity is only expressed: for which this man is so eager in his crimination: and although his words seem to touch us alone not the Council, when he saith: that this is renewed in the Council of Mentz to our perpetual shame: for (saith 
A false & injurious charge.  he) nothing can argue guiltiness so much as unjust expurgations: for Isidore saith, let them contain, or let them marry but one, they city him, let them contain and leave out the rest, somewhat worse than the Devil cited scripture. Which accusation of his, if it be meant of Catholics, as at the first sight it may seem, that they cut out this passage out of S. Isidore, the thing is no less false than injurious, as appeareth by this book itself printed at Rome in the the Pope's Vatican, and annexed unto the last tome of S. Gregoryes works in the year 159●. where the pallage is word by word, as M. Hall hath cited it, and the like I suppose of all other 
A contradiction.  editions: if his meaning only be that the Fathers of that Council omitted it, then as I said he contradicteth himself, in saying that this Council renews the rule of S. Isidore, for the marrying of Priests, when as by omitting that clause it doth rather overthrow it, and allow only the single life of the Clergy.  
13. The third falsehood is of the guiltiness of the Council in this unjust expurgation: wherein M. Hall, because it left out the sacred 
The Council of Mentz cleared for omitting the later part of S. Isidores sentence.  clause of marriage (a heavy case) saith, that they city it worse than the Devil cited the Scripture. Watch I deny, and further aver that supposing the end of the Council, for which as well that in Germany, as two or three more of France were called, which was for the reformation of Priests, Bishops, & Religious persons in these Countries, the Fathers assembled took that out of S. Isidore, which S. Isidore alone meant of such, as omitted the other clause which concerned others, which as by S. Isidore, speaking in general was well expressed, so the Fathers in the Moguntine Council speaking more strictly, did necessarily pretermit, and that according to the true sense, drift and meaning of the author, as now we have heard: so as all bitterness of words against us, showeth M. Hall to be like a waspish child, that upon every occasion would show revenge, but wanteth strength to do any hurt: for all his blunt bolts are but sagittae paruulorum, darts ● bull rushes, fit for women and children, then for grave and learned men to skirmish with all.  
14. The last falsehood is in the translation of S. Isidores words, for unius matrimonij vinculo foederentur, doth not signify let them marry but one, as if S. Isidore had given leave to Priests to marry once: for so M. Hall will have him to be understood, 
M. Hall helpeth himself by false translation.  but rather is to be Englished passively, let them be married but to one, according to that of the Apostle, unius uxoris vir, the husband of one wife, in which sense albeit he had spoken of Priests and Bishops, he had said nothing against us, who grant that such may be ordered, but deny that they may marry after: so as between my translation and M. Halls, there is as great a difference, as between these two propositions: he who is once married may after be made Priest, and he who is made Priest may after be once married. The first is allowed by S. Paul and all others, the other by all manner of authority is denied: and M. Hall cannot in any one particular, ever show us the contrary practice in any place wheresoever to have been observed in the Latin, or Greek Church: and this supposing S. Isidors' words to be spoken of Priests and taken in their most rigorous and Grammatical sense, although I prefer the former opinion as more true, & most agreeable to the whole contexture of that second book from whence it is taken: so as you see nothing can pass this man's pen without many dashes of unsincere & faithless dealing.  
15. There followeth in M. Hall another authority, or rather as he sets it forth a main pillar 
M. Hall's main pillar of S. Vdalricus his epistle to Pope Nicholas the first at large refuted.  or ground of his cause, which by so much the more deserveth exact discussion, by how much M. Hall doth confide on the same, as on a matter for truth undoubted of, and for this present controversy (supposing the truth) so forcible, as it admits no reply, & which alone so potently doth bear and beat us down, as if all arguments failed this by itself were able to supply for all, and not without our deadly wound yield the cause and conquest to our Adversaries, in respect whereof I will stand a little the longer on the matter, and let nothing pass either of his text or margin, which concerneth this matter undiscussed: & that I may not seem without cause to make this so curious inspection, and stand upon all particulars of the same, I will first set down the thing out of M. Hall's own words, and that without any alteration of any syllable, that you may both see the thing itself of what force it is, and how much he doth repose thereon, and then answer every part and parcel thereof. Thus than he writeth.  
16. But I might (quoth he) have spared all 
Answered by Bellar mine lib. de Clerc. c. 22. init.  this labour of writing, could I persuade whosoever doubts or denies this, to read over that one epistle, which Huldericus Bishop of Auspurge wrote learnedly, and vehemently to Pope Nicholas the first in this subject, which if it do not answer all cavils, satisfy all Readers, and connince all (not wilful) Adversaries, let me be cast in so just a cause. There you shall see how just, how expedient, how ancient this liberty is, together with the feeble & injurious ground of forced continency: read it and see whether you can desire a better advocate. After him (so strongly did he plead, and so happily) for two hundred years more this freedom still blessed those parts, yet not without extreme opposition: histories are witnesses of the busy and not unlearned combats of those times in this argument. Hitherto M. Hall.  
17. And here before I enter further into this fable, I cannot sufficiently marvel that any one who would be taken for learned, a sincere writer, and searcher of the truth, would ever 
M. Hall's indiseretion very singular.  adventure in such phrase of speech, with such certainty, such confidence to gull his credulous Reader with a mere fiction, a counterfeit toy, and most childish imposture: is it possible, M. Hall, that this fond invention so often answered, and refuted by so many learned men, as Bellarmine, Baronius, Eckius, Faber, Staphilus, and in our English tongue by Father Henry Fitzsimons and others, shall again without all proof for approvance, or disproof of what is objected against it, be again so earnestly urged, so delivered as an undoubted and infallible verity, and testimony beyond all exception? truly you are of a very weak wit if you see not, or prodigal of your credit if you regard not, or of a scared 
Hall. charact. of Pharas. & Christ. pag. 39  conscience and iron forehead if you feel and fear not the sin and shame, which before God and man will follow of this insolent dealing. I meruayl not that you are so cager against such as read Bellarmine and others of the subtlest jesuits, as you term them: for writing as you do, the policy is good, and you may take the larger scope to coin lies, whiles you turn your Readers eyes from the authors where they should find them detected, and read the answer before ever you had made the objection. But to the thing itself.  
18. After that the Lutheran liberty through 
The first occasion of this fable.  the dissension of the Germane Princes had taken away true faith from men, and overthrown the ground of all virtuous actions, the better to cover the lewd lechery and filthy incestuous marriages of their first founders, & to open the gate to all lascivious behaviour, which they saw was far more easy to practise then to persuade, seeing the Apostle so plain for virgins, 
1. Cor. 7.  and natural reason to show the excellency of that state above marriage, all the endeavours of these new flesh-wormes was to bring the thing in hatred, by making many fictions of the ill observance of this virtue in such, as by special vow had bound themselves to keep it, Priests I mean, and all Religious persons: and for that examples move the multitude whereof some of fresh memory perhaps were true, that in other times the like inconvenience came of vowing virginity, they invented this prodigious history 
The tale which is related in the counterfeit epistle of S. Vdalricus.  related in the letter of S. Vdalricus, whereof now we shall speak.  
19 And although these companions agree in the end for which this tale should be devised, yet in setting down the circumstances, and the particulars of the fact, as it commonly happeneth in things of this nature, there were among the brethren divers opinions: first for the pla●e where it should happen, than who should relate it, and at what tyme. The case related in that epistle is this in effect, that S. Gregory making a law for the continency of Clergy men as S. Vdalricus is made to say, whiles his men went to his po●d to catch fish, they found more than six thousand heads of young children, which being presented unto S. Gregory, he saw the law that he had made to have been the cause hereof, and that the Priests to cover their incontinency, had committed this murder, whereupon he revoked the law, and permitted Priests to marry. So S. Vdalricus in his letter to Pope Nicholas the first, as M. Hall, or second, or third as M. Fox will have it: and thus now they tell the t●●e.  
20. But in the beginning these heads were 
F. Henr. Fitzsimons Cath. Confuta. pag. 3 9 Staphil. in defence Theologia trimembris sect. ultim.  said to be found in Sicily, and that the mothers of these Children might not seem to be inferior to their Fathers, Flaccus Illyricus, as Staphilus writeth, saith that all of them were found near unto certain monasteries of Nuns, but where these Monasteryes were he saith nothing: and for the author of this letter some say it was S. Vdalricus, others, as Binnius reporteth, that it was not the Saint, but another Bishop of the 
Binn. tom. 1. in notis ad vitam Gregorij magni.  same place and name, but in all the Catalogue of these Bishops, no second Vdalricke is to be found, others as Benefild against M. Leech say, that he who wrote this letter was one Volusianus, but who this Volusianus was there is no mention, M. Hall saith that Volusianus and Huldricke is all one, which to me seems incredible, there being so little affinity in the names, and not one ever writing that S. Vdalricke was termed Volusianus, only they of Basil, who first printed this lie, — Populo ut placerent quas fecissent sabulas: 
Terentius.  have made the fiction very formal, and lay that the place was Rome, the present of 6000. heads & more was made to S. Gregory the Great, the author of the letter S. Vdalricke, and that he wrote it upon the same occasion to Nicholas the first, who would have renewed S. Gregory his decree, and have forced continency upon all Ecclesiastical men.  
21. But the whole narration is so fabulous, so ill patched together, so false and forged, 
The thing evidently demonstrated to be a lying fiction.  as it disclaimeth from all truth of times, persons, and things, no one part agreeing with another, or subsisting in itself; so well had they tippled who devised this drunken letter: for else they would have seen it impossible, that ever S. Vdalricke should write unto Nicholas the first; seeing Nicholas died in the year 867. and the other was not borne till the year 890. so as between the death of Nicholas and birth of S. Vdalricke there are 23. years: and as though that this were not ridiculous enough for one to writ 
Non sat commodè divisa temporibus.  a letter to another, who was dead 23. years before the writer was borne, they add in the beginning of the letter, that he wrote it when he was Bishop: for thus he writeth: Nicolao Domino & Patri pervigili S. R. E. provisori Huldericus solo nomine Episcopus amorem ut filius, timorem ut servus. To Nicholas his Lord and Father, the vigilant provisor of the holy Church of Rome, Huldericke only in name a Bishop, sendeth love as a son, fear as a servant: and to omit this manner of greeting not in use in these times, you see that he wrote the letter when he was Bishop, unto which dignity he was preferred in the year 924. or as the Chronicles of his own Church say 923. so as between the death of Nicholas, & his election, there are more than fifty years: and can any but laugh to hear of a letter written unto one, who was dead more than fifty years before? M. Hall shall do well to tell us who carried this letter, where it was delivered, & what answer the dead man returned thereunto, for that will serve as well as the other for old women to tell children at the fire side, and to make fools pastime.  
22. Moreover in the time of the first Nicholas, 
The marriage of Clergy men never mentioned in the time of Pope Nicholas the first.  although divers other tumults were raised, especially by the wicked Patriarch of Constantinople Photius, Michael the Emperor, john Bishop of Ravenna, Lotharius King of France, Hin●marus Archbishop of Rheims and others, yet in the matter we now speak of, there was never any Controversy made, no decree, no mention at all in the life of this Pope, exactly set down by Baronius, & how then is it possible that any should write unto him such a letter as here is mentioned, and no mention thereof to be made in his life, or any record left, that ever he dealt one way or other in that matter, unless it were in some particular case, which was resolved according to the custom then in use, without all tumult, noise, or resistance, when as this letter mentioneth not a private resolution, but a public decree, either to have been made, or intended to be made for all in general, & that with public opposition, of which there is no mention or memory in any Author but in this letter: and it is a lie worthy of the maker in john Fox, when speaking of this Nicholas a most famous and renowned Pastor: by this Pope (saith he) Priests began to be restrained from marrying:  
23. Again Antonius Monchia●enus Democares a Sorbon Doctor, recounting all the Bishops of Auspurg, and the time when they lived, of all others 
The fable is refuted by the Chronicle of the Church of Auspurg.  that I know most exactly, he putteth in the year 858. when Nicholas was made Pope, one Walterus who living but two years, Adelgerus succeeded him, who remaining Bishop sixten years, died the year 866. one year before Nicholas, whom S. Neodegarius following over lived the Pope, and between him and S. Vdalrike, were Lanto, Vdelmanus, S. Widgarius the Apostle of the Swissers, S. Adalbertus, & Hildinus, so as this being taken out of the very Registers, there can be no error, or not so great as can make so notorious difference in the time, especially when as other Authors, as Sebastianus Munsterus, Gaspar Bruschius, Henricus Pantaleon, and Aubertus Myraeus, and with them Martinus Crusius the Lutheran, & others agree in the same number of years, and order of succession, and our Adversaries are able to bring no Author, or authority to disprove it, or to make so much as any seeming appearance for this conviction of time between S. Vdalricke & Pope Nicholas the first, which maketh the whole tale more incredible, and in the judgement of any wise man impossible.  
24. And wonderful it is to see how M. Fox in this matter playeth the goose, and forgetteth 
M. Fox his contradiction in this matter.  himself, granting and denying, now affirming one thing, and then another, and that as it were with one breath, without any pause between: for speaking of this Pope Nicholas the first, thus he writeth: by this Pope Priests began to be restrained from marrying, whereof Huldricke Bishop of Ausborough (a learned and holy man) sending a letter unto the Pope gravely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his undiscreet proceed touching that matter: the copy of which letter, as I thought it unworthy to be suppressed, so I judged it here worthy and meet for the better instruction of the Reader to be inserted. So he of Pope Nicholas the first, whom he chargeth as you see with restraining of marriage, and of being reprehended by S. Vdalricke, who because he favoured as they suppose their marriages, which is with them the lapis lydius to try all learning, & only square of holiness, is entitled a most holy & learned man. Thus before the letter.  
25. But having set down the letter at full length according to his own translation, which is none of the best, forgetting what he had said in the beginning, he giveth presently this caveat to the Reader, that here by the way (saith he) the 
M. Fox was of a very short memory.  Reader is to be admonished that this epistle which by error of the writer is referred to Pope Nicholas the first, in my mind is rather to be attributed to the name and time of Nicholas the second, or Nicholas the third. And is it so indeed Sir john? then why do you put it out of the due place, under a wrong Pope? why did you tell us that the first Nicholas restrained marriage, and for that was reprehended by S. Vdalricke? Did the Saint gravely and learnedly refute and disclaim against the undiscreet proceeding of Pope Nicholas the first before the letter, and after was proved not to have said one word unto him at all, but to have spoken to another, who was Pope more than a hundred years after his death? which of these Foxes will you believe? these are such riddles, as I cannot understand them, and no more as I suppose did he himself when he wrote them, and so I leave them to M. Hall to answer, who for this matter in his margin remitteth his Reader to M. Fox, and yet he in his last admonition contradicteth M. Hall, who is resolute that it was written to the first, and not to the second, or third Nicholas.  
26. And M. Fox like a bad tinker whiles he would mend a little hole, by knocking he 
The correction of M. Fox refuted.  beats out the bottom of the kettle, or at least makes the hole much larger than it was before: for whereas most▪ Authors agree that S. Vdalricke died in the year 974. as Herm annus Contractus, Vrspergensis, Baronius, and others, or 973. as Crusius, how could he write to Nicholas the second who was made Pope more than fourscore years after S. Vdalricks' death? For as Platina, Baronius, & others affirm, Nicholas the second was not made Pope until the year 1059. such a fool or prophet do these men make this Saint to be: for if he wrote to the first Nicholas, he wrote to one buried more than twenty years before he was borne, if to the second to one not made Pope till more than fourscore years after he was buried: and as for the 3. Nicholas, he is so far off that I think his great grandfather was not begotten, when S. Vdalricke died: for he was made Pope in the year 1278. and the other departed this life the year 973. so as there are almost three hundred years between the death of the one, and creation of other, so exact are these men in histories, and such regard they have to deliver the truth, or rather are so impudent and shameless, as they care not what they writ, or what they avouch.  
27. For whereunto now are all M. Halls boasts come of the force & warrant of this testimony, 
M. Hall cast in his cause.  that it is able to answer all cavils, satisfy all readers, and convince all not wilful Adversaries, or else that he would be cast in so just a cause? For who seethe him not only to be cast, but crushed also in this matter? who seethe nor, on what sliding sands he placeth the chiefest foundations of his surest proofs? for now all his fair words and resolute assurance of his so potent Advocate is proved to be nothing else, but light smoke, false coin, a mere cogging collusion, which bewrayeth in the writer to too much vanity, conjoined with affected ignorance, or intolerable stupidity, in so much as I may conclude this first argument against M. Hall, with the words of the Author, who some years passed set out S. Huldericks life, and in this matter thus writeth in the Preface: Scio ad haec impuram nescio cuius nebulonis eptstolam Vdalrici aliquando nomine venditam, sed cùm ●a ad Nicolaum Pontificem scripta sit (Nicolaus autem primus plusquam viginti annis ante Vdalricum natum suerit mortuus, secundus Pontificatum octogesimo, & quod excurrit anno post eum mortuum inierit) ferrei sit oris oportet qui tantum mendacium ausit asserere, plumbei cordis cui possit imponere. So he. Which words for courtesy I leave unenglished, lest M. Hall should think that I applied these discourteous terms unto him in particular, which I will not: and that author speaketh to the first framer of this fancy alone, or to all in general that will be deceived by such fooleries.  
28. Besides this argument of time (an eviction unavoidable) other presumptions there are which seem to me to be very effectual, and 
No such epistle to be found amongst the Epistls of S. Vdalricus.  not answerable, whereof that is one which Staphilus relateth of the epistles of that Saint, all registered and reserved in Auspurg, amongst which there is not the least sign, or show of any such letter: neither doth Martinus Crusius the Lutheran in his suevical History (of which Auspurg is the chiefest City) so much as once insinuate any such thing, which yet should not have been omitted if it could have been found, that author taking all occasions where he can to calumniate Catholics, and gather up all scraps of any antiquity, which may seem to make against them: & which yieldeth to this argument more persuasive validity, no Author of those times when it was written, or any other after until our age, ever mentioned the same, or so much as heard thereof till our late sectaries set it forth, and many reasons there were to have urged the authority thereof, in case such a thing had been extant, written by a man of that fame for sanctity, as S. Vdalricke, to such a Pope as Nicholas the first, in such a matter, so often, so earnestly debated, with such circumstance of more than six thousand children's heads (a lie fit for Lucian) and the like, which yet none ever did, and their silence is to me a sure sign, that no such thing was extant in their days. 
Two or 3. years before the death of S. Vdalrick● was the contention of the incontinent Priests begun in England and yet none ever mentioned this letter.   
29. And to make this more plain, whereas with S. Vdalricke in Germany, at the same time lived S. Dunstane in England, who also out lived him for some years, and there that contention was then hotly pursued by that Saint & others against the licentiousness of Priests, it seemeth to me very strange, that such an epistle should have been written, lest that conflict was on foot, which lasted for divers years, and no acknowledge thereof to have been had in England, where it might most avail, and with the authority of the Author, have given more credit to the cause, than the others should have been able to infringe: but no such thing was then ever alleged, not one syllable thereof in Malmesbury, Hoveden, Huntingdon, Matthew Westminister, William Nubrigensis, Florentius, or any other: and thereof I infer that there was no such letter ever written, which upon so urgent an occasion, are so opportune a time, and so directly for the purpose of the lewd Clergy, could not have 
The incontinent Clergy men of Germany though living in the same age yet never mentioned S. Vdalricks' epistle.  been concealed, but again and again been produced, insisted on, and urged to the uttermost.  
30. Or in case there had then been so small intercourse between England and Germany, as in more than ten or twelve years a matter of this brute and fame should be written in one Country, and nothing thereof heard of or known in the other, our Kings at that time being of the Saxon race, yet how came it to pass that in the time of Henry the fourth Emperor, when this practice was by him permitted, and the Priests no less insolent than against the impugners of their incontinency, than our Ministers are eager now for their wives; in two Synods, one at Erphorde 1074. and the other the next year after at Mentz, to omit other combats against Gregory the seventh, all which happened within the compass of one age after S. Vdalricke; how came it I say to pass, that none of these Germane Priests could find this letter, or so much as give any notice thereof, especially Auspurg itself being taken by that wicked Emperor, rifled by the soldiers, and razed to the ground? No man there is which seethe not what advantage they had gotten thereby, and the thing happening in their own Country, could not but have been known to some or other, if not to all of that incontinent company, and so many favourers of theirs writing for them against the Pope, some one or other had registered it in their behalf, which yet hitherto was never done, and the Emperor would have been most glad to have had such a record, to have vexed the Pope withal, and checked his decree, in case any such had been known, or heard of in his days. 
In the time of S. Vdalricke there was no controversy in Germany about the marriage of Priests.   
31. Again in all the time that S. Vdalricke was Bishop, no Pope ever had any occasion to deal, or treat of this point in Germany, and nothing was ever done therein by any under whom he lived, which were divers: for he was Bishop fifty years, and many Popes in that time lived but two or three, & some not so much, but one year only, so as there was no cause why any such decree should be made, or thought upon, or that such a letter should be written: for all the variance that was in his time about the marriage of Priests was in England only, where three years before the Saint's death a Council was held, and the decrees which were made against the incontinent, by all the Bishops of the whole land assembled about the same, were after sent unto Pope john the 13. who confirmed them, whereof the chiefest was, that either they should put their women from them, or themselves be put from their Ecclesiastical possessions, which nothing concerned S. Vdalricke, and by all likely hood he never so much as heard thereof, and if on this occasion he had written this letter to Nicholas the first, it had been of a very stolen date, to wit of more than a hundred years after that Pope his death.  
32. And as these things demonstrate S. Huldericke not to have been the writer, so if we a little examine what is written, the contents I 
S. Huldericks letter against the Protestants.  mean of this letter, we shall find how far it is from all learning, wit, and truth, as no man would offer to be cast in his cause therein, unless it be some outcast indeed, that careth for neither cause, credit, or conscience at all: for to omit 
Supemacy.  that this letter acknowledgeth the Pope's Supremacy against all Protestants, and band of observing the vows of such as have vowed continency against M. Hall: for of the first the Author saith: I doubted what the members of the body should do, their head being so greatly out of frame, for what can be more grievous, or more to be lamented touching the state of the Church, then for you being the Bishop of the principal Sea, to whom appertaineth the regiment of the whole Church to serve, never so little out of the right way? So he. And yet this now in England is treason by Parliament, to say I mean, that the Bishop of Rome is head & 
Vows of chastity to be observed.  supreme Governor of the whole Church, which here as you see by this grave and learned author, as M. Fox calleth him, is so plainly confessed: of the other also thus: truth itself speaking of continency not of one only but of all together (the number only excepted of them which have professed continency) saith, he that can take, let him take. Which exception over throweth M. Hals impossible necessity together with the doctrine of their Church, where the practical exposition of the former words is the Friar or Priest that can take a Nun to his wife, let him take her, and that without any exception at all.  
33. To omit this I say, what a gross and palpable untruth is that which the Author averreth against such as urged the testimony of 
A notorious lie in the counterfeit epistle of S. Huldrick  S. Gregory for the continency of Clergy men, when he saith: whose temerity I laugh at, and ignorance I lament: for they know not being ignorantly deceived, how dangerously the decree of this heresy was (being made of S. Gregory) who afterwards well revoked the same with condign fruit of repentance? But this revocatory decree, this repentance, or that the continency of Priests was an heresy, in S. Gregoryes opinion, are no less monstrous, then malicious assertions, never known or heard of till this letter came forth, or recorded by any for the space of more than nine hundred years after S. Gregoryes death that ever we can read of, and so much being written of his life by joannes Diaconus, by S. Bede, Ado, Freculphus, and others, that this by them all should be forgotten, which happened upon so remarkable an occasion as never the like before, or since hath ever happened, is a thing that exceeds my capacity to conceive, or any man else of judgement to imagine: and if such rotten rags may be once admitted for solid arguments, there is no ground so sure, but will soon be shaken, and all proofs from authority will be quite taken away: for any light head may soon frame more of these fictions, than there are heads feigned to have been found in S. Gregoryes pond.  
34. And whereas the Council of Rome before 
S. Gregory still urged the continency of the Clergy.  cited was held not long before his death, in which it is decreed, that if any Priest, or Deacon marry a wise he be accursed. And of Subdeacons' he so often had determined, that they should not marry, nor be married when they were made, and that no women should dwell with Priests, but such as the Canons allow, it well showeth 
Greg. l. 1. ep. 42. l. 3. ep. 5. & 34. l. 7. ep. 112.  what his opinion was: which again is expressed in his answer to the second question of S. Augustine: and all this being in S. Gregory, and no memory of the contrary in any epistle of his, or other men's writings of him, or in what other Author soever, we may well laugh at their temerity, or rather, lament their ignorance and simplicity, who will believe such toys, and offer to be cast in their cause upon so frivolous and fabulous a trial, no poetical fiction in all Ovid's Metamorphosis, no dialogue in Lucian, or tale in Aesop being more fond, false, and improbable, than this of the infant's heads, or that S. Huldricke was the Author of that fantastical Epistle.  
35. Furthermore that more than six thousand heads in so short a time after S. Gregoryes decree, 
More than six thousand heads in one pond.  should be found in one pond, and all these to have been the base children of Clergy men, may be told more than six thousand times to any man of judgement in the world, & never be believed, much less of any who know 
Monstrum horrendum inform, ingens.  Rome, about which now there are no ponds, and I think verily there were as many then, & that so many heads should be found without the bodies, & all to be known (by their looks belike) to have been the children of Priests, & other Ecclesiastical men, is a fit fable for Fox to insert into the Acts and Monuments of his Church, for similes habent labra lactucas, the truth of the Church of Protestants, and these histories is alike: and this may be told in Virginiae (if ever any more Ministers be sent thither to preach) or in some other parts of the West indies, where the people being rude and savage, willbe easily induced to believe any thing that is brought them by travelers, who talk of things done in other Countries a far of, they having no means nor list to examine the truth of the things reported.  
36. And if all other arguments failed, the style and phrase of this Satirical epistle, well 
The style of this bastard epistle.  showeth the Author to have been no Saint, or of any saintlike disposition: for who would ever use such terms unto his Superior, unto the chief Pastor, and Governor of Christ his flock as to say, through your imperious Tyranny▪ for is not this to be counted a violence and tyranny etc. who would ever twyte the Pope with cruelty, persecuting, and despitefully handling of the Clergy? such base and rebellious dealing may better beseem M. A. de Dominis, that lewd lost renegade, then meek S. Vdalricke: what Saint finally would say: For so much then, o Apostolical Sir, as no man which knoweth you is ignorant, that if you through the light of your discretion had understood, and seen what poisoned pestilence might have come into the Church through the sentence of this your decree etc. Moreover there are so many Ministerial phrases in this letter, as the institution of the Gospel, the word of the Lord, and the like, such mad application of the Scripture, such sp●use advertisements from the Lord, graced in the margin with M. Fox's notes, whereof one is, what it is to marry in the Lord, with a solemn shutting up of the letter, as it were of a sermon with these words, seeing that no man without chastity (not only in Virgin's state, but also in the state of matrimony) shall see our Lord, who with the Father and the holy Ghost liveth and reigneth for ever, Amen: as any may see it was never written by the holy and learned S. Vdalricke, but was invented by some ignorant Minister, who scant knew the laws of a letter, which is not to be ended like a sermon, although otherwise in lying and railing he were very practical, and his craft's master.  
37. For notwithstanding all M. Hall's encomiasticall 
The proofs of that letter weak, simple, & ridiculous.  praises of convincing all adversaries, of being so potent an advocate, & the like: whosoever will examine the proofs there alleged, and analize the whole letter, shall see how far he wes to seek for sound grounds of learning, who wrote the same, and how feeble his reasons are for this purpose, the greatest part of that epistle being also spent either in some bitter invective, or other, as in the beginning against the Pope, & presently after against such as live incontinently in single life, and commit sins against nature, as though married men did not the like, and therefore as well marriage as single life were to be taken away, because both are subject to abuse: & in all the later part, which is more than the half, no one place, or argument is brought or urged of any moment, but these words, he that can take, let him take, which we allow, and according to that rule square this consequence, he tha● can live a single life may be a Priest, and he who cannot may refuse, there is no enforcement, no compulsion, all passeth by free choice, and voluntary election: and this Author in the words immediately before saith, that such as have vowed continency, are excepted from this rule, and are bound to contain, it being now no more in their power to take or leave: and so if Priests (as they do) make a solemn vow or profession of chastity, why should not they be bound also to the observance of the vow they have made, as well as the other? what reason can there be assigned, why the vow which Religious people make of chastity should bind them, and the self same vow made by Priests should not bind at all, but leave them as free as they were before?  
39 All the rest of that letter is in documents bitter Satyrs, and other such trash, and the proof 
Small proof.  for the marriage of Clergy men from the beginning to the end is very little, and to no purpose at all: he beginneth with the permission of the old law not recalled, as he saith, in the new, to which before we have answered, and here add further the testimony of Venerable Bede, more 
Beda in illud Lucae 1. & cùm implarentur dies officij ●ius.  ancient then S. Huldricke: Hoc est quod dixi quod vicis sua tempore P●ntifices templi tantum officijs mancipati etc. This is that which I said, that the Priests, when their course came being tied only to the offices of the Church, did forbear not only from the company of their wives, but from the very entering into their houses, whereby is given an example to the Priests of our time, to keep perpetual chastity, who are always commanded to serve the Altar. For in the old law because the Priestly succession was preserved in the stock of Aaron, it was necessary to allot them some time for preserving their issue, but now because there is no carnal succession sought after, but spiritual perfection, the Priests that they may always attend unto the Altar, are always to contain from their wives, & chastity is imposed upon them for ever to be obseved. So S. Bede. And his reason carrieth so great force with it, and refuteth so well the idle objection of Protestants, as there needeth no commentary to explicate it, no authority to confirm it, or other reason to be adjoined to make it more 
This epistle bringeth nothing of moment but the ordinary tr●ial objections.  forcible.  
39 The other arguments drawn from authority or antiquity in that Rhapsody, are so barely alleged, so weakly followed, & some so impertinently applied, as will pity any judicious learned Reader to behold, and in effect they are the same which M. Hall hath brought, and myself have answered, and therefore in praising this epistle, he closely also seemeth to praise himself: for he bringeth the Text of the husband of one wife, the doctrine of Devils, the Apostolical Canon, the story of Paphnutius, S. Isidore of containing, or marrying of one, & that Saint is there styled the writer of the rule of the Clergy, from whence perhaps M. Hall took his error in citing it under the same title: and to this is added to conclude the whole matter, the imaginary revocation of S. Gregoryes decree by occasion of more than six thousand infants heads never found in his mote, but only in the muddy head of that tippling Germane, who half drunk, & half in a dream first devised that fable, and M. Hall as it should seem was ashamed to mention it, as seeing it out of common reason not only improbable, but also impossible, and set forth with such circumstances, as well show the whole thing to be incredible, and a  in print.  
40. One place of Scripture that epistle hath more than is in this epistle of M. Hall, which is, let 
A strange argument but in no mood, nor figure.  every man have his own wife, which that honest Man will have the Apostle to have meant as well of the Clergy, as of the laity, and the Catholics who deny it, are false hypocrites, do lie, and feign, and that the Priests are not afraid to abuse other men's wives, & to commit outrage in the foresaid wickedness: which is a Bedlam proof, that any lewd companion, though never so base may object against the most innocent man alive, and the jews against our Saviour himself said, that the was, Homo vorax & potator vini, a glutton and drinker o● 
Matth. ●●.  wine, a friend to Publicans & open offend ours, but catholics (poor men) understand not the Scripture, saith this author: and why good Sir? Hear him I pray you in less than six lines pleading against us and for us, and over throwing that which he would take upon him out of this text to put up. These men, saith he, have not rightly understood the Scripture, for the saying of the Apostle: let every man have his own 
1. Cor. 7.  wife, doth except none in very deed, but him only which hath the gift of continency, prefixing with himself to keep and to continue his virgin (or virginity) in the Lord. Be it so. And then if the Priests have this gift, and have prefixed this course to themselves in the Lord, than they shall not need to marry, and the Apostles words shall not concern them, or bind them to have their own wives ●s it doth other men. And this indeed is the very case of all Clergy men who vow chastity, and the observance of their vow resteth in themselves, assisted with God's grace to perform it, as before I have said, & so the words of S. Paul appertain not unto them, but to the Laity.  
41. M. Hall will perchance demand what if one who hath vowed chastity find that he hath not this gift, notwithstanding he hath prefixed the same to himself in the Lord: shallbe then be incontinent & not marry? I lay that neither the one or other is allowable, not the first which is never lawful, not the later which is unlawful to him: and this is decided even in the very next words of this Epistle, where the Author thus speaketh to the Pope: Wherefore, o reverend Father, it shall be your part to cause and oversee, 
M. Halls S. Hulderick pleadeth a-against him.  that whosoever either with hand or mouth hath made a vow of continency (as all Clergy men in holy orders have) & afterwards would forsake the same, should be either compelled to keep his vow, or else by lawful authority should be deposed from his order. So there: in which words you see both a compulsion for the observance of the vow, & deposition from their order in the transgressors, both which suppose an ability in the vowmaker of performing his vow, or else the suggestion of M. Hall his S. Vdalricke had been very injurious, unlawful and tyrannical, as imposing a punishment where there was no voluntary offence, and the thing for which he is punished was impossible for him in our Protestants opinion to perform: as that Prince should be a tyrant, who should put any subject of his to one of these extremes, either to lose the office and dignity he hath in the common wealth, or else to pull the Sun down from heaven, or remove the earth into a higher place within three miles of the concavity of the Moon.  
42. And seeing this doctrine delivered in the Epistle fathered on S. Huldricke is so contrary to the doctrine of this Epistle of M. Hall, who will have such vows to be filthy, & the keeping of them to include an impossible necessity, it was great temerity & inconsiderate dealing in him to offer to be cast in his cause, if this epistle do not satisfy all Readers, when as it is so far from satisfying all Readers, as it doth not satisfy himself, who will have all such votaries to change their vows as filthy, and to purify themselves by marriage, and make practical trial of john Fox his note, what it is to marry in the Lord, contrary to this Epistle, as you have seen: which being so I make this collection as evident to me as any mathematical demonstration, that M. Hall neither careth for his wife, nor for his fidelity, 
M. Hall neither careth for his wife, nor for his credit, nor for his cause.  nor for his cause. Not for his wife, because he offered to be punished by a divorce, if he evicted not all Clergy men's marriage, which he hath not done, or is able ever to do lest he liveth: not for his fidelity, which he pawned to lose on any decree to be showed more ample than that of the Trullan Council for the marriage of Ecclesiastical men, which now he hath seen, & that in such excess, as in respect thereof the Trullan Canon was but like the positive degree in respect of the superlative: not for his cause, which he adventureth on this Epistle, in which notwithstanding even in the point in controversy debated between us, he is both cast and condemned: for we grant a solemn vow of chastity to be made in taking of orders, which this epistle will not have broken, but either by compulsion to be kept, or punished by deposition, so careless a husband, so bad a Christian, so weak a protector he is, or else which I rather think so light witted a man, as he will offer upon any occasion to adventure all he hath, be it his wife, cause or credit, though the conditions on which he doth it be never so unequal, disaduantagious, or prejudicial unto him.  
43. Before I end this matter, I will come from M. Hall's text unto his margin, where first he maketh this note saying: Whether Huldericus 
Extreme folly to make no doubt of that which is only doubted of.  or (as he is some where entitled) Volusianus, I inquire not, the matter admits no doubt. So he. But this is extreme folly: for it importeth all in all to know the true Author, when all the credit of the thing reporteth, lieth thereon, as here it doth, or else any may obtrude whatsoever broken piece of a letter they shall find on the dunghill to be written by some Father, & the thing shall challenge authority from the writer: and this thing never having been seen, or heard of in the world before can have no credit if it were only written by some late sectary, as we have inst cause to suspect, and M. Hall cannot disprove, whereas if he could prove it written by S. Huldricke, we should more esteem it, and answer it with more regard, the authority being greater in the behalf of our Adversaries, then if it had been coined by some Magdeburgian or el● by some Sacramentary, either modern or more ancient. To avoid the suspicion of this imposture, M. Hall citeth again his learned Pope Pius 2. or Aeneas Silvius in sua Germania, which title john Fox setteth down more fully saying: 
Aeneas Silvius hath no mention of the counterfeit epistle of S. Vdalricus.  Meminit ciusdem epistolae Aeneas Silvius in sua peregrinatione, & Germaniae descriptione. Aeneas Silvius maketh mention of this letter in his pilgrimage, and description of Germany: but it should seem that john Fox his wit was gone in pilgrimage, or or else a will gathering when he made this note: for after some search I have made of his books (& I think I have better means to find them out, then Fox had) I can find none extant under the one or other title, nor yet under the title of his Germany, as M. Hall expresseth it, neither doth Trithemius in his catalogue, or Possevinus in Apparatu, where they set down all the books they could find of this Pope, mention any such work, and so the mention made of this letter in this Pilgrimage is a mere idle toy, framed out of the wandering imagination of john Fox, and upon to light credit taken up by M. Hall. There is in his works extant an answer to one Martin Mayer, for defence of the holy Roman Church, in which he describeth some parts of Germany by which he had passed, and speaking of Auspurg he saith as the Germans have printed him in Basill: S. Vdalricus huic praefidet qui Papam arguit de concubinis etc. S. Vdalricus is patron of this place, who reprehended the Pope for concubines: it lieth by the river Licus. So he, as these sacramentaries have set him out. Which being all granted belongeth not to this matter in hand, but concerneth only the bad life of the young Pope john, then thrust by force of friends, and maintained by tyranny in that seat, which abuse the Church is forced sometimes to suffer as temporal states do ill Princes: but in the one and the other personal crimes, as they tend to the impeachment of private fame, so nothing derogate from public authority: in such the office is to be considered apart from the life, as Moses his chair from the Pharisyes who sat thereon, their power we reverence, their lives we abhor, no state so high, no calling so holy, no function so laudable, but ill men have been found therein: and if once we confound the life with the office, and out of the unworthiness of the one infer the denial of the other, we shall leave no Pope, Bishop, Priest, Emperor, King or other Magistrate whatsoever: and this, supposing these to be the words of Aeneas Silvius, of which I have some cause to doubt, both for that I have seen a printed copy without them, and moreover I have seen three Manuscripts, of which as two were lately written & had them, so the 3. which was much more ancient, in the text had them not, but in the margin only, by which means forged glosses so creep in often times, as they come at length to be printed with the words of the Author: but howsoever, to this purpose they make nothing, and the other whom M. H●ll joineth with him, to wit Gaspar Hedio a late heretic, is of no credit to justify this matter, no more then M. john Fox, joseph Hall, or any other professed adversary.  
44. Again, it is another untruth to say, that somewhere he is entitled Volusianus: for though Benefild against M. Leech call the Author of that letter Volusianus, yet doubtless he meaneth 
The Author of the forged epistle uncertains.  another man distinct from S. Vdalricke who was never named Volusianus by any writer, and this maketh the whole tale more to reel, seeing it is obtruded as a base child that knoweth not his own Father's name: and if once we remove it from S. Vdalricke (to whom as I have proved it cannot agree) the thing loseth all credit, and proveth nothing but the corrupt dealing of such as allege it: for this Volusianus is a name invented to make fools feign, no man knowing what he was, where he was borne, when he lived, of what calling or credit in the world, whether of kit or kin to the man in the Moon, for he never lived on our inferior orb under the first, second, or third Nicholas: if I might interpose my guess, I should think him to be brother to Steven the subdeacon before mentioned out of Gratian, for that he is so ready to father the fatherless, and take a child to his charge which he never begot.  
45. But, saith M. Hall, the matter admits no doubt: which is another untruth: for whether by the word matter M. Hall understand the Author of the letter, or the contents themselves, both are doubted, yea both are denied, and to take that for granted which resteth in controversy to be proved, is a foul fault in Philosophy, and called petitio principij: as if one to credit 
Petitio principij a foul fault in ● Philosopher.  M. Hall, and to prove that for his learning he deserveth to be estcemed against one who should deny him to be learned at all, should thus conclude: All learned men deserve to be esteemed: but M. Hall as I suppose is a learned man: Ergo he is for such to be esteemed: no man will allow that he suppose the Minor as granted, which only is called in question and alone necdeth no proof, which if we apply to the present matter, we shall find in a different subject the same argument. We deny that ever S. Huldericke wrote any such epistle, how doth M. Hall prove it? thus, whether you call him S. Huldericus or Volusianus the matter admits no doubt but that he wrote it, to which put this Minor, but he who wrote the letter is Author thereof, Ergo S. Huldericke is the Author. An argument more fit for some Grillus, Corebus, Alogus, some Patch, jowl, or Will Summer, then M. Hall.  
46. There resteth one more untruth in the 
A foul chronographical error touching the time when S. Hulderick lived.  margin, which is Chronographical about the time when S. Huldricke lived, that you may perceive how this man in all things is rash and negligent: if he dispute his arguments be lose, if he city Authors their authorytyes are either mistaken or corrupted, if he infer one thing out of another, it is by wrong illation, & takes quid for quo, the contrary to that which doth follow of his premises, if for more exactness he go about to reduce things to their proper time, 20. or thirty years' difference is not to be regarded: for to be exact is against his reputation, he will not be taken for such a precision, and therefore here he telleth us, Huldericus Episcopus Argustae anno 860. which is just thirty years before he was borne, and yet after his birth he lived either thirty three, or thirty four before he was made Bishop: so as he is here made to be Bishop of Auspurg more than three score years before his time: are not these men exact writers trow you on whose fidelity so many men with such assurance may rely their salvation?  
47. And to end all this matter as though 
An untruth joined with a contradiction.  he had not hitherto given us untruths enough, he addeth for the final upshot one more, & that also combined with a contradiction when he saith: after Vdalricus (so strong did he plead and so happily) for two hundred years more this freedom still blessed these parts, yet not without extreme opposition: histories are witness of the busy and not unlearned combats of those times in this argument. So he. And I cannot but tell him out of the Comic: Non sat commodè divisa sunt temporibus tibi Daue haec: These times agree no better than did the other of S. Vdalricks' letter to the first Nicholas: and untrue it is that ever he pleaded so happily, so strongly, who never opened his mouth in this controversy, untrue it is that this carnal freedom blessed these parts for two hundred years more after his death: for under Pope Gregory the seventh he confesseth presently after, that this cause was utterly ruined, and between the death of these two, I mean S. Vdalricke & Gregory the seventh there is but one hundred and twelve years, and whereas that Pope dealt in that matter some years before his death, it will follow even by the grant of M. Hall himself, that this cause so strongly, so happily pleaded for, in the compass of one age was quite overborne, and utterly ruined, so as by this account M. Hall in setting down two hundred years, reckoneth only but one hundred too much, which is not much in him, so subject every where to error, and so careless in his assertions, as almost nothing cometh from him out of any learning or truth, that is in Controversy between us. 
The imaginary pleading of S. Vdalricu● neither strong not happy.   
48. Again there is a manifest contradiction in these words: for if upon this strong and happy pleading this freedom blessed the parts of the Latin Church, how had it such extreme opposition? for before this time there was nothing else in M. Hall's judgement, but full possession of this freedom, and the contrary not to have prevailed till more than a thousand years after Christ, so as all the blessing was before S. Vdalricks pleading, and all the opposition after, and how is not that pleading to beheld rather weak and unlucky, then strong and happy, which had no other effect then extreme opposition, and quite overthrow of the cause defended by that plea? For what success could be more unfortunate, then to be cast in a cause so vehemently urged, debated with such heat, and that between the supreme Pastor for authority, and a most eminent Bishop for sanctity of those tims? which contradiction is made more palpable by the next ensuing words in his letter: for thus he writeth.  
49. But now when the body of Antichristianisme 
A heap of untruths.  began to be complete (so it pleaseth this light Companion to prattle) and to stand up in his absolute shape after a thousand years from Christ, this liberty which before wavered under Nicholas the first, now by the hands of Leo the ninth, Nicholas the second, and that brand of hell Gregory the seventh was utterly ruined, wives debarred, single life urged. So M. Hall. And truly if Leo the 9 and Nicholas the second ruined this matter, this plea had so short a blessing, and so quick a cross, as it remained on foot little more than fifty years, and that still in continual contradiction until it was extinguished, and so, as before out of two hundred we rebated one, so out of that one we must take another half, & leave him but fifty if his own words be true, that this was ruined by Leo the ninth, as here he pretendeth, and the blessing he talketh of is resolved to this, that presently this marriage matter was contradicted, and the contradiction so followed as it prevailed: and this supposing what he saith to be true of these men and matter, which yet are so false, as they contain in them, to speak the least, more lies, than lines, which I will briefly touch in order.  
50. The first is, that under these Pope's the body of Antichristianisme began to be complete, for all 
The first untruth.  the Popes he nameth, to wit, Nicolas the first, Leo the ninth, Nicolas the second, and Gregory the 7. were all very holy men, all learned, all excellent Governors of Christ's Church, and, the second Nicolas excepted, all registered in the Catalogue of Saints: and our Protestants of the primitive Church in England were wont to tell us, that this body was complete in the time of Bonisace the third, whom idly they would have to be that singular Antichrist describe in daniel's prophecy, and the Apocalypse of S. john, & some have much laboured to draw the number of his name to agree unto the time when he was made Pope, with other impertinencyes: and if M. Hall make the denial of Priest's marriage the complemental perfection of this body (for all the heaven and happiness which these men have, is in their wives, and whatsoever savours or favours not, that is Antichristian) then was it complete for some hundreds of years before any of them were borne or thought on, as the authorities of Fathers and Counsels before alleged do demonstrate.  
51. The next is, that this freedom was still allowed, until a thousand years after Christ, to wit, that all Priests might marry, but 
A lie in print.  this is to gross a lie, and fit for him to make who is father of lies, then for any of his children or scholars. I see the Philosopher well to have advised a liar (though M. Hall follow not his advise) oportet mendacem esse memorem, he who will lie must have a good memory, & remember what he hath said in one place, that he do not contradict it in another, and so be taken in the manner, as here this honest man is, who 
M. H●al of a very weak memory.  two leaus before told us out of Steven the second that in the Western Church no one of the Clergy from the Subdeacon to the Bishop had leave to marry, & whereas this Steven was made Pope in the year 752. that is two hundred forty and eight years before the thousand, how doth he here tell us, that after thousand years from Christ this liberty which before wavered was ruined etc. what liberty do you mean M. Hall? of Clergy men's marriage? then your memory is very short: for what freedom was there in Steuens time, when none from the Subdeacon to the Bishop might marry? or what did all the Popes you here name add unto this restraint? Again, the first words of your Trullan decree made more than forty years before this Steven was Pope, do clean cast and condemn you, as confessing even then the Church of Rome to have decreed the single life of the Clergy.  
52. The third untruth is, that this feeedom 
The third untruth.  wavered in the time of Nicholas the first, who was made Pope in the year 858. for in all his time, as before I said no such matter was ever mentioned, none discussed, and it seemeth to me very strange to hear M. Hall to talk of Freedom 
Single life of the Clergy long in use even by M. Hals own Authors before the time of Nicholas the first.  under this Nicholas for marriage that should waver, when as out of Steuens testimony and his own Council, a hundred years before, no Subdeacon, Deacon, Priest, or Bishop was permitted to marry: for where at that time was this freedom? in the Greek Church perhaps? but how was their marriage ruined by these Popes, their wives debarred, single life urged, when as still that incontinent Clergy continued as before, as still borne out by their violent Emperors, and schismatical patriarchs? if he mean of the Latin Church, as needs he must: then I ask him again in Pope Steuens time where was this freedom? where in the time of the Trullan Synod? where before? where after? when did it first come in? when went it out? by what authority was it done? by what Author recorded? and can such great mutation be made, and no memory left thereof to posterity? I think not.  
53. The fourth is, when he saith: Now by 
The 4. untruth.  the hands of Leo the ninth etc. for what in this matter did this Leo? truly no more than Nicholas: for there is extant in his life set out by Baronius in his history, but one decree of his touching this matter, which M. Hall may be ashamed to apply to this purpose, unless he mean to plead for the freedom of all harlots, as well as for his wife: for these are the words of that decree as 
Petrus Dam. ep. ad Cunibertum Episcopum Taurinen.  S. Peter Damian relateth them, in whom only they are extant, and who perhaps was present at the Council: Leo Papa (saith he) constituit ut quaecumque damnabiles feminae intra Romana moenia reperirentur Presbyteris prostitutae, ex iunc & deinceps Lateranensi palatio adiudicarentur ancilla. Leo the Pope ordained that whatsoever wicked women should be found within the walls of Rome to have been nought with Priests, from thence forward should be condemned as serving maids to the Lateran palace. So he. And in this place as the same Author saith, they were to remain under a penitential habit and rule: and that such were truly harlots appeareth out of the same letter, where after he saith: Quas deprehenderit sacrilega Presbyteris admixtione prostratas. I hope M. Hall will make some difference betwixt his wife and such a one, and then I infer that Pope Leo of Priests marriages made no decree, but only punished their concubines, and that only in the city of Rome: and this Minister deserves little thanks of his fellows, that in pleading for their wives, taketh all laws made by any Pope against lewd harlots, to have been also made against them, as though Minister's wives & such people did convenire univocè, and were all of one predicament.  
54. The fifth untruth is, that he maketh Nicholas 
The fifth untruth.  the second to be one of those who denied marriage to Priests, or rather who ruined their marriages with Leo, and Gregory: for he likewise never dealt about marriages at all, and concerning the incontinent Clergy in his time one decree of his touching Priests we find in Gratian: Nullus Missam audiat Presbyteri quem scit concubinam indubitanter habere etc. Let no man hear 
Gratian. dis. 32. c. Nullus.  the mass of a Priest, which he certainly knoweth to keep a concubine: which point is there put under excommunication by the Synod. M. Hall seems to be of toto jealous a disposition, that can hear nothing spoken of concubines, but presently his mind runs on Ministers wives: and there was no need for Nicholas to deny marriage unto Priests, when as such in the Church of Milan as after holy orders had known their wives, or had maintained that they might be known, accused themselves of the heresy of the Nicolaits, before S. Peter Damian sent thither upon the report of their scandalous incontinency, & that without all compulsion or enforcement in this form of words: Nicolaitarum quoque haeresim nihilominus condemnamus etc. We do notwithstanding condemn the heresy of the Nicholaits, and as much as lieth in us under the oath aforesaid do promise to keep back not only Priests, but deacons and subdeacons from all filthy copulation of their wives, or concubines. So the Bishop of Milan: to his Clergy.  
55. Last of all it is another untruth, that 
The six untruth.  under Gregory the seventh (whom this railing companion calleth the brand of hell) the marriage 
The marriage of Priests more ruined by other succeeding Pops then by Gregory the seventh.  of Priests was ruined, because it never had so deep root in the Latin Church as in his time: for Henry the emperors variance with this Pope, gave liberty to that lose Clergy, to put themselves out of order, and withdraw their necks from the yoke of Ecclesiastical discipline, as the turmoils of our Conqueror caused the like in England at the same time, the Devil taking the advantage of such occasions to break the peace of the Church, as well knowing his best fishing to be in troubled waters, and by setting debate between the Ecclesiastical Governors and the temporal, to put all the members, and whole frame of the one & other body into mutiny, tumult, and disorderly confusion: neither did this end with Gregory, but continued after his death, as we see in urban the second, Paschalis the second, and others, who insisting on the steps of their famous predecessor Gregory the seventh, still by censures condemned that beastly abuse, never so much in use in the Latin Church as in their days, and therefore Gregoryes successors may better be said to have ruined M. Hals freedom and felicity, than Gregory, who left the matter more on foot perhaps then he found it, and by reason of the great hatred the 
Concil. Constant. Melfitanun Can. 2. Placentin. Can. 4. Claramon. Can. 9  Emperor bore his person, & sway which he had in Germany, was not able to cure this festered wound, though afterwards the constant courage of other Pope's succeeding, especially of urban the second in whose time by four Counsels it was expressly condemned, got the victory, & quite cut it off by the root.  
56. Which thing much troubleth M. Hall, and therefore that you may know the man's modesty, thus out of Aventine a late Gospelling brother he inferreth of their famous endeavours in preserving the Ecclesiastical state in her wont cleans by excommunicating such who after their vows took wives. A good turn for whoremasters, saith Aventine, who now for one wise might 
M. Hall's modesty.  have six hundred bedfellows. So M. Hall: but I see not how this inference can hold, unless M. Hall mean, as he seems to do, that though Clergy men were debarred wives, yet they were permitted to have concubines: for so his words import, that by the debarring of Priest's marriage, they gave them leave that every one might 
The concubines of Priests less condemned than their wives.  now have six hundred bedfellows, but that is a most impudent untruth: for all the former Popes who had any contradiction with Ecclesiastical men in this kind, except Gregory the 7. made all their Canons and decrees against concubines only, and thereupon began all his combat in England, and else where, though afterwards vice taking deeper root, some of those who kept concubines shaking off all shame (the ill government of Princes, and lack of vigour in the Bishops giving way to this wantonness) began to take them for their wives, & this most of all in Germany in the time of this Gregory, who therefore made his decrees against both, as well such as kept concubines, as the other who were married, and put them both under the like censures, because both did violate the vow they had made of perpetual chastity: and if the promise made in marriage bind either part to be true to other, and never during life to be separated by a second marriage; why shall not a promise made to God who never dieth, perpetually bind him that promiseth during his life, seeing the promise 
The band of chastity by vow, and the band of matrimony compared together.  is voluntary, the thing promised laudable, the performance easy, the reward glorious?  
57 Again, if one already married do marry another, the second marriage is inualide and of no force, because his former wife is living (& the same of the woman in respect of her husband) but is to be esteemed adultery, because the former band still knitteth him and the first wife together, and cannot be dissolved or broken, but by the death of the one or other party: so this kno● of chastiiy, whereby such as receive holy orders, do by solemn vow bind themselves to God during their life, doth still bind them for all that time, and to offer to break the same, either by keeping a concubine, or (to colour their filth with a fair cloak) by taking a wife, is sacrilegious incest, as before we have showed: for as the first is unlawful to all, and especially (by reason of the annexed scandal) to Clergy men, so is the other as impossible with the former band of his voluntary & premeditated vow as is the second wife in wedlock with the first: and as this second marriage is no marriage but adultery, so is this marriage of Priests no marriage at all, but an honourable title of a most dishonest filthiness, with which lest these men would cover their turpitude, Damnationem (saith 
1. Tim. 3.  the Apostle) habebunt, quia primam fidem irritam secerunt: They incur damnation, because they have broken their first vow, which they made of perpetual chastity unto Almighty God.  
58. And it must needs seem strange in the ears of all moral men, to hear these men's collections, who measuring alothers by themselves, no sooner hear that Priests are debarred wives, but presently gather that they must have concubines, or as beastly Bale writeth (who in this matter every where beleheth out ribaldry) Dunstanus 
Balaeus centur. 2. script. Britanniae in Osualdo.  perpetuo decreto firmavit, ut Clerici deinceps sub specioso caelibatus titulo Sodomiticè riverent, aut Ecclesiarum suarum, curas omnino dimitterent. Dunstan by a perpetual decree appointed, that Clergy men for the time to come under the beautiful title of single life, should live Sodomitically, or altogether forsake their Churches. So he. And who ever read such lying villainy? where was this decreed? where mentioned? but there is no mean with these men, either you must marry, or else have for one wife a hundred harlots, or live Sodomitically, as though there were no 
Stapleten. in vita.  purity out of wedlock, but extreme turpitude, when as chastity is better, and more easily kept in single life, as Sir Thomas Moor was wont to say, then in wedlock, and marriage is not so sure a bridle, but that besides one wife men will have more concubines, as appeared well in the first parents and planters of the new Gospel in England, King Henry and Queen Anne Bullen, for neither could that King be contented at once with one wife, or Queen Anne with one husband: for besides the King she had other false lovers, of which all our histories make mention, as Mark Smeton the physician, Henry Norrice, William Brierton, Francis Weston Gentlemen, & George 
The incontinency of the first progenitors of the English Gospel.  Bollen Lord Rochsord her brother, all which had carnally known her, all which were arraigned, condemned, and executed for their adultery, and incest committed with her, and she for the same was beheaded in the tower, & that within less than a year after that Bishop Fisher, and Sir Thomas Moor had lost their heads, for not approving her impure marriage, & that which flowed out of that source, for denying the monstrous title of the King's Ecclesiastical supremacy, never before heard of in the Christian world.  
59 And this I write, not as having any list to rock the stinking cradle of your gospels infancy, a work too unsavoury, but to show that we condemn not marriage, although in that state there be many advowtrers: for the abuse is to be sequestered as before I have said from the thing, & the argument were not good to say, single fornication is a less sin than adultery, ergo it is better for men not to marry but to live at liberty, & rather choose to commit the lesser sin, then to put themselves in danger of the greater, because both are damnable, and all are bound not to commit the one or the other: even so it fareth in Priests, of whose state we may not as these men every where do against 
Both wius and concubines to such as have vowed chastity are unlawful.  all rules of learning, or honesty conclude, that it is better for them to marry, then to keep a concubine, as though they were bound to one of these two extremes, and that their state after their solemn vows, were altogether the same with other lay men, and that it were as free for them to marry as before: for both the one and the other after their promise made to God of perpetual chastity, is wicked, unlawful, and damnable: and we hold not these to be termini causales, or to infer one the other, you are bound to avoid fornication, ergo you must needs have a wife: or on the contrary side, if you have not a wife, you will have a hundred harlots: for between these extremes, there is the single life of of such as live in perpetual chastity, which any one may follow, and all are bound to follow who have vowed it, and their marriage is a greater sin then single fornication with another woman, in regard of the injury done to the vow, to the sacrament, to the woman married, to the issue: to the vow, by breaking the band made to God, by a contrary band made to his 
The marriage of a Priest doth injury to 4. at once, to the vow, to the Sacrament, to the woman, to the issue.  wife, which even in civil contracts among men is held unlawful: to the Sacrament of matrimony, in that he marrieth who is not capable of marriage, & so profanely abuseth that which by our saviours institution is sacred: to the woman he married, for she being persuaded that it is true & lawful matrimony, liveth continually in sacrilegious incest, being indeed not his wife, but an infamous concubine: to his issue, because it is unlawful and bastardly by the Canon law. Such is the happiness of this freedom.  
60. But to end this matter, M. Hall not contented 
M. Hall's false accusation of Gregory the 7. refuted.  to have called Pope Gregory the seventh the brand of hell, urgeth further against him, how his decrees were contemned, himself was deposed, and that the Churches did ring of him each where for Antichrist: let us hear his own words, and then discuss them. But how approved those decrees were of the better sort (saith he) appears (besides that the Churches did ring of him each where for Antichrist) in that at the Council of Worms, the French and Germane Bishops deposed this Gregory in this name (among other quarrels) for separating man & wife: violence did this not reason, neither was Gods will here questioned, but the Pope's wilfulness, what broils heeron ensued, let Aventine witness. Hitherto M. Hall. There is no remedy, will we, nill we, this man will begin, will go forward, will end with untruths, for here are three more at the least, or to speak more plainly, no one true word in the whole narration: but first let us consider in a word or two the thing itself.  
61. Daily experience teacheth us, that where once enmity enters between Princes and 
Where there is enmity between Princes there is also most commonly open detraction of each other.  men of authority, how easy, how frequent a thing it is to devise bitter speeches against one the other, and that because both will seem to have been injured, both to have justice on their side, both to maintain a lawful quarrel, and whatsoever the adverse part doth though never so well, or themselves though never so ill, all are so covered over with new coats, crests, and mantles, as a lamb shall seem a wolf, a fearful hare a fierce lion, and on the contrary side in behalf of themselves, a Tiger shall be tame, and the rude Bear a beautiful beast: wherefore from the parties so interessed no sound & unpartial judgement can be expected, but that is to be sought from others, who being free from faction, and capacity sufficient to discern the grounds of the whole contention, shall with all candour deliver the same: and there can be no greater conjectural sign that any Prince maintaineth a wrong cause, then to see his own subjects of most power, learning, and credit to disclay me from him, to rise, to write against him, to condemn his actions, and utterly to forsake him: and this not only happened in Germany to Henry the fourth in this quarrel with Gregory the seventh, but in all other nations at that time: and all other writers since of any name, or note have condemned him, and praised the Pope, or if any mercenary companion have set his soul to sale, and betrayed truth for temporal rewards, as the number of such hath been few, so hath their memory been infamous, their credits crazed, and their reports as partial, as injurious, as lying, by all (heretics only excepted who place all their hope in lying) been disesteemed.  
62. In the time of Gregory the seventh ten Authors are cited by Bellarmine to have defended 
27. Authors alleged by Bellarmine in defence of Pope Gregory the seventh.  him, all grave, learned and holy men, and the chiefest for name or fame that then lived, of which the two SS. Anselmes were most eminent, to wit ours of Canterbury, and the other of Luca, whose sanctity even by the testimony of Sigebert the schismatical monk, and favourer of the Emperor was declared by God in many miracles which he wrought: and a little after these men by twenty two other Authors recounted by the same Cardinal, of which some report that he shined with miracles, as Martinus Polonus, Lambertus Shaffnaburgensis and others, some 
Vincent in ●●●culo. l. 25. c. 44.  that he had the gift of prophecy, as Vincentius the French Historiographer, some that he was most constant in Ecclesiastical rigour, as Otho Frisingensis, and Nauclerus: in fine for his singular zeal, 
Oth. lib. 6. cap. 32. Naucl. Generate. 36. vide Genebrar. in Chronico anno 1073.  learning, virtue, judgement, and perseverance until the end, all writers cyred in the Cardinal give him an honourable testimony, to which I will adjoin two others by him pretermitted, but both of them grave and learned, and such as no one who favoured the Emperor is to be compared with all.  
63. The first is Harimanus Schedesius a German 
Scedel. Registro Chron. ata. 6.  who styleth Gregory: Virum Deo & hominibus gratissimum, prudentem, justum etc. A man most grateful to God and man, wise, just, meek, the patron and protector of the poor, of pupil's, of widows, the only and most eager defender of the Roman Church against the wickedness of heretics, and power of wicked Princes, usurping by force Ecclesiastical goods. So he. And this Encomium belongeth not as you see to a brand 
Gregoryes life and death most lau dabble.  of hell, or a proclaimed Antichrist, but to a virtuous and most excellent Pastor, to a man of singular zeal and sanctity: & conform to these his rare virtues, and undaunted courage in God's cause, from which no threats of his potent enemy, no persuasion of his seduced friends, no human respect whatsoever was able to transport or move him: conform I say to these was his death, the end conspiring with the beginning, and laudable continuance of his whole life: for so the same Author saith that he died sanctè & prè, saintly and devoutly, which death happening unto him in banishment at Salerno, others recount 
Baronius & alij.  how in his death bed he used these words: Dilexi justitiam, & odio habui iniquitatem, propterea morior in hoc exilio. I have loved justice, and hated iniquity, & for that cause do I die in this banishment. A happy love, a happy hatred, and most happy banishment, all which are now rewarded with their due deserved crowns of immortal glory. 
Carolus Sigonius de regno Italiae l. 9   
64. The other author is Carolus Sigonius in that admired work● of his de regno Italiae in the 9 book, who having seen ●ll the whole matter, and much praised the worthiness of this Pope, he showeth the first root of all the discord between 
The lewd Bishops of Germany stir up the Emperor against the Pope.  him & the Emperor, to have proceeded from certain licentious Bishops of Germany, appalled at his election, as well knowing his courage and severity against all vice and vicious behaviour: Gregorius (saith he) ingeniy yehementis tum tumpraestantantis erga Ecclesiam pietatis etc. Gregory being zealous, and of singular piety towards the Church, the Bishops of Germany being affrighted with his notable severity, and immovable constancy in reforming Ecclesiastical discipline presently feared some sharp correction of their lives, & severe chastisement of their disorders, and therefore going to the Emperor, they willed him to disannul his election, or else to expect nothing else but all the power of this Pope to be bend against his crown. So Sigonius. So as we see that still wicked Prelates against the due correction of their Superiors, have armed themselves with secular power, and avoided that by force, which by all equity and justice they should have undergone.  
65. And that which made the vigour of 
The persons and personal crims opposed against by Gregory made his virtuous constancy more odious.  this vigilant Pastor more odious, were the persons with whom he was to encounter, which were the wicked Emperor, Robert Guiscard the Norman Duke, who by force had entered upon the possessions of the Church, had all Sicily, and a great part of Italy in his hands, and all the incontinent Clergy of Germany, and else where: to oppose against all these was to expose himself to all obloquys, injuries, and villainies that either the power of so potent Princes, or the malice of so many impure tongues could devise against him, neither were the persons more great than their faults heinous: for thus saith the same Author: Erant gravia illa flagitia coercenda ne sacerdotia venderentur etc. These grievous faults in particular were to be corrected by this Pope the selling of bishoprics or parsonages by taking the investiture or possession of them from the Emperor, or other lay men, that Clergy men should have wives, that the temporal dominions of the Church might not wrongfully be molested or alienated. So he. Who goeth on showing what this most famous Pastor did for remedy of all these disorders, and with what success, which I omit because in the matter we now speak off M. Hall assigneth him the conquest for this carnal liberty; which (saith he) wavered under Nicholas the first, now by the hands of Leo the ninth, Nicholas the second, and that Brand of hell Gregory the seventh was utterly ruined, wives debarred (a pitiful case) single life urged.  
66. Now if from the Pope we cast our eyes on his Antagonist Henry the Emperor, by whose means, as Hulderi●us Mu●ius the Zwinglian writeth 
Henry the 4. even in the judgement of Caluin a most wicked Emperor.  this liberty of Priests taking wives in Germany took such deep root, for by the fruit you shall know the tree, and cause by the effect, we shall find so much in grave Authors reported of him, as he may well be said to be the father of this deformed child, & chief Proctor of this carnal cause: for of all Christian Emperors that ever were he is one of the worst, if not the worst of all others: and to omit Catholic Authors both for avoiding prolixity, and for that their words have not so great weight against these men, though never so learned, grave, or holy, thus Caluin, to whom I hope M. H●ll will give some credit, doth paint him out: Henricus eius nominis 
Caluin. 4. Instit. c. 11. §. 13.  quartus etc. Henry the fourth of that name a light and rash man, of no wit, of great audacity and dissolute life: for uheras he had all the Bishoprics of Germany partly at sale, partly laid 
The like hath Aventinus the Lutheran of him.  open as a booty to be pilfered by his Courtiers, Hildebrand who had before been provoked by him, took this plausible pretext to revenge himself upon him, and because he seemed to prosecute a good and pious cause, he was furthered by the favour of many, & Henry was otherwise for his more insolent manner of governing hated of most Princes. So Caluin. And a little after: Huc accessit, quòd multi deinde Imperatores etc. To this may be added that many Emperors which followed after, were more like unto this Henry then unto julius Caesar, whom it was no great mastery to vanquish: for having all things secure they loitered at home etc. this was the conceit which Caluin had of this Emperor, by whose procurement all the rumours were raised against Gregory, and this testimony (which yet in that Author is rare to find) carrying so great truth with it in respect of the Emperor, and agreement with other histories, I will rest thereon, and from this general inspection of the Authors of the beginning and origen of this controversy, in a word or two examine all the particulars of M. Hall's accusation.  
67. These untruths of whose words before cited are couched so thick together, as he may seem here to have strived to try how many 
M. Hall's untruths touching Gregory the 7. are examined.  lies he could well utter in a few lines: for first it is an untruth to say, that such as misliked or rather condemned the decree of Pope Gregory were the better sort, for then the best of them, I mean William Bishop of Mastrick in Flanders, had never come to that disastrous end, as the histories do mention that he did: for none was more earnest for the Emperor, none more eager against the Pope, none a greater enemy to all order, 
The wickedness of William Bishop of Mastrick.  none dealt more, none so much in that Council of Worms as he: for he forced Adalbert Bishop of Herbipolis or Wirtzburg, and Herimanus Bishop of Mets to subscribe against the Pope, & was, as Baronius out of Lambertus and others hold him, the only Author of that schism, the Emperor doing nothing without his counsel & direction: and when by the Pope afterwards as well he as the Emperor were both excommunicated for the same, he being at Mastricke when the news thereof was brought him, the Emperor being also there, at the time of Mass according to his wont he preached unto the people, taught them to contemn the Pope's excommunication, laughed and made sport at the sentence, and being eloquent in speech, used all the art he could to make light all Ecclesiastical censures, to extenuate the Pope's authority, to complain of the wrong done him, and to canvas part by part the judicial sentence made against him, which to that wicked Emperor and his light Courtiers made good pastime.  
68 But these merry sermons ended not so merrily: for after the holy days of Easter ended, & the Emperor departed, this Bishop still 
Bruno in histor. belli Saxonici, Lambertus in Chron. & a●j.  continuing on his wont vain of jesting, railing, and contemning all authority, even in the pulpit, within less than two months after the Council of Worms, he fell sick, went home, and the disease increasing there stood by him one of the emperors family, who ready to departed after the Emperor, asked what he would command him to his Master: marry (quoth the Bishop) I send him this message: Quod ipse, & ego, & omnes cius iniquitati sauentes damnati sumus in 
A heavy message.  perpetuum. That he, and I, and all such as favour his wickedness are damned for ever: this was the last message he sent his ghostly child Henry the 
Desperation.  fourth: and being rebuked by some of his Clergy, who were about him for his desperate speech, he answered them: I can say no otherwise then I see and find: for the Devils environ my bed round about, that they may take my soul as soon as it is separated from the body, & therefore when I shall be dead, I request you, & all faithful people, that you trouble not your selves in praying for my soul. So this most miserable man, the author and inciter of this tragedy departed this life. Who whether he were of the better sort needs no declaration, for God giving the sentence who never in such matters forsaketh his friends, the matter is out of all doubt or controversy.  
69. And the Author I follow having set down this narration, with some more particulars 
Bruno in hist belli Saxonici.  which I let pass, thus further discourseth: Et cur eum solum dico miserabiliter obijsse? cum manifestum sit omnes ferè Henrici familiares & fideles aequè miseras mortes incurrisse, & eos miseriores qui fuerant illi fideliores quòd fides illa verè erat perfidia. And why do 
The followers of Henry the 4. M. Hall's better sort of men died miserably.  I recount this man alone to have died miserably? when as it is evident almost all the faithful friends of Henry to have had the like miserable ends, and those more miserable who were more faithful unto him, because that fidelity was nothing else but plain perfidiousness. So he. And then setteth down many particulars of the ends of the chiefest Authors, instigatours and followers of the Emperor in all his bad courses, which were very strange, disastrous, and lamentable. The Patriarch who sent from the Pope, by seduction adhered after unto Henry, together with fifty other of his retinue died suddenly, the same happened to Vdo Bishop of Trevirs, Eppo another Bishop riding over a river so shallow as one might wade it over on foot, without danger, was therein no less miserably then miraculously drowned: and not to insist on other particulars there related, the end of the Emperor himself was such, as well showed how pleasing unto God, how grateful unto men, or rather to friends and enemies, yea even to his own children, how base and abominable his actions were.  
70. For after a long rebellion against the chief Pastor his spiritual Father and Superior, as he was a disobedient child to his mother 
The unfortunate end of Henry the fourth.  the Church, so were his children no less rebellious unto him, it falling out with him as it did with our second Henry upon the like occasion with his Primate S. Thomas, after whose death his own children Henry, Richard and john, were in continual revolt, and conspiracy against him, even till his dying day: so likewise the Emperor having two sons Conrade and Henry, the first being made King of Germany, and thereby declared heir apparent of the Empire, because he would not obey his Father in a most filthy action, as Dodechinus and Helmoldus relate, and out of them Sigonius, left his Father, took Lombardy from him, and what else he had in Italy, for which the crown of Germany was taken from him by his Father (though otherwise he were a worthy Prince, of goodly parsonage, and excellent gifts of mind, which made him beloved and admired of all) and bestowed it on his younger brother Henry, who more like his Father then Conrade, never left to prosecute his said Father by arms, till he had put him from the Empire, overthrown him in the field, got him, as Sigonius saith, after the discomfiture sustained in the wars into his hands, where he forced, or as some will have it, famished him to death, and then left his body for five years unburied at the town of Spira in Germany: and this Henry proving no better an Emperor than the Father whom he had deposed, God not permitting that wicked race to run on further ended the same in this Henry his person, & translated the Empire unto the Saxons of all other most hated by the two former Emperors, as he did the like in our King Henry the eight his children, who all died without issue.  
71. Another untruth it is, that the Churches did each where ring of him for Antichrist, which is as false as any thing can be imagined: for although in Germany such as followed the Emperor might use many insolent terms, yet they never that 
Pope Gregory the 7. never by his enemies branded with the name of Antichrist.  I have read used this, & so far were all Churches from using the like liberty of speech, as even in that very Country, there wanted not those, who did both honour and reverence him, and that not particular persons alone, as Lambertus & other learned and virtuous men, but whose cities and states, as Auspurg, Saxony etc. and out of Germany all honoured him as a most worthy & zealous Bishop: and Malmesbury our best and 
Marian. Sco. lib. 3. Chron.  most incorrupt writer after S. Bede, doth never mention him but with honour, or his Adversaries without touch of disgrace: and of this particular decree thus S. Anselme wrote in England: 
Anselm. ep. 8. in edit. verò Coloniensi anni 1612. epist. 56.  De Presbyteris verò qui se apertè reproba libidinis conversatione Deo reprobabiles exhibent etc. Of the Priests who by their wicked lustful conversation make themselves reprobate before God, that without question is to observed which the Apostolical providence (to wit of Gregory the seventh, for that title is given to the Pope's decree, as successor to the chief Apostle S. Peter) by Ecclesiastical and just rigour hath determined, to wit, that it is no way convenient, that there the people should reverently attend, where the Priests stubbornly stinking with open and impudent lechery, contemning God & his Saints, do serve at the Altars, yea they do not serve at the altars, but defile themselves. So S. Anselme, who was so far as you see from judging this fact of Gregory to be Antichristian, as he condemneth the incontinent Priests, and commended the Apostolical providence, together with the Ecclesiastical and just rigour of this constant, virtuous, and most zealous Pastor.  
72. And in Italy, Godesridus Viterbiensis saith the same, and recounteth the fact with honour: Gregorius (saith he) Papa connubia Clericorum à Subdiaconatu & supra, per totum orbem Romanum edicto decretali in eternum prohibuit, ac seipsum athletam Dei & pro domo Domini murum constituit. Pope Gregory by a decretal edict did for ever forbidden the marriage of Clergy men, throughout all the Roman state or Latin Church, from the Subdeacon upward, and made himself God's champion, and a wall for the house of our Lord. So he. And here also we see no such ringing of this Pope for Antichrist, but great praise and commendation of him, & that even for this fact of restraining the lose Clergy by canonical censures and deposition.  
73. In Germany divers there were, who not only much commended Pope Gregory, but also approved this particular prohibition, as Lambertus who then lived, and of all others was most punctual and less partial in setting down all the particulars of that bitter contention, and of Priests wives thus writeth: Hildebrandus Papa cum Episcopis Italiae conveniens etc. Hildebrand the Pope together with the Bishops of Italy had in divers Synods decreed, that according to the order of ancient Canons, Priests have no wives, and such as have, that either they dismiss them or be deposed: neither that any at all be admitted to Priesthood, who professeth not perpetual continency and single life. So he. And this was the common sense, opinion, and judgement of all the learned at that time, as appeareth by Nau●lerus who setteth down the same words, 
Pasci●ulus tempo●t. m. Werneri Bertholdus Constan. in Chron. Otho E●isingen. l. 6. & alij.  and approveth them: and the like touching the allowance of the Pope's decree do the Germane Authors here cited, and divers others which I omit.  
74. It followeth in M. Hall's words: At the Council of Worms the French and Germane Bishops deposed this Gregory. So he. But there was no true Council, no French Bishops, no deposition at all. No Council, for that it was of the emperors 
No french Bishops in the Council of Worms  calling, and that not only without all order of the supreme Pastor, but of purpose to cross and contradict him: for having consulted the matter with his Nobility, and having heard the answer and resolution of Gregory, that either he should dismiss the Bishops he kept in prison, with restitution of their goods, and call a Council in some place wherein the Pope himself might be present, or else to be excommunicated; he searing himself, and well knowing his actions to such, as if they had been brought in that open theatre of the whole world to public trial, that no other effect could ensue, but his everlasting shame and disgrace, was persuaded to prevent one Council by calling another, a true General by a false National, & to cover his own foul deeds, began to forge others as foul on the Pope, partly touching his life, which as Lambertus noteth, was so inculpable, so Saintlike, as no aspersion could stick on him of their injuriously devised slanders, but especially touching his election, which although it were most canonical, as is to be seen in Platina and others, and wholly against the inclination of Gregory himself elected, yet were they not ashamed to charge him with ambition, and to have gotten the place by bribes and simony, and upon this false ground all were compelled in that Council to swear and subscribe to a renunciation of that Pope & his authority, the form of which is set down in the Saxon history before mentioned.  
75. And whereas M. Hall saith the French and Germane Bishops in that Council deposed Gregory: I answer him, that no French Bishops were called, none were present but such only, who were immediately subject unto the Emperor, as the Bishop of Metz a Dutch man, and Trevers, which are Imperial cities: Omnes qu● in Regno suo essent Episcopos (saith Lambertus) & abbots Wormatiae, Dominica Septuagesima convenire praecepit. He commanded all the Bishops & Abbots of his own Country (not of France) to meet together at Worms, and the number assembled well showeth that they were all of Germany, or the adjoining territories of the Emperor, there being but four and twenty Bishops ●n all that assembly, as both Sigebert and Marianus Scotus who then lived do recount: & the Bishop of Mentz in particular was so far from approu●ing the fact of the other schismatical Bishops, ●s he together with the Bishop of Wirtzburg or Herbipolis did openly withstand it saying: that it was against the Canons, that any Bishop being absent without a general Council, without lawful accusers, without competent witness, without eviction of the things objected should be condemned, much less that the chief Bishop and Pastor of the whole Church, against whom no accusation of any Bishop, or Archbishop whatsoever is to be admitted, should in that manner be dealt with all. So these Bishops.  
76. But what? as in the infamous Ephesine 
The Ephesine Council called by Dioscorus the Eutychian Patriarch of Alexandria.  Council called by the devilish devices of Dioscorus the Eutychian Patriarch, where sword and clubs more prevailed than truth or learning, & through the violence of Theodosius the younger & this his champion Dioscorus, force made the fearful to yield their hands to that which their hearts did abhor, as after appeared in the Chalcedon Council: so here in Worms the Emperor being present, his chief Agent William of Mastricke of whom we have before spoken, instead of all arguments urged by the other for the Pope brought one dilemmatical demonstration to conclude the whole business to the contrary, & it is the same which now our Protestants do use, to wit, either you must condemn the Pope, or you are all traitors unto the Emperor. Whereupon all the Imperial Bishops there gathered subscribed, but the Saxons refused and these who did subscribe, were presently so moved with compunction, as they sent their letters to the Pope deploring their fault, craning pardon for what was past, & for the time to come promised continual and inviolable obedience, which more particularly is set down by Bruno in his history of the Saxon wars saying▪ 
See Baron ann. 1076.  Quod quidem pauci secerunt ex animo, qui & auctores ipsi fuere consilij pluresverò literas quidem etc. Which few of them did do from their heart, and those who did it were the Authors that suggested this plot to the Emperor, but the far greater part wrote their letters of renouncing the Pope for fear of death: but that they did it against their wills, they well showed by this, that by the first opportunity offered, they sent their submissive letters unto the Pope, acknowledged themselves guilty, but pretended for excuse the necessity they were put unto. So he.  
77. And this Author living as it should seem, either in or near that time, and being exact in his reports, all may see how little M. Hall's cause is furthered by this Conventicle, where, as there were no French Bishops at all, so neither did all the Germans yield thereunto, and such as subscribed very soon after as I have said with grief and shame repent them of their error, and excused it with the fear of present death, in case they had then refused to perform what the tyrant exacted: and it is another untruth to say, that these Bishops deposed the 
Pope Gregory not deposed in the Council of Worms.  Pope, for all that the Emperor made, was to make the Bishops renounce their obedience, and not to acknowledge him for Pope: & so it is expressed in the very form of their renounciation, which is put down in these words in the foresaid Author, to wit: Ego N. Civitatis N. Episcopus Hildebrando subiectionem & obedientiam ex hac hora, ac deinceps interdico, & eum posihac Apostolicum nec habebo, nec vocabo. I N. Bishop of the City N. do from this hour forward deny subjection and obedience unto Hildebrand, and from henceforth will neither esteem him, nor call him Pope. So these Bishops. 78. By which words albeit they exempt themselves from his power, and deny him to be Pope, yet touching his deposition they did not intermeddle: and the Messenger called Roland sent from the assembly to Pope Gregory with menacing letters from the Emperor, which were read openly by the Pope in the Lateran Council then held in Rome (where they were condemned by the whole Synod, & Henry himself for writing them was excommunicated) contained in them no sentence of deposition, but a childish threat, that he should leave the place, or they would leave him. But the Pope was not so weak a reed, as to bend with so light a blast, and the most part of these Bishops who are here made to threaten deposition, wrote to the Pope to persist, and not to yield to so open iniquity: and the combat was worthy of the known courage and virtue of this most constant and learned Pope, and therefore after when the Emperor saw his waste words to have no effect, he went indeed about to depose him, & put another in his place, to wit, Guibertus of Ravenna, under the name of Clement the second, as fit a man to be Pope, as Henry was to be the Emperor, and none acknowledged him but Henry's followers and flatterers: but this happened more than three years after the meeting at Worms, as Baronius out of others doth well observe.  
79. Another untruth it is, that this deposition was made in this name (a fine phrase) amongst other quarrels, for separating man and wise. For neither in the Council of Worms was this ever mentioned, nor afterwards when the false Pope was 
Separating of Priests from their Harlots not urged against Gregory in the Council of Worms nor yet in the injurious sentence of his deposition.  chosen, did the Emperor in his pathetical letters to the Clergy of Rome, or Pope himself, in which he setteth down his agricuances, and causes of deposition, ever specify any such thing, which letters are in Baronius and Bruno set forth at large: and none could better tell the true cause then he who was the chief actor in all that tragedy, and yet not only he in those epistles, wherein he purposely yieldeth a reason, if any thing might be termed a reason, for so unreasonable and outrageous dealing, why he proceeded so far as deposition, doth so much as once touch this point, but only his own personal injuries, and the excommunication of his Bishops as simoniacal, with the ill election (as he would have it) and other crimes imputed to the Pope himself: but moreover no other Authors of these time do write any such thing, as Lambertus, Marianus Scotus, Sigebertus, Mutius, Bruno or any else of credit, and therefore M. Hall must tell us from whence he fetcheth the Latin words of his margin, that in this name among other quarrels he was deposed: maritos ab uxoribus separate: he separats the husbands from their wives, which Gregory never did, but only the lewd Priests from their concubines, and the Emperor as we see never objected it: so as still there is forging, or taking up of authorities at the first hand, out of late heretical writers without any choic at all, or further discussion what truth or probability their words do bear.  
80. Lastly he saith: that violence did this, not reason: neither was Gods will here questioned, but the Pope's wilfulness, but all is false: and it seemeth the man to have made a vow if it may be so termed never to speak truly, which is a filthy vow, & to that he may well apply the whole rule he mentioned in the beginning of his letter in turpi voto muta decretum, in a filthy vow change the decree, and the sooner he changeth it, the more men will commend his honesty: for here neither violence, nor wilfulness entered. Not violence, for he never waged war, never incited others thereunto for this matter, but only renewed his decrees, and those for the most part 
No violence used in Gregoryes decrees.  made in councils, commanding the ancient custom of single life to be kept in ure, and the abuse of marriage crept into some parts of Europe to be suppressed, other violence as times and things than went he could show none, neither indeed by that means could he remedy this turpitude, which there was most spread where the Pope's authority could do least, to wit in Germany, where Henry's countermands still crossed all Gregoryes decrees, and Nero his sword (as S. Anselme 
Anselm. epist. ad Walramum.  worthily calleth him) S. Peter power: not wilfulness of one man, which is done by common consent of whole councils, wherein no force, violence, or importunity is recorded ever to have been used, but the thing with full freedom, 
No wilfulness.  joint consent, and uniform agreement of all to have passed; and which is much to be noted, though the Emperor in the time of this Pope called some false councils, as of Worms, Mentz, and Pavia, to withstand Gregory, yet in no one of them all, is there any decree, or approvance of the marriage of Priests, they be-being as it should seem ashamed to leave extant any monument or remembrace of so brutish a doctrine, and to all Christian antiquity so repugnant.  
81. Neither wanted there a reason for Gregory his decree, and laudable endeavours in this 
Great reason for the making of Pope Gregory his decree  behalf, if M. Hall had so much wit or judgement as to conceive it: for he still pleaded the contrary practice to have been in the Church, and thereby showed that he made no new decree, but reform the late abuse crept in against the old, and that according to the ancient Canons and Statutes of the Church, as any may see in all places here cited, and in the Council of Rome Anno 1074. as Lambertus writeth, it was decreed: 
Gregor. 7. lib. 2. Epiep. 45. 61. 62. 66. 67.   secundum instituta antiquorum Canonum Presbyteri uxores non habeant, habentes aut dimittant, aut deponantur. That according to the determinations of the ancient Canons the Priests have no wives, and they who have them, either dismiss, or put them away, or else that themselves be deposed: and writing to Anno Bishop of Colen, he plainly saith: Novit enim Fraternitas tua quia praecepta haec non de nostro sensu exsculpimus, sed antiquorum Patrum sanctiones spiritu sancto praedicante prolatas of officij nostri necessitate in medium propalamus. Your brotherhood doth know that we frame not these commands out of our own head, but our office compelling us, we lay open the decrees of the ancient Fathers made by the instinct of the holy Ghost. So he. And is this trow you M. Hall no reason? or can you, if you were put to it, frame a better than priority of time conjoined with universality of place?  
— Maenio maius num quod tibi carmen habetur?  
Dispeream si scis, carmina quid sapiant.  
I see you know not what reason means.  
82. And the like I may say of God's will, 
Pope Gregory his decree according to the will of God.  which in the whole pursuit of this thing was only sought for, in preserving that which the whole Church guided by his holy spirit, had so often determined, so many councils decreed, so long & uncontrollable custom of all Countries observed, which to infringe only upon the violence of a few licentious and disorderly livers, who will take liberty without leave, & have all things to be ruled by their own unruly passions, was little according to Gods will, and much less was it according to his will, to break their solemn vows of perpetual chastity made in the taking of their orders, which by the law of nature and divine, bound them to the observance, and consequently the transgression was against the will of God, which the Pope did labour to reform, and in seeking reformation could seek for no other emolument or profit to himself, then to please God: for sure he was to displease many men thereby, and to increase the number of such as mortally hated his so constant zeal, & infatigable labour in God's cause: but this hatred of men proceeding from Gregory his love to God, was no more by him to be regarded, then that of the jews was of the apostles, or the hatred of the ancient persecutors 
Aventine a late partial and unsincere writer.  of the primitive Martyrs.  
83. What broils hereon ensued, saith M. Hall, let Aventine witness: but I except against this witness, as being for time too young, for profession, too partial, and for credit too small, to testify in this matter: and withal I must warn this Epistler, that in citing Authors he use more exactness then for two lines to refer us over to a whole book in folio of many leaves, which we neither have leisure, nor list to read all over, and it is not worth the labour to spend so much time in reading such Authors, so false, fond, and confuse as he is known to be: & the words here cited out of him seem to contain no more truth than the rest now refuted: Ex interdicto sacerdotum coniugio (saith he) gravissima seditio gregem Christi perculit etc. Upon the forbidding of the marriage of Priests a most grievous sedition wounded the flock of Christ: neither was there ever such a plague, that so afflicted Christian people. So he. Which is a mere chimera, for this flock of Christ, these Christian people were a few seditious Germane Priests, who took the occasion of the discord between the Emperor & the Pope to follow their lust, and wallow in all filthiness. If M. Hall object that not only this but the contention of the Emperor, and all the broils then made and raised were for this cause, he will show his reading 
The chief contention between Henry the fourth & Gregory the 7. not about the marriage of Priests.  to be little, and judgement small, because this was but a bad branch of another root, an effect of another cause, and a by-lake from another greater stream.  
84. For who so will read attentively what Authors do write of these times, & what Pope Gregory in so many Counsels, letters, and Edicts did decree, he shall find before this filthy fault another to be commonly premised, to wit of Simony, which more touched the Emperor (who as Caluin and others writ, held all the Bishoprics, and Abbeys at sale) and the Bishops also (who having bought their place for money, did sell all Canonries, Deaneries, prebend's etc. & were both by the Pope's decrees to be themselves removed, & their doings annulled, & so likewise the Abbots) than this other of wives, which was indeed but an appendix of the former, and permitted by the Emperor to increase the number of his followers, and enemies of the Pope, being never intended as any principal cause: for had not the Simony hindered, which was the first and chiefest quarrel between them (which M. Hall not being able to justify doth still dissemble) the accord between Henry and Gregory had soon been made, which never depended on these marriages: and to affirm the contrary or that all the turmoils were made for Priests wives, shows exceeding ignorance in histories, and all the course held in this bitter combat: and so to conclude the matter we see M. Hall in 12. 
Ten lies in twelve lines.  lines to have told us no less than ten untruths. as 1. That the better sort approved not Gregoryes doings. 2. That the Churches did ring of him each were for Antichrist. 3. That at the Council of Worms the French Bishops deposed him. 4. That he was therein deposed. 5. That the cause of this imaginary deposition was for separating man and wife. 6. That violence did this. 7. That the debaring of Priests wives was not done by reason. 8. That the will of God was not sought therein. 9 That all was done by the Pope's wilfulness. 10. That the broils between the Emperor and the Pope were on this occasion. In fine every thing he speaketh in this matter is a lie.  
85. At the end of the Epistle M. Hall, as a 
The controversy is treated whether ever our English, Clergy were permitted to have wive and not rather to vow perpetual continency.  man weary of his travels abroad, returneth home to England, and leaving Egypt, Greece, Italy, and Germany, he lands at length at Canterbury, and tells us of the bickering of our English Clergy with their Dunstanes, which about this time were memorable in our own history, which teach us how late, how repiningly, how unjustly they stooped under this yoke: and for further proof he sendeth his simple Reader to Bale and Fox two grave Authors (scilicet) that in case he have not deceived him enough, there he may be gulled and glutted to the full: and to these two Authors cited in the text, he addeth two other in the margin, of as much estimation as the former, to wit Henry of Huntingdon, and Fabian, both affirming S. Anselme to be the first who forbade marriage to the Clergy of England, and that about the year of our Lord 1080. and the same for the year saith foolish Fabian, a man too simple, God wots, to be cited in so serious a matter.  
86. Hear before I go further, I must needs let you understand how strongly the text, and 
A gross contradiction between the text and margin of M. Hall.  margin of this man do contradict each other, and both of them do contain very gross untruths, for without them M. Hall can do nothing: the contradiction resteth in this, that in the text S. Dunstane had great bicker about the marriage of the Clergy, and by his withstanding the same, M. Hall is taught, how late, how repiningly, how unjustly the Clergy stooped under this yoke of single life: but in the margin it is said, that S. Anselme was the first that forbade marriage to the Clergy of England, and this (as M. Hall telleth us) about the year of our Lord 1080. Was there ever man in a dream could tell things less coherent, or more repugnant, and contradictory the one to the other than these? For S. Dunstane died in the year 988. and S. Anselme was not made Bishop until the year 1093. which is more than a hundred years after, so as if the margin be true of S. Anselme, the text is false of S. Dunstane, and if S. Dunstane made this opposition more than a hundred years before S. Anselmes time, then are M. Halls two witness, together with his own gloss, taken tripping in a lie, who will have it to have been first commenced by S. Anselme. Was M. Hall in his wits when he made this marginal note to his text? or talking with his wife of some other thing? Surely he was somewhat distracted, and little attended to what he wrote.  
87. And indeed the text is more true than the margin: for S. Dunstane no less eagerly pursued 
The marriage of Priests condemned by S. Dunstane long before S. Anselm his tyme.  this matter then S. Anselme, and his decrees are no less general for all, no less severe for penalty, no less efficacious for redress then the others made after: neither was he alone, for with him in this matter stood S. Ethelwold of Winchester, and S. Oswald of Worcester of which three glorious Saints and renowned Pastors, Malmesbury saith: Ita his tribus viris agentibus quasi triformi lumine Angliam serenante densae vitiorum tenebrae evanuerunt. So through the endeavours of these three men, as it were with a threefold light shining over England, the thick darkness of vices did vanish away. So he. And with 
Binuius tom. 4. in Concil. Londinen. ●aron anno 970. ex Actis vitae S. Osw. 15. Oct b. in Surio.  these three shining lamps and lanterns of the world, our famous Edgar conspited, and this public decree by the Bishops of the land assembled in Synod was enacted:  Canonici omnes Presbyteri, Diaconi, Subdiaconi, aut castè viverent, aut Ecclesias quas tonebant dimitterent. That all the Canons, Priests, Deacons, Subdeacons' should either live chastened, or forego the Churches which they held: and S. Anselme in his decree said no more, as after we shall see, but repeated the same 
Roger ●oueden in Anno 1108.  words saying, it is decreed that Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons' live chastened: so as for the extent it is alike in both decrees, and after in S. Anselmes decree followeth also the deposition of such as remained incontinent.  
88 By which is refelled that which unadvisedly 
M. Godwine taxed.  M. Godwine writeth in S. Anselme, saying: that he persecuted Priests very extremely, Dunstane, Oswald, Ethelwold and other enemies to the marriage of Clergy men, had only expelled them out of monasteries that had wives, but 
S. Anselm an enemy to married Priests.  S. Anselme utterly forbidding them marriage, deprived them of their promotions who were married, confiscated their goods unto the Bishop of the Diocese, adjudged them and their wives adulterers, and forced all who entered into orders to vow chastity. So he. And for this zeal against married Priests he boldly taxeth him, for being a little too resolute in all his determinations. Again, he was more peremptory in divers of his resolutions then became him; that out of a blind zeal he was so boat against Clergy men's marriage: so this point pinceth them to the heart, that notwithstanding he confess S. Anselme to have been a good and holy man, of great learning, and for integrity of life and conversation admirable, which true and ingenious testimony I allow and commend, yet will M. Godwyn in this be his judge, and tell him that it was blind zeal and imperfection: for without marriage among these men nothing shines, nothing can be perfect: for which cause also he writeth so basely of S. Dunstane, of whom all 
S. Dunstane.  the histories of our Nation speak so honourably, and out of them Cardinal Baronius shutting up his life, giveth this worthy testimony: Moritur 
Baron in Ann. 988. §. ultum.  hoc pariter anno mirificus ille Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis etc. This year also died that wonderful Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury, whom singular sanctity of life, priestly and inflexible constancy, the glory of miracles, & all the gifts of the holy Ghost made famous, that in this respect England hath no cause to envy now at other most noble Cities, for their renowned Pastors. So Baronius of S. Dunstane.  
89. And in case that the three Saints named by M. Godwin had been less eager against 
M. Godwine to free in censuring, & of a short memory.  the marriage of Priests then S. Anselme, I see not why he in that respect should not have been more favourable also unto them in their lives, which yet he is not: for of S. Oswald he saith: That he was very earnest in setting forth that doctrine of Devils, that debarreth men of lawful marriage: of S. Ethelwold, that he played the Rex at Winchester turning along eight honest Priests into the world with their wives and children: of S. Dunstane he raiseth divers injurious slanders, but you must know the cause of all to be that which he uttereth in the last words of his life, to wit, for persecuting and hunting married Priests every where out of their livings, which clause if you mark it well, overthroweth the other before cited concerning S. Anselme, that his persecution was more general than the other of S. Dunstane, S. Ethelwold, & S. Oswalde, when as yet their decrees as you have seen are all one, and alike in general for all: and here further you have S. Dunstane no less then S. Anselme not only in monasteries, or places where Canons dwelled, but every where to have hunted and persecuted married Priests out of their livings. Still I must complain of want of memory in these men who in their heat of contradiction against us forget in 
The famous example which happened at the Council of Calne.  one place what they have written in another.  
90. Which point is yet made more clear, by the memorable miracle which happened at Calne, of which in a manner all our writers make mention, as Osbertus, Malmesbury, Florentius, Huntingdon, Hoveden, Matthew Westminster and others: where in the behalf of all the incontinent Clergy, many of the Nobility were assembled 
Osbert. in vita Dunstani. Malmes. l. 2. cap. 9 Florent. in anno 977. Hoveden eodem. Hunting in anno 4. Eduard. ●●.  together with their Orator Bernelinus a Scottish man, that so either by power or persuasion they might overbear S. Dunstane, Validissimum illum murum Ecclesiae, saith Malmesbury, that most strong bulwark of the Church. But against all human power and eloquence God showed which part pleased him best, which highly displeased him: for the house where they sat in Council suddenly fell down, and either killed, or sorely wounded all those who withstood the Saint, he and his, as Osbert recounteth in his life, being free from all danger: which wonderful event albeit Huntingdon the special proctor for married Priests do ●arely recount, without any mention of the cause of their meeting, and moreover do turn it to another interpretation; yet others especially Malinesbury the best after Bede that we have for our histories, in assigning the effect truly, insinuateth the cause saying: Hoc miraculum Archiepiscopo exhibuit pacem de Clericis, omnibus Anglis tunc & deinceps in eius sententiam concedentibus. This miracle ended the 〈◊〉 between S. Dunstane and the Clergy, all English men as well then as after yielding unto his opinion So he. Out of which words I gather against M. Godwin, that S Dunstane no less than S. Anselme opposed against all married Priests, & overthrew them all, and against M. Hall that the first prohibition against the marriage of Priests was not made by S. Anselme, but more than a hundred years before he was Bishop, or had any thing to do in our English Church.  
91. And as it is most true, that S. Dunstane before S. Anselme made this prohibition, so is it most false that by him first of all, our English Clergy did perforce stoop to the yoke of continency, as though ever before they had wives, & genuisse filios & filias, as now we see our English Ministers to do, which only is the ill collection of M. 
M. Hall's manner of collections.  Hall, who when he findeth any thing forbidden he forthwith inferreth that the thing fordidden was always in use before the prohibition and here his wit no less failing him then his Logic, he gathereth, that because at different times the same was restrained under two Arch-bishops of Canterbury, that it was never before the time of one or the other: in his text he saith that the Clergy were forced to stoop under the yoke of continency by the first, and in the margin, that it was always free to marry, and never de●yed till the later, as now we have heard: but ●oth are false, and the single life of Priests is of far greater antiquity than are the times of these two Saints, whom God raised to take away the abuse crept in, and not to alter any constant custom ever allowed or practised in the land before: for the good corn was first sown in that field, and the darnel after, truth was before error, the continency of the Clergy of all acknowledged, of all practised, in all times after ●ur conversion approved: when as their vnlaw●ll marriage as it entered late, so it endured not ●ong, so one rising and soon falling: and as for ●yme it could never prescribe, so neither for ●lace could it ever get the full possession of our ●ttle Island, till these later days, a thing so filthy after a solemn vow to God to take a wise, ●s it never appeared without the brand of infamy, so base, as the basest only de●ended it, the ●est withstood it, of so narrow bounds, as it was ●euer tolerated in Europe, Africa, or the Latin Church, nor yet in Greece till by bad life it fell ●o schism from schism into open heresy, and from thence unto the thraldon of the Turk● under which now it resteth.  
92. Which point concerning other country's I have proved before, now I will restrain ●y speech to England alone, and in a word or two prove the Clergy ever to have been continent, and then obiter touch the cause of that abuse: I mean upon what occasion it first entered and inveigled so many in S. Dunstan's time: 
A negative argument grounded upon manifest presumption.  and for the first I think this general negative directly to conclude, that in all the pursuit of this business, in all the prohibitions, depositions, censures and sentences delivered against the incontinent, we never read that any of them did ever stand upon the former custom of the Church, or continual practice thereof in that behalf, or ever complained that the Bishops brought in a new law contrary to the old, or that they were made Priests when that freedom was in use, approved, and allowed, and therefore all such prohibitions, depositions, censures, sentences, and other penalties made afterward to have been unjust, injurious, and tyrannical, as they could, & doubtless would have pleaded, had the cause been as M. Hall will have it, that they had brought in a new law, imposed a yoke never borne before, & contradicted the constant known custom of the whole Land, but this none ever urged, objected, mentioned, that ever I could read of in S. Dunstanes time, when first of all that matter was so vehemently followed, and thereof do infer that it was not the old custom, but a late novelty, that by the vigilancy of the pastors afore named was blasted 
In our first conversion the Clergy was continent.  in the very bud, and by their virtue and vigour clean overborne.  
93. Besides this general negative, if we reduce things to their first origen, our Church I mean of England to our first Apostle S. Gregory, who converted us to the Christian faith; as before in general I have touched his opinion: so for our Church in particular, what his ordinance was, is to be seen by his answer to the second demand of S. Augustine, which was touching the continency of Clergy men set down also in Fox: for he saith, or rather resolveth the matter thus: Such of the Clergy as are not in holy orders if they cannot contain may marry, but then they must 
Gregor. resp. ad quaest. 2. August.  no longer live among Clergy men but receive their stipends without, or out of their company. So S. Gregory concerning our English Clergy, and no man I think will deny Priests to be in holy orders, and consequently by this resolution to be debarred from marriage: & not only Priests, but even Subdeacons' in S. Gregoryes time, and by S. Gregory himself were forbidden to marry, as before they had been by S. Leo the Great, though in Sici●y about this time some abuse had entered touching this order, the lowest of the four sacred, but it ascended no higher.  
94. And whereas Pelagius predecessor to 
Subdeacons' bound to perpetual chastity.  S. Gregory had rigorously urged the Canonical discipline against these Subdeacons'; S. Gregory so far mitigated that decree, as he permitted such ●s were married to keep their wives, but forbade that any more should be ordered: for thus he writeth: Qui post prohibitionem à suis uxoribus conti●ere 
Gregor. ad Petrum Subdiac. l. 1. ep. 42.  noluerint, nolumus promoveri ad sacrum ordinem etc. They who after our prohibition will not abstain from their wives, we will not have them promoted to the holy order: for none ought to come to the Ministry of the Altar, whose chastity is not approved before he undertake the function. So S. Gregory: and to four Bishops of France, thus of the same matter: Come his qui in sacro 
Lib. 7. ep. ●●●  ordine sunt constituti habitare mulieres prohibeantur etc. Let women be forbidden to dwell with such as are in holy order, over whom that the old enemy do not triumph, it is by the common consent to be defined, that they ought to have no women dwell with them besides such as are mentioned by the Canons. So he to them, alluding to the third Canon of the Ni●en Council, to which if we add what before we have set down out of the Roman Council, we shall have out of S. Gregory alone the practice of England, Sicily, France, and Italy together.  
95. And as this was first planted, so was it without intermission generally still continued, of which the testimony of Venerable 
By the testimony of S. Bede it is clear Priests might not marry.  Bede before alleged is an irrefragable argument, where out of the Commandment of the Priests daily attendance on the Altar he inferreth their perpetual chastity, and addeth further that it is imposed upon them for ever to be kept, but this imposition presupposeth their own voluntary election of that state, and the vow thereunto annexed, as else where we have showed, and S. Bede also in another place doth further declare, where explicating the words 
Beda lib. 3. de ●abern.  of Moses of a certain garment of the Priests of the old law, by application to the Priesthood of the new, he saith: Foemoralia quae ad operi●da● carnis turpitudinem fieri mandantur etc. The lynne●●hosen which are commanded to be made to cover the turpitude of the flesh, do design properly that portion of chastity, which keeps men back from the appetit of matrimonial copulation, without which chastity no man can take priesthood, or be consecrated to the Ministry of the Altar, that is, unless he remain a virgin, or else break the bands which joined him to his wife: which kind of virtue is of necessity by the law of God imposed upon none, but by voluntary devotion is to be offered unto our Lord for so himself saith: Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, 
Matth. 19  all accept not this counsel, to which notwithstanding by a merciful persuasion he inviteth all who are able, saying, let him take it that can. So he. And a little after: Nu●●i tamen violentum huiusmodi continentiae jugum impones etc. You shall not 
The voluntary vow of such as are to receive holy orders.  impose this violent yoke of continency upon any, but whosoever will be made Priests, and serve in the Ministry of the Altar, they of their own accord shall cease to be the servants of their wives. So S. Bede, alluding unto the words of the Apostle, that the husband hath no power over his own body but the wise: and what will M. H●ll say hereunto? I hope these testimonies 
1. Cor. 7.  are clear enough to convince the fleshly freedom, which he dreameth of touching Priests wives, not to have been known in S. Bedes time: for the two Poles are not further asunder than this doctrine by S. Bede delivered, and that which he pretendeth: and this being written so long before S. Dunstanes time, and the yoke which yet is a sweet yoke imposed, we may easily 
Obij● Beda inn. 731. Dunstan. verò anno 988.  perceive what truth, or discretion is in the words of M. Hall, who will have our Clergy so repiningly to have first stooped under this yok●, by S. Dunstan's enforcement, who yet lived more than two hundred years after S. Bede,  
96. Moreover what opinion was had of these marriages even then, when so much ruffling was made for them, appeareth by Wolstan, scholar at that time of S. Ethelwold a learned & virtuous man as Malmesbury doth describe him, 
Malmesb. lib. 2. c. 8.  who in the life he wrote of the Saint his master, speaking of those Priests which M. Godwin before called eight honest Priests turned into the world with their wives and children, thus setteth forth their 
Vulstanns in vita Ethelwoldi.  honesty: Erant tunc in veteri Monasterio Canonici moribus valde depravatis, elatione, insolentia, luxuria fadi etc. There were at that time in the old Monastery Canons of very corrupt life, filthy for their pride, impudence and lechery, in so much as some of them would not say Mass in their turn, and casting away their wives, quas praeter ius 
The marriage of Priests against law and conscience.  fa●que sibi copulaverant, which against all law and conscience they had married, they did marry others, and bestowed all their time in gluttony & drunkenness, which the Bishop not enduring, with the consent of King Edgar, thrust them all out. So he. And were not these honest men indeed, trow you, worthy of M. Godwins praise and compassion? and how was their marriage then esteemed lawful, why by so learned and virtuous a man is termed to be against law and conscience, which can be for no other reason, then for the solemn vow of chastity annexed unto their order.  
97. If from private authority we will draw this matter to more public, we shall find that by S. Dunstane three councils were called, to wit, at London, Winchester, and Calne, and this marriage condemned in them all. Another Council was called after at Winchester 1070. and the 
Marriage of Priests condemned by many councils in England.  same again renewed: in the year 1102. S. Anselm called a Council which was held at S. Peter's Church in Westminster, & that by the common consent of all the Bishops, the Nobility & King himself, in which Council the noble men also were present, not as judges or dealers in Ecclesiastical affairs, nor yet out of any right or duty, which they could claim in that Court, 
Malmes. l. de Pontif. Angliae in Anselmo. Hoveden, Florentius Matt. Paris. Matth. Vestmonaster. in ann. 1102.  but as Malmesbury writeth: Huic Conuentui affuerunt Archiepiscopo Anselmo petente à Rege Primates Regni etc. At this assembly at the request of the Archbishop Anselme made to the King, were present the noble men of the Kingdom, that thereby whatsoever should be decreed by the authority of the Council might by the uniform care & solicitude of both orders be put in execution. So he. And of this Council the decrees are extant in Malmesbury, where touching this point by common agreement of all, thus it was defined.  
98. That no Archdeacon, Priest, Deacon, Cannon, marry a wife, or keep her whom he hath married, and the same of a Subdeacon after his vow of chastity: that a Priest as long as he keepeth unlawful company with a woman be not Legal, nor say Mass, nor (if he do) that his Mass be heard: that none take Subdeaconship, or any higher order without the vow of chastity: that the children of Priests be not heirs of their Father's Churches. So there. And six years after which was the last before his death, he called another, the Charter whereof is extant in Florentius and Hoveden, it beginneth thus: Haec sunt statuta de Archidiaconibus, Presbyteris, Diaconious, Subdiaconibus, & Canonicis in quocumque gradu constitutis etc. These are the statutes which Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury, and with him Thomas 
A famous Council in which the King to wit Henry the first, all the Bishops, & nobility were present.  the elect of York, and all the Bishops of England, in the presence of our renowned King Henry with the assent of his Earls and Barons decree, in the year of our Lord 1108. concerning Archdeacon's, Priests, Deacons, Subdeacons', & Canons, of what degree soever. So the inscription, and for that the assembly was so great & honourable, and the decree so plain and grounded on antiquity, to which it doth appeal in the very entrance, I have thought it requisite, here entirely to insert it, that it may also be extant in our English tongue. Thus than it goes.  
99 It is decreed, that Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons' do live chastened, & have no women in their houses besides their nearest kinsfolks, according to that which the holy Council of Niece hath defined. But such Priests, Deacons, Subdeacons' as after the interdiction of the Council of London (immediately before mentioned) 
The strict decrees of the Coun-of London against the incontinent Clergy.  have kept their wives, or married others, if they will any more say Mass, let them put them away so far from them, that neither the women enter into their houses, nor they into the houses of the women; neither let them purposely meet in any other house, neither let such women dwell in the territory or precincts of the Church: if upon some just occasion they must speak togeater, let them speak without the doors before two witnesses: but if by two or three lawful witnesses, or public report of the parishioners, any one shall be accused to have transgressed this decree, he shall purge himself by bringing six competent witnesses of his own order if he be a Priest, if he be a Deacon four, two if a Subdeacon, and he who fails herein shallbe adjudged a transgressor of the sacred decree. But such Priests as contemners of the divine Altar, and holy orders have chosen rather to dwell with their women, let them be removed from their divine office, deprived of all Ecclesiastical living, and being declared infamous be put out of that rank or order: but he who out of stubbornness and contempt shall not leave his woman, and shall presume to say mass, if he be called to make satisfaction shall refuse to come, let him be excommunicated. The same declaratory sententence compriseth all Archdeacon's and Canon's if by them the statutes be transgressed, either of leaving their women, or avoiding their dwelling with them, or for the distriction of the censure: again all Archdeacon's shall swear that they shall take no bribes for permitting the transgression of this decree, neither shall they suffer Priests whom they know to have women to sing Mass, or appoint their substitutes: and the Deans also shall swear the same, and the Archdeacon or Deane who shall refuse to swear, shall lose his Archdeaconry or Deanery. But the Priests who shall resolve with themselves by leaving their women to serve God, and the holy altars, for forty days forbearing their office, shall have for that time their substitutes, in which time such penance shallbe enjoined them as shall seem fit to the Bishop to impose. So far this Council.  
100 I pretermit others of later times, whereof one of them was called under this King Henry the first, and in the same were present such Bishops, as both Huntingdon, and out of him verbatim trusty Roger his Echo, I mean Hoveden say, that they were Columna Regni & radij sanctitatis hoc tempore: The pillars of the Kingdom and 
Hoveden. anno 1175.  shining beams of sanctity at this time; and another under his Nephew the second Henry (who was also present therein) called by Richard of Canterbury, both which were held at London, and both condemned this incestuous marriage, and the like did divers others after these which are confessed by our Adversaries, and need not here to be alleged, for that which already hath been said of the councils of S. Dunstane, in one of which was King Edgar, and these others of S. Anselme, with the other particular testimonies before cited, do plainly persuade 
1. Ponderation.  any without other proof this verity, especially if he will with due attention make these ensuing ponderations thereupon. 
There can be no greater national proof then that which is brought for the continency of the Clergy.   
101. First no English man that regardeth the credit and authority of his Country can desire, or perhaps imagine any greater national proof then to have all the Bishops together, with the King and his Nobility, in two or three several councils to sit, define, deliver, and command the single life of the Clergy, and that according to the ancient Canons, to accurse the marriages of Priests, no Pastor ever disclaiming, but with joint consent and uniform agreement, urging, procuring, and executing the same: the Kings also to wit Edgar, & the first Henry two most valiant, wise, and learned Princes, who only had occasion to show themselves in this matter, agreeing with the Bishops strengthening the Ecclesiastical decrees with their royal assent and power, and with the Kings and Bishops the whole Nobility did accord: when on the contrary side, which is much to be noted, before the time of Edward the sixth, M. Hall can produce no one Council or Conventicle, of any Bishops, no one Parliament of the land, no one public register of any common consent, no not so much as any private testimony, but of Fabian a late Merchant of London (if I be not mistaken) and Henry Huntingdon, whose untruth is so notorious, as his scholar Roger Hoveden for shame omitted it, though for want of better M. Hall is contented to take up such outcast rags, and therefore I appeal to all my Countrymen who make any account of the authority of their Nation, and public records thereof, to judge whether the catholics or Protestants make the better plea, seeing the first have all to stand for them, Clergy & Laity, Pastors and sheep, Kings, Nobility, scholars, Saints, all antiquity: and the other to have none to join withal, but such as for their lewd life and wicked demeanour were condemned as devoid of all piety, learning, or common honesty.  
102. If in case of some temporal estate any Gentlemen to prove the title of the Land he 
A fit similitude.  holds, should produce the public sentence of all the judges in England, purposely in two or three Kings times assembled together, and in every assembly judicially to have decided the matter in favour of the possessor, and condemned his adversaries of imposture and intrusion, and this their decision and condemnation in divers records among the public monuments of the Land to be extant: and on the other side the adverse part could bring forth none of former times to speak for them but thiefs, rogues or other malefactor, either punished for faults, or upon their repentance pardoned; what judge, yea what reasonable man would make doubt, who had the better right in law, and on whose favour the judgement should pass? And truly even so it fareth in this Controversy, in which for the continency of Clergy men in England we bring forth the judicial sentence of all the Pastors, or spiritual judges of the Land, and that not one time only, under one King, but at sundry times, under three Kings when this question was most moved, we bring forth I say the judicial sentence of six councils, all accepted, ratified, executed in the whole Realm: with these Pastors at that time did the whole flock I mean Princes, Peers and people conspire, and the later times ratified the decrees of the former, so as this was the uncontrollable voice of the whole Land, which to disprove M. Hall bringeth forth nothing but the repining of them who were condemned, that is the delinquents themselves, and some one or two of as much credit as himself (as Fabian and Huntingdon) that say they were unjustly punished, and only say it without any other proof at all: and whether such a blunt denial of two particular men, especially of two such men, aught to sway more than all the former sentences, and judicial records of the whole Kingdom together, needeth in my mind no great deliberation to determine.  
103. Another ponderation may be taken from the sanctity of the persons who defined 
2. Ponderation.  the Catholic doctrine, as in the late Council before cited even by Huntington's own confession, they were such as were the pillars of the land and 
The sanctity of the people who defended the continency of Clergy men.  shining beams of sanctity, and before that S. Anselm the mirro of the world, of whose singlar learning, zeal, and piety, we find every where honourable testimonies: Huntingdon calleth him, a holy and veneraeble man, Matthew Westminister a noble Prelate, Nubrigensis saith, that he was, Vir sanctus, & excelsus in verbo gloriae, and in the next Chapter, sortitus est nomen grand juxta nomen magnorum qui sunt 
Hunting. anno 3. Guil. 2. Westmo. anno 1109. Nubrigen. l. 1. cap. 2. & 3.  in caelo: He got him a great name according to the name of such as are great in heaven. Matthew Paris speaking of him writeth thus: Cuius vitam laudabilem, cuius actus eximios, cuius transitum ab hac luce caelestem ad patriam, crebra eius miraculorum insig●ia persequntur: Whose worthy life, whose noble deeds, whose passage from this light unto his country of heaven, many miracles do still declare. So he: but of all others William of Malmesbury 
Paris ann. 1109.  is most copious in his praises, I will only out of diverse cite two passages, one where he beginneth to speak of him, the other where he endeth his life: in the former thus he writeth: Anselmusquo nemo unquam justi tenaciter, nemo hoc tempore tam anxiè doctus, nemo tam penitus spiritualis fuerit, 
Malmes. lib. 4 in Guil. 2.  pater patriae, mundi speculum. Anselme then whom none was more constant in defending justice, none so curiously learned at this time, none so spiritual, the father of the Country, and looking glass of the world. So there: & in another place: Perseveravit in co ad exitum vitae invictus vigour, 
Lib. 2. de gestic Pon. Anglor.  pietatis fervour etc. vir qui omnes quos quidem viderimus sapientia & religione praestaret. There remained in Anselme even unto the ●ast gasp an invincible courage, fervent piety etc. a man who for wisdom and virtue excelled all whom we ever have seen. So Malmesbury.  
104. And to let pass others, even Protestants of more moderate disposition have not denied him his due praise, as we have heard of M. Godwin who calleth him: a man of great learning, 
M. Godwin in his life.  and for integrity of life and conversation admirable, and for his too peremptory dealing against Clergy men (as he termeth it) he imputeth it to blind zeal far from malicious intent of doing wrong: but who will imagine that M. Godwin can see where S. Anselme was blind? And Holinshead noteth him for a stout Prelate, without any touch of disgrace in all that he writeth of him, which had not been spared had he found any thing in him that had been liable thereunto: and john Fox, who although he speak well of few, yet he out of others commendeth S. Anselme when he treateth of his election, albeit afterwards he do discommend him even for that for which by all 
S. Dunstan S. oswald. S Ethelwolde.  other Authors of former ages he hath been judged most commendable.  
105. Of S. Dunstan, Oswald, and Ethelwolde, we have before spoken, and William of Malmesbury is profuse in the praise of each of them a part in their lives: and no marvel, for all three were very holy men, and not only admired in England, but reverenced abroad, and by the whole Church acknowledged for Saints: of the first, to wit S. Dunstane, enough for this matter hath been said aheady: and of S. Oswald M. Godwin giveth him this Encomium: be was very learned and left some testimonies thereof in writing, not yet perished: for the integrity also of his life and conversation, he was much reverenced: the greatest fault that I find in him is, that he was very earnest in setting forth that doctrine of Devils, that debarreth men of lawful marriage etc. many miracles are reported to have been done at his tomb in regard whereof the posterity would needs make him a Saint. So he. Of the third, Matthew Westminster saith, writing of his death: Eodem anno S. Ethelwaldus migravit ad Dominum. In this year S. Ethelwald went to our Lord, or departed this life, & this title of Saint is given him by all our writers of these times, and M. Hall's friend Henry Huntingdon 
Hunting. l 5. in ●●gar. Hoveder ibide●s.  much praiseth him saying, that he was: ●gregius Praesul, aedificator sepium, avertens semitas imquitatis, & plantans radices charitatis. A worthy Prelate, a builder up of the hedges of virtue, turning men from the paths of iniquity, & planting in them the root of charity: and in fine, of them all three Malmesbury writeth, that: Mi●u●runt per 
Malm●s. l. 2. de gestis Pontij. 〈…〉  Angliam ut lumina crederes è ●aelo arridere ●ydera. They shined over England as ●ights, in so much as you would have thought the stars to send their comfort from heaven. So he. And so much of these.  
106. But now for such Priests as had their Trulls, if you look into the monuments of antiquity, 
The incontinent Clergy as the sum of the world commended by none.  what memory or mention is made of them, you shall either find nothing at all, or that they were the very scum, and refuse of the Clergy: and M. Hall having raked this impure dunghill, could find but one only man to speak for him, to wit Henry Huntingdon, who yet hath but these words: Hoc Concilium prohibuit uxores Sacerdotibus Anglorum, antea non prohibitas In 
Hunting. in anno 1101.  delivering of which short sentence M. Hal makes us three untruths: for thus he writeth: Anselme, saith that Historian, was the first that forbade marriage unto the Clergy of England (and this was about the year of our Lord 1080.) till then ever free. So M. Hall. But by his leave Huntingdon doth not say that S. Anselme was the first that forbade marriage to the Clergy, for S. Dunstane had forbidden it more than a hundred years before: again this was not about the year of our Lord 1080. for Huntingdon himself expressly putteth it more than twenty years after, and this year twice set down in the margin, was more than twelve years before S. Anselme was Bishop or had any thing to do in England. If he mean 1108. wherein as I confess there was held a Council, so I deny that this can agree with Huntingdon, who putteth it the next year after K. Henry's coronation, which was in the year 1100. and lastly it is untrue that marriage of Priests till then was ever free: for it is enough for the verifying of his words (unless M. Hall will have him to contradict himself, and all truth) that in the trouble some time of William Conqueror and his son William Rufus, who sold the Bishoprics of England for money, the Priests had gotten this liberty: which Commentary his words will well support, for truly translated they are only these: In this Council S. Anselme prohibited wives to English Priests before not prohibited: for the word before, may signify immediately before, in which time perhaps though they were not allowed, yet the wickedness of that King, weakness of the simoniacal Bishops, wanting so long their Metropolitan, and licentiousness of the Clergy forced the better sort of Pastors to tolerate that which although they did condemn, yet could not redress.  
207. And this being the only witness, and he, if he mean as M. Hall will have him, being 
Henry Huntington's ill demeanour in his history.  taken tardy in his evidence, and that both in respect of the time, and matter (for the first he putteth a year to soon, and altogether misreporteth the later) his words in this matter cannot prejudice our cause, unless they were seconded by some better authority, of more upright and indifferent judgement: for this Henry was so far set on this marriage matter, and to impugn the adversaries thereof, as he seemeth quite to have forgotten the law of a History, which requireth all truth and integrity in the things related, in both which this man was deficient: for in all S. Dunstan's life he never speaketh of this matter, which yet was the chiefest matter of moment then debated: and on the other side he commendeth him who opened the fluse to let out all this puddle of impurity amongst the Clergy, I mean Edwin elder Brother unto King Edgar, of whom our best Historiographers report much villainy, for which half his 
When & by what occasion this licentious liberty entered into England. Matth. Westin. anu. 956.  Kingdom was taken from him by the insurrection of his subjects, and given to his brother: and as well for that, as other misfortunes soon after died, having reigned but four years, of whom, as Stow well noteth, is lest no honest memory, unless that which Matthew Westminster writeth of him: Cum annis quatuor libidinosè simul & tyramnicè regnum depres●sset Anglorum, justo Dei judicio desunctus etc. After he had four years lewdly and tyrannical abused the Kingdom of England by God's just judgement he died. And consequently he was the fit instrument to further the● filthiness of this sacrilegious marriage of the Priests and Clergy. For in his time besides the usual incursions of for rain enemies from abroad, and civil war●s of subjects at home, where one half of the Realm was in arms against the other, and both out of order, as it still happeneth in such occasions, Frequentes lights (saith Osbert) sediditiones nonnullae varij confliclus hominum 
Osbert. in vita Dunstani.  suborti, totam terram gravissimis tribulationibus concusseruut. Frequent contentions, very many seditions, divers conflicts risen amongst them, shaked the whole Land with most grievous tribulations. So he. And hereupon as well Priests as people being apt to cast of the yoke of Ecclesiastical and Civil discipline, when they saw neither the one or the other law, by reason of the present tumult and confusion of things, able to be exacted, took this lascivious liberty to do what they listed: besides this I say the lewdness of this young King added oil to the flame, and so concurred with the wicked to discompose the Ecclesiastical state, following the counsel of his quean, as Malmesbury saith: quae tenerum iugiter obsidebat animum, who still possessed his wanton mind, that gathering the raskality of the land about him, Miserrimis satellitibus subnixus, he cast out all the Religious men of the whole kingdom, seized upon their goods, injuriously abused their persons, & tyrannised over all the monasteries, of which Malmesbury, the house of this Author, was made a stable, & above all he hated S. Dunstane, the chief pillar of the Religious, and therefore banished him into Flanders, where as Matthew Westminster writes his wanton Counsellor laboured also to have pulled out his eyes, but was defeated of her purpose, and all this for that the Archbishop Saint 
Houeden● anno 957.  Odo, Vir clerus ingenio, saith Hoveden, & virtute laudabilis, spiritu quoque Prophetiae pollens: Famous for wisdom, renowned for virtue, endued also with the spirit of prophecy, had upon S. Dunstan's suggestion, as they imagined, separated this concubine from him, punished her again after her return, & excommunicated the King himself.  
108. Under this King then, and by this occasion the Clergy declining to this bestiality, none furthering it but the wicked, all the good resisting it, as was well seen in Edgar's time, when things being restored to their former peace, and the Pastors had in their due regard, this abuse with great fervour, and speed was extinguished; we may conceive how laudable the thing was which did first spring from this lawless liberty, and how shameless Henry Huntingdon is, who against the credit of all out best authors, 
Henry Huntington's unsincere manner of writing.  Malmesbury, Florentius, Hoveden, Matthew Westminster, Polidore and others, saith, that Rex Edwyn non illaudabiliter Regni infulam tenuit. King Edwin worthily swayed the sceptre of the Land, and lamenteth that untimely death broke off the course of his prosperous and joyful beginnings, when as even at his very entrance to the crown, yea even the same day he was crowned, he left his Nobility, and retired to his two concubines the mother and daughter, as some will have it, or else to be nought with his own kinswoman, as Holinshed out of others, from whence being perforce recalled by S. Dunstane, this quarrel between the Saint and him began, which was so followed, as there was no end of persecuting him, till the King had ended his life, of which this good Historian hath no one word.  
109. But afterwards when he recounteth 
Henry Huntingdon praiseth the wicked & forgeth crimes in the innocent.  the base incontinent dealing of a Pope's Legate sent into England, who inveighed against the incontinency of Priests in the forenoon, and was taken with a concubine himself in the after, than he could find his tongue, and after a solemn preamble tell us: Res appertissima negari non potuit, celari non decuit, the thing was most evident, it could not be denied, is was not fit to be concealed, out it must, & that in the worst manner, the man was taken with such a lust, & yet this thing which he maketh most evident, and not to be denied, is rejected by Baronius as a fable, & that among divers other reasons, because this man is the first Author thereof, so false in other things, so partial in this, of which neither William of Malmesbury, nor Florentius his Continuer (who both were then living) do speak any one word, though the later do mention this 
polidore Virgil, Holiashed, Stow etc.  Cardinal, and set down all the Canons of the Council, and had no reason to have dissembled the things objected, had it been so notorious, and public as Huntingdon makes it, from whom all our late Protestant writers, and others also, upon too light credit, have borrowed, and inserted it into their histories.  
110. And truly seeing this sole Author 
Henry Huntingdon what he was.  alone, so to revel in this matter, I was moved out of a curious desire to see what he was. Bale saith he was a Canon Regular of S. Augustins' order, and the title he beareth in the forefront of his book is, that he was Archdeacon of Huntingdon, of 
It is probable that his father was a Priest when he begot him.  which profession and degree I did marvel to see one so inclined to defend incontinency, and the marriage of Priests, seeing he was not married himself, and that all other Authors at that time in England, and before had condemned it; I found further after some search in the very next page, after the place cited by M. Hall in his own history, that he confesseth his Father to have been a Priest, and consequently as it may be thought he pleadeth but for his birth right, and the best copy hold of his inheritance: for thus he writeth of him: Eodem anno Pater illius qui hanc scripsit historiam mortis legibus concessit etc. The same year died the Father of him, who wrote this history, and was buried at Lincoln, of whom it is written.  

— Stella cadit Cleri, splendour marcet Nicolai  
Stella cadens Cleri, splendeat arce Dei.  The sense of which distich is, that the star of 
A bad child that could put no better Epitaph on his Father's tomb.  the Clergy was fallen, and the shining of Nicolas over cast; but he wisheth that the star falling on earth may shine in heaven, and to that end desireth all Readers to pray for his soul, with an anima eius requiescat in pace: and in case my conjecture be true, that he begot his son Henry being a Priest, he had indeed great need of prayers, but of his being a star of the Clergy, unless he did penance for the same, and stood not in defence thereof, as the irregular Cannon his son Henry did, there is no cause to imagine, but rather that he 
jud. in ep.  was to be numbered among those stars, which S. Jude calleth sydera errantia, for such men are not the stars of the Clergy, but the clouds rather and ignominy thereof. But to digress no further with this Author, let us come to some other ponderation. 
3. Ponderation.   
111. The third ponderation is taken from the Authors who have written of this matter. M. Hall only citeth Henry Huntingdon, and he also is foully strained to reach home: whereas for the 
Antiquity and learning of the Authors alleged for the continency of Priests.  contrary we bring his authority by whom Christian Religion was first planted in England, we bring the greatest Clerk that ever antiquity yielded us, we bring one who lived when the bickering with S. Dunstane began, and what he wrote of Priests wives, we bring S. Anselme when it was again renewed, we bring the approvance of all the best Historiographers and scholars of the Land, so as both our authorities are positive in the affirmance, far more ancient for time, and without comparison for esteem more eminent, than any can be alleged to the contrary: and if Tertullia's rule be true (as M. Hall granted and denied it together in the beginning of his letter) that priority of time inferreth infallibility of truth, than the cause is ours, and M. Hall is cast, or else let him produce some more ancient writers, or of such credit, as S. Gregory, S. Bede, S. Anselme and the like, or if authors want, to deal for a farewell more friendly with him, let him bring me for the first three hundred years after the arrival of S. Augustine into England but one Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, who was married, and in that state lived freely with his wife, and was so allowed, and I will rest contented, and put him to no further 
A large offer made to M. Hal.  trouble for proving his freedom: and who seethe not this my offer to be very large, in case marriage had been as freely then permitted to Priests as it is now to Ministers, as he contendeth? And if neither authority in writing, nor example of fact can be found, and we show both the one and other for their single life, than I trust none will be so unequal a judge, and professed enemy of truth, as not to acknowledge it, appearing so plainly in her native colours, and so 
All authority standeth for the single life of Priests none against it of any account or worth.  evidently marked with infallible certainty.  
112. And it must needs be a great comfort unto catholics to see Heresy have so weak defence, to see this cause so overborne by us, as you have heard, to see on our side stand S. Gregory our Apostle, S. Bede, S. Dunstane, S. Ethelwold, S. Oswald, S. Anselme, so many Kings, councils, Nobility, consent of the Realm, continual custom of time, all writers of most account, in one word all the flower of authority, learning, and sanctity, which ever our Nation yielded since these broils of the incontinent Clergy began & before also; & on the other side to see M. Hall for want of other help to lay hold on one obscure Author Henry Huntingdon, for time not very ancient, for credit small, and for the very thing he affirmeth out of him untrue, all others disclaiming from him, all pleading for us, unless they be such as are not worth the taking up, and that even until the time of Edward the 6. when also those who there dealt against us, had first in another Parliament before pleaded for us, and subscribed to that which afterwards they condemned. If any say for their excuse, that the later Parliaments are of equal authority with the former, and that one may repeal what the other hath enacted: I answer that so it is in civil affairs, which depend upon the present disposition of persons, times and things: for it may so fall out, that one law which heretofore was very expedient, may be now hurtful, or the contrary: but for matters of faith, or things thereunto appertaining, this rule doth not hold: for as the certainty of Religion dependeth not on men, who are mutable, but upon the sure, immovable, and everlasting truth of Almighty God, always one, always invariable, so must the same also be constant, one, and uniform in itself, without any change or alteration at all: neither is this faith to be fashioned out by Parliaments of particular Nations, but if any difficulty arise therein, or in any other Ecclesiastical affair, the Pastors (who alone are to direct the flock of Christ) in General Counsels are to sit judges, and define the matter, & lay men not to intermeddle therein. This always hath been the practice of the Christian world, by this have errors been rooted out, unity & purity of faith maintained, the people kept in peace, the Church in esteem, & this failing, errors, as experience hath too dearly taught us, have increased, heresies without all order, or unity have been multiplied, common peace broken, holy Church contemned, the whole frame of Christianity shaken, and all things disjointed and put out of order.  
113. Another ponderation may be drawn 
4. Ponderation.  from the difficulty of this grant for marriage in the very beginning when it was first proposed in Parliament, in the time of King Edward 
The first grant for marriage of Clergy men gotten in the Parliament with great difficulty.  the sixth, and was so strongly opposed, as it could find no passage, but only for the time past and that also not without some hard strains, it seeming indecorum unto them all to behold the Pastors as fleshly as the people, and no purity or perfection of life to be in one more than in the other, but sicut populus, sic Sacerdos, to be all carnal, all drowned in sensuality, all alike more corporal than spiritual, more attended to the body 
See the three Conuers. par. 2. cap. 12. §. 22. etc.  than soul, to pleasure then penance, temporal emoluments, then eternal happiness: but what should they do? deny it absolutely they could not: for the Ministers practise had prevented their hindrance, and they came provided in that behalf, not having so much patience as to expect the Parliaments permittance: and he had given them example who for place & authority was the chiefest among them, their Archbishop 
Cranmer the first married Metropolitan that ever was in England.  Cranmer I mean, the first married Metropolitan that ever England saw, and it was to no purpose to go about to restrain the members from the influence of the head, or where the root was corrupted to seek to save the branches from infection: this also being the chief point of evangelical liberty among them, happily renewed (as M. Hall saith) with the Gospel, but indeed was so new, as a new pair of shoes never made before, could be no newer. And this Gospel was not according to S. Matthew, but Martin Luther as we have showed, and a very lascivious Gospel that to satisfy the lust of these wanton companions, did break all bands and promises made before to God of a better life.  
114. But seeing afterwards all the offspring to track so constantly this path of their progenitors, necessity excluding all counsel of further deliberation, and the great multitude of these married men all means of redress, they were forced in the next Parliament to permit them all to take wives: permit them I say, for approve them they did not, and that also in despite of all laws made ever before in all Provincial, Nationall, & General Counsels to the contrary, against all authority of man, as they termed it (this parliament being as you may imagine of Angels) all practice of the Land, & 
An Angelical Parliament of black Angels.  whole Church for so many ages without control of any, but Schismatics or Heretics, and now from the highest to the lowest, all Archbishops, Bishops, Canons, Curates, and other Ministers of the Land, were licensed to marry, and remarry before and after their ordering, to any person or persons, and to be restrained therein no more than any other man whatsoever, which was never seen done in any Nationall decree that ever was made in the world before these later heresies began: and if M. Hall think this my denial too absolute, let him bring me out of all antiquity but one example, which yet he hath not done. And this perhaps together with the indecency of the thing itself, made the makers of that statute to premise this Exordium 
Anno. 2. Eduar. 6.  thereunto. As though it were not only better for the estimation of Priests & other Ministers in the Church of God, to live chaste, sole, and separate from the company of women, and the band of marriage, but also thereby they might the better intend to the administration of the Gospel, and be less intricated and troubled with the charge of household, being free & unburdened from the care and cost of finding wife, and children, and that it were most to be wished, that they 
* M. Hall saith that this is impossible.  would willingly, and of their selves endeavour their self to a perpetual chastity, & abstinence from the use of women. 
The makers of the Statute though they permitted marriage, yet preferred chastity in Clergy men.  So the beginning of this Statute.  
115. And by this you may see both what the makers of the Statute thought and wished in this matter, and also that the impossibility of living a chaste life, which M. Hall so much pleadeth was not then admitted, or held to be sound doctrine: for else all these great Rabbins who repealed in this behalf all law of man had been very simple men indeed to make such a persuasion for a thing impossible, and which lay not in the power of man to observe, much less were they so impudent as to challenge the use of former ages and general custom of the Church, as this man no less fond then falsely doth, for the true cause indeed of this permission was for that these goats who were now chosen to govern the sheep, were so wanton as they could not contain, but must needs out of hand in all haste have either wives, or rather women, and so much in a manner is insinuated when they urge that such as cannot contain (as all Ministers and Apostata Priests do say they cannot) may after the Counsel of the Scripture live in holy marriage: so it pleased them to term their sacrilegious 
Where doth the Scripture counsel such as have made vows of chastity to break their vows & marry?  turpitude, and that also according to the Counsel of the Scripture, which never counseled any man after a solemn vow to marry, but the contrary: but now the colour or cloak which was to be cast over, to keep this their lechery from the sight of the simple, was that some forsooth had vowed chastity who yet were unchaste livers, as if some married men also were not the like, and therefore by the same reason they might as well have condemned marriage, as single life. He that made marriage (saith M. Hall) saith it is honourable, what care we for the dishonour of those that corrupt it? And the same demand I make in this matter, Chastity of single life is not only 
Matt. 19 1. Cor. 7.  honourable, but more honourable by our saviours testimony, & plain text of S. Paul, then 
Cypr. l. de discipl. & habitu virgin. circa initium  is marriage, and S. Cyprian worthily saith of Virgins, that they are, Flos Ecclesiasti●i germinis, & illustrior portio gregis Christi: The flower of the Ecclesiastical of spring, and the more honourable portion of the flock of Christ: & what care we for the dishonour of those that corrupt it? Nothing at all: we commend the thing, we condemn the abuse: as the later is damnable, so is the thing itself both of singular perfection, and of no such difficulty, but that we may God's grace assisting us very easily observe it. But to draw to an end.  
116. The last ponderation is the manner 
5. Ponderation.  of disputing, by which M. Hall useth to show the continent life of the English Clergy to have been lately begun in S. Dunstan's time, all his proof is in these few words. The bicker of our 
M. Hall● lose manner of disputing.  Clergy with their Dunstan's teach us how late, how repiningly, how unjustly they stooped under this yoke: but this teaching he talketh of I cannot conceive, or how out of S. Dunstan's bicker he can conclude the continency of Clergy men to have been lately, repiningly, unjustly imposed: for the force of this reason must rest in this, that because S. Dunstane had bickering with the Clergy about their marriages, and did make them leave their wives, therefore continency is not ancient, but was repiningly admitted, & unjustly imposed: if this be his meaning, by the same reason I will prove no thieves or malefactors ever to have been in our Country before the time of King james: for who knoweth not that the judges both in London, and all the Shires of the Land, have had every year, and still have some bickering with such people: will M. Hall thereupon thus argue. We see now with our eyes what bikering the judges have with thieves and malefactors, and thereby we are taught how late these people have stooped under the yoke of prison, bar, and gallows: Ergo before these times it was ●ree for all to rob, ●●calt, murder and the like, and no penalty was ever imposed upon them: where is your wit M. Hall? apply this to your own words, and you shall find the argument to be the same, or if you deny it, show me the disparity.  
117. If you say, that S. Dunstane brought in a new custom against the old, that, as you 
M. Hall must not suppose that as granted which is only in controversy.  know is the point in controversy: and how will you prove it out of his bicker? did the delinquents ever plead prescription? did they ever tax S. Dunstane with novelty? and imposing a yoke never before borne? what ancient Author recordeth it? None at all. And the contrary is clearly evinced by that we have said, and their repining no more inferreth their innocency, or excuseth their lewdness, than the repining of such as are in Bridewell under the correction of justice doth prove them honest women, & that their punishment is lately invented & unjustly inflicted. This is M. Hall's last proof conform to the rest, and with the same as he endeth his arguments, would I also have ended this letter, but that his triumphant conclusion forceth me to make a brief recapitulation of what hath passed in this combat between us, that you may as in a table see both what cause there was he should so crow, and how that he as well as other of our Adversaries have a special grace, when they have proved nothing, to vaunt above measure of their chymericall conquests: for if you bar them of that boasting humour, of lying, of railing, of corrupting Authors and childish disputing, their pens will cast no ink, their books will be very barren, & they in short time for matters or controversy will become altogether mute.   

M. Hall's bragging Conclusion is examined: together with a brief Recapitulation of what before hath been said.  
HAVING discussed hitherto all M. Hall's arguments, and deciphered their weakness, or rather having showed how they have been answered by others, & resumed by him without any notice of their former refutation, and that with such confident courage, as he pawneth his wife, his fidelity, his cause, & all thereon, which if truth and equity may give sentence, he hath all forfeited: yet such is the man's misfortune, his wit being so shallow, and self esteem of his own worth and works so great, that as before he never more bragged than where he had least cause, and was most overthrown, so in the very end where he should have excused the want of exact performance of what he had undertaken, as necessarily knowing all his proofs to have been so disproved before, as neither altogether, or any one of them all cold subsist, yet having passed the bounds of modesty by his intemperate railing on v●, and immoderate praising of himself, without further reflection he ru●heth on forwards, and in am of 
M. H●lls pride ●nd vanity.  this excuse and humble opinion of himself (a there is ●o cause God wo● why ●e should have any other) he cometh aloft with an I● triumph, & like a conqueror in his triumphant chariot, with law●ell, crown and sceptre in hand, talketh of nothing else, but conquest●, victories, subduing Adversaries, ●e●ching and defending the truth; which yet in this bravery, he so betrayth, as even in this triumphant Conclusion which he maketh, there is nothing he hath that includes not in it some notorious falsehood; observing in some sort the rules of art which will have the beginning and end of a work to have some proportion, and connexion together, and so as he began bluntly with five lies at once so will he end with as many to speak the least: for thus he writeth.  
2. I have (saith he) I hope fetched this truth far enough, & deduced it low enough, through many ages, to the midst of the rage of Antichristian 
M. Hall for a fare well gives us a farthel of untruths.  tyranny: there left our liberty, there began their bondage. Our liberty is happily renewed with the Gospel: what God, what his Church hath ever allowed, we do enjoy, wherein we are not alone: the Greek Church as large for extent a● the Roman (and in some parts of it better for soundness) do thus, and thus have ever done. Let Papists and Atheists say what they will, it is safe erring with God, and his purer Church. So he. And to all this vaunting there needeth no other answer, then that of the Wise man: Nubes & v●ntus & pl●ui● non sequentes, vir gloriosus & promissa non complens. As the c●oud 
Proverb. 25.  and wind and no reign following, so is the man who vaunteth much, and performeth not his promises: for all these waste words, are but clouds without water, vain blasts of presumptuous pride, promising much and performing nothing: and M. Hall in his long travel is but like unto one who maketh a great journey to the sea side, to fetch home salt water in a ●yue, or to those of whom the Prophet speaketh, who sowed much and reaped little, and put all their gain in sacculum pertusum, a purse pierced through the bottom, from which all did fall out that was put in: for if M. H●ll will rightly cast up his accounts, he shall find that he hath gained as much by all his labour for his cause, as if he had sat still and said nothing, though for his credit this he had gotten, to be h●ld a very unsincere and superficial writer: for he wanteth learning to frame an argument, reading to find the truth, modesty in his terms, and conscience in telling so many lies which are as thick with him as hops in harvest.  
3. And whosoever will consider what before hath been said, will see the vain hope of this man to vanish like smoke: he saith that he hath fetched this truth far enough, and deduced it low enough, through many ages, even to the midst of the rage of Antichristian tyranny: o how much is truth for her deliverance out of bondage be holding unto M. Hall? to so potent an Advocate? Scilicet liberanda veritas (saith ●ertullian) expectabat Marcionem. This conquest of fetching truth so far was reserved to 
Tertul. ●● Marcian.  these ●ymes, to M. Hall's travels, to his learned pen, but in this his valiant exploit of fetching home truth he should not have forgot that rule thereof delivered by S. Ambrose, and was much worth his noting: Veritatis (saith this Father) 
Amb. lib. ●●e Offi●. cap. 24.  ●●est regula, ut nihil sacias commendandi tui causa, quo minor alius fiat. That is the rule of truth that you do nothing in your own commendation whereby another may be abased, as here M. Hall doth, whiles in praising himself for fetching truth so far, of his happy renewing of his liberty by the Gospel, of erring with the purer Church, and the like, he contumeliously calleth the Catholic Church and the government thereof Antichristian tyranny, and most basely gives as it were the defiance to Papists and Atheists, which terms needed not, were all so clear on his side as he would have it, but that the levity and malignity of his distempered brain, where reason failed would force it out with railing: and he thought his own praise too little unless it went combined with our contumely. In this I confess his faculty is better than in proving the continuance of the marriage of Clergy men, which notwithstanding his brags, hath been found to be to ●ard a task for his weak ability.  
4. And when he tells us, how far this truth is fetched, and how low deduced through many ages, I must truly tell him, that he hath performed no such matter; the primitive church the ensuing ages, the later times, all authority of any weight or worth are against him, until the time of Edward the sixth, the freedom he now possesseth was never possessed in England, no Bishops were married, no Priests but of lewd life ever attempted it, abuse as times gave 
M. Hall striveth as it should seem to utter many untruths in a few lins.  occasion crept in, but never had public allowance. And if he mean by the time of Antichristian trranny the time of Gregory the seventh, then is his impudence very singular to say, that he hath cleared it till his time, when as the single life of Clergy men was more in use in the Latin Church ever before that time, then whiles he lived: and as these are very gross untruths, so are the rest which follow as after, I shall show, to wit that, that there left his liberty, matrimonial I mean, that there began our bondage, that his liberty is renewed by the Gospel, for in our Gospel we find no such matter, that he enjoys what God, what his Church hath ever allowed, which is a double lie or two lies in one line: that in this his extensive liberty he is not alone, that the Greek Church is as large for extent as the Roman, that in some things for soundness better, that thus it doth as they do in England, that thus they have ever done, are four other falsehoods: and in fine there is nothing true in all this conclusion, as it shall appear by the ensuing recapitulation of what before hath been proved.  
5. Yet this by the way I must tell him, that all the soundness he meaneth of the Greek Church is, for that it alloweth that married men may be made Priests, though it never allowed any Priests to be made married men, much less any Bishop: for else who so will read their confession in the censure, which Hieremias their Patriarch made upon heretical articles sent him 
Censura Eccl●siae Orientalis.  by two Lutherans out of Germany, Mar●inus Crusi▪ us, and jacobus Andrea, he shall find for the number of Sacraments, real presence, unbloody sacrifice, 
The confession of the Greek Church.  justification by works, traditions, free will, monastical life, praying to Saints, the use of holy images, praying for the dead, and other points very Catholic assertions, agreeing with us, and condemning the Protestants: so as if M. Hall (poor silly soul) will make himself an arbirer to judge of the soundness of Churches, and have his cause to be helped, for that the Greek Church in one thing favoureth him against us, we may (if we thought such arguments worth the making) better thereof infer the soundness of our Church against him, with which the Greek not in one only, but in very many points, and those also the greatest & most essential of Christian Religion, doth agree: & truly omitting the error of the Procession of the holy Ghost, and ridiculous Supremacy of that patriarch, condemned as well by our Adversaries as by us, in the rest they seem catholics, at the least their positions are such: and albeit in some particular eustoms they differ from us, yet are not those of such great moment, but that with unity of faith a perfect peace and accord might be made between us, if all will stand to that which their chiefest Patriarch in so open a confession hath taught and declared. But to come to M. Hall.  
6. He vaunted much in the beginning of his letter of the Scriptures, and told us, that if God should be judge of this Controversy▪ it were soon at an 
No diuin authority for the marriage of Ecclesiastical men.  end & therefore he passed not what he heard men or Angels say, while he heard him say, let him be the husband of one wise: but the proof this divine authority hath much failed him, and no place in any Prophet or Apostle hath decided the same: and such as this poor man hath brought are but cram: ●ecoct●, coal words twice or thrice sudden: answered I mean & reanswered by catholics, especially by Cardinal Bellarmine, and the solutions deeply dissembled, such a worthy wight is this writer: and it hath been showed not one text or citation he hath brought taken in their true sense and meaning, to ma●e for his purpose: as for example of the doctrine of devils forbidding marriage, of the Bishop being the husband or one w●●e, that marriage is honourable, and the bed undefiled, of the Apostles carrying their wives about the world with them, with others of the old Testament, all which how they are by him either strained, misinterpreted, or not rightly understood, hath been at large declared in their due places; and his two brutish Paradoxes also fully refelled, that the vow of Chastity is unlawful, that it is impossible, and that by the excellency of the virtue vowed, eminency over marriage, persuasions of the Fathers thereunto, the ●harp rebuke and punishment of the transgressors, the wickedness of the marriage of votaries, and that none but Heretics ever maintained it: and further at large is proved the foresaid vow to be most laudable, and for performance to iuclude no impossibility at all.  
7. To this is added the rigour of the Civil law in punishing the delinquents in this kind, very ancient and austere, which severity supposeth the observance to be in the power of the maker, as it is in the power of others not to steal, commit a ●u●ery, and other like offences, in which if they transgress, no judge will excuse their fault as proceeding out of any defect of ability to refrain, but supposing that as known and granted by all, punish them for doing such acts which they were able to avoid, & by the law of God, Nature and Nations were bound not to commit, and having committed deserve to be chastised. After this the constitution of the Apostles, and what other proof is brought for their practice are discussed, what Caietan, Pius, and Panormitan have said to the contrary is answered, and in fine it is evinced most clearly, the Apostles, excepting S. Peter, not to have married, and in case they had, even by the verdict of M. Hall's own Authors, after their calling to the Apostolical dignity, never more to have known their wives, much less to have carried them in pilgrimage all the world over with them, as these men (Ministers I mean that cannot be long from their wives, and therefore would have the Apostles to be as weak as themselu●s) do fancy and surmise.  
8. Hereof it followeth, if M Hall will not mistake the state of the question, that he hath not fetched this truth of his far enough: for from the Apostles he findeth, he fetcheth nothing that can avail him, and so reacheth not home if he 
M. Hall destitute of all authority of the ancient Father.  speak as he seemeth of time, though for place like a wild wanderer he have traversed Greece, Egypt, Asri●ke, and other coasts of Europe, and returned as wise as he was when he went forth. Of the next ensuing ages for four hundred years he citeth but three Fathers, Origen, S. Cyprian, S. Athanasius, the first hath nothing to the purpose, the second is very grossly abused, the third mistaken, not any one or all together make any thing for him: much he is and indeed too much in the fact of Paphnutius recounted by Socrates, for he corruply setteth it down to his advantage against the mind and meaning of his Authors. And the thing is fully answered and showed either to be false, or not to make so much for M. Hall as he would seem to have it: the names he addeth after of married Priests and Bishops are partly false, partly true, altogether impertinent, & plainly show this Epistler not to understand the thing he treateth of, but to rove at random & in many words to say nothing to the matter.  
9 Not content with Priests and Bishops, he cometh to Popes, and will needs give them a singular privilege: for he will have Popes to have begotten Popes, and the children to have 
Popes belied, and Socrates abused.  succeeded their Fathers in the Pontifical Sea, as King's sons do their parents in that Crown and kingdom, all are lies taken out of the Chaff, but fathered upon Gratian, and here clearly refelled as counterfeit: then he showeth out of Socrates, what some Bishops did, whether Heretics or catholics he saith not, nor yet of what place, but being himself a Grecian borne, and brought up in Coustantinople, where no Patriarch was ever known to have married, or to have used after wards his wife, which is our question, he saith, that all the famous Priests or Bishops of the East observed the same custom, not compelled thereunto by any law (saith he) though not a few Bishops did the contrary, and it may well be imagined these Bishops not to have been of the best, and their example could not make this custom usual, much less universal in the Greek Church, as hath been showed out of S. Hierome, S. Epiphanius, S. Leo. And truly for Bishops to have known their wives in that state which Socrates avoucheth, was never there lawful, no not in the Trullan Synod as you have seen: and it was no sincere dealing in M. Hall to make this heretical historian seem to speak of all the Bishops of Greece, whose words are plain to the contrary and expressly mention some particular only.  
10. From particulars proofs he comes to more general, and urgeth the Council of Trullum and therein he much bestirreth himself, but as it falleth out with bad brokers that buy and sell and lose by the exchange so M. Hall after this labour even by his own verdict is proved and proclymed faithless, and the Council at large is discussed, & proved never to have allowed leave to any Clergy man in holy orders to marry, howsoever some married men were ordered to be Priests, but never to be Bishops: and this being but a Nationall Council, unlawfully assembled, never wholly approved, cannot prescribe 
The Council of Trullum.  laws to the whole Church: and M. Hall's sanctifying the same, and making it a General, because it favoured marriage (to speak nothing of his lies) argueth in him more love to his wife, then care he had to see or seek out the truth: and notwithstanding it had been such, yet had he lost much more to his cause, than gained thereby, as is declared in many particulars, of the real presence, sacrifice, worshipping of holy images, especially the Cross, the holy Chrism, power of Priests to remit sins, and the like: yea even in that very cause for which it is brought and urged it maketh against him, so little heed doth M. Hall take of what he writeth. Again presently after he doth contradict his own authorities, and will for seven hundred years have nothing but open freedom, when as out of the Council he should have inferred the contrary, because then this freedom in part was first granted, & never permitted before.  
11. After this Council, as if there with he had opened A●olus his den, follows a boisterous 
A boisterous charge.  blast of raging words, wherein for want of other matter, this honest man chargeth us with blemishing, burning, blotting, cutting, and tearing of the Trullan Canon out of the councils, and that against the evidences of Greek copies, against Gratian, against pleas of antiquity, and which most of all pinceth, against the marriage of Ministers, and Ecclesiastical persons: but all this storm is soon assuaged, because it had no other cause then the mere ignorance, & malice of him who raised it, and this Cannon of his general Council without all blemish▪ blot, fire or sword is found to be entire in our copies, Greek and Latin, albeit the decree be not so flat, howsoever confirmed by authority of Emperors, but that it abides a denial, yea is proved Schismatical, & the second Pope Steuens distinguishing upon the point, as he will have it, is absolutely without any distinction proved to be a lie, and the Canon fathered on him to agree rather to Steven the Subdeacon father to Pope Osi●s and Deusdedit, then to any Pope of that name, though M. Hall be very peremptory and resolute therein: but his words be no oracles, or prove for the most part any thing else, but either the vanity, malice, or ignorance of the speaker.  
12. Which well appeareth in a heap of demands, which follow immediately upon the former charge, discharged long ago by Bellarmine, which all bewray the weakness of the writer, as hath before been showed in every particular: and as mad an inference he maketh after when by a non sequitur he concludeth saying: So than we differ not from the Church in this, but from the Romish Church: in which words I think the poor man understandeth not himself: for 
M. Halls Non sequitur.  when he saith, we differ not from the Church, what Church doth it mean? either the whole Catholic Church, or some particular member? if the whole, then how doth he exclude the Roman, with which all Europe and Africa the greatest part of Greece and all Egypt did agree? If of a particular branch or member, then how doth he say: we differ not from the Church, when as he differeth even from that very Church on which he would seem most to rely, the Greek I mean; for as hath been showed to M. Hall's cost, if he esteem the loss of his fidelity for such, of four things defined in that Council, that three are against him, and yet so blind a doctor he is, as he can discern no difference, but as though there were perfect agreement in all things, he saith: we differ not from the Greek Church, but from the Latin, & as well he may say that a man & a horse do not differ in any thing, because they agree in this, that either of them have one head though in other matters there be never so large and manifold differences between them.  
13. I let p●sse his untruths before detected whereof this was one, that for seven hundred years there was nothing but freedom, which if it be not spoken per antiphrasim, is to gross a lie 
Untruths by heaps.  as hath been delared: and that this scuffling began in the 8. age, as if the continent life of the Clergy had then newly entered, or sought to find entrance, when as still it had been on foot and full possession before, as by the definitive sentences of so many councils gathered in Asia, Europe, and Africa is demonstrated, and the contrary by M. Hall is without all proof or probability affirmed, though he strain far and forge a text of the third Gregory to this purpose, and foully mistake S. Isidore, and then upon no other ground, but his own error and oversight, most pitifully exclaim against us, with I know not what outrageous crime committed to our perpetual shame, whom he calleth his juggling Adversaries, and will have us deal worse than the Devil: but this shame I have shaken off from us, & it must rest on himself, and all the juggling is resolved to this, that M. Hall cannot see that which lieth open before his eyes, and therefore as he is suspicious thinketh it by some juggling devise to be taken away. Alas (poor M. Hall) I pity your ignorance, but condemn your malice, fain you would bite, but wanting teeth you can but only bark: you esteem yourself a gallant man when you rail at our doing or doctrine, but your wit is so weak, and will so wicked, as the later which is blind and should be guided by the former, only directeth your pen, and showeth your judgement and learning to be alike, little I mean in respect of the desire you have to do us hurt, in case you were able. God forgive you, and send you a better mind.  
14. There followeth another fundamental proof which is so potent, that M. Hall will be cast 
The fable of S. Huldericks Epistle.  in his cause if it do not answer all cavils, satisfy all Readers, and convince all not wilful adversaries: and this forsooth is a learned and vehement epistle of S. Vdalricus unto Pope Nicholas the first, in which we see (says this blind man) how just, how expedient, how ancient this liberty is, and not only that, but therewithal also the feeble and injurious grounds of forced continency, read it (saith he) and see whether you can desire a bet●er Advocate. I have done his friend M. Whiteing that favour as to read it for him, and I see this Advocate in writing to the first▪ Nicolas to have been as blind as M. Hall: for in ca●e S. Vdalricus had written it (as it is evinced that he did not) he had written it more than 50. years after the parties death whom he did write it unto, and more than twenty years before himself who wrote it was borne: and therefore I desire in M. Whiting name a better Advocate, that may plead after the usual manner of other men, and not write letters before he have either body or soul, eyes to see, tongue to speak, or hands to write, and then ●end them not to the living but to the dead, and in the contents to speak the truth, and not tell us tales of six thousand heads found in one mote, with other the like impertinencyes before refuted: and finally I must tell M. Hall, that the cause is very weakly defended, that relieth on such rotten grounds of forged fictions, and if he had esteemed it to be of any worth, he would never have made hazard thereof upon such fooleries: if he be as prodigal of his wealth, as he is of his wife, cause, credit, and fidelity, his children shall not be overcharged with any rich inheritance which he is like to leave them, for he will be sure to live and die a beggar.  
15. In this counterfeit epistle there is no antiquity set down for M. Hall's carnal liberty, neither can we espy therein the feel lenes of the ground of forced continency, because we force none thereunto, but compel such as without all enforcement out of their own free and deliberate election have vowed it, to the observance of their vows, which this letter as lawful doth allow, though we may not allow this liberty to M. Hall to change the name of Vdalricus into Volusianus, nor to authorize it from them that have mention thereof, as Aeneas Silvius, nor yet from such as in case they have some mention, are themselves of no credit, as Gaspar Hedio, john Fox, or such like fablers, nor finally to vaunt of a happy plea and triumphant conquest, where never word was spoken, or struck given, or thing done more than in the idle fancy of some new fangled Ghospellers, how soever this wise man tell us that hereupon this liberty blessed the world for 200. years after, but I have at one dash bated one hundred, and fifty more at another, and that from the warrant of his own words, and proved this Plea, if ever there had been any such as there was not, to have been very unlucky, as well for the discredit of the maker as overthrow of the matter, and that in so short space as hath been before set down.  
16. And because this modest man rails at the seventh Gregory for utterly ruining the marriages of Priests, and makes him the most 
Of Gregory the 7. Nicholas the 2 and Leo the 9  mortal enemy that ever the vow-breakers had (which I impute to his great honour, as it is also to be reviled by heretics) I have at large defended him, and his whole contention with Henry the Emperor, and showed how constantly he behaved himself in this sluttish business: and although M. Hall would fain have him to be amongst the first parents of such as suppressed the marriages of Clergy men, yet the truth is, that before his time these marriages were never thought upon in Germany, but then the Clergy broke forth first into that intolerable beastliness: and the like is proved by Nicholas the second (for the first had never any thing to do in that controversy) and Leo the ninth, whose decrees are only against concubines and harlots of incontinent Priests, without any mention of wives, which in their tims were not any where allowed or perhaps so much as thought upon: and it may seem a wonder to an● who knoweth not the custom of Heretics to see one to claim prescription of time for the marriage of Clergy men, that cannot bring one Canon, one Nationall decree, one direct authority of any ancient Father for seven hundred years together, and after that time to allege a mere patched proof of a schismatical Conventicle, which more hurteth than helpeth his cause, and yet to brag that for all that time there was nothing but marriage, nothing but liberty, no vows, no chastity: but these are the usual pangs of heretical insolency.  
17. divers other points upon this occasion are discussed, as the deposition of Gregory the seventh feigned to be made in the Council of Worms, and that for separating man and wife: but there was no deposition made, no separation mentioned. Then whether Gods will (which this man still supposeth to stand for the incontinent vow-breakers ●or the Pope's wilfulness was sought therein: and lastly, whether the broils between Henry and Gregory were about this matter, and what flock it was th●t was so afflicted by the Pope's censures as Aventine reporteth, which was not indeed any flock of Christ, for such still adhered unto their renowned Pastor, kept their vows, and were not shaken with that tempest: but 〈…〉 a few stinking impure goats, given over 〈…〉 ll lust and lechery, whom neither fear of God, nor shame of men, nor vow though never so solemn, nor band though never so strong was able to contain.  
18. Touching our English Clergy M. Hall is very brief, and hath scant six lines in his text thereof, yet as few as they be, they contradict 
The English Clergy.  the Comment he maketh on them in his margin: for in the Text the bickering began with S. Dunstane, in the margin with S. Anselme: in the Text we learn out of our own histories, how late, how repiningly, how unjustly the Clergy stooped under this yoke by S. Dunstane: in the margin S. Anselme was the first that ever forbade marriage to the Clergy of England, till than ever free. If ever free till then, how came it to pass, that S. Dunstane more than a hundred years before that time had made the Clergy so repiningly and unjustly to stoop under the yoke of continency or single life? how is he free that hath his neck in the yoke? If S. Dunstane made them stoop a hundred years and more before S. Anselme, then truly can it not be said that S. Anselme was the first, that ever forbade marriage, or that until this time it had been always free to marry. Of what credit his two Authors alleged are, is there declared, and further out of S. Gregory, Bede, Wolstane, Anselme, Malmesbury etc. out of Nationall Counsels, and other proof it is showed, our English Clergy in the first plantation, in the continuance, and always in general to have been continent until the time of King Edward the sixth, though sometyms in the troubled state of the Land, in some places, this beastliness began, but was never publicly allowed: neither can M. Hall, or his two Authors Fox and Bale, show any one public decree, any one Canon of Council, any one authentical Charter or Record of so much as any one single Bishop extant to the contrary.  
19 All which being thus declared, and as 
The particularity of M. Hals vaunt is briefly examined.  occasion served the uniform practice of all the Christian Church in Asia, Europe, and Africa showed to stand for us, and the very Authors of any account brought by M. Hall himself to the contrary to be more ours then his, as well for the Apostles themselves and Apostolical times, as also for the ensuing ages after; M. Whiteing may see the truth of this Thrasonical vaunt that M. Hall maketh, when he telleth him for a farewell, that he hath fetched this truth far enough. For before K. Edward the sixth (not far off God wots) he can fetch nothing to prove the large liberty now usurped by our English Clergy, if the married Ministers with their wives may so be termed: with their wives I say, because their wives are as much Clergy women as they Clergy men, & in one word have as true calling to teach, preach & minister their Sacraments as their husbands have. And when this man out of his wandering imagination further adjoineth, that he hath deduced it low enough through many ages, to the midst of the rage of Antichristian tyranny; I must tell him that he hath made no other deduction, than of his own ignorance, lies & folly, which without breach or intermission like an entiere third are begun, and followed to the end of his letter: & all the rage of Antichristian tyranny he speaketh of, is nothing else, but the outrageous railing of a Fantastical sycophant, who for want of learning, and truth is forced to talk of that he doth not understand, to confirm one lie by another, to mistake what he should prove, and to forget all modesty.  
20. There left (saith he) our liberty, there began their bondage. Where M. Hall do you mean? In Terra Florida, Virginia, or Utopia? For the word (there) is referred to place, and not to time, or if you will abusively take it from time, I demand when this licentious liberty for the marriage of Priests began to be restrained? If (as before you signified) under the first and second Nicholas, under the 9 Leo, and 7. Gregory, your own Trullan Council before these times is against you, which forbids your Bishops to marry at all, or keep company with their wives, & would permit no Priest to marry. And that no Priest might be married, I have cited in the end of the second paragraph many councils out of all the coasts of Christendom. And whereas he further addeth our liberty is happily renewed with the Gospel, it is hard to define what liberty, happiness, what Gospel he meaneth; and of what God, what Church he talketh, when he saith: what God, what his Church hath ever allowed, we do enjoy: for this Church is some invisible castle in the air, never seen on the earth, and this We, is equivocal, and may include Lutherans, Caluinists, Protestants or Puritans: & let it include all or some one branch among all of these sects, yet is the lie notorious: for in all the Christian Church, this liberty hath ever been banished.  
21. The Greek Churches (saith he) do thus, and thus have ever done: if he mean as he seemeth that these Churches use the liberty of the English Church renewed by this later Gospel, it is too to gross an untruth, and yet not proved by any 
See censura Orienta●is Ecclesiae c. ultim. in principio capitis.  one authority of the Fathers, nor yet of his sacred Trullan Conventicle: and M. Hall doth well to name the Greek Schismatical Church of this day, which yet cometh short in this very point of the English, for in all his Letter he hath not brought one ancient authority for the Churches of Europe and Africa, more than one only of S. Cyprian touching the exaple of Numidicus, which if any spark of shame be left, may make him blush to think upon. All the rest are broken pieces out of S. Vdalricus, Gratian, Panormitan, Pius 2. Caietan & others, either in themselves counterfeit, or with the controversy in hand nothing at all coherent.  
22. Wherefore to end this matter with him for whom I began it, I hope now, good Sir, that you see M. Hall's valour to have been valued by yourself at too high a rate, & even there to have failed where you esteemed most of his ability; in this matter I mean, where besides mere babbling what hath he proved? how many words hath he used & cited authorities only to cast a cloud upon the truth, and to hide it from the eyes of his simple Reader? Many are his 
M. Hall's impertinencyes.  brags, his citations thick, his promises great, his confidence singular, but his wit is weak, his ability small, his performance nothing. After his first entrance with lies which continually increase, he mistaketh the state of the question, and talketh of many things not denied by his adversary, not in controversy between him and us, he bringeth in a beadrole of names of such Bishops as had been married, but proveth not that they used their wives when they were Bishops, or ever married again after their wives were dead, as Robert Abbots late of Salisbury did in great haste with Mistress Dike. And what doth this conclude? he bringeth authorities to prove that chastity is not of the substance of the order, not annexed by divine law expressly set down in the Scripture, & is this for him? It is against us? He taxeth Nicholas the 2. and Leo the ninth for condemning of the marriages of Priests, who only decreed against their concubines, without any mention of their matrimony: and what can he infer thereof? In fine either he citeth weak and counterfeit authorities, or else mistaketh most pitifully the places which he doth cite, and so in saying much, concludeth from the Fox to the fern bush, from the apple to the oyster, from the full Moon in March to the fresh flowers of May.  
23. On the otherside I leave you to see the authorities I city either to refute his assertions or to confirm the contrary: the use of ancient times we must take from ancient writers, they as you have seen, are wholly ours, they never allowed Bishops to beget children, to marry again in that state, neither do their authorities patronize the marriage of the Clergy, but condemn it: and in case some were married before their ordination, yet after they were no longer husbands, but lived apart from their wives, as S. Hierome doth witness; & I leave you to determine whether of us both hath further fetched, or deduced lower the cause he defendeth, who hath gone through more ages, places, Churches, who hath the general consent to stand for him? He who can show the custom of all the Christian world, Europe, Africa, and Asia, and that without contradiction for the two first, & best authority that can be brought for the other, or he who out of one third part culleth a small parcel only, late for time, for extent not large, & that not proved but by heretics, not procured but by such as endeavoured to make tumult garboyl & sedition in the Church: and then further whether without the liberty of a lie he may be said to challenge the practice of the Christian Church, or liberty of the Gospel?  
24. Finally the single life of Clergy men as in the example of the apostles who left their wives was first began, so from age to age in the universal Church without intermission hath still gone on: as the practice thereof both for time, place, persons may truly betermed catholic or universal, which as a thing undoubted of was so far forth in the 2. Council of Carthage acknowledged, 
Concil. Cartha. 2. cap. 2.  as therein the Fathers assembled did say (as I for an upshot say also unto all Catholic Priests) Quod Apostoli docuerunt, & ipsa seruavit antiquitas, nos quoque custodiamus. And then immeditaly they adjoin: Ab universis Episcopis dictum est omnibus, placet ut Episcopi, Presbyteri & Diaconi, velqui sacramenta contrectant, pudicitiae custodes etiam ab uxoribus se abstineant. So this Council against the liberty, Gospel, & alages of M. Hall's deduction. I hope he will be more favourable to this Synod, then to put it under the rage of Antichristian tyranny, & that he will not for the love of his own trull be so base, as to prefer the Trullan Council before it, because this is for more ancient, & without comparison much more authentical than that: & these words having been extant in this Council for a 1000 years and more, there was yet never one found so far without aforehead, as to check them as false, to condemn them as erroneous, or to rail at them as Antichristian; much less so impudent to contradict them, as to deny that ever the Apostle so taught, or that ever antiquity did so practise, unless it be such who make no other rule of belief but the King's Purple, or their own pleasure, as in this particular is most evident.  
25. For in K. Henry's time it was against the law of God for Priests to marry, in K. Edward's against the same law to forbid marriage. In K. Henry's days only because the King would so have it, the Supremacy was by solemn Oath allowed, and accepted, and that proved again & again by the word of God: when as yet all other sectaries out of our precincts, as well Cal●inists, Lutherans, Anabaptists, and others, from the same word disputed, urged, exclaimed against it, & still do, as a monstrous, usurped, & unlawful title. And now under his Majesty the Protestants themselves have so pared & minced it, as shortly if they hold on, we shall see it brought to nothing, which yet in the beginning was so eagerly defended, and that with the effusion of so much blood, and other cruelty as if it had been the only main Article of our salvation: such is the base servile nature of Heretics to turn their sails to every wind, and not to care what they believe, so they believe 
Athan. ep. ad so●it. v●tam agent. in fine.  not that which they should▪ Non enemy saith S. Athanasius sinceriter ad verbum Dei accesserunt, sed ad omnia tanquam Ch●meleontes transformantur: semper mercenarij eorum qui earum operam requirunt, non veritatem pro scopo habent, sed veritati voluptatem anteponunt. So he of the Arians: & as truly might he have said it of all the Authors of these late Sects & schisms Luther, Cranmer etc. and of all other Heretics in general, who as the same Father saith of such as were about Constantius the Arian Emperor: 
Ibid.  Cerebrum in calcaneis depressum habent, have their wit, not in their heads but, in their heels, and will see nothing but that which maketh for their own pleasure and content: as M. Hall for the single life of Clergy men, could not find any thing in the Monuments of the ancient Fathers, but for marriage of Priests nothing else but full freedom; whereas if his brains had been in his head, he could not but have found all authority of any weight or worth to be against him, as before hath in part been showed. And if in this Letter there have been any default, that which followeth in the next paragraph will make supply, wherein I shall show him so ignorantly to conceive, so falsely to set down our opinions, so foolishly to confirm his own, so to outface notorious lies, so to contradict himself, so to rail and revel, so to talk at random, as if his brains be not in his heels, you will at the least see and confess also, that he hath very little, or none at all left him in his head.   
FINIS.   

Faults escaped in the printing.  
In the Advertisement fol. 3. lin. 2. for Slout, read Clout. Ibid. for slowterly read clouterly.  
Page Line Fault Correction. 47. 32. Theodous Theodorus 57 14. declaim disclaim 65. 27. after upon 67. 26. profits perfits 70. 22. is it it is 72. 6. deal if 78. 32. advowtresse advowterers 84. 32. my me 87. 2. highly high 91. 17. deal the 98. 31. confess so confess 99 25. Oecumeniall Ecumenical 100 29. would will 133. 15. deal of 137. 26. had pigs and pigs 138. 32. aspexti aspexit 159. 23. as a 161. 16. all at all 173. 16. promised premised 17●. 15. tropheam tropheum 202. after image-breakers, add, in the East, as he had no leisure to call councils, being etc. 225. 34. deaconish deaconship 238. 14. gloss glass 250. 24. as and 279. 27. deal no 294. 22. and of 312. 4. whole old Ibid. after wilfulness, add, for that cannot be said to be the wilfulness of etc. 322. 27. had wives had had wives Ibi. 27. genuisse genuissent 328. 26. why which 349. 12. As though Although 350. 9 rather other  
FINIS.