THE True History of the Civil Wars of France, between the French King Henry the 4. and the Leaguers.  
Gathered from the year of our Lord 1585. until this present October. 1591.  
By Antony Colynet.  Romans 13. 
He which resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God.  
Printed at London for Thomas Woodcock, dwelling in Paul's Churchyard, at the sign of the black Bear.    

REVERENDISSIMO IN CHRISTO PATRI AC DOMIno D. johanni Cantuariensi Archepiscopo, & totius Angliae primati, ac Metropolitano, domino suo colendissimo gratiam & pacem exoptat.  
SApienter a Sophocle scriptum est mundum esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod ut Paulus testatur adeo luculenter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eius, nimirum & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut nedum oculis conspici, imo & mambus facile contrectari possint. Nam cum in mirifica coelorum, terrae, marisque pulchritudine, bonitate, ordine & motu, eius sapientiae vestigia elucescant: imprimis vero in hominum consociatione tuenda conseruandaque apparent. Etenim cum propter multiplices humanae mentis errores, cordis depravationem, & voluntatis aversionem, quae secuta sunt primi parentis lapsum, tanta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnes & singulas naturae humanae facultates muaserit, ut nihil nisi labi, nescire, errare, decipi, & in exitium ruere hominum genus possit: sapientissimus ille Graecorum Socrates, apud divinum Platonem in his quos de republica scripsit libris, intelligit & diserta inductione ab ipsa universali experientia sumpta demonstrat: equos ab equis, boves a bobus, capras a capris, oves ab ovibus regi nullo modo posse; sed a praestantiori natura & humana: ita hominum genus sine divina pręsentia nullo modo gubernari potest. Ideo bonus ille rerum opifex hominum quasi tutelae procurationem suscipiens, res humanas non modo curat, urumetiam ea providentia, qua praeterita, praesentia & futura, cernit, homini salutaria consilia suppeditat, actiones fortunat, distortas cogitationes, affectibus prępedita consilia & iniustos conatus damnat evertit & punit. Et ut tutius res hominum agantur ipse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, clam per civitates obambulans singula speculatur, aliorum consilia regit, aliorum v●ro observat ad vindictam, immanem improborum audaciam retundit, & diabolorum furores coercet. Quam ob causam hominum coetus potestatis & obedientiae docendi & discendi iudiciorum, & multorum cum multis contractuum, officijs arctius colligavit. Neruos autem huius consociationis familiam, ecclesiam & regnum esse voluit; quarum altera sua foecunditate generis humani propagationem suppeditaret, & specei conseruationem perpetuaret. Altera vero veram sapientiam, dei agnitionem, veros cultus, ac denique suppellectilem omnium doctrinarum & bonarum artium tamquam in arce repositam, custodit fidem & veram innocationem, bonos mores & salutem monstrat, rationibus, commonefactionibus & obiurgationibus tanquam fraeno hominum cupiditates undique diffluentes obstruit. Regnum vero autoritate & dignitate conspicuum, robore & potentia instructum tamquam in summo loco positum eminet, ut quos neque paterna autoritas, neque docentium diligentia, in officio retinere potest: vi & via pervulgata legum cohibeantur. Quae cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & ordine coherent, suavissimum divinae sapientiae, bonitatis justitiae & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 odorem, generi humano reddunt: Sin abrumpantur haec societatis vincula, patrum docentium & legitime imperantium autoritatem labefactari & humana retro conversa ruere & concidere necesse est. Vt autem haec manifestius cernerentur voluit ille sapiens rerum opifex svam ipsius imaginem in ipso patrum, docentium & magistratuum vultu insculpi, & insculptam elucere. Munivit his propugnaculis deus generis humani societatem, ut ad eum tanquam ad fontem boni in natura hominum salus referretur, ut naturae intelligentes autorem huius opificij, & colligationis hominum inter se celebrarent, colerent, invocarent, ei confiderent, & abeo solo penderent. Verum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iste mendax & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, haec vincula humanae societatis apud omnes & omniaetate dissoluere, & abrumpere conatur. Parricidijs, idolomania, seditionibus, clandestinis consilijs proditionibus familiam, ecclesiam, & civitatem implet: In parentes qui primum legitimi imperij gradum tenent contemptum excitat, odijs, schismate, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & haeresi, ecclesiam undique turbat, respublicas civitatum eversionibus vastat, sanguine irrigat, caedibus contaminat, regna funditus evertit, & orbi vastitatem affert, prole impia, levibus ingenijs, turbulentis civibus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hominum cordibus delet, veram religionem corrumpit, officium & obtemperationem debitam magistratibus ex civium animis evellit, impietate, ambitione, pravis consultoribus, malorum consuetudine fraterculis, jesuitis, & perduellibus. Harum pestium testis est, & vetus & recens historia omnium imperiorum, retumpub. & gentium. Sed imprimis florentissima Gallia, Europae decus, quae totos hos 30. annos intestinis dissidijs exarsit; & facta est immanis saevitiae, & pontificiae truculentiae laniena, hominum luxu, ambitione & impietate perditorum domicilium, scelerum omnis generis sentina, rapinarum & hominum rapidorum receptaculum, malorum lerna, & teterrimi odoris camarina. Cum autem in otio minime otiosus esse vellem, & magnopere cuperem carissimae patriae excidium cognoscere, causas, progressus, periodos & eventus rerum gestarum exquirere, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quaedam ad privatum usum annotaveram: ut tantarum calamitatum causas exquirentibus satisfacerem, ut deplorarem patriae interitum, & ut ad dei timorem me inspectione tantarum pooenarū excitarem. Tandem approbatione & judicio amicorum maiore, diligentia rem aggressus sum, & ut plurimum ex his libris qui Gallice ijsdem de rebus scripti sunt, transtuli; ex varijs regum Henricorun 3. & 4. declarationibus, edictis, proscriptionibus, proclamationibus, apologijs, accusationibus, articulis, & multorum Epistolis, & id genus scriptis narrationes plurimum auxi, & perpetuam rerum explicationem consarcinavi, sperans hunc meum laborem bonis viris gratissimum futurum.  
Hae narrationes tot sunt conciones de ira divina in contemptores evangelii, & eos qui caeca ambitione, aut prava aliqua cupiditate incitati civitates, respublicas, regna, & imperia concutiunt legitimis magistratibus obsistunt, orbis pacem turbant, humanae societatis neruos resecant. Hae narrationes poenas à lege divina propositas, & mercedem impietati debitam, homines scelestos subijsse digito monstrant. Praesentiam vero divinam in conseruanda, & liberanda ecclesia, fidem promissionum, timentibus dei judicia ratam certámque permanere. Anglica vero & vernacula lingua rem descripsi, aspera quidem & inculta, sed qua proprietate homini peregrino licuit, ut lectores etiam ineruditi judicia divina admirari, & timere discerent, evangelium reverenter amplecti, & vitae novitate poenas peccatis debitas, retardare & avertere, magistratibus divitius constitutis, se qua decet obseruantia subijcere, reipublicae & ecclesiae pacem, non temerè ira, odio, morositate, libidine aut ambitione turbare, & disciplinam laxare: denique mortales ut discant justitiam moniti, & non temnere divos. Si quid autem videatur acerbius dictum id non ni veram nobilitatem & familias de republica, Christiana benemeritas, dictum boni viri autument. Nam ut est vetus dictum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, huiusmodi mycterismis sarcasmis & acerbioribus verbis degeneres à vera nobilitate mores impietatem, hypocrisin, ambitionem, libidines, saevitiam, & immanitatem sacro sanctorum regum laesam, & violatam maiestatem, à perduellibus, & proditoribus, sacri istius (si dijs placet) foederis taxavi. Desinant igitur malefacere malefacta ne audiant sua. Existimo enim nullis satis atrocibus verbis rebellionis crimen, defectionem, & coniurationem in maiestatem regiam a sacri istius foederis, autoribus & principibus excitatam exprimi posse. Quod si violatae maiestatis crimen summum in toto genere humano malum, malis verbis tanquam proprijs epithetis ornauerim, veteres oratores Demosthenem, Aeschinen, & praecipue Ciceronem autores habeo, imo ipsum Christum & Apostolos, Petrum, Paulum, jacobum & johannem, qui acerbis verbis impios insectantur. Quos eo consilio secutus sum, ut atrocia flagitia, atrocibus verbis monstrata omnibus execranda proponerem. Vt enim acutis morbis, acutam curationem adhibere solent medici, ita similem in genere humano, non antè auditam defectionem, & Christianis regibus & principibus servitutem, aut exitium minitantem istius foederis coniurationem non satis odiosis verbis regni legitimi amantibus odiosam reddere conatus sum, non ut foedus istud curarem (curationem enim non patitur) sed ut quantum in me esset alios a similibus malis auerterē & reuocarem. Calumnias vero pontificiorum, & eor●m qui sunt evangelii & legitimae potestatis hostes haud moror. Mihi vero satis probe satisfactum erit, si bonis quibus placere studeo, satisfecero, & exempla in hac narratione proposita alios cautiores efficere possint: ne in eosdem errores prolapsi easdem subeant poenas. Tuae vero sapientiae huius narrationis judicium permitto: ut quicquid hic narratum fuerit tuo judicio stet cadátue. Quod tuis auspicijs ut testimonium meae in te gratitudinis & obseruantiae in lucem prodeat, & ut pro tua benignitate & favore, quo & bona & bonos omnes excipere soles, aequi bonique consulas, te magnopere oratum velim Octob. vigesimo. 1591.  
Tui ex animo obseruantissimus. A. C.   

To the Christian Reader.  
TVlly (the glory of the ancient Rome) defineth the history to be a witness of time, and a remembrance of things that are past; this is to say somewhat, but not enough. For it is a witness and record of the execution of God's justice in revenging the corrupt judgements, unclean affections, and wicked deeds of men, and of God's good will and fatherly goodness in defending, delivering, and rewarding the just. Therefore (Christian Reader) I have to warn thee of three things; of the use, order, and locution of this history: desiring thee to read this, not only to delight thine affection in seeing this man do prosperously and commended for his prowess and virtue, and another dispraised according to the desert of his actions; but specially to consider the presence of God in governing the one, and prospering him, in doing profitable things for the defence of a just cause and his country: and the judgement of God, which according to the threatenings of his law, doth lead the wicked to punishment: if not at all times and after all ill actions, yet most commonly and at length, always doth make him swallow down the dregs of his wrath. Fear therefore and keep thyself within the bounds of that vocation, which the law of God hath prescribed thee.  
The greatest part of this History is translated out of French, which was set forth concerning these affairs of the holy League, increased much out of the seeds of actions, dispersed in the declarations, edicts, proscriptions, apologies, advertisements, agreements, articles and letters written by the Kings Henry the iij. and iiij. now reigning, and other noble men acquainted with the public affairs and estate.  
The latter part of the History, to wit, from the death of Henry the third, is a gathering of such events as have been published from time to time. And as for the distressing of Paris, and the horrible famine there, I have for the most part followed the report of Pedro Corneio a Spaniard, which was then in the city during the siege thereof, which doth report it after a more incredible sort than I dare lay down.  
Of such things which I do suspect, I do note the uncertainty thereof by the word of report, following therein that famous Historiographer of our time john Sleyden.  
I have written this History in form of annal, reducing the actions of every several year into a sundry book, save only the first, which is a collection of the secret practices of many years, to bring that state to that confusion which we see it now. The new Popish Calendar hath brought some diversity in the date of days, months and years, some following one Calendar, and some another: yet I have reduced it to the old so far as I could do it.  
Forasmuch as the rebellion of the holy League is the greatest conspiracy that ever was heard of against all Christian Kings and Princes, threatening all of bondage and subversion, and first put in ure in the kingdom of France, as most fit to receive the same, by reason of the dissensions long continued there, wrought by the vilest men and means that ever were heard of, having attempted & achieved most heinous & outrageous murders, I have thought good to deck the parties with titles and ornaments fit for such deeds, to wit, with sharp words to express more effectually the greatness of the offences, protesting not to touch the noble families of Christendom, whom I reverence, but the degenerating of them, who having put aside the robes of true Nobility, are become slaves of all treacheries and rebellions, and have clothed themselves with dishonour and infamy: to the end that the Christian reader may by the signification of grievous Epithets, comprehend the greatness of such transgressions as do boil in such men, and learn to avoid the society of all damned congregations of Corah, Dathan and Abiram.   

THE TRAGICAL History of the civil Wars raised up in the Realm of France.  

THE FIRST BOOK.  
claud of Vaudemont, otherwise of Lorraine, came into France in the time of Lewis the xii. in a manner with a wallet and a staff, that is to say, a beggarly gentleman, in comparison of the great revenues which he and his have had afterward in France. For all his revenues when he came into France, was not above xv. M. Franks. He began to grow under King Francis the first, by crouching and capping and double diligence: under whom, after that all offices had been bestowed, he obtained to be the King's Falconer, at the suit of other Noble men. That was an office given before that time to Gentlemen of small account. Notwithstanding the baseness of his degree in Court, he was beholden with a suspicious eye by King Francis, carrying in his mind a certain presage of that which hath happened afterward. For when he had marked with a wise prudency the sauciness of him and his children, he uttered his judgement concerning them in these words; That they will turn his children into their doublets, and his subjects into their shirts.  
The year 1515. in the absence of the Duke of gelders, he had the charge of the Swissers, which King Francis had hired for his journey to Milan.  
The year 1523. the Lord Trimoville left him the government of Burgundy.  
The year 1527. at the suit and intercession of Noble men, the King erected his Village of Guise, situated upon the river Oyse in the confines of Vermandoyse, into a Duchy.  
His Children were the Dukes of Guise, Aumale, the Marquis D'albeuf, the two Massing Priests of Lorraine and Guise.  
These Falconers did so apply their business, partly with flattering, partly with the alliance of lagrand Seneschal, which was the Paramour of King Henry the second, and the Duke D' Aumale married her daughter, as good as the mother, but especially by the facility, or rather fondness of the said Henry the second, that within few years they obtained in land and pensions one million of Frankes, beside their Civil and Ecclesiastical offices, dignities & livings, which did amount to so much. But specially they advanced themselves greatly in the time of King Francis the second, by reason of their alliance with him, who had married their niece the Queen of Scots.  
In his time they disposed of all things after their own wills. For the King saw nothing but by their eyes, heard nothing but by their mouths, did nothing but by their hands; so that there remained nothing but only the wearing of the Crown upon their own heads, and the name of King.  
In this great prosperity they lacked nothing, neither will nor means to attain to their intent, but that the Nobility of France was a perilous block in their way, which they could not leap over, for to ascend to so great and high seat of Majesty, and in stead of a velvet cap to wear a Crown of pure gold.  
In this prosperous success it hath happened to them as the Proverb is, Set a beggar on horseback, and he will ride until he break his neck: which the tragical end of them hath verified.  
But they fearing no such bloody events, and intending to turn their master out of the house, and to seize on the possession, and to lodge themselves therein, they used cunning and policy.  
The first step to reach to that which they intended to get, was a dream in this julling of Fortune, unaccustomed to them or theirs. For they in their dream, dreamt and saw in a vision, that they were descended from Charles the great, and consequently that they had right to the Crown, and that Capet (who had dispossessed their ancestors) (as they say) and his posterity, which now enjoy it, are but usurpers.  
But considering that to enter into any action of law about such a matter, would be a dangerous course, and that a peaceable state would rather help them backward, than forward; and that such a fish would be caught rather in a troublesome, than in a clear water, the stream must needs be stirred.  
The occasion of the time fell out fitly to further their intent, and to trouble the state: They therefore took the dissension of Religion to colour the same: (than the which they thought no better could be devised) for the people was already in jealousy one against another through the diversity of religion. Unto this opportunity came many helping causes, as the minority of the house of Valois, the ambition and atheism of the Q. Mother, the great credit and power which the parties themselves had gotten already afore hand in the Realm: the facility or rather inconstancy of Anthony of Bourbon King of Navarre: and last of all, the heady frowardness of the Constable, and Annas of Monmorency: which things conspiring together fitly to further their desires, they thought it was time in stead of Atheism to put on Popish superstition, and their ambition should run for burning zeal of Popery. This part they took not for any religion which they cared for, but being the stronger and more favourable side, by the which they might get both credit and strength.  
By these means the civil wars being easily stirred up, they thought all by one mean both to weaken the Nobility, and to oppress the house of Bourbon; which being made away, they supposed either that they could easily subvert the house of Valois, being all children: or else to survive them, and as then to make an open claim to the Crown.  
The civil wars being by them and their means begun, they have entertained them from time to time. And when through weariness or weakness of their part they have come to peace, they have through treachery so manured it, that peace hath been more domageable to the professors of the Gospel, than open war; as it may appear by the murders which they procured and performed at Paris, and in other Cities in France the year 1572.  
After the which murder, they also procured King Charles the ix. to imprison the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and afterward Monsieur the King's youngest brother.  
The King of Navarre having been kept prisoner with a guard the space of three years and more, at length in the year 1576. went forth out of Paris to hunting in the Forest of S. Germayne en faith, accompanied with a great number of Catholic Gentlemen, among whom was also the Duke Espernon. When he came to the Forest he opened his mind unto them that he was not determined to return to the Court. The Gentlemen considering his hard entertainment, and the greatness of his person, were so far from compelling him to return from whence he came, that they proffered to conduct him wheresoever he would, and so they brought him to the Town of Alenson 45. leagues from Paris, where was a great number of them of the reformed Religion, whether also he had requested the Gentlemen to accompany him.  
Shortly after his arriving there, when the reformed Church had assembled together, the said King in the face of the said congregation, confessed that for fear of death he had consented to the abominations of Popery, and with many tears very fervently prayed to God to forgive him, exhorted the Church to take heed, not to follow his frailty, willing them not to be offended with his fall, and with an earnest invocation of Gods most holy spirit, promised ever hereafter (by God's grace) constancy and steadfastness in the confession of the truth.  
After a long and woeful war (the particular accidents whereof I here omit, as hastening to my purpose, and refer the reader in that respect to such treatises as are of purpose written concerning those matters) at length a peace was concluded about the 27. of july 1576. which was sworn upon by the King, by the King of Navarre, Monsieur the King's only brother, the Prince of Conde, and Casimire, & other Nobles with the lifting up of their hands.  
The King, to wit, Henry the 3. to show how well pleased he was with this peace, willed and commanded, that it should be called his peace, because he had granted it with his own will and proper motion.  
The King of Navarre then had not only a just cause, but also opportunity to complain of divers injuries done unto him, at and after the murder of Paris, and also to demand amends for his great losses, yet he never moved one word, lest by any private commodities of his own, the peace should have been hindered.  
By that conclusion of peace the King granted eight Towns (beside them which they held before) unto them of the reformed religion, to be governed under his obedience by the King of Navarre, for the space of six years. It was agreed also at the request of the reformed religion, that the King should call the States of the Realm, to confirm this peace, and to restore the ancient dignity of that kingdom.  
These States were so cunningly handled, that it did almost fall to the utter undoing of them of the religion. For the Guizes, with the collusion of the King, made such means as none other might be admitted to the same States, than the professed enemies of the Gospel. For they caused convocations to be assembled in the several Provinces, who appointed such, as were far from peace, with secret instructions to be presented at the said States, without making the Towns, Cities, or Commonalties privy to the same.  
They also caused infamous Libels to be printed and proposed in their several convocations, denouncing open war unto them of the reformed religion, and unto all that would not consent to the undoing of them. Furthermore, they devised also the means to interrupt that peace, which of late concluded by their consent, and yet so politicly, that the causes should not be found in themselves, but in the professors of the Gospel. For they procured infinite injuries and violences to be done unto them of the Religion by their partakers, hoping that through despair and impatiency they would break the peace, and so the King would arm the Duke of Guise against them, that in the mean time having the King's power in hand, he might grow in authority, and the King decrease.  
Immediately after the conclusion of peace made, the Guizes perceiving that these three noble Princes had avoided their claws, (for the King of Navarre was gone into his kingdom, the Prince of Conde had avoided into Germany, & Monsieur had been set at liberty) without any hope to bring them again within their reach, and that not only they were a terror, but also would be great lets to their drifts, and that they were able to cut them out more work, than they would be able to patch as long as they should live, considering the name, room, authority and power that they were of, both in France and with foreign Nations: To the end that at the States appointed they might oppress these Princes, with the rest of the Nobility which would not take part with them; to ground a sure foundation upon a strong Council, than sent they their agent the Bishop of Paris, and the advocate David (a worse man did not live then upon the earth) to Rome the holy City, to take good advise and spiritual counsel of their ghostly father.  
The Bishop of Paris and David with him came to Rome, the School of all murders, treasons, poisonings and slaughters, against all the Princes and States of Christendom. There assembled all the schoolmasters and teachers of the Sciences above said, I mean the Cardinals, among whom Sir Hugh bon companion Vicar of Rome, (for so was his right name afore he was Pope) was the foreman.  
There was great complaints framed against the King, Monsieur his brother, the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, against all the house of Bourbon, and the Nobility of France.  
The King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were heretics and relapse. The King and his brother, with a great number of the Nobility, if they were not heretics, yet were they favourers of heretics, they caused heresies to grow and to take root, by making peace with heretics, to the utter overthrow of holy Church of Rome. And that it was high time that Sir Hugh (Vicar of Rome) should provide for some speedy remedy to prevent the mischief.  
There it was showed (to render the King and all the Princes odious) how the house of Capet had always withstood the holy Church of Rome, and that they had supported in old time the Valdenses and Albigeoys, and now that either they are joined with the Huguenots, or else are favourers of them.  
But on the contrary side, the house of Charles the great (which was wrongfully dispossessed of the Crown) by the Papal blessing, had a special grace given them to help holy Church, and had left yet some lusty buds, which are they of the house of Guise, in whom is all the hope of holy Church, to root out the heretics, and to restore all things. The fable of this Popish blessing here above mentioned, is in the Chronicles of Rhegimon a Monk of S. Benet.  
In the time of Pipin father to Charles the great, Stephen Pope of Rome being a factious and turbulent man, through his ambition did trouble Italy. And when Arstulphe King of the Lombard's (a nation not used to be controulled by Priests) went about to chastise him, fled into France, to stir Pippin (which a few years before had usurped the Crown of France by the help of Pope Zachary) against the said Arstulphe. This Pope being at S. Denis nigh Paris, fell brainsick, and in his sickness the devil deluded him with an entusiasme, making him to see in a vision Peter and Paul before the high Altar in their surplice, by the which (as he said) he knew them. Then came in S. Denis with a lean face, having a Censor in his hand, whom Peter and Paul sent to the said Stephen to heal him, who charged him to hallow the said Church. Pope Stephen could this vision to them which were present there, and being about to rise out of his bed to do what he was commanded, they said unto him that he doted. But after he had told this folly to Pippin, the 13. of August 753. he anointed Pipin King of France and Berte, and with his Popish blessing sanctified all the Barons & Nobles of France, binding them with an oath never to choose King of France but of that race of Pipin. Thus goeth the sottish fable of the brainsick entusiasme Pope Stephen. The Guizes feigning to have descended out of that race by the help of this fable, besides the determinations, set down concerning other States of Christendom, it was concerning France thus decreed. That the house of Capet, which was the house of Valois and Bourbon, with the rest of the principal Nobility, must needs be rooted out, and that these lusty buds of Charles the great must have their turn: and for to bring to pass these things, the woeful Tragedy must be thus played.  
The Guizes must kindle the fire.  
The Priests, Friars and jesuits shall blow it with the bellows of ●ayling and sedition.  
The King shall sit still until his brother and the Bourbon's come to their trial.  
The Pope shall play the Monarcho. This Monarcho was of late years a frantic Italian, well known both in Germany and England, who imagined that all the Kings of the earth were his vassals: so Sir Hugh Vicar of Rome, sitteth a far off, will not draw nigh the fire, and imagineth that all is his: whereupon he condemneth the Valois and Bourbon's and the Nobility of France, to the slaughter.  
The name of the States shall be used and wait upon the Guizes to play the hangman, and when all things be in a readiness, the King, all the Princes and Nobility shall be cast into the fire, there to be consumed and destroyed.  
When all this is happily performed, there will be a new heaven and a new earth. For the Guizes, and Sir Hugh bon companion Vicar of Rome, and all his bands, Ganymedes and Chaplains shall have all, and may take their pastimes with their Courtesans, without any fear or controlment of the Huguenots.  
Here follow the acts of this Tragedy, or the sum of the secret Counsel of Rome holden, containing the means how to destroy the kingdom of France, as they were delivered by Sir Hugh unto his stage players.  
First, the house of Guise and their partakers shall procure new Commotions in the Realm, and entertain wars. They shall also league the Nobility with their oaths to persecute the Gospel, and that they shall not acknowledge any other Captain and head of the League but only the Duke of Guise.  
2 The King shall be counseled to fit still, and to take no care for such uproars: but to let the Duke of Guise alone, for he knoweth well how to handle the matter.  
3 The King shall send his mother to monsieur her son, to persuade him to come to Bloys to the States.  
4 In the mean time the King shall go from Paris into a place of sure access, and void of suspicion, where he shall entice by fair promises, by fair means and fair words, the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, if it may be done; whom he shall receive with as much entertainment and courtesy, as he may show them. So the King was made a fool at Rome by a sort of beggarly Friars and godless rabble. But in the mean while that the King shall show such feigned courtesies to his brother and the Princes of his blood, the Guizes shall retire from the Court with tokens of discontented minds.  
5 These things being a working, the King shall assemble the States at Bloys, and such as be devoted to the League shall be sent to the several Provinces, to pick out such Deputies as may be well taught and skilful to play their parts.  
6 During these stirs, the Friars and jesuits, shall move up the people to uproars, by seditious Sermons against the Huguenots.  
7 The Priests in their Parish Churches shall secretly take the names of able men, and by appointed Captains it shall be ordered what weapons be most fit for them, and in their shriving they shall warn them to provide such weapons.  
8 The States holding shall swear to observe and obey whatsoever shall be concluded, and shall bind themselves and their commonalties to bear the charges of the play.  
9 But if Monsieur, the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and others of the house Bourbon, do not appear, they shall be condemned of contumacy, and as Rebels. And furthermore, all other who shall seem to oppose themselves against the States, shall be executed if they can be taken, and if not, reward to be appointed to such as shall kill them.  
10 All these things being thus compassed, the States shall be sworn to the Sea of Rome, and to observe the Council of Trent.  
11 Request also shall be made to the King by the States, that in case any man should resist these proceedings, he shall appoint the Duke of Guise his General to pursue them by all means to death.  
12 Yet the morrow Mass Priests must come once more upon the stage, and there they shall cause their Captains to muster them of the conspiracy, and to make them ready to march when the assembly of the States is once begun.  
13 All these things being so brought to pass, the States shall pick out Minos and Rhadamanthus to inquire and judge of the life and deeds of Monsieur, for joining himself with the Heretics, and to make his process, after the natural and godly example of the King of Spain, which sacrificed Charles of Ostrich his natural son a Prince, (a Prince of great hope) unto Moloch the Idol of the jesuits.  
14 When Monsieur is condemned, the forces secretly gathered shall march to strengthen the execution.  
15 Then immediately the conspired Soldiers shall set upon the Huguenots in all Provinces, without any respect of persons.  
16 The Duke of Guise, that great Captain, that great Charlamaigne with his power shall destroy all, shall take the King and his mother, either put them in Monkeries, or else to rid them out of this world, according to the Proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By this we see that the King long ago was condemned at Rome either to be a Friar, or else to be slain by a Friar.  
So all these things thus happily done, lo the Duke of Guise shall have all, and in so doing the Crown shall return to the blessed stock of Charlamaigne, and he and his successors henceforth shall hold the Crown of France of the Apostolic sea, and shall abolish the prerogatives of the French Church. valet & plaudite Calliopius recensui.  
Now I pray you good Sir Hugh good master Vicar, seeing you have so well sped, let us have a fine Te Deum landamus, and a demure solemn Procession, and all in your Pontificalibus, such as we had for the noble and famous victory of the Spaniards against the Englishmen before Calis the 29. of july 1588. And after a sweet Mass of that Holy ghost which appeared to your predecessors at the Council of Laterane, in the visible form of an Owl, go again to school with your Chaplains, and let us know of you what the Huguenots will dóo all that while: or else seeing you have that power to bind and to lose, I pray you bind them hand and foot, that we may make quickly an end of them, or else every one will say (to the great slander of holy Church) that Sir Hugh is a great Pazzo, for not being able to perform all that he taketh upon 
In Italion a Sot.  him to do.  
And of all love be good to master Francis of Lorraine, devise some good means that when the Crown is set upon his head, the heaviness thereof should not put him to pains, and perhaps break his neck. And then what would the world say, beshrew you Sir Hugh, for in following your counsel we have lost a great Captain and a new King, and then be sure that you will never be good after.  
But now to speak in sadness, by these instructions, according to the which all the civil wars have been directed ever since the year 1576. until the death of the last Duke of Guise, we may judge what wisdom and blessings are to be expected from Sir Hugh and his Chaplains.  
Whilst these things were at working in Rome, the Guizes followed divers ways to interrupt the peace: but now by the return of David from Rome, with these aforesaid instructions, they went to work substantially, and by the collusion of the King, they made such means as none might be admitted to the States, but the professed enemies of the reformed Churches. For they caused private convocations to be assembled in the several Provinces, which appointed such as were far from peace, & were of the conspiracy of Guise, having their secret instructions to be presented at the States, without making privy to their counsels any Towns, Cities or Commonalties.  
They spread abroad, that the Edict of peace could not be published nor admitted in Towns and Cities, than the which nothing was more desired of all sorts of men, except only them of the conspiracy.  
They caused also infamous Libels to be printed and proposed in their several convocations, being of such men, as knowing the reports to be most false, yet were ready to make themselves to be true. As that they of the reformed religion requested the exercise of the same, not for satisfying or contenting of their consciences, but for the maintenance of factious and practises against the King, and to fortify themselves, that upon opportunity, they might shake off the yoke of obedience due to the King.  
They spread abroad also, that they of the reformed religion had surprised Lachorite, and many Towns and Forts in Poytow, Xainctonge, Guienne, languedoc, and Dauphin, and that they had committed sundry murders and cruelties upon the Catholics, and therefore in the same assemblies they did denounce war unto them of the reformed religion, and to all them which would not consent to their undoing.  
They procured infinite number of injuries and violences to be done by their partakers every where, to them of the religion, hoping through impatience, to cause them to break the Edict of peace, so that the causes being found in them, the King arming the Duke of Guise, should increase his secret enemy's authority, and decay his own.  
Notwithstanding these manifold injuries proffered unto them of the religion, and the breaking of the peace, they of their part observed the Edict of pacification, without molesting the Catholics, but stood only upon the defensive.  
The Guizes hasting so much as ever they could, their enterprises (by their partakers) procured many Towns and Provinces to rebel and to break the peace, pretending that they of the religion sought the oppression of the Clergy.  
Besides the practises afore mentioned, these good husbands being loath to leave any stone unstirred, that happily might any way further their devised plot, did not stick to attempt even contrary means. For in like case they followed the old trick of Barcocab, they went about closely and under hand, to draw into their League them of the reformed religion, promising them the exercise of their religion, according to the Edict of peace, and more if they would.  
They solicited also john Casimier Prince Palsgrave to enter in league with them, promising to do nothing against the reformed religion, and to deliver him Towns in their governments for pledges. And herein if they could have effected their desire happily, they would not have pretended so rigorous a course against them of the reformed religion, as afterward they did, when they perceived that they of the reformed religion did smell, detect, and abhorred their treacherous ambition, and that they were taken forbeu cozba. If they might have prevailed with the reformed, they would have stood upon some plausible Commonwealth. For their intent herein was (not that they cared or regarded any religion) but to bring the King and the Princes of the blood into hatred, and the people into a mistiking of the government.  
And seeing their offers were rejected by the reformed, they determined to root them out, assuring themselves generally of the Catholics, under colour of zeal of Popery which they feigned more and more.  
And to begin, the Q. Mother (according to the Gospel brought from Rome by David, as is above said) was sent to bring monsieur her son to the States at Bloys, which she performed.  
Many fair words were spent, many fair promises given, and many sore threatenings were uttered, either to entice, or else to enforce the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, to the States at Bloys. But they refused their company, knowing well what their meaning was. During this time, they were very busy to make Leagues and confederacies, and to erect every where fraternities, which they called of the holy Ghost, by such means to fortify themselves, as they pretended, against the Heretics, but indeed to conspire the subversion both of the King and of the Bourbon's, which could not be done (as they thought) without the rooting out of the professors of the reformed religion.  
The secret Council of Rome could not be kept so close, but that the King of Navarre had intelligences what was passed at Rome, and therefore sendeth a Gentleman of his to the King, with remembrances to advertise him of the conspiracy already concluded at Rome, against him and his estate. Monsieur his brother in like manner informed him, that there were things passed at Rome, against him, his Crown and state.  
john Casimier Prince palatine out of Germany, sendeth in like manner advertisements unto the King about the same matter: and beside by Praillon giveth him notice of the drifts of the Leaguers, which were to let the free holding of the States, by corrupting of the Deputies, and by letting that none of the Princes of the blood, or any that have cause of complaining, might appear with free access.  
Thus the Guizes furthering their business by all means (as is above said) in the Provinces, for the making of a strong league with as many as they were able, they procured the town of Montmarsan in Gascoigne, to rebel against the King of Navarre: which he shortly after surprised in one night, and brought the inhabitants to their duty without any blood shedding.  
By their means also the Town of Rause, in the County of Armignake, belonging to the King of Navarre, as the said King had entered into the Town, without any mistrust, with eighteen Gentlemen, the partakers of Guise there let the Portcullis fall at his heels, and setting upon him one offered the Caliver at his breast. But the said King nevertheless seized upon a Tower with his company, and made way to the rest of his train to enter into the said Town, not suffering any of the inhabitants to be put to death, bu● only him which had leveled the Caliver at his breast, and that at the earnest suit of the Magistrates of the Town, accusing him with divers other crimes.  
In january the King sendeth an Ambassador to the Prince Casimier Palatine of Rhine, named Vilaquier, to excuse his doings with lies, surmiz●s and slanders, as that they of the reformed religion had seized upon divers, and had committed murders and cruelties upon the Catholics, and that they required not the exercise of the religion for any conscience, but for fashion sake only, and that his States will not suffer him to execute the Edict of peace.  
Unto this message the Prince Casimier answered, as showing how the King was abused by the States, which were none other but such as were enemies of his estate, and perturbers of the peace under the name of the States: and lastly willeth him not to cast his Realm into a miserable flame of civil wars for other men's pleasure.  
The Prince Casimier also sendeth Butrich his Ambassador to the King, to persuade him (if possible were) to entertain the p●ace which was made so solemnly, which he also willed to be called his peace. The said Ambassador had audience at Bloys the 23. of February.  
The 7. of March ensuing, the said Butrich Ambassador, surrendered in his Master's name, the lands, Lordships, pensions and offices which the King had given him at the concluding of the peace. For as much as the Guizes had spread abroad both through France, Germany, and other countries, that the said Prince (in consideration and respect of his particular profit) was prejudicial to the public commodity of his Soldiers.  
The parish Priests about this time took the names of able men; Soldiers were every where secretly mustered, according to Sir Hugh his counsel, as is aforesaid. The jesuits also began to take the matter in hand, to further conspiracies by railing Sermons, who by these meaves crept so deeply into the King's favour, that he preferred the sauciest of them, and them who could thunder most furiously against the reformed religion, to bishoprics, Abbeys, prebend's, and other fat Benefices; nourishing in his bosom from time to time the firebrands, to set him and his Realm in combustion at the first opportunity.  
The Guizes seeing they could not win them of the religion to favour their doings, but rather that their agents were taken forbeu cozba, considering also that they were not able to have their desire upon them, fearing greatly the King of Navarre, whose wisdom, virtue, and valour they knew well, go about to make him to some hateful, and to others contemptible. Therefore the Admiral Villars, father in law to the Duke de maine, raised up upon him the old lie and flander reported of the Christians of the Primitive Church, up the Pagans, (to the end that Satan might be like to himself) to wit, that the said King being at Again, in the night, the candles should be put out. That false report was spread abroad throughout France, afore that any man had heard of it in the City of Agen. It was also reproved for a most false lie by many Noblemen and Ladies of both religions which were then present.  
Now, the conclusion or rather collusion of the States, was that they required the Edict of peace to be revoked, the exercise of the reformed religion inhibited, and Popery to be set up every where.  
The King was as desirous to grant them, as they to require the breach of the peace: whereupon fearful persecutions were raised up every where; great cruelties effected in divers places upon them of the religion, and open war denounced.  
And for as much as the condemnation and execution of Monsieur could not be brought to pass as yet, for many considerations, it was kept close, and deferred to a fit time. But specially for that he might be a good instrument to be occupied against the King of Navarre, and them of the reformed religion.  
Therefore they thought good to make him and the Duke of Guise General over the King's forces. Him I say, to give the more authority to the actions and enterprises with greater terror. The other was joined in Commission to prevent what might happen, that Monsieur should not in any wise favour the King of Navarre, nor his partakers any whit at all.  
The King of Navarre having such power as he could make in Guienne, prepared himself upon the defensive; and having a mighty power of Germans ready to enter into France, his enemy's hearts were somewhat cooled, and began to faint.  
On the other side, the King wanting money, nothing was done. By this expedition, & a great terror of the Germans, having seized France, the King now showeth himself as desirous of peace, as he was not long before of war, and sendeth his Mother to the King of Navarre to treat for peace. Now old Catie must show some Italian juggling, or else farewell Popery. After much chopping and changing of words, the bargain was made. The King of Navarre being at Nerack in Gascoigne, received the peace, with some restructions of the former Edict, abhorring the slaughters of the Nobility, and oppressions of the people.  
This peace being concluded at Nerack, the Guizes took it very grievously, as unprofitable for the advancing of that mystery which did lie hidden in their brain: and also for that the King went about to reform many abuses, brought in by war, and to restore the Nobility, to ease the people of divers charges. For the Guizes would have all these abuses to continue, that in time it might serve for an old cloak to cover withal their treacherous drifts, as they did afterward at the rising of them in arms 1585. Diffidence and jealousies therefore did grow daily between the King and the Guizes. But the King to obtain his intended purpose, thought good to pacify them, calleth them to the Court, doth assigue them great pensions, bestoweth great gifts and honours upon them. Yet they having always a hartburning, tickled with their accustomed ambition, watching for the death of Monsieur, determined to hasten them: forasmuch as they feared him more than the King.  
In the year 1579. the Guizes sent Friar claud Matthew (abusie jesuite of Pontamosson in Lorraine) to Rome, to put Sir Hugh to work, and to lay down some new direction to execute the secret Council of Rome, seeing that the former devices had failed.  
Fri●r claud from thence took his journey into Spain, to give some ghostly counsel to Dom Philipporey despagna. Out of this voyage came the expedition of Italians and Spaniards into Ireland, under the leading of Captain Saunders, which there died mad wandering in the woods. From thence also came the lusty flight of Locusts the jesuits into England, under the banner of their General Campion, to root out the Gospel, and to plant Popery, if it could be done. But if not, to work some busy piece of work to her Majesty, that the Guizes in the mean time might work more surely in France, without hope of any help out of England to the King, and to the King of Navarre, or to them of the reformed religion, if they should stand in any need. The Guizes of their part were not idle, but by sundry practises had renewed the civil wars: and by the King's consent Monsieur his brother and the Duke de maine were in Commission for the conducting of the King's Armies: which thing they did as well as they could, with as great preparations as might be, but yet without doing any harm. But because the common report went that Monsieur should pass into England, and from thence should go take possession of the Dukedom of Braban●, which was offered him by the States of the Low Country, they were content yet once again to wink at peace, that they might be rid of him, hoping that he would never return into France to trouble them.  
Therefore in the year 1580. Monsieur (before he took his journey) was sent to the King of Navarre, which both met at Fleyx, a Town in Perigord, situated upon the river of Dradogne, where they concluded a peace, not much varying from the former. Which thing being done, Monsieur hasted to his journey.  
Now this being done, Friar Matthew (the Guizes Pursuivant) of mere devotion must needs post to Rome yet once again to visit the Stews, and to advertise Sir Hugh what was passed in France, to know of him how the Guizes should work upon this present occasion. There Sir Hugh stayed somewhat his wisdom, afore he would give answer, knowing not well what counsel to give or to follow, because his Armado in Ireland, under the conduct of Captain Saunders Doctor of Military Discipline, and his Locusts, under the leading of the lusty Campion, had sped but so so, and had a very hot entertainment. His brains therefore was driven to peruss his Christerosse, so that in this dump Sir Hugh must take counsel of Dom Philipporey despagna. Therefore master Friar must trudge over the world. Have with you master Friar into Spain to eat a penny worth of Raphams. Upon this hard mischances of fortune, Sir Hugh thought good that Dom Philippo should play Xerxes, and whilst he is a preparing the invincible Arinado, means should be made to do away both Monsieur and the Prince of Orange, that by the death of the one, the Low countries should be left headless & unable to resist the petty Duke of Parma; and by the others death, the drists of the Guizes might be easily executed in France. The procuring of the death of the Prince of Orange was committed to the petty Duke of Parma, petty son to the holy man Pedro Aloisio, who for his religion, uz. his abominable and monstrous whoredoms, was hanged at the window of his own house, a holy Martyr, and bastard son to Sir Alexander Farneso Vicar of Rome, called otherwise Paulus tertius. This Duke of Parma acquitted himself prettily well of his charge, as shall be said hereafter. The death of Monsieur was undertaken by the Guizes, that that if GOD himself would not kill him, they would do it, which they also performed in time.  
Friar Matthew jesuit (carrier of the Court of the Guizes) returning out of Spain, fell sick at Barbaste in Gascoigne, not for any surfeit which he took in Spain, except it were for eating too little. The poor Pardoner there was so sick, that he would have eaten any kind of meat if he could have had it. But his good Masters did so diet him, that according to his profession he afflicted his body with fasting out of measure, to pull down his courage, lest when he should come into the Stews to give ghostly counsel to the Courtesans, he should do any thing to the discredit of holy Ch●rch▪ and to the slandering of the holy order of jesuits: for such fasting as he used in that journey would do greater miracles in keeping a Friar cha●●, than all the weeping which the jesuits do use can do.  
The King sending his brother into Brabant, determined to appoint him a Counsel. But the King's Counsel being in a manner all Leaguers, appointed him two manner of men, one to accompany him, and the other to counsel him. They therefore provided that such counsel should be given him, as either should altogether nousell him in all filthy life, or else should work such means as might dishonour him, or put him in danger of his life. Another company was appointed him of virtuous Noble men of both religions, only to accompany him to countenance the matter, but not to counsel him.  
Monsieur therefore in this equipage of men of so sundry colours and qualities, taketh his journey first into England, and from thence into Brabant the year 1582. there to be invested of that Dukedom of the holy Empire, which was duly and sumptuously performed.  
Whilst Monsieur soiorneth in the Low Country, the partakers of the Guizes, thinking the time long, were very importunate to set the Duke forward about the business which he knew, considering the good opportunity of the absence of Monsieur. For if he should return (said they) and find all things peaceable, it would be hard for them to work any thing; for as much as Monsieur had knowledge of their drifts, who assuredly would seek to overthrow all, and being in France of such power, would go nigh to do it. To these and like persuasions the Duke of Guise was wont to answer, that he will enterprise nothing openly, whilst the King had any brother; but if he could see one day the last of the house of Valois to sit upon the Throne, he promised them with a round oath to set his hand to work so surely, that if he did not carry away the whole, yet he hoped to have a good part of the cake. In the mean time the Guizes began to sell the most part of their offices, and to gather great sums of money, making their reckoning shortly to have all and to dispose of all. But thinking the time long, that neither sickness, nor the fortune of war had shortened the life of Monsieur, which greatly they desired, they determined to do that which God would not do, and to execute Sir Hugh's spiritual counsel.  
There was one Salcedo a Spaniard, which before had escaped the gibbet of Rouen, for coining false coin, with his false gold and silver wrought by Alchemy, fled into Spain, and from thence into Lorraine, where the Guizes hired him for six thousand Crowns (which they paid him at Nancie in Lorraine) to murder Monsieur. This Salcedo therefore having his money and his lesson without the book, went into France, proffered his service to Monsieur afore he went into the Low Country, and at the recovery of Cambray showed some token of dexterity, and in the Low Country did all that could be to creep into greater favour with Monsieur. But withal entered in familiarity and communication with the youngest son of Egmond, for which cause the said Egmond began to be suspected both of Monsieur and the Prince of Orange: who being examined by the said Prince about Salcedos familiarity, answered that their communications were about Alchemy. The Prince with a certain presagious mind replied, that he feared that a more dangerous Alchemy would ensue of their familiarity: admonished the said Egmond to call to remembrance the dealing of the King of Spain with his father. The Prince of Orange and Monsieur departed from Antwerp to Bridges in Flanders, where they arrived the 17. day of February.  
Now, this conspiracy devised at Rome, confirmed in Spain, brought from thence by Friar Mathewe the Pardoner, set in readiness to Nancie in Lorraine, the Duke of Parma advertised thereof, thought good with one days work to dispatch these two noble Princes: He thought good to bring somewhat of his own, lest the Leaguers only should have the glory of this murder: therefore to Salcedo he joined two companions, knowing that a string twisted is not so easily broken. These two fellows were Francisco Baza an Italian, of the band of Fernando Gonzago (which was in the Camp of the petty Duke of Parma) and a Wallon.  
During the time these two Princes were in Bridges, Salcedo advanced himself so near Monsieur, that upon suspicion he was apprehended: then stayed there in the Court without the said Italian and the Wallon tarrying for Salcedo. This Italian expecting with great desire when Salcedo should come forth, asked of another whether Salcedo were within still. Answer was made that he was, being asked the question whether he knew Salcedo. When the Courtier was gone in again, the Italian entering in fear would have fled: but being suddenly laid hold on, was examined, and confessed the whole conspiracy. Salcedo which would not know the Italian before, now when he was accused by Baza, said that the said Baza was a muletier and a liar. But Baza answered, he would show before Salcedo his face such proofs of this matter, that his declarations should be found true. The malcontent Wallon fled away.  
The 24. of july the young Egmond being brought to the Court to Monsieur, & perceiving how Salcedo had accused him, revealed all whatsoever Salcedo had opened unto him. Upon which confession Egmond was committed prisoner to the Magistrate of the town.  
The 28. Francisco Baza the Italian was examined upon the Rack, who confessed and revealed horrible things.  
The 30. this desperate Italian with a knife which he had craftily gotten, first struck himself in the belly nigh the navel, and after in the breast on the left side, and so killed himself. And immediately after, by the Magistrate of the City, was condemned for a murderer and a Traitor.  
The Wallon malcontent named Nicholas Hugo, alias de la board, being afterward taken and examined, confessed the conspiracy.  
The King understanding what was done, purposed and attempted, sent two of his Counsel into the Low Country to Bridges, to bring the said Salcedo into France, took the pains in his own person to examine him, and having by the said Salcedo his own confession known what was intended at Nancie, attempted at Bridges, caused the said Salcedo to be condemned of treason by the Court of Parliament of Paris, and by their sentence the said Spaniard Salcedo was drawn and torn with four Horses. There were also some prisoners at Paris about that matter.  
About the same time, or not long after, one Monsieur de Muy being wounded at the siege of Fere, the Duke of Guise went out of Paris in post to be his ghostly father, and to give him some good ghostly counsel, not to tell tales out of the school, nor to discover holy mysteries.  
The Archdeacon of Toul in Lorreyne, named des Rosiers, had written a book of genealogies of the Lorreyns, bringing them out of the belly of the house of Eroy, to the defacing and disallowing the possession of the crown by the Valois. About the same time the King sendeth the precedent Brulard to make his process, and by him was condemned of high treason: but afterward by intercession made, was quited by recanting and condemning his book before the kings counsel.  
The Guyzes being thus disappointed of their drifts with the loss of 6. thousand crowns, faint not for all that, but follow on their course: for they must needs to see an end of Monsieur whom they think to be such a block in their way, as they cannot ouerl●ape without stumbling dangerously.  
There was a holy woman in Paris, by name Madam saint Genevieve, who was so holy, that both the King Henry the third, and Monsieur his brother, would often times go a pilgrimage to her with much Romish devotion, but with little honesty, she must do the feat for the advancing of the holy League, and upholding of the holy Church. The Guyzes therefore to speed well, must offer a candle to that Saint of Paris, to be good to them, and to do for them that which God would not do, at their earnest prayers to repair to Monsieur, which was thenat Chasteautierry, upon the river of Marne in Brie: and that she should have with her boxes of Concerues.  
This blessed Virgin therefore took her journey to Monsieur ward with her holy boxes with her: she was the more welcome to Monsieur, because he had not seen her of a long time: he being otherwise somewhat pensiu●, for missing of his purpose in the low Country, and for the loss of his credit, which he left behind him at Antwerp, yet for the recreating of himself with his old acquaintance, they must banquet together, and have a good merry day once ere they depart. She came forth with her holy boxes, where holy dregs of Rome had been, out of the which she gave him a bowl so hard of digestion, that it did him no good: for it did lie so heavy upon his heart, that he never left vomiting of blood as long as there remained life in him, and in like manner as his brother Charles the ninth did before him: he died the 10. day of july, on the which day his father Henry the second died 24. years before.  
As soon as the King was certified of the death of his brother, he sendeth the Duke de Espernon to the King of Navarre, to advertise him that he held him for his son and true heir of the Crown in France, in case he doth decease without issue.  
But to come to the matter: now here is a blessed days work for the Guyzes and holy Church. Up master Friar, and get you to Rome the holy City once again, to Sir Hugh, to show him what good luck we have, and that all things do happen as we would have them: but that we have need of his ghostly counsel.  
Whilst Friar Matthew (carrier of the Guyzes) goeth to do his message as well as he could, they of the Guyze with their partakers do disperse themselves into all parts of the Realm, to allure Towns and Cities, but especially them that were Malcontents, to their devotion: after the which progress of theirs with importunacy, they do procure the King to call the assembly of the states of the realm at Bloys, to the which they had altogether laboured their favourers, and such as did desire nothing more than the decay of the King, and increasing of the Guyzes.  
In the same assembly, that the King might have the blame himself of the breaking of the peace, it was requested.  
First, that the edict of pacification should be revoked, and the exercise of the reformed religion forbidden.  
Secondly, that the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and all the nobility professing the same religion, should be exiled out of the realm, & all others of the same profession should be enforced either to abjure, or else to departed forthwith out of the Realm.  
Thirdly, that the 8. towns which were given them for 6. years, should be put into the kings hands, alleging that the time was expired.  
The king being desirous to entertain his subjects in peace, knowing well the fruits of civil war, dissolved the states, promising shortly to assemble the best, wisest, and most experienced of his realm, to have their advise for the reformation of all things.  
About the same time of the states being at Bloys, the king of Navarre sendeth new advertisements to the king, about the intent and open practices of the league, willing him to have some care of himself, and showeth him the present danger that he stood in.  
After the return of Friar Matthew from Rome, the Bariesuits in the latter end of September held a certain Synod or Clandestine conventicle in Paris, in the which the said Friar Matthew as precedent, did rule the roast, having received direction of Sir Hugh vicar of Rome, where according to the said directions, they lay down the method to stir up the coals, to raise up seditions and rebellious in all parts, but especially to increase the hatred of all men against them of the religion, but namely against the king of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, and for that end they forged an infamous libel, as more amply shallbe showed.  
The king according to his promise made to the States at Bloys, in the latter end of the year 1584. called (at Saint Germayn in Faye) his chiefest and best learned Senators of all his parliaments, there to show him the best and readiest means to ease the people, and to restore the realm to some good state.  
On the other side, the king of Navarre, considering that the time appointed to surrender the 8. towns committed to his custody, was expired, and that the rage of his enemies was rather increased then diminished, and that their means, their factions and their fury was now greater than ever it had been, and that imminent dangers were at hand: assembled a meeting of the Nobility, which professed the reformed religion at Montaulban, a strong City in Quercye, where Monsieur Belieure (one of the kings counsel) was present to provide for their common affairs.  
And whereas the king of Navarre his enemies had spread abroad, both by false rumours and libels, that immediately after the death of Monsieur, he was returned to the Catholic religion, and was gone to Mass: the said king of Navarre therefore to satisfy all men against that false rumour, and slander, protested openly that he knew the truth to be on his side, and that by God's assistance he would stand to the profession and defence of the reformed religion, unto the end, and that he would acknowledge none other fortune but only that.  
There by the common advise of all that assembly, it was thought good, that considering the great dangers which seem to threaten them of the reformed Religion, and generally all France, a supplication should be presented to the king, that of his mere favour & clemency be would continue the keeping of the said Towns to the king of Navarre for certain years more.  
Upon this conclusion the Lord Laval, with other deputies, were sent to the King at the assembly which was at Saint german, and showing the cause of their coming to the king, and complaining of divers iviuries daily done to them of the reformed religion, by the leaguers: the 11. of December 
〈◊〉  the king granted them the keeping of the said towns for 2. years longer, charging them that for injuries done to them, they should not seek to revenge their own cause, for breaking of the peace. But that they would show their griefs to the King of Navarre, who thereupon should make means to him for amends.  
Whilst all these things were working on every side, the king of Navarre, seeing that neither so many advertisements from every part of France given to the king, neither that which he himself saw, namely the partialities, societies, fraternities, leagues, confederacies, and preparations of the house of Guyze, did any whit move or warn the king to look to himself and to his affairs (which thing he might easily have done in time.) The said king of Navarre had sent the Lord de Segur Pardillan superintendant of his house to the Queen of England, the king of Demmarke, the Prince's electors, the Lands-grave of Hessen, and to other States of Germany for three causes: first to compound the controversies about certain articles of religion not as yet agreed upon in the reformed Churches, that the enemies of the common cause might not distoine them by that occasion.  
Secondly, to renew the ancient friendship and alliance in that sort, as it had uéene of old.  
Thirdly, to dispose a sum of money in Germany, in such order that thereby he might there provide succour, if he were assaulted by his enemies. The said Lord Perdillane returned home to the king of Navarre in December 1584. when the king did hold his counsel at Saint Germayn.  
The end of the first Book.   

THE SECOND BOOK.  
NOw when the Guyzes do draw near their time, to bring forth that monster of treason which they had conceived: they have many secret conferences with that Duke of Parma, petty son to Peter Aloyse Pharnese the Pope's bastard, hanged at his windows by his own subjects for his execrable life. Also with Bernardine Mendoze, & Giovan Bardachino the king of Spain his Coriero: the Bishop of Cominges, bastard son to the Lord Lansake, playing Dromo between them. For a Stage play can not have good grace to make the people laugh, except there be a popish Priest to play the devils part. All this whispering among them was about a great sum of money, which the king of Spain should lay out for to begin the play: and lest the said king of Spain should be cozened of his money, the Duke of Guyze to deliver him the dukedom of britain, that Cities of Bourdeaux, and Marseilles: and for the performance thereof, he should send some of his children to the Duke of Savoy in hostages.  
Therefore now the Guyze is as full of Spanish pistolets, as a Dog is full of Fleas (as the Proverb is, when we will signify great abundance of things). He giveth great sums of this Spanish liberality to his partakers, but specially to discontented persons. He proffereth also of this Spanish money to many, which neither require it, neither would have of it. But all men did exceedingly wonder whence should come this plenty, seeing that it was well known, that he was deeply indebted.  
Now when all things seemed to be in a readiness, to begin the tragedy, the Friars of the society of Bariese the sorcerer, named by cutting short jesuits, do play the prologue: for they step up into Pulpits every where, whom they have turned to trumpets and drums of the Devil, to blow and sound the alarm of sedition and rebellion.  
There they do show the decay of popery, which they call the Catholic faith: they do urge the miseries of every degree to proceed from the Hugonoets and their favourers (meaning and in a manner openly declaring the king.) They do propound the great dangers which did hang over the heads of the Catholics.  
There they did tell, how that there was a certain confederacy of the Hugonoets with the heretics of Germany, England, Denmark, and Switzerland, to oppress the Catholic Church.  
It is said before that in September last, there was holden a certain conventicle of conspirators against Christendom in Paris by the Bariesuits, commonly called the jesuits, where they forged a certain infamous libel, to serve them for a firebrand of the sedition.  
There they say and lie all at once, that the 14. day of December 1584., there was concluded at Magdebourge in Saxony, that the kings of Navarre and Denmark, the Queen of England, the Princes of Germany, the Prince's Palsgrave, and Orange, the Landsgrave of Hessen, they or their Ambassadors should appear at Basill the next month of May following. Where is to be noted the impudency of these lying Friars. For the Prince's Palsgrave and Orange were dead, the one a whole year before, the other they had procured to be murdered in Holland by one of their own jesuits 6. months before. But these two Princes they should raise up by the Boriesu their master, whom these Conjurers found in their Pamphlets to appear at Basill.  
They affirmed also in the said infamous libels, that the King of Navarre should have taken arms the 18. of April, the year 1585. which in deed was the time appointed for the League to rise up.  
They affirmed also, that the king of Navarre had promised in the assembly of Montaulban, that in case he should survive the king, and that he might attain to the Crown, he would root out of France all Popish religion, and deprive them of the said religion of all state, dignity and authority.  
They said also that the ministers had persuaded the king of Navarre to revenge the murder of Paris, and that it was concluded, that out of every town and city 3. of the chiefest burgesses should be delivered to requite the said murder.  
They did read these forged lies in their Pulpits, where they omitted no point of Monkish railing rhetoric in their sermons, to stir up the people to sedition and war against them of the reformed religion. They cry out, they rage and fume, saying that now the time is come, that holy Church (for by this word they mean, the pride, pomp, and voluptuous life of Bishops, Cardinals, Monks, Friars, and Priests) do crave their help, or never. They do exhort the people both in their Sermons, and private confetence, and in their shriving of the people, to join with the Leaguers, made them great promises of heavenly rewards, they extolled the noble buds of Charlemaigne, meaning the Guyzes, which have undertaken the defence of holy Church against the force and attempts of heretics, and favourers of them. They preached also their valour, their wisdom, their wounds and noble feats for the defence of the realm, and holy Church. They showed how easy it would be to root out the heretics out of all France, having such Captains to manage the wars.  
About the beginning of this year 1585. there was a Bachelor, or rather a lodger of divinity in Sorboune, which died a holy Martyr in this wise (let good men judge.) This Divine had holden in disputation publicly in the College of Sorboune this Theologall proposition, full of jesuitical divinity, which he dedicated to the Abbot of Clunie, bastard son to the Cardinal of Lorreine: that was, to wit, That it was lawful for any man private or otherwise, to depose or kill any King or Prince, which were wicked, evil men, or heretics.  
The king hearing of this new and strange kind of Divinity arrived now of late into the land, was greatly offended, and intended to call this Bachelor to account: but he was prevented by these means,  
For they which had made him so speak with Pistolets of Spain, hired a good fellow likewise with Pistolets, which slew this divine with all his divinity in the court of the College: which act done, fled & avoided, lest he who had set both of them to work for Pistolets should be disclosed.  
Thus the Prologue being so well played, and the hearts of the beholders so prepared: the Duke of Guyze also with his Pistolets having drawn the Malcontes to help to play the rest: and the principal Authors themselves almost ready to come forth. There rested one practice more to be set down before the entrance, which was as followeth.  
Between the rivers of Charante, Botonne, and the towns of Niort, Fonteney, and Ralmond, cituated upon the Ocean sea, lieth a Country called Annix, pertaining to the government of Rochel: the River Seure coming down from Niort, afore it falleth into the sea, meeting with an other river running from Fontency, divideth itself into many channels, which do make divers Islands, commonly called the Islands of Maran, by the name of the chief town there called Portmaran. At every access into those Islands, there are forts builded upon the channels of the said river.  
The third day of February the Minister of Maran being at Rochel, was advertised by the letters of a friend, that there was greater and more cruel preparation of war against the reformed religion, than ever had been afore time: and also that there were drifts to seize upon the Isles of Maran, the Castle and other Forts, if it were not looked to. For the Guizes intending shortly to bring to light their intents heretofore hidden in the darkness of their brain, and aforehand to seize upon as many places of importance as they could; determined by all means to seize upon Rochel, which had been always a great eyesore to them. But knowing well that Rochel could not be surprised, they hoped to bring to pass by war that which could not be done by treason nor surprise, and therefore they concluded to take these islands afore hand, out of the which they supposed greatly to molest, and in the end to block in the said town of Rochel.  
The Guizes had purposed to raise their insurrection the 18. of April. But the spirit of ambition did so disquiet them, that without taking any rest they thought a day to be a year; which impatient abiding caused them to abridge their time, and to anticipate from the 18. of April to the 4. of March.  
Therefore now the Guizes Leaguers (for so shall they be called hereafter) with their leagued came forth upon the stage the 4. day of March, which had been a fatal day to that house to work mischief. For 25. years Francis Duke of Guise, father unto this last, upon the same day committed the cruel murder of Vassie, which was the breach of the Edict of january, and the ground of all the civil wars which have followed. The Leaguer and leagued (I say) came forth galloping in troops in every part of France, but specially in Normandy, Picardy, Brie, champaign, and about Paris. They seize upon Towns, Cities and Fortresses, upon the King's money, and upon every thing which might do them good. They surprised Compeigne, Guyssons, Chalons, Toul, Meziers, Montreul, Peronne, and divers other places in divers Provinces.  
The King on the other side desirous to keep his realm in peace, with the good advise of his Senators, assembled at S. German, for a beginning to ease the people, had remitted seven hundred thousand Frankes, discharging also divers offices, which were greatly chargeable, and hinderfull to the people, and intended to do a great deal more hereafter, giving himself wholly to restore his realm in his former flourishing estate. But hearing of this sudden taking of armour, at the first was greatly amazed thereat; yet afterward did bear it with great patience, to see what end these new tumults and attempts would come to.  
The 15. day of March the Leaguers being in armour, and doing all parts of hostility upon the King's subjects, supposing that all France not only would tremble at the sound of their trumpets, but so would take their part, were foully disappointed. For in some places they were laughed to scorn; in some other were resisted; and by some were well beaten for a beginning.  
And among all others which miss of their purpose, Monsieur des Roches, according to the determination of the Leaguers, (as is aforesaid) sent to Maran a certain friend of his named Gareune (who heretofore in the former wars had commanded there under the said Monsieur des Roches) to seize upon the Castle, with the help of five Soldiers disguised in merchants apparel, whom he had brought with him, hoping there also to have the help of certain Papists of the Town, but specially of him who had the Castle in keeping named Piguard, a Popish soldier, which in times past had been in garrison there, and had married a wife in the Town. But the watchful diligence of them of the Religion there dwelling was such, that they discovered him the same night, and chased him away with his Merchants.  
About the latter end of March, the King perceiving the drifts of the Leaguers to proceed to great outrages, and that his long suffering might greatly further their desperateness, the 28. of March writeth to his officers every where, certifying them that the Arms were not taken by his commandment, forbiddeth all men to take any Arms hereafter, commandeth them who have already taken to lay them down, chargeth his officers to lay hand on them which do refuse so to do, and to proceed against them by order of law as against rebels, if they can be apprehended, and willeth the Governors of Towns and Provinces to set upon them as upon Traitors.  
The King also armed the Duke's joyeuse and Espernon, with authority and power to set upon the Leaguers, who defeated their companies in divers places. The Marshal Byron also was appointed with certain horsemen to ride in the country about Paris, and to set upon as many as could be found.  
Marshal Matignon governor of Bourdeaux, putteth out of the Castle Trumpet the Lord Vailhac, Governor of the said Castle, for being one of the Leaguers, and for having intelligences with the King of Spain.  
These beginnings of the Leaguers being as yet doubtful, not so well frequented, nor so lucky as they hoped it would have been, nor yet so well repressed and prevented as the King might have done, if he had had good counsel, or might have followed his own. These beginnings (I say) being but wavering, & such as might procure them a great fall, they thought that it was high time to bestir themselves about their business, and to join policy with such small power as they had, lest that in galloping over hastily, they should fall and break their necks. For considering that to wrap the Realm of lustiness into new troubles, against the Kings will, without rendering a probable reason, would procure to them & their house more hatred, than they were able to sustain, they labour to do two things, to wit; to derive the hatred upon them whom they had determined to destroy, and then to seek to draw the king in process of time to their faction, as at length they did, as it shall appear hereafter.  
To cover therefore their ambitious rebellion under some colour of right, they hide their shame under a Cardinal's hat; for they bring i● upon the stage the Cardinal of Bourbon, as the author of this Tragedy, whereon they make him play Getas part. Oh regem me esse opportuit. A man of great years, to contend with his Nephew the King of Navarre, about the Armour of Achilles afore his death. And for because the cardinals hat would not warrant this claim and rebellion, they go about to shadow it with some colour of piety and justice (which indeed were trodden under foot by themselves, and by the wars and tumults which they had kindled, fostered and entertained five and twenty years together, to bring to pass these their now manifest intents) they set forth a declaration containing plausible causes among men of all degrees, of their taking of Arms, bearing date the 31. of March.  
Where note how the Guizes have hid their treason under the Cardinals name, and the Cardinal taketh the cloak of religion and justice; so they abusing that old Noble man as a Geta or slave, do make him speak in such sort as followeth.  
But do not think (gentle Reader) that I speak unreverently of that noble Prince, issued out of such an ancient and noble race, but to show the unadvised facility of that man, who suffered himself to be so abused, as to become a slave and a Geta unto the ambition of other men, and by the same mean hath set his Country, (in the which he did bear so many honours) his natural and lawful Prince, his house, his kindred and family so honourable, ancient and famous, in a miserable combustion and danger to be rooted out, for a vain imagination to become a King. But to return to the purpose.  
First, they make him require the abolishing of the reformed religion, and that the stablishing of the Catholic religion may not be interrupted hereafter, whatsoever alteration may happen in the succession of the Crown, they all of them (I mean the Leaguers) naming themselves falsely (only except the Cardinal Bourbon) Princes of the blood, do require that a Catholic successor may be nominated, which to be the Cardinal himself, because he had (as they supposed) but few years to live, and therefore was not like to stand long in their way.  
Secondly, they do require that the K. of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and their heirs may be declared incapable to succeed to the Crown▪ in case the King should die without issue, alleging that they are heretics and relapse. And note, that for the rest of the Princes of Bourbon, to wit, the Cardinal Vendosme, the Earls, Princes, and County of Soyssons, they do exclude them from the succession of the Crown, because they are sons of an heretic, or otherwise contemptuously pass them over, as not able to buckle with them. The house of Monpensier is beyond the x. degree of aguation. The King himself cannot live long, for they will provide for that: therefore the conclusion is easily to be inferred. The Crown is fallen in the laps of the Peers of France, they must proceed to election of a new King. And who should be elected (I pray you) but Master Francis of Lorreyne?  
Thirdly, they do quarrel with the king for favouring the Duke Espernon: as though the king may not favour, but whom the Leaguers shall appoint him. The cause they do pretend is, that Espernon is a favourer of heretics, that is to say: he is too faithful to the king for their turn.  
Fourthly, they do allege, that the Clergy, Nobility, and Commons are charged with intolerable bondage and exactions, whom they would restore to their old dignity and liberty.  
The king had given the government of Provance to Monsieur the great Prior, who had published the edict of peace according to the kings commandment, and caused it to be precisely observed in his government of Provance. But the Leaguers had drawn to their conspiracy a great number of that Country with Spanish pistolets, and specially among others, two noble men, to wit, Monsieur de Saultes and Vines.  
These two applied the market for the League in Provance with Spanish Pistolets, and won on their side the Consul of Marseilles named Darius, and a Captain of the town named Boniface.  
The 9 day of April these two heads of sedition came in the evening to the door of one Boniface, brother to this Captain aforenamed, who was the king's receiver in that country, with feigned letters from Monsieur great Prior, which was at Aix the head town in Provance. The said Boniface the kings receiver came to the door, his own wife carrying the Candle before him, who was immediately slain by the said Captain his own brother, the Consul Darius and their company at his own door, and in his wives presence. This exploit done, the Parricide himself with few of his own company, went up to ransack the house, and rifled all that was there to their liking.  
From thence with a company of seditious people armed, they went to the houses of them of the reformed religion, whom they lead with great violence, and a great number of prisoners into the tower of Saint john, & afterward made great havoc of their goods.  
The 10. day they took 4. of them more, & manly, one named Chiousse, and the other Antony Lambalent: which they cruelly murdered: and after that their bodies had been drawn through the streets, at length they were cast down over the walls into the town ditch, before the face of them who were detained prisoners in Saint john's tower, intending to dispatch the rest in like sort the morrow, or shortly after.  
The 11. day the seditious seize upon the fort of Nostre Dame de la guard, and wrote letters to Monsieur Vines, praying him to come in all haste, with some forts to take the town to the use and keeping of the League, promising him their assistance.  
The Duke of Nevers a man of his own Country, to wit, an Italian did then lurk in avignon, and had procured 4. Galleys of the Duke of Florence to be in readiness in the haven, under the colour to go to a marriage into Italy: at the first news to have hasted out of avignon, and with his company joining to Monsieur of Vines, to have made that town sure for the king of Spain according to their agreement, when they cozened him of his Pistolets, or else to some petty Duke of Italy.  
There was a certain man in the City of great wealth, credit & power, named Boukier: for fear of this man many of the chiefest citizens, by reason of some particular displeasures, standing in great distrust of him, & supposing that now he would take occasion to be revenged of them, fled into the Abbey of Saint Victor. But Boukier, considering the danger that the town stood in, and the common peril of them all, sent to them that had fled into the said Abbey, advertysing them that the time did not require to call to remembrance private injuries, assured them of his goodwill and safety of his part, and required their assistance in keeping the said town in the kings obedience, and to look to the common preservation of themselves.  
These fearful Citizens being so reconciled, and encouraged by this weighty occasion, and joining together, went to know of the said Consul Darius, & Captain Boniface, by what authority they did that which they had done. And when they answered to have done it by the commandment of the grand Prior, and could show nothing for it, they were apprehended: and the same day letters were dispatched to the grand Prior being then at Aix, to advertise him of the intended and attempted treason, and what had passed there.  
The 12. day the grand Prior came from Aix to Marseilles with 2. hundred horses, and a Chamber of the Parliament of Provance, who do hold their court there.  
The 13. Day, the said Chamber (after due examination of the fact, and evident knowledge and proofs of the offences there committed) pronounced sentence of death against the said 2. heads of the treason, to Darius & Boniface, which out of hand were executed. Also they set at liberty them of there form religion, with commandment on both sides to keep the kings edict, and so by these means the town was delivered from danger of changing of mastery, the people from death, and undoing, and the tumult ceased. This speedy execution did greatly weaken and prevent the monopols of the League in the country of Provance.  
About the 15. day the Leaguers hasting to seize upon as many towns and holds as they could in all France, to make their part strong, as well by force as faction, but speciaily in Belgik, where they could do more than in any part of France, there they committed great cruelties in many places, where having the upper hand, they were withstood: namely in the town of Chastilion upon the river Marne in the country of Brie, they murdered as well the Catholics as the Huguenots, because they made resistance against them.  
About the 20. day the Leaguers did present their association, which they had set forth in writing to many Noblemen and Gentlemen, under the name of the King, requiring them to allow of it, and subscribe to it. But contrary to their expectation, many refused so to do: and divers who had allowed it, considering more deeply in the matter, & perceiving their intentes, abjured and forsook it, with protestations set forth in writing, & printed, wherein they do open the secret thoughts of the Leaguers, and Leagued.  
First, they do protest that they do acknowledge none other faith then that, in the which they have been baptised, which then they did promise to believe and defend, and to that promise they do stand still.  
Secondly, they do refuse and condemn all manner of associations, under what soever colour, which bind them to obey any other than their sovereign.  
Thirdly, they do show the League to be nothing else, but the circumvention of the king, the confusion of the State, a dangerous alteration of the Realm, the bringing of a new Prince of a strange blood: and finally carrieth with itself a proscription, havoc, and bondage of all good men in all degrees.  
About the 22. of April, the King of Navarre in silence beholding the rage of this League, and their declaration published, in the which they had made him the object of their insurrection, sent the lords Clairuant, and Chassincourt with letters to the King, in the which he complaineth of the injuries of the Leaguers proffered unto him in their declaration, requiring justice to be done for the said injuries done unto him. He offereth also his service & power to the King, for to repress the traitorous intentes and attempts of the said Leaguers.  
About the 30. of April the King willeth the said Lords Clairuant & Chassincourt to give this gentle answer to the King of Navarre from him. That he doth hold the said King of Navarre as his son, and heir of his crown: willeth him also to arm himself with patience, & to cause the edict of peace to be observed by them of the reformed Religion. Furthermore, that he acknowledgeth the drifts of the Leaguers, aswell against his own person, as against the said King of Navarre, but hopeth that he shall be able himself alone to repress their furies, and to punish them well for their deserts.  
The second day of May the King by edict and proclamation doth condemnethe Leaguers and Leagued, guilty of high treason, commandeth his edict of pacification to be proclaimed a new in all parts of the realm, charging all men upon pain of death to obey and keep it inviolably.  
At the same time also the King answered to every point of their declaration of the said Leaguers, whereof the sum followeth.  
First, the King protesteth of his Catholic Religion, and calleth to witness his actions, victories, dangers, and labours taken for the same.  
Secondly, he showeth that the peace was made, and approved by the counsel of the Cardinal (in whose name they do seem to autorize their rebellion) and of the rest of the Leaguers, not to favour heretics (as he terms them) but to restore the decayed state of the realm, to assault them of the reformed religion in convenient time with greater forces.  
Thirdly, he declareth how he hath favoured the Clergy, in giving them liberty to call provincial counsels, and to reform such abuses, as the civil wars had brought in, how he hath also preferred the worthiest sort to the best Ecclesiastical livings, and hath restored to their livings them who were dispossessed thereofby the former civil wars.  
Fourthly, that the Leaguers have no cause to complain for the giving of offices. For his predecessors and he after them, have bestowed upon the Guyzes the best sort, and most honourable dignities, and that in great number, when the Princes of his blood have been neglected.  
Fiftly, that it is to force nature, and time to compel him by violence of arms to appoint a successor, he being alive in strength, health, and flower of his age, and not out of hope to have issue.  
Last of all, he complaineth that this new commotion is very unfit and out of season, considering that he was now earnestly bend and occupied to restore the Nobility to their ancient honour and dignity, and the people to their due liberty. But by this levy of arms they have stopped his godly proceed, and have taken the way to oppress and root out the Clergy, nobility and people.  
About the same time also the King sent Ambassadors into foreign countries, and commanded his ordinary Ambassadors in the courts of foreign Princes, to give them knowledge of the wicked intentes, and traitorous attempts of the Leaguers.  
The Leaguers in a short space had scattered abroad the Pistolets of Spain, and about the beginning of june they began also to take money; and therefore thought good to supply the want of Pistolets with French crowns, which is somewhat purer gold: for they exacted in divers places great and excessive sums of money upon the towns and cities, which they had either seduced to their fa●●ion, or otherwise surprised. As by one we may gather the rest. Bourge being a small town in Xainctonge situated upon the fall of the river Dordonne, into Garomne, a town leagued and extremely addicted to the Leaguers, was by them ransomed to ten thousand crowns, and afterward the inhabitants so cruelly entreated, that in leaping by night over the walls, were enforced to steal away for fear of worse, supposing themselves to have sped well in escaping with their lives.  
About the same time the Lord Saint Luke, governor of Browage, sent a certain Captain into the Isles of Maran, under colour to buy Oats for his provision, to see whether he could work some surprising of the Castle. But the Captain was so roughly shouldered and coursed, that he was glad to retire with his whole skin. And after that (lest the Papists should put some into the Castle) every night 6. or 7. of the reformed religion with Calivers, conveyed themselves privily in the dark of the night into the gate of the Castle until day. The Papists understanding this, and also hearing the threatenings ofthem of the Religion, to wit, that if they should be driven away, they would burn the Papists houses afore their departing, more for fear then for love, were content to admit 4▪ of them of the Religion into the Cast. I, whom they did choose from among them that were altogether unskilful in war. But afterward the Foreigners (which are all for the most part of the religion) desired to be admitted into the keeping of the said Castle, and at length it was agreed, that a greater number of them of the Religion should be admitted to the keeping of the said Castle: but always notwithstanding the greater number was of Catholics, yet it was so kept until the 20. of july next following.  
About the 5. day of june, the King sent the Lords Claimant, and Chassincourt to the King of Navarre, willing him to do nothing against the edict of peace: and that his pleasure was, the said edict to remain irrevocable.  
About the same time the Leaguers perceiving the judgements of the King and of his Courts of Parliament pronounced against them, the executions done upon the persons of divers their partakers, the declarations and detections of many Gentlemen by their writings, their forme● cruelty upon the kings subjects, & misdemeanours toward their Prince, might procure the hatred not only of the people, but also of their own favourers, did set forth an apology, such as it was, to wash away their traitorous blemishes and spots, in the which they do labour to make men believe that they are honest men, and good Subjects, and that they seek nothing but the preservation and defence of the Romish Religion against the heretics, as they term them.  
First, they say that they can not be attainted, nor touched of treason, without condemning many Noble men with them, and that the former kings wisdom and sufficiency of the Cardinal of Bourbon, were such as could have perceived their drifts, if they had been tending to any such thing.  
Secondly, they do disallow the deeds of Rosier, for drawing their genealogy from Charles the great.  
Thirdly, they reckon their kindred, and alliance with the house of Bourbon.  
Fourthly, sua quae narrant facinora? quae ostentant unlnera?  
Fifthly, they do all that they do, lest that France should be reduced to that extremity that England is now in.  
Last of all, they counsel the King to join with them, because (say they) they are armed with God his own hand.  
Now let the Reader consider, what necessary conclusion may be inferred out of the reasons above rehearsed.  
The 9 day of june from Chalons a town in Champagne situated upon the river Marne, the Leaguers sent a supplication to the King, in the which they show their last resolution, to be that they will make him condescend to these articles following, whether he will or not.  
First, that according to the supplication presented by the states, assembled at Bloys the year before, to wit, 1584. representing the whole realm: he will forbid the exercise of the reformed religion, throughout the whole realm.  
Secondly, that all men be compelled to profess the popish religion, and that such as have heretofore professed the reformed religion, may be enforced to abjure the same: and in case they will not, to be exiled out of the realm for ever.  
Thirdly, that all heretics (for so they term them which will not consent to their treasons, or idolatrous superstition) be declared uncapable of any office, dignity or public charge.  
Fourthly, they require the towns given to them of the reformed religion, to be taken out of their hands.  
Fifthly, that the King shall give over the protection of Geneva, against the Duke of Savoye.  
Last of all, that the King shall swear before his court of Parliament of Paris: the contents of this their request reduced into the form of an edict, to be perpetually, and inviolably observed: and likewise shall cause all the Princes, Peers, officers of the Crown, Senators, Governors & Magistrates, to swear to observe and defend the said edict.  
To be short, they advertised the King that they have refused all manner of conference, except it be upon these conditions, and in case he will not do this, they will make him do it whether he will or not.  
But for the right understanding of this supplication, the Reader must mark, that it is not Religion which they care for: for their drifts are only to spoil the King of all authority and power, that they may at length rob him of his royal estate: therefore these things following are to be observed.  
There were there in France three sorts of men, who (as the Leaguers thought) would mar all the play, to wit, the Princes, Nobility, and People. Of the first, they feared greatly the forces, the valour, authority and fidelity, knowing very well that they were able both in power and credit, to minister them play long enough to weary them, and by their valour able to encounter with them every where, and that through their fidelity, they would never forsake the King in his need, although that otherwise they were divided in religion: considering also that they have the chiefest interest to the Crown.  
As for the Nobility, they considered that they were of three sorts, Leaguers, Catholics, and Protestants. The Nobles and the Commons which do profess the reformed religion, they knew by long experience to be so skilful and experienced in war, as thereby to be invincible, and that by all their fair promises proffered unto them, they could not be removed from their allegiance to their sovereign King and Prince, whom God had ordained over them. By this their supplication therefore, covered with the hypocritical cloak of Catholikisme, they would fayne to be rid of the Princes and Nobility reform, or else to divide them a sunder, that the more easily they might make them give room, or else root them out.  
As for the common people reform, they suppose that they being scattered into divers popish Provinces, could be so used, as that they might not flock together, but every man in an imminent danger would be careful how to save himself in some place of safe exile. That is the cause that they cry out in their supplication, banishment and exile.  
As for the Catholics both Noble and Common, they are in hope that superstition itself would win them on their side. But if the riddance of them of the reformed religion out of the Realm might not be thoroughly done, yet the King and the Catholics being bound with an oath to execute their demands, would at the pleasure of the Leaguers nourish an immortal war: by the which the King should consume his subjects, and the subjects their King with mutual blows, until the room being either made void or weakened, & they having that thorn (which so sore pricked them) out of their foot, might uprightly (without any halting) either set themselves in place, or else easily shoulder him out who had right to it.  
The 10. of the said month, the King of Navarre being at Bergerack, a great Town in Perigord, situated upon the river of Dordonne, answereth unto the first declaration of the Leaguers which he sent to the King, beseeching him to read the said answer, and also to show him the favour, as to command the same to be read openly in the Parliament. Wherein first he protesteth, that he holdeth the true Christian Catholic and Apostolic religion contained in the sacred word of God, both of the old and new Testaments, and also doth embrace the symbols or abridgements of the Christian doctrine: And that he is ready to bestow life and goods in the defence of the same. Abhorreth & holdeth accursed any kind of doctrine, divers or contrary to the same words.  
Secondly, he showeth that he was bred, borne, and brought up in the same religion, which they call heresy, and that he never learned, nor knew any other, and that he believeth in his heart to righteousness, and confesseth with his mouth to salvation, that the same doctrine which he doth profess is the infallible truth of God; yet he refuseth not to be taught better, if better they can teach him out of God's word in a general or national Council duly assembled.  
Thirdly, in that which he doth in repurging and sweeping away the errors and abuses brought in by long continuance of time, therein he followeth the examples of many Kings and Princes, of many godly & learned men, who for these five hundred years have desired and attempted the same.  
Fourthly, whereas his enemies do charge him to be a persecutor of the Catholic religion, he will be judged by all men void of passion, who hath greater cause to complain in that behalf, he or his enemies.  
Last of all, after a long consideration of the miseries which fall upon the heads of men of all degrees, and the oppression of the poor people, which infallibly will follow these attempts of the Leaguers, he doth wish (seeing the enemies have made him party) the quarrel which they have to him might be ended with a Combat. And debasing himself from that high degree of a King, in the which God hath placed him, for an abridgement of all miseries, the sparing of Christian blood, for the ease and quietness of the poor people, doth proffer to his enemies to try the matter by a Combat, between him and the Duke of Guise, or two to two, ten to ten, or more to more in like proportion.  
It is reported how the Duke of Guise after the fight of this challenge, being urged to accept it, excused his cowardice by the example of his father, which in like case excused himself upon the inequality of the persons. To wit, that it was not lawful for him to accept that challenge at the hands of one of the Princes, as being after the royal house in degree above all the rest of the Nobility.  
But rather and more truly may it be said, that he (who being not a Prince, did reckon and write his name among the Princes, or rather preferred himself before the Princes of the royal blood) did refuse this proffer, not of any dutiful affection as he pretended, (whereof he had broken before the bonds of law) but rather upon base cowardice, for lack of fortitude and courage, as ever caring not what he spent of other men's blood, so that he might spare his own.  
These things passing to and fro, many exploits of hostility were done and executed on every side, rather to the loss than the advantage of the Leaguers, being crossed every way by the true subjects of the King. Whereupon, considering that the world frowned upon them, so that if they had not the King on their side to salve the sore, they were like to have a great fall: therefore they must follow some other course.  
Hitherto the Guizes have covered themselves under the Cardinal's hat, having derived all the hatred (so far as they might) upon that old man, whom they greatly abused. Now, when the Cardinal's hat would not serve the turn, they do put in practise the other part of their dilemma, as the Cardinal or the King must cover us, or else we fall: but the Cardinal cannot, ergo the King must. And that the King may do it, we must set Achitophel to work: therefore let him come upon the stageto play his part.  
The King's Counsellors were either servants to the Guizes, or else allied or otherwise devoted unto him, except the Duke's Espernon and joyeuse, whereof the last afterward was won to the Leaguers side; Espernon remained always more faithful to the King, than the King to himself. For the which cause (by the means of a Courtesan in Paris, named saint Beufue) they hired Villeroy (one of the King's Secretaries) to have murdered him, so to have been eased of that heavy burden. These Counsellors must play Achitophel's part, they must help up with the pack by the means which follow.  
They in the midst of these broils, did of purpose attenuate the growing and forces of the League, as a thing weak of itself rather to be despised than regarded, as not able to continue long, but that it would decay of itself, and that some certain inconsiderate zeal of the Catholic Religion had made them somewhat passionate: and for to make him more secure on that side, they derived his thoughts from the Leaguers with a but.  
But if he would once show a token of displeasure towards them of the reformed religion, or would only fayne to intend war against them, the Leaguers of themselves would fall down upon their knees before him, therefore it were better to let them alone, for as much as they would be ready to be with him whensoever he would employ them.  
Also that it were better for him to war against them of the reformed religion in Poytow, Guien, Gascoigne, Languedocke, and Dauphin, than against them of his own religion. For although the Protestants were dutiful and obedient enough, yet were it better to have them for enemies, being the weaker side, than the Leaguers and Catholics which were the stronger part of his Realm. Beside, that if he should divide the Catholics with an unseazonable dissension, they all would become a scorn and the pray of heretics their common enemies.  
The King carried away by this counsel, and otherwise inclining to attempt against them of the reformed religion, ordayne● the Lord joyeuse his General for languedoc. Espernon for Provance, and he in his own person would assault Poytow.  
Therefore the 18. day of june, partly for hatred which he bore to the reformed religion, partly already inclining to the League, partly not knowing what he did, for the great dangers that he saw himself compassed in, by the persuasions of such Counsellors as had blindfolded him, according to the saying, Si non sua sponte insanit: instiga. For being in the City of Paris, he taketh order how to victual his Army in Poytow, for the which thing he appointed certain Towns in Poytow & Xainctonge, to wit, Chatelerault, S. Merxent, Niort, Fonteney, Towars, Engolesme, Xainctes, and Coignack, there to have always in store a certain quantity of Corn, Dates and Wine, as in store houses, which order he sendeth to the said Towns to be put in execution.  
The King being thus deluded by his Counsel, and busying himself about these matters of war against them of the reformed religion (whether it were in earnest or by dissimulation, God knoweth, but at length it turned to earnest) he giveth leave and time to the Leaguers to grow greater in strength and number, and foregoeth the occasions and opportunity to provide for necessary remedies against them.  
These Counsellors at length when they saw time, came once more upon the stage. And on a sudden they terrified the King again (as of a thing happened beside their expectation) with the great strength of the League, showing what great danger might ensue, if he should seem to sail against that violent tempest. Considering that the resolution of restoring the Catholic religion, and of the suppressing the reformed, had possessed generally the minds of the people. So that if he should seem to withstand the zeal of the Leaguers (for their treason was with them zeal of the popish religion) he would be commonly thought to be a favourer of heretics, and thereby an universal rebellion of his subjects might ensue, to the utter undoing of him and his estate. Therefore, that as a good Pilot he must obey the weather, and seek for some reconciliation, and make peace with them as much to his advantage, as the necessity of the affairs may suffer him. And that in such an extreme case he must hold with the strongest side.  
These and many other considerations propounded unto him, which had lost his authority (and that by them which wholly ruled him) through a just judgement of God (for despising the voice of him, and for persecuting him by whom he reigned, and from whom he had received all royal authority and sovereign majesty) he began to waver and hearken to some speeches of union.  
Thus the King (through God's just judgement, and the pernicious persuasions of his unfaithful Counsel) bewitched, doth determine to make peace with enemies as good cheap as he may: and for that thing he must seek out some good chapman skilful and practised in old Italian tricks. Therefore he thought that his Mother was most fit, as most skilful in such markets.  
This accursed woman, as she had always an ambitious and busy soul, so she had also a double mind, by the which she studied to have great thanks for doing no good, and to keep herself in authority, and in the possession of the government, thought it should cost her the subversion of her own house and children, and the utter desolation of the Realm. For the which cause she thought to keep the King always busied & hampered in trouble, vexation and danger, that she might always have thanks for her bad service.  
The King as a natural son put her always in great trust, judging of her naturalness and love towards him, as he did judge of his towards her. The Leaguers on the other side were assured that she would do nothing for the King's advantage and ease, for fear she should be no more employed. Therefore she was well liked on both sides.  
Up then old Medea, you must show yet once again some of your old Italian tricks. Old Catie must be the market woman, she shall make the bargain. But for as much as two eyes do see more than one, she shall have some counsellors appointed her in that negotiation, such as would not suffer her to do any good unto the King and the Realm, if she had been willing so to do; for they were all the King's enemies, addicted to the Leaguers, and such as would have taught Italian tricks the busiest head of all Florence, yea such as would have sent the great Prophet of Italy Machivell, with all his devilish Prophecies, to his Christcross.  
Now we will leave the QUEEN'S Mother with her counsel to do their market as well as they can, whilst we discourse of some other matters incident to the cause and the time.  
About the beginning of july, the King of Navarre hearing of the Kings wavering, and what was like to pass between the said King and the League, writeth a letter to him from Nerat the 10. day of july, in the which he repeateth the King's proceedings against the Leaguers, as the condemnation, proscription and execution of some of their partakers; he adviseth the King that if he make peace with the Leaguers, he armeth rebels against himself, his state and Crown: he doth lament the miserable state of him and of his Realm; comforteth himself in his integrity and innocency; referreth all things to Gods divine providence, reposeth himself in the Lord, and trusteth in God that he will assist him in his just defence. But this good counsel of the King of Navarre will not serve his turn; the King must follow the stream, and will be shortly promoted to a higher degree. For he shall be one of the fellows of the League who shall pay for all, and have least to do in it.  
It is said before, how the Papists and they of the reformed religion consented jointly to keep the Castle of Marans. Now, about the beginning of july, the Lord S. Hermin had gathered together some three hundred men of the Leagued in Poytow, to bring them to the Lord S. Luke into Browage (as he said): but indeed it was to seize upon the Castle of Marans and other Forts in the Iles. The said S. Hermines with them would have passed through Marans: but they of the religion withstood his passage, and began to fortify the Fort called Alowete, so that he was enforced to take his journey through Maillezais and Ronde, and in that journey shortly after they were discomfited and slain by them of S. Ihan d' Angely.  
The night following, the coming of S. Hermin nigh Marans, there was a great alarm in the Town, and the Papists which were in the Castle to the number of five and twenty, supposing that S. Hermin and his company had entered the Town, began to rejoice, sing and dance at the sound of a bagpipe, which they caused to play the most part of that night, threatening them of the religion who were but four in number. But these four standing on their ward, charged them not to make any innovation with them of the League; so that not only they kept the Papists in fear, but also at length (with a certain amazement of them) caused their pag-pipe to cease.  
About the same time, the Prince of Conde understanding how things were like to pass between the King and the Leaguers, departed from Rochel to repair to the King of Navarre, and leaveth the Lord Rohan in Poytow, to overlook and withstand the attempts of the Leaguers there.  
The said Lord. Rohan about that 12. of july, departed from Rochel with four score horses, and road to Marauns', to assure those Islands. The Papists had already seized the fort called Brune where through the said Lord should pass: but their hearts so failed them, that they durst not resist him. Entering therefore without any resistance into the town of Marans, he called the inhabitants of both religions, and told them, that he had determined to place a gentleman within the Castle to keep the same in obedience to the King, under the government of the King of Navarre, governor of Guienne for the said King, which thing if they would refuse, he would burn all their houses into ashes. And therefore bid them out of hand to choose a gentleman of his company, such as they would themselves, there to command, to the which thing, some with a good will, and some unwillingly, but yet all obeyed.  
There was a certain Notary, who had professed the reformed religion after a sort: he the day before the Lord Rohan his coming, having intelligence thereof, went to the Papists from house to house, warning them to stand to their defence against the said Lord Rohan, and to enter into the Castle first, to let the said Lord Rohan from the entering. By whose persuasions, a great number of Papists, and of the most skilful in war with their Notary seized on the Castle. But four Gentlemen of the reformed religion, having gotten the tower of the gate, which commanded over the court of the said castle, did threaten to shoot against all such, as would presume to let the said Lord Rohan enter in, or any other whom he would place there.  
So the Papists with their Notary began to speak fair, and to open the gate to the Lord Sowsaye of Beauregard, whom the inhabitants had required there to command: he entered therein with the Lord Mortaygne his brother the 15. day of july: and having received the oath of the inhabitants to be faithful unto the King, under the authority of the King, of Navarre, governor for the King in Guyene departed, and left his brother the Lord Mortaygne there as his lieutenant.  
Whilst these small quarrelinges did so pass at Marans, we have left the Q. Mother with her Counsellors, to make the bargain, and to sell to the Leaguers the crown of France, the King's authority and honour, for as little as they may afford it, that is, gratis, and for just nothing.  
The affairs were handled with such faithfulness, that these Counsellors as soon as they came out of their chamber, went into another to sit in counsel by themselves, to advertise the Leaguers day by day of all which they had gone about, and with the Q. Mother: also, what was the disposition from time to time, to advise the Leaguers what they should request, and how far they should yield: at length, after long changing and chopping of words, saevis inter se convenit ursis. Certain Articles are concluded at Chalons in Champaygne the twelfth day of july, which do consist of three principal points.  
First, that the King shall make an edict, in the which he shall grant them all that they requested at Bloys the last year to wit 1584. in the assembly of the states there.  
Also, all whatsoever they demanded by their declaration, bearing date the last day of March: and all what was required of them in their last resolution, dated the tenth day of june at Chalons: and that is as much as they would for this tyme.  
Secondly, that levying of arms, all actions of hostility committed since by them, or by their partakers, or by the towns and cities of their association shall be allowed, and declared good, lawful, and done for the kings service, for the defence of holy Church, and advancing of God's glory.  
Hereby the actions of hostility are comprehended, the murders, spoils, robberies, ransackinge, riflinge of public or private things, all rapes, whoredoms, & villainies committed by them of the League, which all the King must think, and publish by his authority, to be done for his service, and the defence of the Popish Church. Here is a King but badly served.  
Also that all judicial proceedings, judgements, proscriptions, condemnations, and executions passed against them of the League, shall be revoked and declared void, wrongful and unjust.  
Thirdly, before his own face, they enforced him to divide his kingdom among them: and of a King of France (for to please the League) he hath made himself one of the three kings of Colen.  
Now followeth the good bargain, which they when the King had sent to make his market, had agreed on: whether it be to the king's advantage and honour, let every man judge. Here is an other point of the Leaguers good service to their King.  
First, the Cardinal of Bourbon, the new king of the Friars must be provided for, and let him be sure that he shall have the least part. For besides the places belonging to his Bishopric of Rouen, he shall have the old castle of Deep, which no body else will have.  
The Duke moreover shall have the government of Britain, and two of the strongest places that he shall name in that Province, with the admiralty of the same.  
The Duke of Guyze shall have the citadel of Mets, because his government of champaign hath no places good enough for him.  
The Duke de Main in his government of Burgundy shall have the castle of Dyjon, or the citadel of Chalons upon Sawn.  
The Cardinal of Guyze shall have Rheims, and the country about so much as he will.  
The Duke Aumerle shall have the holds of his government of Picardy.  
We see how the great masters be indifferently well provided for: now their servants and partakes must have part of the kings spoil, or else they will frown and tell tales.  
First, the Lord Antragues shall have Orleans.  
The Lord D'ho shall have Ca●n and Constances' in base Norm●ndy.  
The Lord Brissacke shall have the government of Anjou.  
The Lord Saultes shall have the government of Provance in the absence of the grand Prior.  
The Lord Chastre shall have the government of Bourges.  
The Lord Vailhac shall have the Castle trumpet in Bourdeaux.  
Mandelot (Q. Mother's Scullion) shall have Lions, and the Citadel there.  
I pray you masters hold your hands, you be well if you could consider it: use him no worse than his granfather Francis the first prophesied of you: lethim have his doublet and his bréech to cover his shame.  
But how chance that in your partition you have forgotten yourselves? Is Poytow, Xainctonge, Engomoys, Limosin, Perigord. Quercye, Rowarges, Vivarets, Auvergne, Gascoyn, Languedocke, & Dauphin nothing worth with you? Be not these country's worth the having. If you be such great Captains as you would seem to be, there you may have occasion to make proof of your valiantness, if your stomach serveth you: but you will say, it would cost blows, and that you love not.  
Here gentle Reader, consider the course which these lusty buds of Charlemagne do follow, they will root the heretics (as they say) out of France, they will exile them, and rid the realm of France of them: yet they seize upon the kings Cities and Dominions, and do enforce him to divide his kingdom among them: but specially they assure themselves of those provinces, towns, cities and holds, as had not in a manner one of the reformed religion left among them: but they either had been murdered, or else so vexed and disquieted by the continual dangers, which every day compassed them, that they had retired most into those provinces in France, which were safer from the violence of the Leaguers, or into foreign Countries. So they war against the heretics by subduing the Catholics to their devotion. They war against the heretics, where none were to make them resistance: and dare not look on the provinces where the heretics (as they term them) were in great number. But to the matter. Although the unjust and inconstant dealings of the house of Valois, had impaired greatly their honour and renown: and that this king by his own actions, at the massacre of Saint Bartholemy had greatly stained his garments with a spot that would never be washed: yet did he always retain the authority and reputation of a sovereign Prince: until that for hatred of the Gospel he suffered the ambition of the house of Guyze to encroach too much upon his royal authority and prerogative, under colour of Catholic zeal. Thus he weakened his royal authority, by following the counsel of Italians, thrusted into his service by the cunning of the Guyzes for that intent. These Italian schoolmasters did endeavour always to rule him by the precepts of Machiavelli the Italian prophet: so that after he came to the Crown, the Guyzes with their adherents interrupted divers times the peace made with them of the religion, made continual monopols and secret practices and associations with his subjects, to the great impairing of his royal authority (as is afore said) and still under colour of Popish devotion, so that at length having by the means abovesaid seduced the hearts of the Priests & Monks, of many of the Nobility and people, having specially won his Senators and Counsellors, and rob him of the good will and love of his subjects, in the end by this market they have made themselves equal to him, they have set their seat as high as his: so that now the king is nothing which they are not, except only that as yet they do not take upon them the name of king, but suffer him for a while to enjoy the same.  
So that the king now having not only lost part of his Princelike strength, which consisted in his towns cities and holds, but also part of his authority, which lieth in commanding alone as a sovereign, is become a fellow of the League. If you demand why? the question is soon answered, because he set himself against him, of whom he had received all power and authority, He which had given him, took it again for his unthankfulness.  
But now let us return to the League. These articles called, the holy League being concluded to the kings great disadvantage and dishonour, the edict must be made thereafter, which was published the 18. day of july, and is commonly called the edict of union: wherein the king doth all that it pleaseth the Leaguers, to command him to do, as a good obedient fellow of that holy association.  
first, he forbiddeth the exercise of the reformed religion throughout all his Dominions, commanding the ministers of the Gospel to departed the realm out of hand.  
Secondly, he commandeth all men to profess the popish religion, and that the professors of the Gospel without any respect of persons, either shall believe popery, or else within six months shall departed out of the Realm: with licence in the mean time to sell their goods to their own uses.  
Thirdly, that as many as have been infected with heresy (for so he calleth the Gospel of truth) or are known to favour it, shall be incapable to be are any office within the Realm.  
Fourthly, he doth dissolve the bipartit and tripartit chambers of judgements, which were ordained for the indifferent ministration of justice, in respect of religion.  
Fifthly, that the towns granted to the keeping of the King of Navarre, at Saint German the year 1584. shall be surrendered into the King's hands.  
Sixtly, that all whatsoever offensive actions have been committed by the Leaguers, their adherents, Towns, Cities, or comunalties of their association, shall be hereafter judged, as lawful, good and acceptable service to the King: done for the defence of the holy Catholic Romain Religion. And that all declarations, proclamations, judgements, prescriptions, condemnations and executions, whatsoever against the Leaguers, or any of them for the said offences pronounced, shall be void, as unjustly & wrongfully pronounced against them.  
Where note gentle reader, that the King is come to that bondage, that he is persuaded to allow and approve all the murders, exactions, spoilings, excorsions, treasons, rapes whoredoms blasphemies, and sacrileges, as done for his service, the defence of the Church, and advancing of God's honour. Will not the Lord revenge this pusilanimity, in such a great Magistrate; with some notable example of his justice, according unto his threatenings: woo be to you which call evil good.  
Last of all, he commandeth all manner of officers, and the Nobility, to swear the observation of the said edict, which he caused to be published and sworn in the Parliament of Paris: he himself sitting in judgement the 18. day of july.  
The King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, understanding the conclusion and publication of the edict of july, appointed a certain meeting with the Duke of Monmorency, at Saint Paul de cadioulx in the Province of Albigeries, to take advise together what were to be done in those extremities.  
They therefore the tenth of August, concluded a certain protestation: in the which showing what the intents, drifts and demeanours of the Leaguers have been: also what the King's judgement was of them, not long since, what means the King of Navarre hath sought, and what he hath proffered for the preservation of the state.  
What his behaviour had been ever since the League did rise, how he hath kept himself quiet, and unarmed, to the extreme danger of his person when he had great occasions to do great exploits.  
At last, they protest that they are not the cause of all those miseries, which are like to ensue out of those troubles, and seeing that no reason will take place, committing their innocency and equity of their cause unto God, do resolve upon the defensive.  
This resolution being made, the King of Navarre returned to Nerak, the Prince of Conde to Rochel, and Monmorency to languedoc, to view the attempts, and expect the events of this new and strange union.  
This union being concluded, the King considering that in some manner he had been enforced to break the edict of peace, and that it was not the proclaiming only, which would cause the edict of union to be obeyed, but that a certain cavil war would ensue, and that there must be some s●newes to hold it. Therefore he turneth all his thoughts to make some preparation for the war: for the which cause the 11. of August he calleth to the bower, which is the King's house, the first and second precedents of his Parliament of Paris, the Provost of Paris, the Dean of our Lady's Church, and prayed the Cardinal of Guise to be present. Who all being come in his presence, he made unto them a short declaration of his will: wherein he showeth himself glad, that at the instant request of his good and faithful subjects, he hath revoked the edict of purification, and yet cannot believe, that at this time it will be easier to execute this last resolution, than the former. Yet being encouraged and assisted with so many and so good men of all degrees, he conceiveth some good hope which makes him enter into these actions. And first, to come to that which is expected of all men, he doth intend to have three mighty armies, the one for Guienne, the other by himself, the third upon the borders of Germany, to let the passage of strangers, which will amount to four hundred thousands crowns a month.  
Secondly, that he doth not mean to undo himself alone, but seeing that he hath admitted other men's counsel against his own, in breaking the edict of peace, they must help him in maintaining of the war.  
Thirdly, for that the first precedent of Parliament was one of the chiefest, who procured the peace to be broken, neither he nor his fellows may look to be paid of their stipends during the war.  
Fourthly, for that the people of Paris had showed so great rejoicing at the breaking of the peace, he commandeth the Provost of the Merchants to levy upon the inhabitants of the said City, the sum of two hundred thousand crowns, for the charges of the war.  
Fiftly, the King beholding the Cardinal of Guise, somewhat with a stern countenance, he let him understand, that forasmuch as the heads of the Clergy had chiefly cast him into this war, for his part he is content to bear the charges the first month, but that the rest should be maintained at the costs of the clergy, and for that he would never expect the Pope's licence.  
When the King had stayed in silence to hear what they would say, they began to find the matter strange. Then the King with a token of indignation cried out, it had been better (said he) then to have believed me: I fear me, that when we go about to put away the preaching, we will hazard the Mass. I were better then to make peace: and I know not whether they will accept it when we will proffer it: so the meeting was ended.  
The Priests being well stored (be like) provided within few days voluntarily (yet more willing to have paid nothing) one million of franks for their portion.  
Whilst these things were a doing, the King had sent three Noble men to the King of Navarre, to wit the Lords Levoncourt, Poigny and the precedent Barlart, to try their cunning, whether they might induce the said King of Navarre, to join with him both in forces and religion. These Lords came to the King of Navarre after his return from S. Paul de Cadioulx to Nerak, greeting him in the King's name: declared to him, how the King did hold him as his son and heir of the crown, in case he should decease without issue.  
And after they showed the causes which moved the King to join with the League, which was the division of the catholics, which would redound greatly to the prejudice of his estate, and the unquietness of his Realm.  
Thirdly, that for the love he bore to him, he wisheth him reunited to the Catholic faith, both for the good of his soul, and also that he might the more easily, by the means of the Catholics be established in the kingdom, which otherwise would be hard for him to bring to pass.  
Fourthly, they go about to persuade him to cause the exercise of the reformed religion to cease, during the term of six months perfixed.  
Fiftly, they required him in the King's name, to surrender the towns which he did hold for the King.  
The King of Navarre with like courtesies answereth to the first, that if it had been his majesties pleasure to have used his service in the suppressing of the Leaguers, he would have showed a proof of his dutiful obedience towards him.  
To the second he answered, that from his cradle, he hath been brought up in the reformed religion, in the which he never knew any error, and yet hath, and doth proffer himself to be taught by the word of God, in a lawful council.  
To the third demand he answered, that the reformed religion, was established by a solemn edict, confirmed by an oath, and that it was not in his power to let the exercise of the same: & therefore purposed to deal in that matter.  
To the fourth he answered, that considering the malice of his enemies towards him he hath more need to require others, then to surrender those.  
These Ambassadors also moved the King of Navarre, that if he would confer with the Q. Mother, she would advance as far as champaign in Toureyne. The King of Navarre answered, that he would go as far as Bergerake in Perigord.  
Whilst these things passed to and fro, many Nobles, Gentlemen, and others of both religions, even of the King's companies, retired from the Court home, and among others the Prince Monpensier. But the raging of the League, and persecutions which increased daily, caused Henry de la tour, Viscount Turenne to assemble some Forces in Limosine & Perigord, to whom many captains repaired out of the Countries about Limosine and Perigord and Quercye, as the Lord Meriake with his regiment. The self same causes enforced many Noble men and Gentlemen about Paris, Nivernoys, and all the countries between Seyne and Loire, many also out of Bourbonnoys and Berry, being at the South side of Loire, accompanied with many men of sundry qualities and degrees, to forsake their houses and take arms and the field, and to repair to these Provinces, that were of sure access unto them. These companies assigned the rends vous in Berry, intending thence to join to the king of Navarre in Gascoigne. They were all Gentlemen & Hargebusiers on Horseback, between two or three hundred. The men of Mark in these companies were the Lord of Pueilles, Fort, Laborde, Landes, Tavennes, and others. These companies of France marching toward Gascoigne, joined with the Viscount Turenne about the end of August, who within a little space of time did increase to the number of five or six thousand men.  
About the same time another company of Noble men and Gentlemen likewise retired out of their houses, accompanied with great troops of soldiers, and gave the rends vous in Berry, among them these were the chiefest of name: the Lords D'ouant, Roysdulie, Saviere, Campoys, and divers others which joined with the Prince of Conde being then at Pons in Xainctonge.  
The Lord Montgomery with his company went as far as to the king of Navarre into Gascoyn: his brother the Lord of Orges went to the Prince of Conde. Other companies out of Brie, champaign, Vermandoys, and other countries there bordering retired to Sedan, the capital town of the principality of Boillon.  
Out of Burgundy, and the countries about, retired to Geneva, and into the signory of Berna.  
The professers of the reformed religion out of Normandy, low britain, and Picardy, passed over into England for their safety.  
Good Christian Reader I beseech thee to stay here a while, and learn both to fear and tremble at the dreadful judgements of God, and also his mercy toward his Church, showed at this time: which when I do consider, it putteth me in remembrance of the like event, which did happen a little while afore the siege and destructions of Jerusalem, by Vespasian and Titus his son. That city, which here on earth had borne the Image of the true heavenly Jerusalem, having most wilfully resisted the son of God, & stopped their ears at his voice. When it had fulfilled the measure of her iniquity, and that God would make it a wonder, a hissing and nodding of the head unto all Nations of the world for her obstinacy and unthankfulness: a little before the siege, there was at midnight heard a voice in the Temple thus, Migremns hinc: at the rumour thereof all men were greatly amazed, musing what should be signified by that warning. The Saints which were there, took that to be the voice of God (who according to the threatenings of the law of the Prophets, and of Christ against that City, would power down his wrath upon that sinful City) directed unto them, commanding them to departed, and to give place unto his wrath. So the Church that was there removed to the City Pella, which was beyond jordan, in the ancient inheritance of the Rubenites, where it was preserved, and out of a place of safety, did behold the mighty storms of God's tempests, which fell upon that so noble and famous a City, which by Strabo was thought to be the greatest and fairest of all the East. Even as Abraham long before did behold the subversion of Sodom: so when the Lord had determined to power the storms of his anger upon those Nations which are between the Loire and the English Seas, for their offences like unto them of Jerusalem: first he taketh his Church, which was scattered among those Nations, Towns, and Cities, and bringeth most of them beyond Loire, some into England, some to Sedan, some to Geneva, some to Suisserland, some to Germany, lest the presence of them who do call upon his name should hinder the execution of his wrath upon his enemies, for the publication of the edict of union, commonly called the edict of july, although that in another form, was as it were the voice of God heard out of the Temple, Migremus hinc. For those nations lying on the North side of Loire, who had conspired to destroy the Gospel of Christ, have drawn the war from the Provinces which do profess the Gospel, upon their own heads. For not only have they felt all the former oppressions and outrages of the Leaguers, but also by this edict, all the burden of this last civil war raised up by the Leaguers hath fallen, upon them, beside the horrible murders and seditions, which they have committed among themselves by the evil Angels, which the Lord in his wrath hath sent among them: which also do continue still with greater calamities than ever before, and is like to continue until that those wicked Nations, polluted with idolatry, blood of the saints, and whoredom, be utterly rooted out, that God may be avenged of his enemies: giving in the mean time a little rest unto the reformed churches beyond Loire, and to make them thankful for his great mercies, who hath rewarded his enemies with evil, which they had imagined against his people without a cause. So the Lord doth turn all things to good unto his Saints.  
Now the Leaguers are masters of all (for the king had delivered his royal authority unto them, and divided his kingdom among them, reserving unto himself the name of a King) have all the Country at their devotion, and do replenish all France with arms, violence and boastings. Now they will play S. George, they will kill the Devil, either on horseback or a foot, they will work miracles, or else the Devil shall fail them.  
And for to begin these miracles, the Duke Mercure, brother in law to the King, and by the last partition of the kingdom, a petty King of Britain, was persuaded by his Counsel, that now the publishing of the edict of union had of itself killed all the Huguenots in Poytow, and that easily he might tame all the Country, and that b●ing in the field, not one Huguenot durst lift up his head: therefore supposing there to have to fight with dead men, and making himself sure of the conquest, to make proof of his valour, the 23 of August passed Loire, at Nantes out of britain in Poytow, with two thousand men, intending to rove and ransack all, and having sacked many popish Churches, spoiled the Abbeys at Saint Florent, and Plainpied, by Saumure, & like an horrible tempest did march forward, sparing neither holy nor profane things, making havoc of all things until he came as far as Fontenay.  
The Prince of Conde, turned from Saint Paul Decadewalx to Saint Ihan D' Angelye, having assembled some friends, as well out of Xainctonge, Poytow, as other parts, within few days saw himself to have a lusty company as well of gentlemen as arquebusiers on horseback, and with that force expecting the rest, took his journey with as much diligence as he could to meet with the said Mercure.  
The Prince arrived at Chandevier, a town not far from Niort, understood that the said Mercure was about Fontenay, where he determined to give him battle. Mercure hearing that the Prince approached, with his companies, so ready and willing to fight, was amazed, considering that it fell out contrary to the counsel given him before: and that now be must fight with men alive. This increased his fear so much the more, for that he had not so soon heard of the Princes coming, but that presently he was certified that the said Prince was in battle array. Whereupon he resolved to retire home: but being hardly pressed by the said prince he was fain to retire to Fontenay. And because the governor of the town knowing not well how things had passed between the King and the Leaguers, would not suffer him nor his to enter the town (yet otherwise showing him such favours as he might:) therefore he with his troops betook themselves to the Suburb of Fontenay called the Loges.  
The Prince desirous to see his enemy face to face, advanced toward the Suburb in battle array, to prove whether he might provoke the enemy to skirmish. But the Duke would none of that play. But after the Prince had kept the Duke besieged in the Loges for certain days, the said Duke fearing, either at length to be forced, or else that the Prince would cut his way in his return to Nantes, by night secretly did steal away, and with the main gallop, amaze and many alarms which he gave to himself (fear making him to imagine things which were not) recovered to Nantes without any bait, the fourth day of September, leaving behind him his companies with great disorder, and discontented minds, some of his troops with decestation of his evil leading, cursed the hour that ever they knew him. Some of the Prince's companies pursued the disarray, and setting upon the carriage took it, and many prisoners with it. Thus happily succeeded the beginnings of the union, and the miracles of these great Captains, whose heat was some what cooled, and their horns beaten in with this blow.  
About the 5. day of September, the Prince returning from Fonteney, passed through meal, where the Country of Rochefocault, which not long before had repaired to him, left him again taking his journey to his own house. And for as much, as the plague was very sore at S. john D'Angelye, the Prince took his way to jarnak upon Charante, where the Lord Lavaughion, and other Gentlemen, left him to retire to their houses.  
Whilst these Princes sojourned at jarank, the Lord Laval a young Noble man, in a little body, having a mind endued with notable godliness & virtue, with a ripe wit and courageous heart, which did make him no less beloved and honourable unto all honest virtuous, and peaceable men, then feared of all wicked and perturbers of the state of France. This Lord accompanied with his three brethren, the Lords Rieulx, Taulay, and Saulye, the 8. of September departed from his house of Vitre in Batangue, with a 150. Rutters, and 300. arquebusiers on horseback, and with that company passed over Loire, partly a ford, and partly with boats, at Manues, three Leagues about Nantes, by the help of the Lord Chargroys, who was afterward his Lieutenant. From thence he took his journey through Poytow, to S. john D'Angelye: where he entered not, because of the pestilence which was there, but passing through Tailborge, went to the Prince at Marennes, when the said Prince besieged Browage, about the 12. of September.  
About the 9 of September, from jarnak, the Lord Saint Gelays, with the Lord D'Aubigny, and some other Gentlemen took their journey toward meal, for some great affairs. There they had knowledge, that certain companies of the League were coming to compass them about: which thing being found true, the Lord S. Gelays Marshal of the Prince's camp, sendeth all night to the Lord Charboniere, who was two leagues of with his company: he sendeth also to certain Gentlemen there about, who were of the religion: which with great diligence came toward him all night, and at the break of the day, joined with the said Lord Saint Gelays.  
The Leagued companies were conducted by Captain Saint Katarine, and others who perceiving themselves on a sudden, and beside their expectation compassed about, without any further a do required parley with the Lord Saint Gelays: who after few words yielded, and promised to forsake the League, and to cause their fellows to do the like: and also that they would never carry arms against them of the reformed religion: which agreement they quickly sealed and performed. Many of these companies went to the Prince, being then at Pons: they which would not, were sent away without weapons. And this is the second miracle which the Leaguers did in Poytow.  
About the same time, the Lord Saint Mesmes, Ranques and Orges, went toward Tonnecharante, at whose approaching the Lord Saint Luke, who was then at Soubize, with nigh two hundred Soldiers, with great terror departed: and burning the bridge and gate of Soubize retired to Browage, leaving most of all his garrisons at the bourg of Moses. These Lords mought have pursued & taken the Lord Saint Luke, but delaying the time, from Friday to Sunday, they lost the occasion.  
The 13. day, these Lords took the tower of Foncras, upon Charante, which did hold for the League. About the same time, the Prince of Conde, lest he should keep his companies idle, with the Lord of Rohan and others with him from Pons, withal their companies took their way toward the Isles of Xainctonge, for to recover Sonbiez and the castle Augle, which the Lord S. Luke had fortified with Garrisons of the League, and also to seize upon the salt of the Isles, whereof great sums of money might be made.  
And for to bring to pass these things more easily, to have munition and means of artillery and other necessary things: in the mean whiles the Prince with a certain number of horsemen, took his journey to Rochel: notwithstanding the plague was very great there, where he obtained of the City, both munition, ships, and power of men to conduct all to Browage, Oleren, and other places there about. About the same time these Lords Dovault, Boysdaliz, Sanuere Campos, with many other Gentlemen, having given the rends vous in Berry (as is aforesaid) repaired to the Prince, then being at Pons in Xainctonge.  
About the 15. of September the Lord's Saint Mesmes, Ranques, and Orges, after the taking of the Tower of Foncras upon Charante, pursued the Garrison which had fled from Soubieze, and had stayed at the bourg of Moses (as is said) between Soubieze and Browage, and followed them to a place called Grand Garrison, right against Browage on the north side of the river: where after they had skirmished a while in the sight of the town, and of the Lord Saint Luk, who was on the other side of the water, on the key of Browage, and being reduced there at the low water, and hardly set on by them of the religion: through despair of rescue, cast themselves into the oose, where the most part were slain: others that could not get out were drowned when the tide came.  
The Lord Saint Luk was in great agony, to see the best of all his Garrisons so cast away, without any remedy to save one of them: certain shot of ordinance was discharged, but it was all in vain.  
Among other prisoners were the Captains Luchet Meanbourg and Savage, with some other whom the Lord Orges sent home without any ransom, to the great discontentation of the Prince, because they were they who did most service, in the defending of Browage, against the said Prince.  
About the same time the Lord Clermont enterprised to pass over Loire, with few with him, among whom was one Captain Rochemorte, for to assemble them who could not dwell in their houses, by reason of the publication of the edict of union.  
About the 16. of September, the prince having done his business in Rochel, assembled his forces at Saint Gennes, and so marched toward the siege of Browage, and from thence to Saint Iust. Here is to be noted, that in that part of Xainctonge, lying between the river of Browage and Garemme, commonly called Almert: there be four towns, to wit Saint Just, distant a mile and a half from Marennes, Hyers between Marennes and Browage, whereof this last lieth upon the mouth of the river, having a haven very safe for ships, to come to the salins to be laden with salt. This town of Browage began to be builded about the year 1550. but increased and fructified to a great and strong town, during the civil wars, to molest Rochel, and hath changed the first name into jacopolis. The Papists have held in it, always since the beginning of the civil wars a strong Garrison. This town the Lord Saint Luke kept for the League: it is distant from Marennes somewhat less than two miles, from Hyers less than a mile, it is strong in situation, because it lieth in the salins, and by reason of that, there is but one way to come to it.  
Between Marennes and Hyers, there is a little creak to pass over, which cannot be passed on foot but at low water, which is called le pass d'hiers. The Lord of Saint Luk had fortified the same with a barricado, intending there to shut up the passage to Hyers, and consequently to Browage: there he placed three hundred shot, & a few horses, he himself staying at Hyers, about half a mile distant from Browage, to let the approaching of the Prince.  
The 19 of September, the Prince being at Saint Just, a mile and a half from Marennes, set all things in order, for the siege of the said Browage, and about three a clock being low water, he marched toward Marennes, commanded his guards and other Gentlemen, who marched a foot, to set upon the barricado, which was made at the pass d'hiers, where they found some resistance, there was wounded Bargnobet, Captain of his guard, another Gentleman slain.  
In the mean time the Lord Boulay, commanded to charge of another side, from Saint Just took his way through the Salins, a way not used to travail through at all, and with his band of armed men: with a main force, set upon the town of Hiers: Saint Luk had him upon his top sooner than he had discovered him, and considering that he was feeble, and that if he should lose that force which was with him, he should lose the strength and defence of Browage, retired in haste. They which were at the pass d'hiers, seeing their Captain to flee, followed him, accompanied with terror and dread. They were pursued nigh to the gates of Browage, though they were defensed with shot of Ordinance from the towns, against them that pursued. So that within an hour and a half, both the pass and town D'hiere came into the Prince's power: the Prince lodged at Marinnes, distant from Hyers about a mile.  
These easy and prosperous successes and beginnings, made the Prince to consider more touching the siege of that town of Browage, considering also that there was not within great power of men, neither had they great store of victuals, candle, fresh water, neither medicines for them that were hurt.  
The 20. of September, there was continual skirmishes before the town, in the which some of the Prince's side were hurt, many of the besieged slain, one of the Captains which the Lord Orges had sent home before, a man much esteemed by the Lord Saint Luk, because of his valour.  
The same day was taken the Tower of Mornake, where the Lord of S. Luke had put garrison, which was besieged by certain Companies whom the Prince had sent thither. The garrison withstood for certain days: but being without hope of help and in danger to be forced, yielded themselves by composition. There was taken the Captain john Peter, who was in great favour with the Lord S. Luke.  
About that time arrived to the Prince at Marans, the Lord Lavall with his three brethren and all his forces.  
The 22. of September, the Lord Trimoville (who long before had entered in communication with the Prince, to join with him in this just defence against the League) came to Marennes with a great number of Gentlemen. The Prince received these Noble men with great courtesy and rejoicing. There was a great contentation thereof in all them of the reformed religion, for the good hope which they had conceived of that young Lord that he would embrace the religion, as he did shortly after, having obtained great reputation among all men for his valour and modesty.  
The same day arrived to the Prince certain ships of war from Rochel, so that by these means the sea and the river of Browage were shut up: which thing doubled the fear of the besieged. The Prince seeing his enterprise to succeed better than he had hoped, began to enterprise further, and determined to press the besieged nearer, knowing that there was not within above four hundred Soldiers, whereof some were wounded, and therefore not able to do any service: they which were taken reported also, that there was great scarcity of victuals and fresh water; small quantity of wine, and that corrupt; some corn, but not great store; because thinking not upon any siege, they had not provided afore hand.  
The Lords S. Gelayse and Boysduly were lodged in the house called Blanchardier, out of the Town of Hyers, there appointed by the Prince to provide for necessaries and inunition. They did what they could, but not what they would: whereupon the Soldiers seeing that they were like to stay there some time at that siege, began to mutiny, and to ask money to buy victuals, which were brought there to sell out of the Country, and for lack of money began to steal away, until that a certain sum of money was gotten out of the islands, and some Gentlemen also did lend some: by which means the Prince mustered, and the Soldiers taking pay took also courage, skirmishing daily in the Marsh out of the Town.  
It is said before how the Lord S. Mesmes, Ranques, and Orges, took S. Ihan d'Angely and Soubize, and discomfited the Popish garrison in their flight right against Browage. From thence the said Lords with their companies passed in certain ships of Rochel into the Island of Oleron.  
About the 24. of September, the Lord Ranques (who was best to command there) took upon the Coasts of the said Island the master of the field of the Lord Matignon governor of Bourdeaux, named Beaumond, accompanied with a certain Captain of Browage named Thiebert: there was in that ship as well Gentlemen as other Soldiers, to the number of 22. they came from the Lord Matignon then resident at Bourdeaux, about the succour for Browage. They were in a ship of war, and were set on by three little ships of the said Lord Ranques, who enforced them to flee, and at length they cast themselves into the Sea to recover the Island of Oleron, and so seized upon a house to defend themselves. But being pursued and compassed about by the said Lord Ranques, at length they yielded themselves. This Captain Thiebert 'twas accounted a busy fellow and factious, who also had traffic with the Spaniard for the League, they were most part brought to Rochel to be safely kept.  
The 25. the Prince began to fortify a house a little above the Waren in the high way from Hyers to Browage.  
We have said how about the 15. of September the Lord Clermont departed from the Prince at Pons, and passed the river Loire at a place called Rosiers, thence passing through a place la clousiere des montils, to the intent to pass unknown, did fain himself to be Secretary to the King of Navarre: from thence he taketh his way to Bange, where Rochemort departed from him. The said Rochemort taketh his way to Beaufort, which is situated between Angers and the river Loire, where he was borne, and sojourned there to see his brother and other friends, and also to gather as many men as he could in that country.  
Beaufort is a little Town between Loire and Angers, which is commanded by a Castle of a reasonable strength, which did hold for the king, and was in the keeping of Captain Broke.  
Rochemort arrived thither, and visiting his friends, who were the chiefest of the Town, and among them also Captain Broke, by their speeches he understood the state of Angers, and the particularities there about the Castle. There was a Captain named Halot, who had the keeping of the said Castle of Angers, whilst the Lord Bussy of Amboyse lived, which had the government of the Country, City and Castle, during the life of Monsieur the King's brother. But after the death of the said Bussy, the Lord Brissack had the government, and had put out of the Castle the said Halot, whereof by all means he sought to be revenged, and to surprise the Castle. And to bring this thing to pass, he acquainted himself with Captain Fresne, who had commanded over a company of Brissack at the beginning of the League. This Brissack was one of the chiefest of the League, and discharged the said Fresne (after the edict of union was published) in july before: for the which thing Fresne was greatly offended with Brissack.  
These two Captains consented together to enterprise upon the Castle, and repaired to Beaufort to Captain Broke to have of him some company of men, where they met with Rochemort: and after certain speeches, opened unto him their enterprise; who promised to furnish them with certain men. Rochemort advertised the Lord Clermont, praying him to send him men, which shortly after sent him four stout Soldiers.  
This their counsel was wonderfully disguised, as also the events fell out to be strange and tragical: for Halot (as he said) would recover the Castle for the King, of whom (said he) he had letters to that effect, to recover the said Castle out of the hands of Brissack, who was of the League, as is afore said: but indeed he respected himself, thinking thereby to get the Kings, or the King of Navarre his favour. Captain Fresne was desirous to be revenged of Brissack at any price whatsoever. These two were sure to have men for the most part Papists. Rochemort was in good hope that if he could get in the Castle, he would find the means to make it fall into the hands of the King of Navarre. Halot & Fresne do promise themselves, that if Rochemort being the weakest and an Huguenot, should attempt to innovate any thing, they could easily dispatch him: so that under the hope of one drift, every man had his meaning unknown one to another. The enterprise is concluded, the day appointed. The 26. of September some do repair at the time prefixed to the Suburb of Pressigny; some to the Suburb called Lisses. Captain Fresne used to enter into the Castle easily, as well acquainted with the Soldiers of the guard. The day therefore prefixed, he goeth to see Captain Greek his friend, who then commanded in the Castle with ten or twelve Soldiers. The said Captain Greek biddeth Fresne to dinner: Fresne excused himself that he had company, with whom he had promised to dine that day. Captain Greek presseth him and prayeth him to bring his company with him. Fresne had afore hand won some of the guard, whom he had made privy to the enterprise; he prayeth them of the second guard to let in them of his company, whom he assured to be of his acquaintance: but some of the soldiers mistrusting, went about to shut the gate: Rochemort and his company withstood them, and taking weapons in hand did kill some of the guard. Captain Fresne went up into the captains chamber, who hearing the fray would have gone forth; but being encountered by the said Fresne was slain.  
Captain Halot seeing the tumult, in stead to enter into the Castle, ran into the Town, and upon the rumour of the surprising of the Castle, biddeth the Citizens not to stir, for he had (saith he) caused the Castle to be taken for the King: but incontinently he was taken prisoner by the Citizens.  
Fresne and Rochemort being masters of the Castle, the alarm was very hot in the town: notice was given every where in great diligence. Rochemort forgetteth not to send to the Lord Clermont, to certify him, what was passed, desiring him to send greater forces, & also to send word to the Prince.  
Whilst these news fly every where, divers events happened, which deceived both them and others. They of the town grieved to have that thorn in their heels: sleep not, but take arms, beset the castle, and within a while have succour of the Nobility of the country. In the evening the inhabitants would fain have parley with Fresne, and used the means of Halot, for to draw him forth of the Castle, having placed in the dark of the night nigh the bridge 30. or 40. soldiers with Calivers, either for to take him, or else to seize upon the drawing bridge, when he should come forth.  
Fresne upon this parley going forth, and being yet upon the bridge, one of the soldiers hasting to shoot, Fresne would have returned in, but Rochemort with his company seeing the peril, did draw the bridge. Fresne not able to recover the drawing, held fast at the chains: they without, cut off his hands: so he fell into the ditch, which was very deep, and cut in a rock: his Cloak was left hanging on the draw bridge. There was a red Deer in the ditch, which tore him with his horns. They of the Town by the licence of them of the Castle took him up with a chord: But the chord breaking, he fell down again, and at length was taken up and buried in a Chapel nigh the Castle.  
Captain Halot within few days after by the town was condemned and executed.  
These two being dead, Rochemort a Huguenot remained master of the Castle, whereof he giveth notice to the Lord Clermont, who immediately dispatched a messenger to the Prince being at the siege of Browage.  
The inhabitants, who could have borne it with some contentation (because they knew Fresne to be a Papist, and that he said, he held it for the king) after his death asked Rochemort, for whom he kept the castle. When he had answered, that it was for the king of Navarre, they were greatly moved, and immediately began to make Trenches both to force the said castle and also to let succour from coming in. Companies do arrive from every where. The Lord Bocage is sent by the king with commandment to defend the trenches without enterprising any thing, but only to besiege the castle until the Lord joyeuse his coming, who shortly after came thither with the Lord Chastres. In mean time Rochemort and his companions rifled the chests and treasures of Brissak, and other which had conveyed their goods into that fort. There was a great Booty in plate and jewels. Neither could it be known what he had done with the great horn of Unicorn which was kept there of old.  
Certain days being spent about the 29. of September in an after noon Rochemort leaning upon one of the windows of the Castle, and there slumbering, received two pellets of a gun shot, whereof the one cut his throat, and the other his tongue, and so died shortly after without speaking: so by his death the castle was left without a guided. There were 9 Papists, and 5. of the reformed Religion within which could never agree, but were still in disorder and confusion: which caused that after the coming of the Lord joyeuse, they within began to demand parley, which continued for certain days.  
Whilst these things so passed at Angers, the Lord Clermont not knowing the death of Rochemort, who was the ground of his drift, had assembled in Normandy, and in the country of Perch, about six hundred men, and sendeth a messenger to the Prince at the siege of Browage, to advertise him how the affairs do go.  
The 3. of October, news were brought unto the Prince by expressed messenger, of the taking of the Castle, and how the inhabitants had trenched and besieged it with the forces of Brissak, and of the country of. Suy, and after by the Lord Bocage sent by the King. This news caused the Prince to leave his footmen before Browage, and he with his horsemen and certain number of arquebusiers on horseback, to pass over the river Loire, to secure them who were within the castle, and kept the same for the King of Navarre, being thereto encouraged by the appearance of the great advantage, which seemed to consist in it, for the advancing of the affairs of them of the reformed religion, considering also that Brissack who by the partition of the League, had obtained the government of Anjou, ●s is afore said, was one of the busiest Leaguers: he weighed well the dangers which might ensue, as to draw all the King's forces upon himself, and the difficulties of repassing the river Loire: he considered also that the remnant of his army lest at Browage, might be discomfited by the Marshal Matignon & Bellegarde governor of Xainctonge, who might join their forces together.  
But on the other side he hoped, that being strengthened by receiving the companies of the Lord Clermont, which he had gathered (as is afore said) to the number of six hundred, he would be able to fight against whom soever.  
Also that by that new supply of the Lord Clermont, and by the favour of some Castles which favoured him upon the Loire, he might pass well enough, and so return with greater forces to the siege of Browage.  
God had determined, that no consideration nor counsel might dissuade this Prince from this journey, to the end that he might show in the beginning of this perilous war, how mighty his arm is in the preserving of his children, and how able he is to weaken and dissipate the strength and arrogancy of his enemies, who fret and fume, take counsel and conspire together against his anointed son. That by this example all the children of God may learn, not always (even in a good cause) to promise themselves victory, but to assure themselves that God will defend the just cause always, and preserve them that call on his name, whether they be few or many.  
The same day arrived from Rochel before Browage six pieces of battery, conducted by Mounser person, who followed the ships of war, which few days before had arrived as is afore said.  
About the 6. of October, there was a great stur in the camp before Browage by reason of the Princes departing to Angers. For in his absence there was no way to assure the islands, nor the remnant of the army, which remained there at that siege. For the inhabitants saw a manifest danger to themselves, which thing made many of them resolve to give over all, and to repair to Rochel, whereby the soldiers (there appointed to remain) were greatly discouraged. At length the Lord Saint Mesmes governor of Saint Jhan. D'Angelye an aged man, famous, and of a long continued experience, a man of great authority and well-beloved of the country, was requested to take the government of the companies, appointed to continue the siege: which thing after many wise declarations of the dangerous events which he did foresee, might happen both to them that went, and also to them that remained at the siege, yet he did accept the charge, with the great contentation of all men. Monser person, was made governor of the Navy: the Lord Ranques remained governor of Oleron: Captain Belon was appointed to gather them of the islands, and to command over them. The chiefest regiments which remained for t● continue that siege, were the companies of the Lord Orges, Saint Severin, and Boysrond, with whom were many voluntary Soldiers, beside them of the islands, and two hundred arquebusiers, sent by the town of Rochel.  
On the 7. of October, some captains showed themselves unwilling to remain, considering the events and inconveniences, which might befall in the absence of the Prince: so that the affairs were in greater trouble, and the minds in greater perplexity, than before. But the Prince remedied all these things, as well as he could, to strengthen the siege: and sent to the Uicount Turene, who was in perigord with great forces, praying him to draw near, to favour that siege. But he could not do it, having some occasions in hand, and waiting for the coming of the King of Navarre, out of Gascoigne, as it shall appear hereafter.  
About the same time, the Senate of Paris, having considered upon the Pope's excommunication, giveth answer to the King, in the which they grievously condemn the Leaguers, do blame the King, for having broken the edict of peace, do show it to be impossible to bring to pass their enterprises, do reprove the Pope, for usurping upon Prince's authorities, and the liberties of the Crown of France, do condemn the excommunication worthy to be burned, counsel the King to pursue them: who have procured the same, and to execute justice upon them, as upon traitors.  
About the same time, the King lead by his counsel, who for the most part wear of the League, and servants to the Guyzes, by them was borne in hand, that they of the reformed religion had to great advantage, by the edict of julie: and that many, both of the religion and Catholics, had flocked together to the King of Navarre. Therefore, he setteth forth a declaration of the edict of Iu●ie, by the which he doth admonish them, that have borne arms against the League, of whatsoever religion they be: either to lay them down, or else to be taken for Rebels, and their goods to be sold for the maintaining of the war. He commandeth them of the religion, which have not borne arms, to do with their goods what they will, and to departed the Realm within 15. days after the publication of the said declaration, charging his officers to make diligent enquiry for the performing of the premises: by the said declaration he giveth liberty to women and children, according to the former edict.  
It is said before, how the Prince (notwithstanding all counsel and advise to the contrary) determined to pass the river of Loire, all difficulties therefore set aside, the eight of October the Prince departed out of his camp with his companies to Taillebourg, appointing the rends vous, at a place nigh S. Ihan d'Angely. His forces did consist of the companies of the Lord Rohan, who were above six score brave Gentlemen, the companies of the Lords Nemours, & Laval, who had much nobility with him. There were also the companies of the Lords Trimoville, and Boulay, & his own company, which in number and nobility passed all others. The arquebusiers on horseback were they of his guard; the Regiments of the Lord Aubigny, Ousches, Campoyse, touch, & flesh, & others, with many Gentlemen of Xainctonge, and Poytow, who were sent for by the Prince, and put themselves under Noble men, as they would themselves. The whole of his forces came to the number of eight hundred horsemen, and between one thousand or twelve hundred arquebusiers on horseback. There was a great deal more carriage, than was expedient for a voyage to be done with celerity and diligence.  
The 9 day the Prince being at Taillebourg, the Artillery which was sent from Rochel to the stege of Browage, arrived in the river Charante, to be brought again to Rochel by Captain Bordeaulx. For the Prince at his departing from Marans, had taken order to retire the Artillery, to avoid what might ensue, not intending to occupy it at Browage, but only to keep the Town blocked until his return, which he hoped to be shortly.  
The same same day the Prince from Taillebourg went to lodge to Villeneufue lafoy contesse, where he understood that the Lady Trimoville was at S. Stephen, about a league from thence, where he went to salute her: and after many speeches about his marriage with her daughter, the said Lady used many persuasions, to make her son (the Lord Trimoville) to break his resolution, in the which she saw him to embark himself on the side of the king of Navarre, threatening him of her accurse, if he proceeded further. But the said young Lord showed her, with much submission and obeisance, that if she would weigh the reasons, which moved him so to do, grounded upon justice and honour; and on the contrary side, the unjust cause of the League, he was assured that she would turn her cursing into blessing: so that he remained resolute both to follow that part, and also not to forsake the Prince in that voyage.  
The tenth day of October all the companies took their way toward Niort, Baesuiere, Argenton, Viers and Tence. There the Lord S. Gelayes Marshal of the Prince's camp, with the company of the Lord Boulay, with a certain number of arquebusiers on horseback, departed to go before to get the bank of Loire: and following the side of the river upward, to search some occasion to pass the river, either by surprising of boats or mills, met with a certain company of Gentlemen of the League, very well appointed with armour and horses, going to the succour of Angers, whom they took, and all their carriage.  
The 11. day the Lord Aubigny and Bovet took the strong Abbey of S. Maure upon the river of Loire, where was a garrison of the League. There they did no violence to the Monks, but licenced them to departed whether they would. They took the Prior and sent him to the Prince at S. Gemes, who courteously entertained him in his own house, and safely sent him to Angers.  
The 14. day Captain flesh being of that country, had advanced, and began to pass at the town of Rosiers: for there were no companies of the enemies on all that coast. For as much as it was thought incredible, that without any other intelligences the Huguenots durst pass so great a river, in a manner in the sight of two great towns, to wit, San●●re above where they had retired all the boats thereabouts, and Angers beneath, where they had forces both of footmen and horsemen greater than any the Prince had: so that many seeing such silence, suspected that there was some lying in wait. And as for the Lord Clermont, whom we have said to have left the Prince at Pons to pass over Loire, to gather the forces of them of the reformed religion, scattered in those popish countries, there was no more news of him, than if he had not been in the world: and indeed then he was above thirty leagues from them. But Captain flesh had seized upon three boats laden with wine: which after he had caused to be landed upon the water side, he prepared them to carry the army over.  
The 15. of October he passed first, and lodged at Rosiers, and after him passed the Lord Aubiguy with his Regiment: that day the Prince arrived at S. Gemes with his troops, which lodged in the villages about. The same day also arrived the Lords Saint Gelayse, and Boulay, to the Prince: they had been scouring the waist of the river. For the right understanding of this voyage, the situation and places of the country is to be noted. In all this discourse, we will make mention of three rivers, the Loire, Lolion, and Loir. On the South side of Loire there be two towns, Samur and Pont de sell: between these two towns there be four other little towns, the Abbey of Planpierd, S. Gemes, the Abbey of S. Maure, and S. Mathurine. On the North side of the river, Loire right against S. Gemes is the town Rosiers, and between these two towns in the river is an Island: in this place passed over the Prince and his army. The next river on the North side of Loire is Lolion, a little river, but very deep, and running slowly; it washeth part of Vandomoys and Anjou, and falleth into the river of Loire at Pont de sell. On the North side of the river Lolion in the middle way between the said river and Angers, is situated the town of Beaufort.  
The third river is Loire, falling from the country of Because through Vandomoys & Anjou, receiving 2. other rivers coming from the country called Perch, which are Sarthre, and Huyne, and a little above Angers do fall into the river Loire, and somewhat beneath Angers: these three rivers in one are received into the river maine, and so altogether in one about 2. miles beneath Angers, & 3. miles beneath Pont de Sell, do run into Loire.  
Upon this river of Loire are situated these towns following, flesh, Lude, Laverdine, Chastean de Loire, Vendosme & Chasteaudine. Between Chasteaudine, and Reisgencye, which lieth upon Loire, between Orleans, and Bloys, is the Town Forest of Morchesuoyr: in that Forest was the army of the Prince scattered (and as it were) became invisible, as shall be showed in the discourse following.  
The 16. of October, the whole army began to pass over with great discommodity. For from Saint Gemes they had but three mean boats, wherewith they passed into the Island which lieth in the middle of the river. On the other side of the Island to pass to the town of Rosiers, they had but two boats, and few Ferry-men, who were Papists, they did the worst they could, and ready at every hand to steal away. These discommodities caused great confusion at the passage, which was increased with a great number of carriages which followed the Campe.  
At this passage, every man did presage the evil success which afterward ensued. For although there was no want of courage, yet one might perceive a certain sadness unaccustomed, which caused many to say, let us go and die: for every man was resolved to vanquish or to die. But the Lord disposed otherwise: for a more marvelous deliverance hath not been seen in our days. For neither did they vanquish, neither died, but every one drank a reasonable draft of the cup of bitterness.  
At this passage did arise great diversity of opinions among the heads: for none of the Captains thought good, that the Prince should pass over for the care which they had of his safety, & their reasons were, that it was most like, that the enemy would not withstand their passage, but would wink at it, that afterwards they might bring all their forces together to stop their return, thinking it an easy thing with many to overcome few. For they had already news that joyeuse hasted to Angers, with all his forces, which were about three hundred Horses, twelve hundred of Suissers, and some regiments of Frenchmen. They alleged also, that there was nothing sure at Angers, and that it was to be feared, that it would be surrendered before they could aryue thither, so that their passing over stood upon no reason, but upon an uncertainty to venture such an army with all the state of their defeuce. There was also news brought to them (though false) that Brissake had seized upon Beaufort, a town between the river Lotion, and Angers, whither the Prince thought to have gone to lodge that day. The 17 of October, notwithstanding the reasons aforesaid, the Prince passed over at the town Rosiers with some noble men and Captains, where he took about thirty gentlemen of the company of the Lord Boulaye, who was already passed, and certain arquebusiers with him, commanding them to lie in ambush in a wood nigh Beaufort, and commanded the Lord Valiere, who was among the said gentlemen, to make semblance towards the gates of Beaufort, and to draw them who should issue out into the advantage of them which lay in ambush in the wood. But when they came to Beaufort, there they found none but the inhabitants who did proffer their Town to the Prince, and assured that there came no man except the County Caravas, to whom they denied entrance.  
Upon this report the Prince determined to pass the rest of his army, grounded upon many reasons: but especially upon the news which he had received of that Lord Clermont, whom he had heard to be about Angers, with six or seven hundred men: who was not willing notwithstanding that the Prince should enclose himself in that sleeve.  
All this while the Lord Rohan with his company made a road toward Saumur, and the Lord Laval down the river toward Angers, for he passed last of all.  
The Prince also sendeth a trumpet under the colour of certain prisoners, to know of Angers what he might. But they of Angers would not suffer him to go further than the Suburbs, who reported only that they which kept the Trenches were resolved to stand to their defence manfully.  
Few days the Prince Monpensier had gone to Angers to proffer his service: but within few days he went away discontented, because they of the city had preferred the Lord Bocage before him: which thing caused some to think, that the said Prince Monpensier would join with the Prince of Conde, considering that this war was against the League: and for the same cause the Lord Auantignie was sent to him from the Prince: but all was in vain.  
The 18. the rest of the companies passed all over Loire with leisure, but with much discommodity, by reason of the great continual rain.  
The Prince left Captain Serpent with a strong garrison at the Abbey of Saint Maure, to fortify the passage, and to favour their repassing at their return.  
The 19 they departed from Rosiers, to pass the river Lotion, which lieth between Loire, and the town Beaufort, a river narrow, but very deep, then specially, which for the great abundant rain, was over the banks. There the passage was more troublesome then at Loire, because the country all about is coppses and Marshes dangerous for the horsemen.  
They of Beaufort being so mened to open the gates to the Prince, did it without any delay, and taking away their Guard, received such as were placed in their stead. Thither the Prince arrived the same day at evening with his army, and left the Lord Laval for the safety of their passage of Lotion, who came to the Prince the next day after.  
The same day about noon, the Lord Clermont came to the Prince at Beaufort with thirty horses: his horsemen were about nine hundred, & lodged in the villages between Beaufort and Angers.  
The twentéeth day being the lords day, they sojourned at Beaufort, and the night following they began to march toward Angers, and appointed the rends vous at a certain place within a league of Angers.  
The Lord joyeuse understanding the Prince of Conde to be at hand, (fearing lest he might enterprise upon the Castle, by the help of those few men, being only 16. in all) by reason that he thought them to be of the religion, or otherwise to favour the Prince, and that thence he might molest the League, and hold the whole country in subjection, he thought that it were not good to delay the regaining of the said castle: but to recover it at any price whatsoever. Therefore he conditioned with them who were within, that the Papists which were there nine in number, might there remain, if they thought it good. They of the religion 7. in number should be safely conducted to that Prince's camp, and that they should not be searched. Also that they might carry away what they would.  
Furthermore, that at their going away out of the Castle, they of the League should all retire away.  
Last of all, that every one should have one thousand crowns in money, and a good Horse, with a pardon from the king, and security, that they should never be called to any account, all these Promises were faithfully kept to them.  
At their coming forth they divided amongst their friends the movable goods of Brissak, as Plate, Aras, and other such things as they could not carry, and loaded themselves with the best jewels, as much as they could carry away.  
The 21. of October, the Prince's companies began to march from the camp, where the rends vous was given through a narrow way, toward the place of execution, nigh the Suburbs. There by the forrunners were three soldiers taken, not supposing the enemy to have been so nigh: who reported that the Trenches were very strong, and would be stoutly defended. They also took certain peasants; who reported Rochemort to be dead, and the castle to be surrendered for a great sum of money: but they were not believed.  
The same day the Prince sent certain arquebusiers to Pontdesel which is a town situated upon the fall of Lolion into Loire, where is a bridge to passover the river, where they of Angers had put a strong garrison, to keep the bridge.  
At the discovering of the approach of the Prince's power, both the town, and also the castle gave a hot alarm, and sounded the Toxin in all the parish Churches of the City, and also at the high church, called Saint Maurice.  
This was a marvelous thing, that in so great and populous a City, wherein were more men of war strangers, than the Prince had in all his army, yet no sally out was made, no more than if there had been no man; considering also that the place where the Prince was in battle array, did favour greatly them of the town: for there was but a broad way where the horsemen only stood, and on both sides were vineyards and copses. In that broad way, were set in battle array all the arquebusiers: where the Minister of the church, L. Blanchardiere pronounced a form of prayer before the army. And upon this preparation, were received certain news of the rendering of the castle the day before: which thing made all men believe it, because that at the arriving of the army, there was no taken from thence (notwithstanding the alarm, & pieces of shot given out.) Others that were against that opinion alleged, that it was no marvel if they did not discharge the canon out of the Castle, because they were so few, that they were not able to remove it. They added also, that the fire which they of the town had set to an house, between the army and the Castle, which continued all the day by the smoke, was to let them of the Castle, to see the troops which came to secure them. Upon these conjectures, the captains (according to the commandments received) set upon the suburbs of Passiguie, and Magdalen, and forced the same, even to the Bari●ados, which they of the town had made out of the gates, within the subburbes, which were forsaken. There the Captain flesh was wounded with a shot, who died within few days after; he had protested before, that either he would die, or else he would enter the Trenches, passing not for death, seeing that it was in, and for his country: both happened unto him. He was borne at a town named flesh, situated upon the River Loire, flowing from Vendosme, to Angers, a gentleman borne of good parentage. All that day passed away in skirmishes, for the army of the Prince had also trenched themselves, in the subburb of Pressiguy. The horsemen were all that day in battle array, until nigh at the end of the suburbs, while the arquebusiers won by little and little, the Trenches of the enemy, piercing the houses, to advance to the gate.  
That day, the Prince sendeth his Trumpet into a meadow, under the Castle, in the sight of them that were within, to give them token with the sound of the Trumpet: but seeing no token out of the Castle, they began to suspect in deed, that the Castle was surrendered. At evening it was thought good to retire, and that the Soldiers should give over their Trenches in the subburb and houses which they had gotten, for fear that they within the town in the advantage of the night, should issue upon them, being many against few, the town being able to bring forth four thousand strangers only, beside the forces of the town, with the advantage of their ordinance. The lords Trimoville, Boulay, and Auantignie, with their companies, were appointed to make the retire, which was no further than the houses next to the subburb of Pressigny. The horsemen lodged that night in the nearest parishes about the Prince with his company, and the Lord Rohan does lodge at the Pont of Sorges, not without great confusion, by reason that there was but few lodgings. In the night, they of the town issued forth, overthrew and burned the Trenches and Barricadoes, which were made the day before, and lodged within certain houses in the subburb, even in the hospital of the lepers, so that they could not be displaced thence the nextday.  
The 22. about eight a clock, the Lords Trimoville, Auantigny & Saint Gelayse, with their companies resorted to the cross way, nigh the place of execution, where all companies were commanded to appear. Then they of the town showed a countenance, as though they would have issued forth, and certain demilances appeared within the subburb of Pressigny. There was a great alarm, which hasted the companies from their lodgings, to put themselves in battle array, where they did the day before. Then were the footmen commanded to set on the suburbs, but they went not to it with that courage as they had done the day before: for many had not refreshed themselves: some the day before had lost their horses, when they left them to fight at the Trenches: some did steal away and returned to Beaufort. The Captains were discontented, that they had been enforced to give over the advantage, which they had the day before within the suburbs: which they could not recover without great losses. The army was scattered here and there, the high ways were covered with baggage, carriage, charets, horses, mules, servants, which wandered all night, not knowing whether to retire. To be short, all things went far otherwise then the day before, yet they recovered within the subburb as much as they could, not without hazard and difficulty.  
The Prince arrived from Pont Forges, and got him within the Suburb of Pressigni, where he perceived the countenance and courage of his men changed and amazed: but on the contrary, them of the town to have taken hart. Then every one alleging what might have happened to them in the castle: some obstinately affirmed, that they had shot in the night: other said the contrary.  
The Prince assembled the Nobles and Captains at the cross way, nigh the place of execution (save them which were assaulting that Suburbs) on horseback, their helmets on: they consulted whether they should set on the Trenches, yea or us. Some persuaded to give the attempt, saying that it would be a shame, to have come so far and so nigh execution without blows giving, and that they could do no less then to see the enemy in the face, and seeing that they would not come forth, they should go to find them out: they said further, that they of the Castle could not see their succour, if they presented not themselves at the Trenches.  
Others reasoned to the contrary, and among others, the Lord Rohan withstood strongly that advise, alleging many evident reasons. And first, that it was too plain, that they of the castle had yielded to the enemy, having not given one token to th● contrary, that it was no reason to say, that they had no knowledge of their coming, considering so many signs given them for the space well near of two days.  
Secondly, that it were a rashness to hazard so great and brave forces, and such a notable company of Nobility, to so imminent danger upon uncertainties, and that they were to be reserved to a better opportunity. For the enemy was as strong within as they were without, and that it was as easy to take the city as the Trenches so well fortified, and that there was no hope of any to show them any favour: much less out of the castle which was already surrendered, or else dissembled with them, to entrap them and to cast them away headlong.  
Thirdly, they ought to consider that they were in a strange land, in the enemy's country, enclosed between two dangerous rivers which they must repass, in a country covered with woods, enemy to the horsemen, whereof consisted all their forces.  
Finally, that there was no doubt, but that the King on the one side, and the League on the other were not idle, but did their endeavour to gather their forces on every side, to seize upon the passages, and fortify the bank of Loire, to stop their repassing. That the forces of Angers were on their backs, which were equal in strength to them, and all the country was favourable to the enemy. Therefore they concluded to retire, and that delay might bring them great hurt: and that the Lord Laval, who was at Beaufort to make the rearward, should go back to repass the Loire. The greatest part followed this advise.  
It grieved greatly the Prince to retire, and (as he said to the Lord Clermont) to unbit. But overcome with reason, he concluded that the Lord Trimoville, Auantigny, and Boulay, should retire the arquebusiers from the suburbs, so that about two of the clock in the afternoon they marched toward Beaufort.  
In retiring, they first met with the Lord Laval with two hundred gentlemen galloping toward Angers, who being advertised of the retire, went nevertheless forward to the Prince. In the retiring there was confusion at Beaufort, for it was two hours within night afore they arrived there, & many had but a short supper. The same day the company of Captain Fresche (whom we have said to have been killed at the assault given in the suburb of Pressigny the day before) guided by his Lieutenant, was sent to get boats for the repassing of Lotion.  
The 22. day the Prince with all the troops sojourned at Beaufort, to take advise how to repass Loire. There the Lord Plessis get was appointed to search out boats and men to conduct them, to avoid the disorder which they had the first passing, and to that intent money was delivered him.  
The same day the Lord Campoyse was sent with his company of light horsemen, to seize upon certain houses upon the bank of Loire, right against the Abbey of S. Maure.  
The same day, whilst the Prince with the Nobles sojourned at Beaufort, came to the Lord Clermont the four men which he had sent to Rochemort, who were entered into the Castle of Angers, and there remained until the day of the rendering thereof, conducted by the Lord Suze: There they showed to the army what was passed in the Castle of Angers: one of them showed a Cross (which he had for his part) made of pure gold, having two and thirty great Diamonds, and a great Saphir which made the head of the Crucifix: the ladder and all other things accustomed to be painted in the passion (as they call it) was all of Diamonds, no less artificially, than costly wrought: he was proffered for the same fifteen hundred Crowns.  
The 24. of October, whilst the Prince with many Noble men sojourned at Beaufort, to pacify a quarrel risen among certain Gentlemen, the Lord Laval in the afternoon passed over Loire, his men of arms and light horses, to defend S. Maure, and to favour the passage of the rest.  
This day sojourning at Beaufort, was the cause of the disorder which followed after, and many marveling at so long abode there, foresaw what would ensue, knowing that joyeuse had set certain boats in a readiness with small pieces at Saumur, to let them down the river to stop the passage. If they had passed that day and night, all things had gone well and safe: but God had otherwise determined. The same day the Lords joyeuse, and Chastre, went up the river Loire on the South side of the said river from Angers to Saumur with 150. horses.  
The Lord Laval being passed over, and understanding that the said Lords had passed on that coast toward Saumur, early in the morning made a road toward Saumur, and took the Mules and rich carriage of joyeuse. The Lords Trimoville and Boyseuly passed the Lotion, & encamped themselves in a Common upon the bank of Loire, whilst the Prince and the rest passed Lotion. There was at that passage of Lotion above five hundred horses, and two boats only: for that cause the confusion was so great, that one being overladen sunk, though without any loss of men, because it was nigh the bank.  
The same day about nine of the clock in the morning, was heard on a sudden a peal of Ordinance, with some small shot, which put the Army in great rumour. Some said that it was at Angers, in token of joy for the rendering of the Castle. But within a while after were seen two great boats furnished with Ordinance and men of war, who cast anchor a little beneath the Abbey of S. Maure, in the place where the passage over was appointed to be, and immediately began to shoot on both sides of the river, both against them who had passed, and against them that were about to pass.  
The news of the said boats were brought to the Prince incontinently, with amplification of the impossibility to repass: and it was indeed so, for lack of two field pieces to have shot from the bank against the boats, which by these means could have been easily sunk: but they had carried none, although they had once determined so to do.  
These news so amazed the whole Army, as though a stroke of a Thunderboult had smitten them from heaven, and that so much the more, because the enemy's forces did flock together from every side.  
The army than was scattered in sundry places, without hope to be able to secure one another: for the Lord Laval had passed over the River the day before, and the Lord Borlay had ventured to pass that day at S. Mathurin, not without great danger, yet without loss. The one part of the army was between the Loire, and the Lotion, an unfit place for horsemen, by reason of woods and marshes. The troops of the Lord Clermont, with the rest of the army and carriage, were yet at Beaufort, between Angers and Lotion: so that if the enemy in such disadvantage had charged them, it would have gone hard with them: but the enemy had no good spials.  
The Lord Auantigny in that disorder having passed Lotion, retired to the Lord Campoyse, who had seized on some houses right against the Abbey Saint Maure, and had made a baricado upon the bank. In the mean time they sent the Lord Chesue to the Prince, who caused the Prince to pass his army back over Lotion, to make a ready resolution to pass in fight, or else to take his way at adventure over the country of Because. For if he should make any delay, without doubt he should be discomfited, having the enemy within a little league both above and beneath, who reenforced themselves every hour, and that there were other armed Boats discovered, which followed the former. Therefore to take readily advise, and to inform them thereof, and that if need be the Lord Laval might repass to them although not without danger.  
The Prince understanding these news, assembled all the heads and Captains in the wood, which is on the bank of Lorion, nigh the place of the passage: where they reasoned more than two hours, what was expedient to be done in this extremity. Some gave counsel to take their way toward Because, and to get to the Loire above Orleans, for that they had forces sufficient enough to pass all hazards, and to fight if need were.  
Others were against that, and alleged, that the army was weak by passing over of the forces of the Lords Laval, and Burlay, and therefore did advise to descend into Britain, where ships might be had out of Rochel, & so it were easy to pass beneath Nantes: and by these means to save their men with the loss of their horses.  
In this diversity of opinions they could conclude nothing: but seeing the night approached, they returned to Beaufort, their to take resolution of their affairs.  
There was a Noble man, one Lord D'ouault, an old warrior, who not long afore the passage over Loire, put himself willingly in the company of the Lord Laval. This Noble man understanding that the Prince could not repass, and that he was determined to take his way over the country of Because, which could not be done without great hazard, did jeave the Lord Laval his company (who was about to retire from the bank of Loire to Poytow) & did venture to repass Loire, notwithstanding the great danger, protesting that he would die with the Prince if occasion should require it: and so with great danger repassing the river, overtook the Prince at Beaufort.  
The resolution to repass the Lorion, caused the Prince and the Lords who were with him to resolve themselves against whom so ever. Notwithstanding every one did look upon his fellow, as commonly is done in such inevitable dangers, where is seen no remedy. Some said, saltem olim si meminisse iwaret: others said, unasalus victis nullam sperare salutem. Few thought, that these blows came from Heaven for the punishment of their vices: and specially for swearing and blaspheming, which were not punished in that army, where were many of the League, who induced others to their wickedness and licentious life.  
All that day there was a great disorder for them that had passed to repass again over Lorion, having but one boat which could not receive above ten horses at once, and that caused the disorder, for that every one would be first and no man last.  
This was to be noted in the Prince, that he changed not his countenance, but as he did at the passage of Loire: so now he answered to them that represented him the danger, saying, we will fight. And because the confusion increased at the passage of Lorion, sending sufficient number of horsemen to every place, where the enemy might come upon them, he lighted of his horse, and caused men, horses, and carriage to pass: and when it was more than one hour in the night he passed himself: notwithstanding many remained all night in the marshes, who passed the next day following in the morning.  
The night following the 25. day of October, it was concluded by the Prince & Nobles with him, to take over the country, which lieth between the Lorion, and Loiz, which is a River coming from Vendosme to Angers, to the end to recover Because, and so to pass Loire at Bogeancye, Bloys, or Sancerre: or if the worst came, with long journeys to attain to the head of Loire, with resolution to fight against whomsoever.  
All that night there was hot skirmishing between them that came down from Samur in the boats, and the garrison, which the Prince had left at the Abbay of Saint Maure, under Captain Serpant, where was also the Lord Laval and Boulay, who as is afore said, had repassed the Loire.  
The Lord Auantigny, who remained all that night in the house called Menetriere, not far from the bank of Loire to make the retire, passed the Lorion, with all the residue very early, & arrived at Beaufort with the Prince about eight a clock in the morning, the 26. and the same day was the passage of Saint Mathurine beneath Saint Maure, stopped with boats, furnished with ordinance and garrison.  
The 26. the Lords Laval and Boulay, with the garrison which was at Saint Maur, understanding that the Prince was returned beyond Lorion, with determination to cross over the country of Because, and that the passage of Saint Mathurine was stopped, thought necessary to retire into Xainctonge, with all diligence, and with such forces as they had, to oppose themselves against the attempts of the enemies which might rise there, to assemble the nobility and other soldiers which were left there, & also to afsist the troops which were left at the siege of Browage, and to make the places sure in Poytow and Xainctonge: and in very deed, God did work all the said events, by their presence there.  
The King advertised what was passed at Angers, putteth forth his forces out of all parts, to set upon the Prince.  
It is said before, how the King intended to make civil war in Guyenne, & first of all to begin in Poitow & Xainctonge, as being next neighbours to him of all the Provinces which do profess the Gaspell: for the which cause he had ordained aforehand provisions of corue, and wine to be set up in certain towns and cities: & among others the Duke de maine was appointed, to that war, not as one who was thought fit for that charge, but for the causes which do follow.  
As the Guyzes, to wit, the Dukes, Guyze, Mame & Cardinal, brethren & Aumale cousin unto them, did consent in these three points, to wit in altering the state by transporting the crown from the true owners, and hairs into their family, in killing, degrading, or at least disinheriting the house of Bourbon, and destroying the ancient nobility whom they knew, would resist their attempts, and bear unpacientlie their usurped tyranny. The Priests were the fire brands to kindle this ambitious rage, and by their money to advance the same.  
So they all did provide to bring this treason to effect, that of all things the king's forces should not fall into any other hands then in to their own, or of their partakers: but specially that none of the Princes of the blood should by any means be armed with the guiding of the King's power. We see then how they all did agree, to undo the King with his own forces.  
But herein they did vary, for every one had particular fetches and drifts, which did swim in their brains, whereby they went about to advance their particular affairs, by the King's forces: for the Duke of Guise did determine to stay nigh the King's person, and not to go far from Paris and Belgike, where he had gotten great favours and many partakers, there expecting either fit opportunity to strike the blow which he had long afore hand purposed, or else at the least, he bearing the sway about the kings person and counsel, might both spy and prevent the King's drifts and policy, if he should seem to waver never so little, and keep of the Princes of the blood and Nobility, from entering into favour with the King, whereby they might disappoint his drifts.  
He also imagined, that whatsoever might happen, Paris and the Belgike being at his devotion, either were able to defend him againstthe King's attempts, or else if the King might be cut off by any misfortune, the said city and country would be able to lift him up into that room, whereon he did so greatly desire to sit; even against the consent of the rest of the realm, and against his own brother the Duke De main, whose emulation he not only always suspected and desired to prevent, but also endeavoured to send him far from the said King, city and country: beside that, he knew to be a fit instrument, by skilful enticing and policy to seduce their great and populous cities of poitiers, Lymoges, Perigueux, Bourdeaulx, & others where he should come, regarding not at whose devotion those cities might be, so that they were not in the power and fidelity of the King, or of the King of Navarre, that by so much they might be weakened.  
The Duke De maine being appointed for Guienne, not to subdue it, but to have the King's forces, in the hands and at the devotion of the League, and far from him, if at a pinch he should have need of them, was very unwilling to departed from Paris to his journey: alleging always some excuse. The causes of his unwillingness were love, ambition, and fear, the objects of these affections were Master's Saint Beusue, and other Courtesans in the town of Paris, where he wallowed himself in filthy pleasures and whoredom, as the Boar in the mire: his own brother whom he would have prevented, what occasion might have happened by keeping Paris over his head: for he was acquainted with the intents and drifts of the League, as one of the chiefest of them yet uncertain of the events, and what in his absence being so far from Paris, might happen unto the King: he would feign have kept Paris still in possession, so that if either nature or violence should bereave the King of his life, ●e might have that capital, mighty, rich, and factious city in his own possession, by whose help he supposed to ataine to his long wished desires, and become his eldest brothers master.  
The third cause was fear, and the object thereof, the King of Navarre, for knowing that the said King of Navarre was privy to their drifts, not only by his deep and princelike prudency, many evident tokens: and their own too manifest attempts, but specially by their enticing him, and them of the reformed Religion, to their conspiracy and faction, knowing him also to be a Prince most faithful to the state, Crown and Realm of France, a Prince of great valour, and implacable to traitors: thus having a conscience (which is more than a thousand witnesses guilty) fear made him continually to enter into such apprehensions, that he thought certainly to go into Guienne, was to go to a most assured death.  
Thus these two brethren aspiring both to the crown, yet did vary in thoughts, as the ancient saying is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the Duke De maine would feign to keep the possession of Paris, and therefore maketh many excuses, having not sometime money enough, another time having to weak forces, sometime alleging health, sometime the unseasonable weather. The Duke of Guise was greatly desirous to have him out of Paris, supposing that there his shadow did infect the city: and therefore to take away all excuse, lest he should aleage his forces, not to be sufficient to march with the King of Navarre, he caused the King to add unto him the regiments of Swissers. So the Duke De maine having eight thousand Swissers, twelve regiment of French footmen, twelve hundred horsemen French: Forces sufficient for a good Captain to subdue the whole country, received eight and twenty thousand Crowns, which the treasurer of the Clergy delivered him: and shortly after eight and twenty thousand more, and not long after his departing sent him four and fifty thousand more. Yet the King could by no means persuade him to take his journey (for the King's commandments he regarded not) until the news came to the King, that the Prince of Conde had passed Loire out of Poytow into Anjou, so that at length with great importunacy, being persuaded by his brother, that in the absence of the Prince (being as if it were enclosed in) he might easily subdue all that country, and that it was need with his army all by one voyage to go to the other side of Loire, to let the repassing of the Prince, if he should attempt it, about the 23. of October, weeping and wailing as a child, he went out of Paris, assured of stripes, if he should come within the reach of the said King of Navarre. And where, as at his departing, he had opened his timorousness to eviuently, he thought good to cover it with the cloak of vanity for want of a better, in breathing blood, slaughter, and fire, in words and brags: which at length were turned into a blast of cold wind, yet fully resolved not to come within the reach of the King of Navarre, for fear of the Bastonado, or Strappado, or some such like thing: being in good hope in the mean time, that in walking and taking his pleasures in Guyenne at the priests costs, he might make his part strong with seducing the forenamed Cities and other, from the King's obedience, to his devotion: but he was as far deceived in that, as in escaping the Bastonado.  
But now to return to our purpose, the Duke joyeuse was at the back of the Prince of Conde, the Duke De maine passing through Orleans, over the river of Loire was at his right hand, and as far as Bloyse, stopped all the passages, lest the said Prince might pass over. The King had sent Byron with forces into Because, which marched right against his face, lest he should escape that way, on the left hand the way to the sea through Britain and Normandy, was long difficult and dangerous, by reason of many towns and Garrisons therein placed.  
The Prince being thus compassed about with all these forces of enemies was in less danger, because that they knew not what, and how things passed in his army, and supposing the same to be far closer and stronger than it was in deed, did greatly fear to aboard it: whereby he and all his Captains had opportunity to beguile them, and to steal away from them.  
Now, to know well the rest of this voyage, until the dissolution of the army, it is necessary to know the situation of the country. There is on the north side of Lorion, a river called Loire, washing the towns of Chasteau dune, Vendosme, Chasteaudeloy, Lude, flesh, and Luche, which meeting with the river Sartre at Angers, falleth into Loire, beneath Pont de sell. The Prince at his departing from Beaufort, followed this river almost as far as Chasteau dune.  
The 26. of October, the Prince's army dislodged from Beaufort, intending to lodge at the town of Luche in Anjou, belonging to the Lord Clermong, there purposing to pass over the said Loire upon the bridge, into the country which lieth between the said river Loire and Sartre, called Vaudeloyre: but the river was so overflown, (as though the four Elements had set themselves against that army) that it did cover half of the said bridge: and the Lord Clermont (which is Lord of the place) sounding the ford himself, thought it were not passable: whereupon they determined that day to go to Lude.  
There happened unto them other things which increased greatly the amaze. For news came that the Duke joyeuse, with greater forces than theirs, pursued with great haste after them, and that not long after the departing of the Prince, he had seized upon Beaufort. On the other side, the country (which before trembled for fear of them) began to rise upon them: for they of the flesh the selfsame day issued out, and intercepted some soldiers and carriage. That day according to the determination they lodged at Lude.  
The 27. of October they would have passed over Loire upon the bridge of Lude, but it was so highly overflown, that although it was easy to pass the bridge, yet at the further side of the said bridge there was another great river, which they must needs pass over by a ford, for there was but a little boat which would scarce carry three men without danger. The horsemen passed and set themselves in battle array, until all had passed: there a great many gave over their carriage, & they which had friends in the country gave them their stuff. That day from Lude they sent the Lords Boysduly, and Aubiguy, towards Boysgency, Mere, and S. Die, to find some passage, and that the morrow after they should all meet at Orges, or the Chapel S. Martin. Whilst they stayed in that plain in battle array, for the safe passage of all the companies, there happened a thing which would have wrapped a superstitious soul into sundry and fearful thoughts: for not far thence beyond them was a Hare started by the enemies, between the Loire and Lotion, with a great cry after, which gave them the alarm, and all prepared themselves to receive the enemy courageously: but at length the Hare was seen with more than two hundred horses with few dogs. That poor Hare passed and repassed among the horses feet with many stripes, and yet was not taken, but saved herself though she was pursued more than half a mile. Some took this for an evil, and some a good presage; saying, that if God had care to preserve that poor feeble and fearful beast, much more would he have care of that little flock amazed: which howsoever it was hollowed and pursued by all the forces of France, notwithstanding would escape safe and sound, in receiving but fear without great hurt: which thing also happened.  
From Lude they at length arrived at Prillay two hours in the night: this is a great town belonging to the Prince County, the Prince of Conde his younger brother. At their coming thither, there was such a confusion and press in the streets, that they could neither go forward nor backward for the space of an hour, not the Prince himself, until that the doors of some houses broken gave some room.  
The 29. day they marched through Vandeloyre, and at night came to S. Arnol, and the villages about not far from Laverdine, but the said S. Arnol was a poor little village, where was small store of lodgings; so that the further they went, the nearer they approached to their miseries. There also news came that the enemies followed after them as courageously and with such haste, as they went about to go from them with great journeys. The Lords Espernon and Byron, and most of the Nobility of the Court, were at Bonaval in Because to meet with this terrified army. The Duke de Main on the other side with a great army, was on the other side of the river of Loire near Bloys, to cut them off by the way, if by chance they should repass. The Towns between Bloys and Orleans were all be set with strong garrisons. The Lord Chastre had sent into Soloigne to keep the river of Loire, and to retire the boats and mills into the towns. The Commons were set to watch, ready to rise upon them at the first sound of the Toxine.  
The companies of the Prince were as weary, as their enemies were lusty, and as men may be weary with courses and watches, so horses much more with galloping night and day without resting. The means to pass between Bloys and Amboyse failed them: all these things being known of all, made them to have little hope of their affairs. Yet there is no doubt that if the enemy had appeared, the necessity had much increased their courage. But it seemed that by a singular providence of God, the enemies stood in such fear of these companies, that he would have them defeated through weariness, that it might appear to be Gods own hand, and his proper work to scatter them, and that his enemies should not have the praise, nor triumph over them. For afterward it was confessed by the enemies which were in the army of joyeuse and the League, that this handful of men, wearied, scattered, amazed, and already overcome, was to all those troops (who would have swallowed them up) such a terror, that if they had offered to set upon them, they might happily have found them easy to be dealt withal. For the enemies were persuaded that the Prince would never have enterprised such a journey, unless he had been able to beat down all that had come before him.  
All that night in the which they lodged at S. Arnol, there was great reasoning among them of the Counsel, what was expedient to be done. The Lord Rohan (with many Gentlemen of his company) said, that the further they should go that way, the deeper they should sink in danger; that the best part of their forces had passed over Loire with the Lord Laval, and that the army did slide away daily: they that had friends in Vandomoys, Because, Main & perch, did steal away; the enemy being fresh and strong did approach on them on every side; and that the further they went upward, the nearer they did draw to their misfortune. Let him carry his head to Paris who would (said he) for I will carry mine into Britain, and fight with him that will let me. So upon these speeches (seeing not the contrary reasons of any force) took his leave from the Prince, & his journey toward Britain, whether he came through many difficulties and dangers, and in time (notwithstanding the endeavour of the Duke Mercure) with safety he passed the river of Loire beneath Nants, and repaired to Rochel, with great joy and contentation of all men for his safe return.  
This separation was as a second thunderboult from heaven upon this army, which is no more to be called an army, but a small company: for there was no more but the companies of the Prince, and of the Lord Trimoville, whereof some had forsaken him, There were also left some companies of the arquebusiers on horseback of the Lord Clermont, of whom many had already retired to their houses: then they began to look every one upon his fellow, shrugging with their shoulders, every one did believe that if there were any safety, it must miraculously come from heaven, and many which before in matters of prayer and conscience had given themselves to great licentiousness, began to enter into consideration, and to reform themselves.  
The Prince remaining so with these few companies, had a number of carriage, wherewith he was so hampered that he could not rid himself of it. He sent the Lord Saint Gelays, with some gentlemen of Poytow, to the number of 30. horses to ride toward Vendosme, and some where to take loginges commodious for the companies which followed. But in the way they heard news, that the Lord Laverdine with some number of men had entered into Vendosme, to cut that way from the Prince: and that the night before some Soldiers of the company of the Lord Clermont took prisoners some of the company of the Lord Benhare governor of Vendosme, who brought some store of armour to their master.  
The 30. of October, the rest of the companies arrived at Saint Anne, nigh Vendosme, where they thought to have departed logings, but for the poverty of the place they stayed not there.  
In this wandering through the country of Because, some of the company of Captain Bonet, took the Lord Rosins, who coming from Paris with a Passport from the King (which he showed them, not supposing they had been of the religion) was going to the King of Navarre. This Lord had four notable great horses. The Dragons (for so were called the Harquebuziers on horseback) weary of their tired horses, changed with the great horses of the fayed Lord Rosins, and with great joy carried him away with them. But he being known by the Lord Saint Gelays, he caused them to restore him his horses, and to take their tired horses again.  
The said Lord Rosins, was conducted to the Prince, and showed him the rage wherewith his enemies prepared themselves to compass him about: and beside, he told him many things sufficient to make him take some resolution.  
But it was nothing to the advertisements sent him from divers places, as that he was enclosed on every side, and that shortly he should have the enemy to come upon him with forces far unequal to his: and that it was high time to handle his affairs wisely without delaying, till tomorrow.  
On the other side, he was advertyzed that the means to repass Loire toward Bloys, were cut off, by reason that the enemies nigh at hand had prevented it. The Prince arriving at the town of Salowme, a league beyond Saint Anne, gathered his counsel, and all reasons weighed on every side, he was earnestly requested by all them that were present, to provide for the safety of his person: the which being conducted in a safe place, the rest by God's help would in time find out some way of deliverance.  
The reasons whereby he was persuaded to take some resolution, were these.  
First, that his retire would be more honourable to him, and more shameful to the enemy, then to hazard (as if it were through despair) upon a battle, whereof the issue could not be but very perilous both to his person, & to the whole estate of the reformed religion.  
Secondly, that in such extremity and disfavour, there was gotten honour enough, by a singular grace of God, to have avoided the rage of so great forces of his enemies, who did hold him as if he were enclosed and compassed round about: and to snatch from them the glory which they had promised to themselves already of his death, before that ever they durst look him in the face: and that the valour of noble courage was showed as well in avoiding an evident danger, as in the exploits of battle.  
Thirdly, that the passages were not so closed up, but that there was means to escape to some safe place. It was hard to make him condescend to these reasons, yet at length convicted by the way of entreaty and necessity, he concluded to retire.  
But afore he would departed, that night with his constancy accustomed, he took order for the parting of his companies, even of his own household. The Lord Saint Gelayes with some of the companies, and part of his Guards should go toward Loire, to join with the Lords Aubiguy, and Brisduly, who were gone to search passage towards Loire: and such of his household servants as would not, or could not follow the Lord Saint Gelays, he directed them to retire to some friends of his in the country. Furthermore, that the Lord Clermont should retire some where with his companies. This being done, about 11. of the clock at night he departed with a small company, with the Lords Trimoville, and Auantigny, and other gentlemen with few of his chiefest household servants. The ways which he took, the courses which he ran, the dangers which he passed through to get to the Islands of Gernsey, lying in the narrow Seas between England & France, what courtesies and Princelike entertainment he received of that great Elizabeth Queen of England, & how with a great number of Nobility and ships of war he returned to Rochel: also with great rejoicing of all men he was received by them of Rochel, is the argument of an other book, which the time shall produce.  
But here be three things worthy to be noted. First, how God doth lay heavy crosses upon his children, and do compass them with inevitable dangers (after man's wisdom) both to make them see with the eye how weakly man is stayed, which trusteth in the arm of flesh, and worldly power.  
Secondly, to make them understand, how nigh he is unto them that repose themselves in him, and how safe that man is, who resteth under the shadow of his wings, by an assured trust and confidence in his promises.  
Thirdly, to show how many ways he hath to deliver his children out of those dangers, which in man's reason cannot be avoided: as this was to that end to make them taste how sweet his deliverances be, to warn them thereby to amend their lives, and to walk more circumspectly in his ways, and to be more watchful in the invocation of his name, and thanksgiving.  
Of all ancient histories, this hath a similitude and likeness of the returning of the Greeks from Persia, brought into their country by that noble Philosopher and Captain Xenophon, reported by himself in expedition, Ciri minoris. But to return to the matter.  
By this time, are the Lords Laval, Boulay, Rohan, the Prince of Conde, the Lords Trimoville and Auantigny, by God's special favour delivered, and brought (as if it were) by the hand into certain places of safety.  
Now there remained the lords Saint Gelayse, Clermont, and others with them, left in the claws of the Lion and a pray to the enemy, to try the self same presence of God, and to be led by the hands of his Angel out of all danger into a haven of safety. The head being gone, the rest within a while vanished away as dust blown in the air, & that which is marvelous, without the loss of any one man of account, or any other that ever could be known, every one had his life for spoil: which hath made ridiculous the lying pamphlets spread. broad in Paris, of the terrible & dreadful overthrow of the Prince of Conde. But this short discourse doth represent all things passed in that army.  
For the discipation of that army is not to be attributed, neither to the King, neither to the Duke joyeuse, much less to the Duke de maine, or to any ather of that side. For none of them all approached nigh to the Prince of Conde, since his departure from Lude, not by five or six leagues, neither did they ever draw Sword against him.  
Whereas that night resolution was taken, that the day following, the Lord Saint Gelays should take his journey toward Meare, a town upon the river of Loire, between Boysgencie and Bloys: in so doing, he disappointed greatly the enemies, and gave great advantage to the Prince to avoid their hands, for the escape of the enemies was his person, more than all the rest: for they cared not for any thing else, so that they might have him dead or a live; so eagerly were they bend against him. But the companies being divided, some took their journey toward Orleans, others toward Normandy, some toward the Main, by which means the enemies knew not which of them the Prince was in, and so the chiefest power of the enemy was in doubt still, which way to take to follow after him: and in the mean while, he and his little company did slide into Bri●ayn, and from thence over the sea into England.  
The Lord S. Gelays (to save the remnant of the army) exposed himself as a pray to the enemy that could catch him, notwithstanding without the loss of any one man: but he escaped with his company which was with him, with incredible labours and loss of the●● carriage and stuff.  
That night therefore, about twelve a clock, one hour after the departing of the Prince, with the guards of the said Prince, who were about threeshore arquebusiers, he took his way to Vilelnisant, where the rest of the companies were lodged, to take their journey to the Chapel Saint Martin, and from thence dislodging together, came to the said Chapel one hour afore day. There were about 500 horses of all sorts, but not above 200. fit to fight, and yet of them, who might have fought, many should have been feign to fight on foot, for their horses were ready to fall upon their noses, and the men but a little more worth.  
The 31. of October, they arrived at the Chapel Saint Martin very easily, and because they needed to bait their horses, and refresh themselves, the inhabitants saw their doors broken afore they were called up. In that village the Lord Saint Gelaise learned, that the evening before there were two men on horseback, which said, that if there should arrive any men of war, they should not stay there, but pass further to Orges. And as the day began to appear, the Lord Saint Gelaise received letters from the Lord Aubigny, wherein he willed them to take the direct way to Ralsy, where he should meet him. And when they came thither, the said Lord Aubigny reported that there were no boats, nor any hope to repass Loire: for there was 800. Swartrutters of the League, who had lodged at Saint Die, a walled town, three Leagues above Bloys, upon the high way to Orleans, where they thought to have found passage. There were also all along the river at Mir de Nonain, Saint Laurence, & other villages about the river, three or four regiments of footmen: seeming therefore to them an unpossible thing to pass Loire that way: the Lord Saint Gelays consulted with the Lord Tiffardiere and others, who concluded to go to Orges, and to some villages thereabouts, with commandment to sojourn there, not above an hour and a half.  
There was in the Castle of Orges, an old Gentleman Papist, who hearing that the Lord Saint Gelays was in that company, desired to see him, and to speak with him, and knowing that his company was weary and weak, and weather beaten, asked him whether he went, and what he meant to do with his company, and swearing with a great oath, told him that he was undone, and that if he had three times as many men as he had, within an hour (if he sojourned there) he and his would be cut in pieces.  
This Gentleman was very stout, because of the Kings & the Leaguers forces, which he knew to be thereabout: he showed him that there was great companies, as well on the side of the river, as on the side of Because, not distant from him above half a League nigh the Forest of Marchenoyre, with this intent to charge that remnant of the army, which was with him: how all the commons had the watch word, and looked to have some warning to begin. There was no hope to escape being few (and they weary and weatherbeaten) without any hope of succour.  
The Lord Boysduly met nigh Talsy two Gentlemen papists of his acquaintance, who showed him the selfsame dangers abovesaid: and yet more, that neither he, neither they who were with him were far from spoil. The Lord Boysduly perceiving, that a Gentleman called lafoy Mot, (in whom he had much confidence) knew very well the amaze of that company, after assurance of amity for himself, and the Lord S. Gelays, he certified them that they were in a worse case than they knew: and that the Prince perceiving that he had so great forces against him, had dissolved his army, and that his person was already in place of safety, and almost all his army: and that there remained no more but that which he saw with the Lord Saint Gelays, who at all adventure had undertaken to save the rest.  
La Mot then offered him friendship, & his houses for to retire with such of his friends as he would, but his house was distant from thence eight leagues: which his courtesy the Lord Boysduly accepted.  
In these terrors, all the troop (being on horseback) marched at large in a plain field, not far from the Castle Orges of one side, and near the Forest of Marchenoire on the other side: no man knew which way to turn himself too, nor what to follow; for a present danger was on every side. The Lord S. Gelays, and other Captains with him, were long before they could conclude of their way. The enemies did approach and held that small company in sight: of which being advertised, they marched within the Forest of Marchenoire: and being somewhat entered within the said Forest, in the high way to Chasteaudune, the Lord S. Gelays showed them the inevitable danger whereunto they were fallen: he showed them that the enemy was to be beguiled, and for that intent it was expedient and necessary to divide themselves into small companies, and to follow divers ways: and that the Lord would conduct the parts aswell as the whole, wheresoever it should please him.  
The Lord Aubigny undertook to conduct one troop one way, Captain Ryeux went another way: some took the way to Orleans; others drawed towards Paris. A Gentleman Papist which was with the Lord la Mot, took with him the Lord Tifardiere, and the other Gentlemen of Poytow, to whom he showed great courtesies.  
The Lords S. Gelays, Boysduly, Campoys, Chesmi, and others, to the number of ten or twelve, went under the assurance of the Lord Mot, the way to Chasteaudune in Beausse. As it was a strange thing to see the dissipation of that army without blows, bloodshed, or loss of any man by the fight of the enemy: so it was a pitiful sight to see the separation of the Soldiers from their Captains; of the servants from their masters: the servants did cast away the things which they had greedily gathered, to save themselves upon their horses. The ways were full of good stuff, arms, baskets, males, apparel, and other things of value: every one did cast away the things which they had taken from others more willingly, than when they took it. God did then require an account of many disordered persons, in whose hands Manna did rot, which they had greedily gathered: And it is to be confessed, that God testified from heaven, that he will have his work advanced by other means than by such arms: for a great company of this army were not accompanied with piety and Christian modesty. On the other side, God took away all matter of boasting and glorying from the enemies: for it was a strange thing, that considering the small distance of places, where these companies of the enemy were, the great multitude of lusty, fresh, and well furnished companies which they had, the Countries and Towns three or four score leagues round about all favourable to them, having compassed the others round about, yet not one after this separation appeared to fight, nor to assault these vanquished few men, as he which durst not come nigh the skin of a dead Lyon.  
The Lord Saint Gelays, with them of his company, had scarce gone a League in Because, when he discovered three cornets of Lancers of Italians, and Albanoyces, who were from Chasteaudune marched in good order, and came trotting forward at the end of the Forest, where the separation was made. The Lord Mot (who lead the Lord Saint Gelais and his company) did fear, and felt himself in great danger (as he said) with such company of Huguenots after him: and feigning to discover, he forsook his guests, and got to a village far before them.  
The Lord S. Gelays and his company, believed certainly that those troops came upon them, and thought themselves as good as dead. But behold, the eyes of these armed men were so blinded by the power of him which blinded Bilham the son of Beor, and Elimas' the Sorcerer, that without perceiving him, or any of his company, they passed by within the distance of fifty paces from them: there was only a barn of a Farm betwixt them, and the Lord S. Gelays stood still in the high way before the barn. It was a wonder that this company was so carried away invisible out of sight of that multitude, as if it were in a cloud: and that none of the enemies went through the high way, whereby they might have been discovered. These companies of Italians and Albaneses went into a village not far of, where they perceived some horses and arquebusiers: they set upon the house where the Lord Aubigny was, with others, who nevertheless took their horses & saved themselves without any damage. These horsemen found much spoil by the way without any man to claim it. The Lord S. Gelays riding along in the champian country of Beausse toward Chartres, with the Lord Mot, without keeping any high way, the night being rainy and dark, began to enter in suspicion of the said Mot, being a Papist. So the Lord Mot returned back with this opinion, that the Lord S. Gelays with his company, would go to Cheuroles toward Orleans: but he took his journey to januile lying between Chartres and Orleans: and there crossing the high way from Paris to Orleans, passed through many companies of armed men, who were lodged in Beausse, and so recovered upon him the Forest of Orleans▪  
The returning back of the Lord Mot (as is above said) was to play a popish trick with the Lord Saint Gelays: for perceiving that he was not strong enough, he went in the night to gather company to have set upon them at Cheuroles, and so to have taken them prisoners to his advantage, as he did not dissemble afterward to speak openly. So that his professing of amity, was an allurement to draw them into his snare: for afterward he followed them as far as januile with thirty horses in a company.  
The first day of November, with much pain all the day long ranging and galloping through the Forest, at length they got the bank of Loire, not far from the town of Guienne, about midnight.  
The Lord Mot for his pains had many horses, but specially one, for the which was refused four hundred Crowns. And seeing himself disappointed of his intent, afterward he could not dissemble to say, that he hoped to have had fifteen thousand Crowns of ransom for the Lord S. Gelays only, which was the cause (said he) that he left the following of other Huguenots, whereby he might have made himself rich.  
The Lord Boysduly was in hope to have passed the river, by favour of some friends which he had in that country: but he was disappointed of his hope: which thing put them in despair both of repassing, and of their lives also: for the river was beset with companies of armed men every where; for at Sevilly was a great garrison, which Antragues (governor of Orleans) had sent thither. All the boats either were retired to the towns, or to the other side of the river, and the selfsame day commandment was given to all watermen and Fishers, upon pain of death either to sink their boats, or to let them down to Sevilly. The Lord Chastre (governor of Berry) had commanded to do the like at Sancerre. The Provost of Borbonnoys and Berry, with companies of Soldiers, did gallop along the river seeking some Huguenots straggling. The horses of this small number could go no more but a soft pace, and did fall down for weariness: all things seemed contrary to them, so that in that despair they determined to have followed the way of Gien, or Briare, towns situated upon the banks of Loire above Orleans, where doubtless they had been all slain or taken; for all was full of men of war going down the river to Orleans. But on a sudden a little boy coming, conducted them to a town called Omiroer, they went into an june where they said they would bait, saying that they went toward the Lord Antragues, and that they pursued some Huguenots who had passed over the water. A peasant upon these words, (desirous that they should do some good exploit that way) being there said, There was yesterday a little boat beyond the water, which to morrow must go down to Sevilly: there it is yet, (this was about midnight) if it could be had you might pass quickly. They inquiring how to come by it, it was found very hard, the river was broad, the owner of the boat was in bed, the wind was great, and to call him were in vain. But there was yesterday (said the peasant) a quarter of a league off a boat mill, which draweth a little boat; if you could get that you might (said he) two or three of you pass over to get the great boat. Without further delay they forsook the bait, the peasant was their guide, the small boat was at land, wherewith few passed to the mill, which was far in the water. The Miller was surprised, who at the first resisted; for he should be hanged (said he) if he aided them: at length he passed over five of them in his small boat, with their swords and pistols in hand, thinking they should be resisted: for it was said that some Soldiers were on the other side to keep the boat. They took the boat and the boatman, who withstood them much; for it might cost him his life (as he said): notwithstanding being enforced, he went to fetch the rest of the company which stayed on the other side. This passage so unlooked for, revived both men and horses, for neither of them were any more weary: so that without any staying, they road two leagues overthwart the fields in Soleigne, where they found a Farm, wherein they sojourned the rest of that night.  
The 2. of November they advanced toward Bourges, and separated themselves, every one retiring where he thought good. The Lord Saint Gelais sojourned for a while in Berry, and after passing the rivers Creusa, Vienne, Cherseoli and Cline, arrived at Saint Ihan D' Angely, and Rochel, about the same time that the Prince returned out of England, where he met the said Prince, with the Lords Rohan, Clermont, Laval, Boulay, & other Nobles and Captains, without the loss of one man. Considering how these noble men (but especially the small company of the Lord Saint Gelays) were pursued through Because, the Forrest of Orleans, along the river of Loire, it is a wonder how they did escape without leaving a hare behind, for the hare at Lude was never so hardly hunted, as this small company was.  
Here we have to mark well the work of God in this History of deliverance: first, how the Lord set his Angel between his Children and his enemies, so that the companies of Chasteaudune passed hard by them, intending to charge them, and yet being within 50. paces, they could neither see nor hear them, but as if they had been covered with a cloud, were passed over.  
Secondly, here is to be considered, that the Lord turned those things (by the which they had provoked God to anger) to their good. For while the greedy enemies were a gathering the stuff which was cast away, this little weak and ●●red company had time to slide off the hand of that enemy, which is most insolent, filthy, crafty, and profane, as is the Italian.  
Thirdly, how the Lord did delude the dissimulation of the Lord la Mot, who under colour of amity, would have snared them, either to the slaughter, or otherwise to their undoing.  
Fourthly, how when they were clean gone out of hope of their lives, and that it was time the Lord should pull them out of the deep mire with his own hand, he sendeth a boy, or rather an Angel, I mean a messenger to direct them, where the means of their deliverance should be showed unto them.  
Last of all, the Lord did use the very malice of the enemy, to wit, of the poison which he did bear to them of the religion, to be the mean and the guide how to pass the river, and to deliver them out of so many inevitable dangers, and intollerabe labours, to bring them to a place of safety and rest.  
This is also a marvelous thing, that the other Soldiers and companies scattered, as dust blown in the air, repassed the river Loire, upon the bridges of Orleans, Bloys, Amboyse, Tours, Saumur, and others, even with their armour, making any excuse to serve their turn, as they would themselves, when the said briges were narrowly kept.  
Now having set the Prince his Nobles, and all his scattered army in safety, who will return back again, and see what course the Lords Laval and Boulay took.  
It is said before, how that the 24. of October, the Lord Laval was sent by the Prince to repass the river Loire, which thing he did very easily without danger or let, and how the morrow after the passage over was stopped by the boats which came down from Saumur.  
The 25. of October, the Lord Boulay also and his company passed at Saint Maturine beneath Saint Maures' Abbey, but that passage also was stopped the next day after with boats, which descended thither.  
The 26. day, Captain Serpent skirmished all the day long, as he had done all night before, out of the Abbey Saint Maure with the enemies, who were in the boats.  
The Papists of high and low Poytow, understanding how the Prince of Conde was compassed on every side beyond Loire, and supposing that he was already made sure, enterprised to do the like of the Lord Laval, and these few companies which were with him. Whereupon Captain Serpent, seeing that the Prince did not repass, and that the enemy was armed upon the river, being out of hope of his return that way, dislodged out of S. Maure Abbey, where the enemy soon after lodged, and joined himself with the Lord Laval the 17. day. The Lord Laval notwithstanding, that day early in the morning, marched toward the passage, for to understand news of the Prince, but considering the impossibility of repassing, and foreseeing that he would take over the Country, and that if he should stay there any time, he was like to be hemmed in by the troops of high and low Poytow, which hasted to set upon him: he therefore with Captain Serpent took his journey to Saint Ihan D' Angely. The same day the Lord Boulay (seeing as much as is aforesaid) followed after the L. Laval, and overtook him two Leagues from the river. These two companies joined together, made about 150. horse, and about 300. arquebusiers on horseback, for many of their companies had not passed, and some had retired where they thought to be in security. They marched with reasonable journeys, passing above Niort to Saint Ihan D' Angely without any resistance.  
The 29. of October, they came to Saint Massure about Niort, where they found the bridge which they must needs pass over broken: for the rain was so great and continual, that it had made little small brooks great rivers, and having none other way to pass, there they made a bridge with carts, and other such things as were at hand.  
The 30. of October, the Lord Laval lodged at for'rs, and his companies in the villages thereabouts.  
The 31. of October in the morning, parting thence as they took their horses to go on their journey, there appeared unto them some Launcieres of the enemy, conducted (as it was afterward known) by Captain Mercer Albanese, who issued out of Niort. The Lord Laval marched always in battle array, the way to Saint Jhan, only he sent some to view him, which thing Captain Mercure perceiving, retired without bickering.  
The second day of November the Lord Laval arrived at Saint Ihan where that company of the Lord Boulay retired every one where he thought good.  
A thing happened worthy of remembrance, the pestilence being very hot in Saint Ihan D'Angelye, when the Lord Laval arrived there, yet afterward there died not so much as one of his companies, nor of the inhabitants of the town.  
As all things are governed by the providence of God, disposing of the counsels and actions of men after his own will: so he turned all things to the benefit of his children, and the preservation of his Church. For the Prince, as is above said, having sent the said Lord Laval to pass to Loire before, to favour the passage of the rest of the army, delaying his own return, and in the mean time the river being beset by the enemy, so it fell out, that the said Lords Laval, and Bowlay, could not repass to the Prince again. This great good therefore the Lord did draw out of this disjunction of the army.  
First, here appeareth evidently the gracious love & favour, which God beareth to his children. For the power of man which was so great, the rancour and hatred so hot, the stomach so eager, the enemy spread so thick every where round about, lying in wait for them, and making their full account to have them as in a net, yet could they not take away one hair of their heads, whom God had taken under his protection.  
Secondly, the same Lord was disjoined from the Prince by a certain counsel of God, to confirm the towns and strong places in Poytow, and Xainctonge, and to let them from revolting to the enemy, to resemble the companies scattered and beaten, with the breaking of that army, to hold the enemy in awe: so that in such great dismay and fear of all the country, the enemy durst enterprise but very little, or nothing at all. For even the Duke de maine with his strong and puissant army passing nigh the gates of Saint Ihan D'Angelye durst never stay there: although he knew well that the town was not well provided, and his army being for Guyenne, there he might have begun to do some more honourable exploit by winning Saint Ihan, then by Castilon. By the which events it appeareth, that the presence of the said Lord, and other of his company did greatly bridle the rage of the enemy there.  
Now having placed the Prince, his Nobles, and all his scattered army in safety and rest from the great dangers and labours which they sustained during the month of October, we will return back to see what in the mean time is done at the siege of Browage, and tell you the true report thereof  
The tenth day of October the Lord Saint Mesmes, who was left there to continue the siege by the appointment of the Prince, received intelligence how that the governor of Xainctes, Coignak, Engolesme, and other forces of the country, did flock together to set upon them who were at Hyers, where they continued the siege of Browage: and supposing himself not strong enough, to resist suchforces as he expected, specially for lack of horsemen, forsook Hyers, & with all his regiments lodged at Marennes. Which thing amazed greatly the Country: he sent also the Lord la Hay at Saint Just to advauncethe retire.  
The same day about four a clock in the evening aryving at Saint Just the Lord Saint Disan, and Captain Bourdeaux, with their companies of footmen: who seeing the inhabitants of the country run away and knowing what had happened, went to Hiers, and they there arrived about midnight, where they found many soldiers of Saint Luke, who issued out of Browage, had set the fire on some houses, and were busy in rifling, and ransacking the others: they were so heavily charged by the Soldiers of Saint Disan, and Bourdeaux, that they were all either slain or taken prisoners.  
The Lord Saint Mesmes advertised what had passed at Hyers, and of the new supply come to him, returned with the companies to Hyers, and continued the siege twenty days longer, during the which time were given many skirmishes, and many on both sides slain and taken. But at length the said Lord Saint Mesmes knowing that the Prince had passed Loire, and looking not for any succour, and that many reports going abroad of his ill success, and that many Soldiers did daily departed and other waxed faint, & that advertisements came of the succour, which the governors of the abovesaid Towns would give to Browage, and that they intended to enclose him and his companies, in the Isles (as it had been an easy thing to do) with the advise of his Captains, determined to raise the siege.  
He sent also to the Lord Ranques, who was left to command in the isle of Oleron, to advertise him, that he was pressed to retire, willing him to repair to him, that they might retire in a strong company to prevent further milfortune. So the 2. day of November, he rhysed the siege, and took his journey towards Charuaut. At the passage whereof was great disorder, which caused that at a place called Loupin, part of the carriage was taken by the enemies, and many Soldiers lead away prisoners, the residue retired some to Rochel, & some to Saint Ihan D'angelye.  
The Lord Ranques, notwithstanding remained in Oleron with the Naval army until the tenth of November: during the which time he sent to Rochel to have succour, as well for that safety of the Navy, as of the Island. But when he could obtain nothing, the inhabitants also supposing that all had been lost (for the discomfiture of the Prince was bruited which great amplifications by the Lord Saint Luke) showed unto Ranques that their custom was to give place to the stranger, which caused the said Lord to determine upon the retiring of his fleet.  
This also made him the more willing, because he had discovered one County, and a Franciscane Friar, who had been always during the siege hidden in the Island, who were sent to the Lord Saint Luke, to practise with him against the said Lord Ranques, whom when he would have punished, they of the Island withstood him, so that fearing the worst he retired to Rochel not without danger of his life.  
We have showed how the Dragon had sp●ed floods of waters to drown that virtuous and godly Prince, his Nobles, and his little company, and how they fled into the wilderness, where God had prepared unto them a place of safe refuge and rest for a time, and how the army before Browage is brought to Saint Ihan D'Angelye and Rochel. Now while these scattered companies are at rest, and preparing again to meet together, we will see what exploits were done in divers places of the Realm.  
It is said, how the Lord Saint Mesmes (at the departing of the Prince of Conde) had the charge of the siege of Browage. Now the Lord Matignon who commanded for the King in Guyenne, understanding that Saint Luke was hardly pressed, and that the Prince taking his journey to Angers, had left a small company to continue the siege of Browage, determined to oppress them: and about the latter end of October from Bourdeaux took eight hundred horsemen, four thousand footmen, with four double Canons, and arrived in Xainctonge about the third of November: which understanding that they of Hiers had raised up the siege, and had reretyred to Rochel, and S. Ihan D'Angelye sojourned nevertheless in Xainctonge, seeking and watching the opportunity to do some piece of service, making ordinary courses toward S. Ihan OF Angely and Tailkebourg.  
The Lord Laval about the eight of November, advertised that the Lord Matignon was in the field (not far from the town) with all his horsemen and some footmen, issued out of S. Ihan about two leagues from the town: he encountered the said Matignon: they saw one another so nigh, that the Lord Chargoys (who did lead the light horses of the said Lord Laval)▪ was about to charge the enemy, when he was warned, that he should have to do with all the forces of the enemy, which were six times as many as all that the Lord Laval had. That inequality of forces caused him to draw back towards Saint Ihan with all his companies in such an order, as the enemy durst never set on him, though he pursued him within a quarter of a league of the town.  
It is said before, how that the Prince in his journey to Angers, passing through Taillebourg (which is a town situated upon the fall of the River Botonne into Charante) left there in the Castle much plate and jewels, with some pieces of Artillery, and much stuff and carriage of the Lords, who accompanied him in his journey. That castle is strong by situation, and on divers sides inaccessible situated upon a rock, compassed with the town, otherwise not strong. The houses for the most part are builded at the foot of the rock. The said Castle is fortified with platforms by nature, and do command on every side as well over the Town as over the fields. Charante of one side doth wash the foot of that rock. There is a fair and commodious bridge to pass over the river. All these circumstances, with the disfavour of the time, gave Matygnon great desire to possess that place. Yet the special commandment which he had from the King to seize upon the Mother and the Daughter, urged him the more to attempt upon that Castle, that so he might stop the marriage begun.  
It happened about the thirteenth of November, that the Lord Matygnon was commanded to retire toward Garonne, to meet the Counsels of the Viscount Turenne, who with six thousand Soldiers was in Limosin, and had taken the City of Triles: or for some other occasion, having concluded with the Duke de main to meet with all their forces in Agenoys, to stop the passages of Garonne to the King of Navarre.  
But afore his departure out of Xainctonge, he took order for to surprise the said Castle: for he placed in the Town the Captain Beaumond, with four companies of soldiers, under colour of keeping of the bridge, he promised to the said Lady Trimoville all favour and safety, but it was without any effect. For they that were left there did first work all subtle means which they could devise to get the possession of the Castle: and when trust would not prevail, they turned to force. For they planted a Barricado before the gate, and there placed a strong Guard, blocked the entreyes into the said Castle, supposing by these means to fear the sai● Lady, and so to enforce her to yield herself and the place, considering that there was but few men within to assist her. The enemies not dissembling any longer, shot with their Pieces continually against them that were within the Castle: and to do it more safely on their part, lodged themselves in the nearest houses to the Castle, which they pierced, and made them to serve for trenches.  
They within the Castle resisted this force with shot of ordinance, & did roll great heavy stones upon the houses, to beat them down. The skirmishes did dure five days.  
The lady Trimoville in that necessity found means to advertise of this force done to her: the Lord Laval, who was at Saint Ihan, and prayed him to send her succour. The invention by the subtlety of the said lady was, that she feigned to drive out of the Castle certain pages of the Prince, which the Lord Frederick his chamberlain had there with him. They gave advertifement to the lord Lavall what had passed at Tilleburge, also of the means how to enter into the Castle.  
The 20. day at night, captain Pickard came out of Xainctes, with 120. with him into the town for secure.  
The 21. the Lord Laval with the Lords Saint Mesmes, governor of Saint Jhan and Bonlay, and others determined to rescue the said Lady, and taking about one hundred armed men, and four hundred arquebusiers, after dinner took their journey toward Tailebourg, and about twenty men of arms did alight down on the side of the waren, and entered into the ditch, which is between the town and the Castle, (followed with a certain number of shot) and furiously charged the enemy in divers places. In the beginning, the enemies defended themselves stoutly, as well out of the houses as out of the Trenches, which they had planted at the gate of the Castle. They of the Castle (perceiving that succour was come to them) leaveled their artillery, partly against the Trenches, partly against the houses, among whom, the house of one Bordet was clean beaten down. The divers charges began to amaze the enemies, which without long resistance, began to look how to save themselves, and their lives by flight or otherwise. There were found dead ofy e enemies side, about 4. score men, of our side only six: many were taken, the other were put to flight, whereof the night covered the shame, the marshes & the river saved many: the wounded and prisoners were courteously entreated, many were sent away without ransom, and especially the Captain Beau Mont, and Roke and others, which were of commandment, during the skirmish within the town, the Lord Laval remained without the town in battle array, upon the high way to Xainctes, and from thence discovered some of the enemies, who were issued out of the gates of Tailebourg, with their colours, and sought to save themselves. The said Lord commanded his brother, the Lord Ryeulx to charge them: who with twelve horses set on them, whereof many were killed, some wounded, and some taken with four ensigns.  
The enemies being thus beaten, the Lady Trimovil gratified the said Lord Laval with the other Noble men, who had accompanied him, for the assistance given her in such a convenient time. And although that before, she would not suffer any further forces than she had to enter into the castle, yet she admitted them in now: and so they advised before their departure, of the means how to prevent like inconveniences, and that it was better, that this place should be kept by them of the reformed religion, to the which the said Lady had no great fantasy. Notwithstanding, Captaiee Bousier Lieutenant of the Prince's guards, with certain arquebusiers was appointed to keep the said Castle, and afterward there was joined to him the Lord Boulay.  
It is said before, how the King understanding of the Princes going to Angers, with much ado sent the Duke De maine out of Paris for Guyenne, with a mighty army, that all with one voyage he might help to enclose up the Prince, and also in his absence to invade Poytow and Xainctonge provinces of Guienne, for which he was appointed. Who taking his journey from Bloys (after the Prince's army was dessolued at Salonne) to Poitiers, under the colour of the lying in of his Wife, sojourned there three weeks, to seduce that great and populous City to his faction, and at length when he could not obtain his purpose, by divers express commandments from the King, he departed about the fifteenth of November. And boasting, that within three months, he would root all the Huguenots out of Guyenne and Gascoigne, having that mighty army as we have said before: in his way, he took by surrender Lusignen and meal, and passing by Saint Ihan, he sent a few horsemen beyond the bridge Saint julion, in the sight of the town, intending by that small number, to draw the Lord Laval to fight, who (he thought) would have issued out and pursued those forerunners: he thought also, that the said Lord Laval would have passed the bridge Saint julion, and to have taken him in ambushes with the whole company of his horsemen, who did lie in a wood and a dingle on the other side of the bridge, which the said Lord Laval could not have repassed without hazard there to have been discomfited. The Lord Laval discovering the light horses issued out of the town, but not after the mind of the Duke. For having put a good guard upon the bridge, he sent a few light horses only to view the enemy, and ordered the rest of his men of arms, and arquebusiers in battle array, upon the bank of the river, in the view of the enemy, which seeing that he ventured not rashly, retired without attempting any thing.  
About the 28. the Duke De maine with his army lodged about the town of Saint Ihan. The Lord Chassegay, ensign bearer of the Lord Laval, accompanied with the Lord Orges, and five and twenty horses more with him, issued out to skirmish with the army of the Duke. They met nigh Varezes' a little town not far distant, twenty Launciers of the enemy, followed at hand, by two hundred men of war, French, and Jtalians. The said Chassegay was charged with these troops, and pursued to the bridge, where he stayed in the face of the enemy, to favour the retreat of his men, but there he was beaten down, and taken prisoner with some others: they which saved themselves, gave the alarm in the town, the forces whereof issued out, but the enemy had retired.  
About the latter end of December, the Duke meeting with the Marshal Matignon about Coignake, at length parted a sunder, and the said Matignon went to Bourdeaux: but the Duke being rid of the company of Matignon, who would be but a let unto him to bring to pass his intents, took his journey to sport himself through Perigord, Limosin, Quercy, and Agennoys, at the charges of the Priests, and expenses of the holy Rood, having a great deal of money, even so much as the Sacraficers could spare, to recreate himself, when he should find himself weary of winning of Cities and strong Holds in those countries.  
It is said before, how that after the publication of the Edict in july, the Viscount Turenne had assembled some forces, partly out of his own land in Limosin and Perigord, and partly many Noble men and Captains of the countries about had repaired unto him. For the persecutions had enforced many, as well Gentlemen as others, to forsake their houses to take arms, and to repair to such Provinces as were of sure access unto them. This was the cause that Noble men and Gentlemen from about Paris, Gastinoys, Nivernoys, countries between the rivers of Loire and Seyne, (which purposed to repair to the King of Navarre) joined themselves with the Lord Turenne, who within a short space grew to the number of six thousand.  
With this power the Viscount Turenne kept the field in Limosin & Perigord: and about the time that the Prince departed from Browage to his journey to Angers, letters came unto him from the Prince, by the which he willed him to draw near Browage to favour the siege thereof. Upon the receipt of these letters, the Lord Turenne called his counsel together, to know what was to be done. There was then reasoned among them of the necessity of his presence at that siege. On the other side, advertisement was given that the army of the League (under the conduct of the Duke de maine) was drawing nigh toward Guyenne, (although it was not yet scarce out of Paris) and that the same was beaten with divers diseases, (and among others the Swissers) which made them conclude, that occasion might be given to work some good exploit upon that army; and if not discomfited, yet greatly it might be molested. Again, he had received letters of the King of Navarre, who advertised him, that he was at the point to departed out of Bearne to Bergerake ward in Perigord, and therefore warned him to be in a readiness, that (if need should be) he might join with his Majesty. So that considering all these weighty occasions, he could not secure the siegr of Browage, staying for the Duke de maine, and expecting the King of Navarre his coming. He had many good occasions to enterprise upon certain Towns in Limosin, as upon the City of Trile, Brune lafoy galiarde, and others in those quarters. Trile is a City in Limosin, a Bishop's seat, situated in a valley, compassed about with high hills, which do command the Town: It hath three fair Suburbs about it, and there is a little river named Vestere, which washing the walls passeth by the Suburb, which is greater than the city. Therein is a Friary of the Franciscans, which is enclosed about with a strong wall, and for that cause the inhabitants had retired and committed their goods to the Friars keeping: which thing fell out very ill for them. The high suburb is like the first in greatness: the third is lesser than the other twain.  
The 8. day of November the Lord Choupes, with a great number of Gentlemen and Soldiers, set on the low Suburb. The Lord Turenne (who commanded over the arquebusiers which came out of France) staying at the Franciscans house, which is situated at the end of the Suburb, set the gate on a fire, and upon occasion entered further even to the Trenches, which they of the Town had made: and after long skirmishing and killing of some of both parts, won the same.  
The high Suburb at the same time, by other companies (as they were appointed) was also assaulted, which they of the Suburb did resist at the Trenches: but at length enforced, did retire within the Town. They of the Town being besieged all round about, defended themselves upon the walls (without issuing out at all) for the space of six days.  
The 13. day of November were applied two pieces at the gate, which made some way to enter in: but they of the Town did their endeavour to defend the breach; which being not assaultable, the assault was given over. The siege continuing, many of the Town were slain: which caused the rest (fearing to be forced) not to refuse the persuasions of Amaury, who counseled them to capitulate. Hostages being given of both sides, the King's Lieutenant (with some of the chiefest Citizens) came forth to the Lord Turenne, who was lodged at the grey Friars; the agreement was long debated, and at length concluded.  
The 16. day of November, they of the Town consented to redeem the Town, and the ransacking of their houses, with a certain sum of money. Furthermore, it was agreed that a Captain stranger, with such as were left of his company (for most of them had been slain) should go forth out of their Town, and they should receive Captain Amaury. This Captain Amaury was he of all the army whom they feared most, and yet did they requested to have him, whom they received for their governor: and there he remained in that charge until the coming of the Duke de maine.  
About the 10. of December (considering that the place was not sufficient to resist such an army) he gave over the Town into the hands of the Citizens, and within few days after was slain, as followeth. Within a while after the taking of this City, the Lord Turenne retired his companies in garrisons in places of greater importance.  
The 25. of December, Amaury was advertised that the Lord Sacramore of Birague, (this is that Sacramore whom after the Duke de maine killed in his anger with his own hand) one of the Leaguers, was not far from Turenne with a company of arquebusiers, to lay in ambush: and as he advanced himself, one of his own Soldiers (too hasty to shoot) with his piece hit him by misfortune and killed him, and after they retired to Turenne.  
The Duke de maine sporting himself, made good there at the Priests costs, (but it was no matter, for holy Rood did pay for all) and doth conquer Kingdoms in Perigord and Limosin: and about the 27. of December took Montignake le conte, an old Town and ruinous Castle belonging to the King of Navarre. He took also Beaulieu, such a Fort as no man (which hath any skill in warlike affairs) would make any account of. And ten days after, the inhabitants (who were all of the reformed religion) redeemed their Town with one thousand Crowns, which were paid to Antefort.  
About the 17. of December the Duke de maine recovered Trile, which the Lord Turenne had caused Amaury to surrender into the hands of the inhabitants about ten days before, because that place was not defensable. The D. the Main at length perceiving that his practices against the Cities and Towns of Limosin & Perigord would not frame, determined to pass the river Dordonne at Souliake into Quercy, leaving behind him Monfort, a strong place, and many other Towns and Holds, because he could not carry them away with him.  
It is said before, how that the King of Navarre in August last, went into languedoc to S. Paul de Cadeioux, where he met with the Prince of Conde, and the Duke of Monmorency, to advertise them of their defence. The said King remained afterward in Bearne, in great silence and quietness, viewing how far all this league and union would proceed, expecting the producing of some lamentable events, and (as if it were out of his watch) would become of the three great armies prepared for Guyenne, languedoc and Dauphin: and (being hidden under the wing of the most high) mused what would be the end of the fiery threatenings and brags of his enemies, bearing patiently their insolency, even to the danger of his own person.  
It is also said, how that the Leaguers had procured an excommunication from Friar Sixtus vicar of Rome, against the King of Navarre, & the Prince of Conde, therewithal (and with the seditious invaighing of the jesuits and Friars) to make them odious unto the people, whose lives they could not touch, neither by violence, nor by any heinous act. It is said also, how the Senate of Paris gave their judgement (by the way of admonition) to the King against the said excommunication, the Pope himself, and the procurers of the same.  
The sixth day of November, the King of Navarre answereth to the said excommunication of that beggarly Friar Sixtus, and caused the same answer to be set and fixed upon the corners of the streets in Rome, where public writings are wont to be set.  
First, he doth hold the said excommunication false, wrongful, & void, and doth appeal from him as no judge, unto the Senate of the Peers of France, whereof he is the first.  
Secondly, whereas the said frantic Sixtus doth lay heresy to his charge, and presumptuously calleth him heretic, the said King in one word doth answer, that he maliciously and most impudently (with revetence of his goose cap be it spoken) doth lie.  
Thirdly, the said King doth charge the beggarly Friar Sixtus to be an heretic himself, and doth proffer to prove him so in a general Counsel lawfully assembled.  
Fourthly, he doth declare him Antichrist, and as unto such a one he doth denounce a perpetual and irreconcilable war, until that the miurie done to the house of France be satisfied.  
Fiftly, he assureth himself in God, that (as he hath assisted his predecessors, and made them able to chastise such saucy companions, as he is, when they have forgotten their duty, and passed the bounds of their vocation, confounding the ecclesiastical power with the civil): So he trusteth in God, that being nothing inferior unto them, God will make him able to revenge the injury offered to the King, Crown, State, and Parliaments of France.  
Last of all, he doth implore all Christian Kings and Potentates, all States, allied and confederated with the Crown of France, to assist him, to repress the raging tyranny and damnable usurpation of the said Friar Sixtus, and of all Leaguers, and conspirators against the Crown of France. So much also doth protest Henry of Bourbon Prince of Conde.  
This answer of the King of Navarre being fixed (as is said in the ordinary places of Rome, where such writings are wont to be set) did not move Friar Sixtus to repentance: but as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, did cast him into fear so deeply, that he sendeth not long after a Coriero to the Duke 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is one that putteth me together by the cares, & then runneth his way.  Momorencye to excuse the matter, and to remove the fault from himself, and to lay it upon the Leaguers, who (as he saith) had deceitfully induced him to do what he had done, praying him to smooth the matter with the King of Navarre, and to pacify his displeasure.  
About the 11. of November, the King sendeth forth an injunction to all his officers, to seize upon the persons and goods of all them that have born arms with the Prince of Conde: who after the breaking of the army at Saloune, had returned to their houses, or returned to their friends: and to proceed against them according to the edict of july, and the declaration thereof vearing date the 6. of October.  
Also, that such as will be reduced to Popery, he is willing to pardon & to give them his patents for the same, conditionally that they shall be without arms and horse: and also, that they shall put in good sureties to persist in the profession of Popery.  
The 19 of November, the shavelings, Cardinals, and Bishops, made a long exhortation to the King by Sir Emare Henekin Bishop of Saint Bryen, a city in Britain. In the same long and tedious oration, Sir Henekin first did show him the duty of Kings toward the holy Church, to wit, to magnify it to the uttermost of his power.  
Mark this Christian Reader, that by the name of Church, he meaneth 
Note.  the shavelings; and by the duty of Kings toward the Church, he (although in other words) goeth about to persuade the King to yield himself prisoner to their wills and affections: and to make it short, to let them have what they would have, and to approve whatsoever they would do.  
Secondly, he teacheth the King that it is the holy Ghost, who hath inspired him to make the edict of union.  
To make the edict of union, was to replenish his kingdom with blood, 
Note.  murder, and desolation, and to yield his authority into the hands of traitorous conspirators of the League: this is a work of inspiration of the holy ghost, by Sir Henekyn his divinity. Well said Sir Henekyn, go too, this is good stuff.  
Thirdly, he blameth the King, that heretofore he hath not showed cruelty enough against them of the reformed, but hath suffered them to have the liberty of their religion, by his edicts of peace: but now he trusteth, (that having revoked the edict of peace) he would play Pyrgopolynices in Plautus.  
Here Sir Henekyn showeth whose son he is, breathing nothing 
Note.  but murder, and whose scholar, to wit, Antichrist of Rome, which is the trompeter of all mischiefs in Christendom.  
Fourthly, after breach of the edict of peace, Henekyn hopeth that the King will play the man, and that all things shall go well.  
Here Sir Henekyn doth suppose, that all things shall go well, 
Note.  when the King hath thrown himself, his Nobility, his Kingdom, and Subjects into a heap of miseries, and hath opened the door to desolation and desperation most miserable: this is to have a new heaven and earth to Sir Henekyn.  
Fifthly, he assureth the King, that he shall have power enough to break the forces of the Heretics.  
Here Sir Henekyn knowing not, that there is neither counsel, 
Note.  nor power against God, to resist his will, warranteth the King (like a good divine) that he shall perform what Sir Henekyn wisheth.  
Sixtly, he willeth the King to use such discipline among his Soldiers, as that the Priests be not molested by them.  
Here Sir Henekyn, foreseeing what evils the breach of the edict of peace would breed, is well content that other men perish, so that he 
Note.  and his fellows may live in all pleasures and voluptuousness, without any molestation. Sir Henekyn is a good, reasonable, and kindly fellow.  
Seventhly, he willeth the King to publish the counsel of trent, and to reform the Priests, and to cause them to be good and virtuous.  
The King hath resigned into the hands of the Leaguers a great part of his royal authority. Now Sir Henekyn will have him to publish 
Note.  the counsel of trent, that is, to resign the rest of his royal authority to Friar Sixtus. I think that his mind is in plain terms, the King to become a begging Friar: and to go to Friar Sixtus to have a dispensation to forsake his wife, and to enter into a Friary. But if the king would follow good counsel, he should keep himself as he is.  
For the eight point, he prayeth the king to give over the preferring and placing of Abbots and Bishops to their livings, but to refer that to the Priests themselves, to the Chapters of Canons, and Monks: and to leave the disposition of bishoprics and Abbeys to their elections and discretions.  
Here Sir Henekyn is very careful for the king: he willeth him to forbear to swallow such big morsels, as Bishoprics and Abbeys, for the 
Note.  danger which may ensue, which is choking: but to leave such fat morsels to them that have throats big enough to swallow down whole Stéeples.  
The king hath resigned part of his royal authority to the Leaguers: now to do well he shall resign another part to Friar Syxtus, and the third to the Priests: and then let him walk careless.  
Ninthly, he prayeth the king, to take some good order, that the Priests may be honoured, renerenced, and capped: and that their jurisdiction may be restored to them, and not interrupted hereafter. Dixi.  
Here is the fourth part of the kings authority, which Sir Henekyn 
Note.  would fayne to wrest out of his hand, that the Priests may execute an infernal tyranny, over the souls and bodies of men.  
And to conclude his chattering, he doth promise to the king great blessings here upon earth, and afterward the kingdom of heaven, so that he will root out, and destroy them, whom he calleth heretics.  
Note here, that Sir Henekyn doth call them heretics, who doth destroy their ungodly lewd lives, and filthy pleasures, as drunkenness, gluttony, whoredom, and worse than that.  
Also he would have the King to root out, that is, to kill all whom these ghostly fathers shall appoint him.  
Last of all, to play the Turk, to make havoc of all things, to fill the earth with blood, is the way to ascend up to Heaven, quoth Sir Henekin: well said sir Henekin, by Saint Mary, you have said as well as ever I heard any of your occupation.  
About the 30. of November, the King of Navarre being at Bergerak, and understanding that his pa●iencie had kindled the rage of his enemies, and his moderatenes had increased the insolency of the Leaguers, and that after the dispersing of the Prince's army, the cruelty of the edict of union, and declaration thereof, the 7. of October was every where executed, with proscriptions, murders, losses of goods, dignities and honours, doth make an edict throughout his government of Guienne, to be executed: wherein he showeth, that whereas his silent patience and moderatenes had served nothing, but to increase the outrageous excesses and cruelties of the seditions and rebels, he is enforced to follow the course and order following.  
First, that all the goods, lands, rents, fruits, debts, actions, and accounts of all the inhabitants of those towns and places, where the edict of julie, and declaration thereof hath been published and executed, and also of all Gentlemen or others, bearing arms with the Leaguers, and their partakers: also of all Ecclesiastical persons wheresoever, who are contrary unto his part, and of all whatsoever, who are contributaries unto his enemies, within the Government of Guienne, to be seized upon, stayed and put in the hands of his commissioners, to be sold or farmed to him that will give most.  
Secondly, forbiddeth all manner of persons, who are indebted unto such, to pay them or their assigns or partakers, any debt, but commandeth them to repair unto his Lieutenant's general, or officers of his receipt, to declare and reveal all debts upon pain of death, and to pay fourfold: that the said goods may be employed to the use of war, & all grains and fruits to be put in such places for store houses, as shall be appointed by his officers.  
Thirdly, he commandeth the like to be executed upon them, who shall refuse to pay the contributions, or the work men at the fortifications, and also, that shall refuse to be contributaries in the dividing of their fruits, for the provision of store houses, which shall be conveniently made, for the sustaining of the war.  
Fourthly, the like entertainment to be done unto the above said, as the enemies shall entreat them of the reformed religion, or Catholics who have joined themselves to him in that just cause, and necessary defence, charging all officers, both to publish and execute the same edict without delay.  
About the 25. of December, the King as a man that studied nothing else, but only how to vex, molest, trouble, torment, and utterly (even with the loss of his realm and estate) to root out them of the reformed religion, setteth forth an order of persecution, which he commandeth to be published at every court, and in every market, wherein to help the memory of persecutors: he commandeth then to have books divided in five chapters.  
The first of them, that having borne arms, have retired back, and meant to be converted to popery.  
The second of them, who have or do bear arms.  
The third of them, that according to the edict, have departed out of the realm.  
The fourth of them, that have not departed out of their houses, but are returned to popery.  
The fift of them, that have remained in their houses, and do persist in the reformed religion, which he calleth heresy.  
All the penalty came to this, that they shall be persecuted all to death, except they will abjure, and all their goods seized upon, and employed to the use of war.  
Furthermore, he doth promise a certain form of abjuration to be sent into the country, and willeth the Bishops to appoint in towns of their diocese, their vickars generals, to receive their abjuration, and to give them absolution.  
About the same time, one Sir William Ruse, Bishop of Angers did set forth in his diocese, unto all Priests, a form of abjuration, which the said Priests should enforce upon them, that had professed the true religion, and had obeyed, or would obey the King's edict. Wherein first, he doth propound unto them the Nicen symbol. Secondly, they shall allow all the traditions of the Apostles, and of the holy Mother Church of Rome.  
By the traditions of the Apostles and holy Church, he understandeth 
Note.  all the intusiasmes, and drunken dreams, all the sottish and heathenish devises of the fantastical frantic, & drunken Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, Monks and Friars, which we must needs to hold for articles of the faith: because sir William hath said so.  
Thirdly, they shall believe, that there is seven Sacraments.  
And why shall we not believe seven thousand, as well as seven, seeing 
Note.  that the seven thousand, are as well proved by the word of God, as the seven.  
Fourthly, that all rites and ceremonies, used in the ministration of the said seven sacraments, are good.  
All the cross, charm, duckings, kiss, howl, chaunting, 
Note.  mumblings, jugglings, conjurings, blowings, slombering, gaddings, turnings, mopping, etc. Are either articles of faith, or else as good as the articles of our belief.  
Fiftly, they shall believe, that in the transubstantiation, the bread and Wine are changed into the body, blood, soul, and deity of Christ.  
Sir William Ruze, either is an ass, who knoweth not what he saith, or else a false Prophet, which leadeth men to a strange God: for such a paradox 
Note.  was yet never heard in Christ's Church, that the Bread and Wine was changed into Christ's deity.  
Sixtly, he saith, that we must believe the Mass, to be a sacrifice propitiatory for the sins of the quick and the dead.  
What proofs hath Sir William Ruze, to show out of God's word, that the Mass is a propitiatory sacrifice for sin, more than the sacrifices of 
Note.  the heathens?  
Last of all, the fire of purgatory: the having and worshipping of their Images, the adoring of Relics and praying unto them: and also that the counsel of Trent is to be received, as good Catholic, and an article of the faith of the Church of Rome.  
All these things are articles of faith, which they that will go to the devil must needs believe; but clean contrary unto the faith of the true 
Note.  Catholic and Apostolic Church. The persecutions, imprisonments, seizing of goods, and abiurations, had begun and went forward in divers places, but especially in such as were addicted to the League long before, and had received the last edict set forth by the King. And among other places, there is a town in Poytow, called Niort, great and rich, where the fairs and martes of the country beyond Loire are kept. This town had been seduced of long time, and of all towns in France most earnestly addicted to the League: there of all places, and in the towns there about, they began most cruelly to persecute the Church, which was assembled at Saint Gelays, in the which persecution, many bowed down the knee to Baal. Therefore, about the 20. of December, Lewis Blachiere, Pastor of that Church, having retired to Rochel, and understanding the fall of many in that heat of persecution, writeth a letter to raise them that are fallen, and to bind that which was broken.  
In the which, first he showeth the use of persecution, that is, to discern the true Disciples of Christ, from false brethren and hypocrites, who yield and turn after every wind of doctrine.  
Secondly, he doth terrify them that are fallen, by the threatenings of Christ against them, that shall deny him before men.  
Thirdly, he detecteth the subtlety of the enemy, in the form of his abjuration, in that he hath made a door of gold, to enter into a privy or dungeon full of filth, stinking and poisoned air, placing in the beginning the Nicen symbol, afterward patcheth to it all the filthy abominations of Antichrist.  
Fourthly, he showeth to them that are fallen, the gate of mercy to remain always open to them which seek the right means to enter in, and that repentance is never too late.  
Last of all, them who do stand, he doth encourage to prefer the confession of the son of God, wherein doth consist eternal life before this present life, or the commodities and pleasures thereof.  
Thus we will make an end of this second Book of this Tragical History, raised up in the Kingdom of France, by the Leaguers.  
The end of the second Book.   

THE THIRD BOOK.  
IT is showed in the former Book, how the Leaguers, after having long under hand, practised the supplanting of the house of Valois, at length did burst out into a manifest rebellion. I have showed what pretence, colour, and buckler they took, to wit, religion, justice, & the Cardinal of Bourbon.  
Thou hast seen gentle reader, how the King took them for enemies, rebels and traitors, and some of their partakers were condemned and executed for such.  
Also, by what means, practices, and wicked counsel, the King was drawn to join friendship and armour, and to divide his kingdom with them whom he a little before, had declared rebels and traitors.  
What edicts, declarations, injunctions, the King afterward set out in favour of them, against the reformed religion.  
The atemptes of Merceur, in the Low Poytow, the exploits done by the Prince of Conde in Xainctonge, Poytow, and his voyage beyond Loire, to Angers, and the success of that voyage: the exployces done by the Viscount Turenne; the coming of the Duke De maine, with his army, and all his conquest in Perigord, and Limosin.  
Now will we begin the third Book with the beginning of januarie. The first day of januarie, the King of Navarre being at Montoban, a city in Quercie, wrote letters unto all the states of France, and first of all unto the sacrificing Priests, commonly called the Clergy, in the which he protesteth, first of his moderatenes which he hath used toward all men, even in the middle of war, and that he hath often times remitted sundry and great injuries done to him, in respect of the public peace.  
Secondly, he complaineth of them, that they do assist with their power and means them, who making their ambition, a zeal to holy Church, and the revenging of their private discontentments with a public war, have set the whole realm in a miserable combustion.  
Thirdly, he letteth them understand, that he feareth neither their money, their names, nor the arms of his enemies, but pittyeth the state of the poor people, who doth suffer all the oppressions and miseries which will ensue these enterprises of his enemies.  
Fourthly, he threateneth them, that they who should be the upholders of peace, and the support of the poor people, shall answer before God, for all the bloodshed, confusions, vices, and miseries which the war carrieth with it, for entertaining with their means, and nourishing with their goods, this unjust and damnable war, with the disorders which ensue thereof.  
Fiftly, he protesteth that he hath proffered himself to be tried by a conference and distentation in a free counsel, but they have preferred war, fire and sword before these good, laudable, and ordinary means of conference, which is most worthy of man.  
Last of all, he showeth them that this war is most unworthy of Christians, but specially of such as do pretend to be teachers and Doctors of the Gospel, and committing his innocency and just cause to God, warneth them, that the dangers of war are common as well to them as to him and his: so maketh an end with them.  
Unto the Nobility he rehearseth the sum of all things passed ever since the raising up of the League.  
First, how that in the midst of peace, these stirs are bred and borne.  
Secondly, he reciteth with what patience he hath borne all the injuries proffered unto him by the Leaguers, who have made him the subject and scope of their war.  
Thirdly, he putteth them in remembrance of all the King's actions before the edict of union, how the King declared them rebels, and persuaded them, as such in all his courts of Parliament. And how they, to wit, the Nobility, have been armed against the Leaguers, and that all these actions of the king did proceed out of a good and sound judgement & free will, without any compulsion.  
He willeth them to remember also, how on a sudden all these things have been changed, and the kings will not change, but partly enforced, and partly by the craft of the enemies, with ill counsel induced to contrary actions.  
Fourthly, he complaineth of the injuries done to them of the reformed religion, who heretofore had been suffered with liberty of the free exercise of the same, without any offence by them given, and armed by the kings authority against the Leaguers, now to be condemned in respect of their religion, as guilty of capitol crime.  
Fiftly, he declareth how for the avoiding the calamities incident to war to satisfy unto the Leaguers, he hath debased himself so far under his degree, as to proffer to the heads of the League, the combat to be performed by himself in person, or by more, number to number, as by the adversary it should be accepted.  
Sixtly, he letteth them understand, that he feareth not their arms, whereof he hath had the experience so long time, whereby he knoweth well what they are able to do.  
Last of all, he cannot but lament their blood which they have, and do spill against him, for whose service they should have reserved it in store.  
But specially this doth grieve him, that in the lot of the battle he may not discern them whom in mind he discerneth from his enemies.  
Unto the third estate he writeth to the same purpose, as he hath done to the Nobility, and beside showeth unto them first the horrible miseries which they have sustained by the civil war, and what confusions are like to ensue of these troubles. He showeth also how the end of all the former wars hath been a peace.  
Secondly, whereas they (meaning the Leaguers) do pretend to ease the people of taxes and charges, he advertyzeth them, that by this war the taxes, impost, and subsidies must needs to double, and that their rising in arms hath done already terrible havoc and waist. He warneth them also to consider how that the reformation of impost, taxes & subsidies, they have turned to their private commodity, having done nothing, but enforce the king to divide his realm among them, and to weaken his authority, without making mention not one word of the easing of the people. He writeth the same effect to the inhabitants of Paris: but surdis narrat fabulam. The contempt of the Gospel, the innocent blood of the Saints which they have spilt like water must be better revenged. The wrath of God must walk now beyond Loire, to execute his judgements upon these nations, that lie between the low country and Loire, because they have not repent at the former scourges, but have hardened their hearts, and have blasphemed the God who liveth for evermore.  
The dispersing of the Prince's army, and declaration of the edict of union dated the seventh day of October, did cast a marvelous amaze and dread upon all them of the religion generally: but specially upon them who were left through the Popish countries in France, hoping for a better time.  
There were also many of the contrary religion, who being lovers of the State, and wishing well to the house of Bourbon, and to the right of the cause, began to waver and to alter their minds according to the unableness of fortune, and the nature of the events.  
There followed after in December, the bloody proceedings of Ruze Bishop of Angers, and the King's Injunction to his officers to execute his edict, with the allowing of the abjuration penned by ravening Ruze. These things made a great dissipation in the families of them of the religion. For by these means the rage of the Papists increased against the reformed religion, and emboldened to attempt any violence and injury against them. For the enemies supposing that the Prince had been lost, (for it was very long time afore it was known what was become of him) they judged also that the faith and hope of them of the reformed religion had been buried with him.  
The inconstancy of many of them who had remained in France, after the declaration of the edict of july, did appear. For many esteemed more the commodities of their houses, and the pleasures of their country, than the quietness of their consciences, and the keeping of those good precepts which they had learned in the school of Christ, which is rather to die under the Cross, than to live in committing Idolatry.  
The Papists on the contrary side, forgot no means to throw down them that stood on slippery places: for beside the rigour of the edict which had abridged the time of anoydance to fifteen days, with dreadful threatenings, the jesuits, Friars, Massing and parish Priests, and other firebrands of the Romish rout, thundered against them, whom they termed heretics in their bloody and seditious sermons. And if they could not dissuade them from their religion, than they stirred up the people to murder them, or else pursued them before the Magistrates, who were eagerly set against them, being for the most part of the League.  
They who had been of the religion, or had been suspected to have favoured the same, persecuted them who remained constant, thereby to terrify that they had never been of them.  
Their friends on the other side had no small power to try the constancy of those simple souls, who before had fastened too much the anchor of their safety in the forces of man.  
There were also which did great pleasure to their friends and kindred, in obtaining to them prorogation of time to give order to their affairs, and after to retire some where.  
Many remaining constant in the truth, esteeming more their faith to God, than worldly goods, (foreseeing also a more stormy tempest than that which was past, would ensue) without any further bargaining left all, and retired some to the principality of Sedan; some into Germany; great number to Geneva; great multitudes to Saint Ihan d'Angely, Rochel, and England. It was a lamentable thing to see the woeful vanishments and dissipation of so many families, without any succour or comfort.  
They which were touched with a greater zeal, would not leave their children behind them, in danger to be thrown into the mire of Idolatry, which they detested, esteeming of the conscience of their children as of their own, knowing that they should answer before God for the same. This caused many of them to carry their children upon their shoulders, for lack of other means.  
God showed in such a stormy tempest, that he hath havens of safety always in store for them who (being tossed and turmoiled under the heaviness of the Cross) do cast (as children upon their fathers) their eyes upon him. For this is a wonderful work of GOD, that for the space of three whole years the pestilence had so afflicted Rochel, that there was no part free of the same. Saint Ihan d'Angely also (when this persecution waxed so violent) was so beaten with it, that the town was almost destitute of inhabitants and Soldiers. Notwithstanding, neither the Governor, the Lord S. Mesmes, nor the Ministers, would at any time forsake the remainant of that Church which was there. All the fields about were full of Tents and Cabins replenished with men infected of the plague: the villages all round about were in the same case.  
The faithful exiled out of their own countries and houses, flowing from every side of France, & flying from the contagious pestilence of their souls, esteemed less than nothing the plague: and sickness of the body (rather than should cast away their souls in denying the son of God) was to be wished for of them. But God (according to his truth) kept to them both the one and the other: for even then the pestilence vanished away from all those places, as if God had commanded the sickness to make room for them who were exiled for his name: for after that there was no more sickness seen.  
In this avoidance there was a number murdered, but specially in those Provinces where the govenours were most passionate and addicted to the League, by whose permission the common people took much liberty to commit cruel murders upon them of the religion. They who had not the means to recover some place of refuge, and continued in the pureness of religion, and escaped the slaughter, did lie sousing in prisons and dungeons, where they sustained many combats, looking every day when they should be had away to death.  
Many of them who forsook the confession of the truth went to Mass, and so were sent to their houses again: but (by a certain judgement of God) they for the most part died every where through sorrow, or by the pestilence.  
Some of them who had charge in the Church, died of notable kindness of death. For some going into the Country about their business, fell of their horses, and broke their necks, and some died otherwise, verifying the saying of Christ: he which will save his life shall lose it.  
It is said, how the Duke de maine powered his fu●y upon the old walls of the villages of Montigne le Conte, & Beaulrien, and how he took Trile, which no man will keep. In the latter end of january, the said Duke drawing into the furthest part of Perigord, set upon Gaignak, a poor little village belonging to the Viscount Turenne, a place void of all fortifications, save that at the ends of the streets, there remained yet few old walls, which did show that there had been a gate: the inhabitants being poor husbandmen, first sustained an assault, supposing to have to do with companies of robbers, for so they took them. But at length being not able to withstand such a multitude, they fled another way, and saved themselves, except only four, who either for age or wounds could not avoid: them this great Duke caused to be hanged, to power his gall upon those poor simple country men.  
Thus this great Emperor, weary to conquer villages in Perigord, and seeing that his practices against the great and populous Cities of Lymoges and Perigueux, would not frame, he turned short Southward towards Quercy: and passing over the river Dordonne at Soilak, left at his left hand the towns of the viscount Turenne, Saint Cere, and Turenne in Perigord, and coasted Figeak, Cadenak, and Cayak in Quercye, whom he knew to be well furnished with garrisons. He coasted also the houses of the Viscount Gourdine, and Montfort, a strong place upon Dordonne, which he sent to view.  
This Duke sojourned long in Quercy, sent commandment to the merchants of Tholouze, and Bourdeaux, and others which do traffic upon Garonne, that upon pain of death they should not agree with the towns which did hold for the king of Navarre, and situated upon that river, did stop the commerce thereof, promising that shortly he would set all that river at liberty, yea that he would.  
Whilst he sojourned so long in high Quercye, roving and wasting the country, the Bishop of Cahors, the Lords Saint Sulpice and Comburat did instantly require him, that he would assault those places above said, which being held by them of the religion, did daily annoy & molest them. which thing when the Duke could not be persuaded to do. The Bishop blessing him with his Episcopal benediction: and the two said Lords with hot terms, licenced him to departed out of their country in the devils name. Besides eating, drinking, spoiling and whoring he did no good there, save that he licenced some Gentlemen of the country for money, to have the exercise of the reformed religion in their houses, so that thence they would not make war: and to colour his cowardliness, he excuseth himself unto the Bishop, and other Lords above said, that he would go to open the river of Garonne, and to put the commerce upon that river at liberty.  
Thus this second Hannibal, coasting the river of Lot at his left hand, and Dordonne at his right hand, (for he would have that river of Lot as a wall between him and mount Auban) entering in Agenoys, there issued out certain companies out of Monts●anquine upon the tail of his army, which did slay in one conflict two hundred arquebusiers of his, and discomfited the company of Captain Guerche.  
At length he came with his janissaries to the fall of the river of Lot into Garonne, where is situated an old Town called Tunnings, consisting of low and high Town and Castle. That place (about the insurrection of the League) certain Ruffians of Again had seized upon, where they did greatly molest the country. The King of Navarre in August after, passing by, sent Captain Lestele to take that town: which thing he did at the first approach, and did cast down those ●●lthie ruffians with their harlots out of the window into the ditch, and kept the said town unto the Duke's coming, which then was given over, and that small garrison that was there retired to the other side of Gharonne, to Caumont and Clerake to reserve themselves to a better opportunity. The Duke de maine took valiantly the said town of Tunnings, which no man kept against him. And having done this valiant exploit, he doth coast the river Garonne descending toward Bourdeaux. In that way he sent a Coriero to the king, promising him that he will do him such notable service, as never no man did, for in great sadues he will take the King of Navarre dead or alive, if he did not resolve himself to departed out of the Realm: and if he can take him he will send him his head in a Charger, as Herode did S. john Baptist.  
As this great Duke went down the river, the forerunners met with thirty scattered and unarmed poor lads, which belonged to the garrison of Chaumont: they were sent to cause the provision (contributed by the country) to be brought to the said town of Chaumont. These poor lads were killed by these stout warriors: which notable victory was afterward published in Paris, by the title of the notable overthrow of the garrison of Chaumont and Nerake, by the Duke de Main.  
The next exploit done by this victorious Captain, was at Castets. This is a little town and a Castle belonging to the Lord Fabas, which place the Marshal Matignon had besieged before the space of ten days before the Duke's coming, and had made a sufficient breach. The Duke de maine to defraud the said Lord Matignon of that little honour, compounded secretly with the said Lord Fabas, thus: That the Lord Fabas first should have twelve thousand Crowns for the loss of the house and of the goods which were in it, and so should surrender the same Castle to the Duke de maine to be razed, which was performed: so Castets was won with an assault of money, the Lord Matignon was defrauded, and the Duke de maine had the glory: and if it pleaseth him he shall be called Castensis of Castets, as Scipio Carthaginensis of the winning of Carthage.  
The next place was Meylan, an old ruinous Town, wherein was Captain Melune with a small garrison, who considering the weakness of the place gave it over, supposing that it was more profitable to let the Duke de maine to have that place for a while, than to defend it. There the Duke with all his army took great pains to beat down old ruinous walls, which no man did defend, lest it should be said that he had done nothing.  
From the rasing of the walls of Meylan, he went to Saint Bazeile, a town situated upon the river of Garonne, having like ruinous old and decayed walls and forts, as the aforesaid towns had. There were few of the religion in garrison, who after having sustained certain shot of ordinance and assaults, they considering that it was not a place to obstinate themselves therein, compounded to their great advantage. Amorith did never so rejoice at the winning of Constantinople, as this Duke did for Saint Bazeile. By & by the Lord Saisseval (the Duke's Curiero) was sent to the King in post with haste hast haste, to advertise him of these great conquests, and to fetch money to conquer more.  
This dispatch done, he marched with this army to Monsegne: This is an old Town decayed in Bayadoys, where the exercise of the reformed religion had been appointed to be had by the edict of peace so chosen, not for the strength thereof, but for because it was thought most commodious for the whole country there to assemble. This town was kept by few of the religion: These few made so little account of that army, and of the Captain thereof, that after they had caused him to bestow two thousand and some hundred shot of ordinance, with certain weeks of siege, and certain assaults which were dear unto the enemy, they yielded themselves with conditions very honourable, but pernicious to them. For the Soldiers coming forth with their arms against faith and promise, were slain for the most part of them in the midst of that cowardly army; part of them notwithstanding saved themselves and retired to Chastilion, where afterward they had their pennyworth of the enemy for that treachery, and the death of their fellows. The town was given to the spoil, but there was nothing found but the bare walls.  
When he had done these conquests and exploits upon the river of Garonne, he went to rest himself at Bourdeaux, for the space of two months, to wit, April and May, and part of june, as though he had won Carthage: where he practised the citizns to the League, and when he was weary of his conspiring, alured by the pleasantness of the place, and felicity of the Country, he putteth off the person of a Captain, and played the Poet, in writing such rhyming verses as he could, of his love. And while this great Captain was thus occupied, they of the religion fortified Meylan, and many other towns upon the same river of Garonne, and made them stronger and better furnished then ever heretofore they had been: so that the traffic of that river, between Bourdeaux & Thoulouse, was stopped more straightly than ever it had been before. Whereupon, many who had commerce upon that river, being greatly decayed, and some having broken their credit, and other which were in danger to do the like, did agree with them of the religion for the opening of the traffic, blessing with many bitter curses, the League, the Captain, and the army, which had bragged and promised much, and done nothing, but only provoked them of the religion, and wasted the country.  
The Duke de maine, having recreated himself so long, was urged by the King (who expected daily to hear miracles wrought by this captain and his army) to lead the same out of that city to do some exploit, more moved by the earnest suit of the Lady de maine his wife, which had a stomach to them of Chastilion, at length he determined to besiege the said Town.  
Chastilion is a little town upon Dordonne, three Leagues above Liborne, and three Leagues beneath Saint ●oy, having Montravell on the one side, about a League, and Gensak another town on the other side, so much distant: of this town the Duke was Lord, it was almost forsaken of the inhabitants. Therein the King of Navarre had placed the Baron Saliniak, with a small Garrison, not to obstinate himself therein, but to minister some play to that army, that weary with doing nothing, at length it might be reduced to nothing. Captain allen & Coronnean, with some other gentlemen and others, had followed of their own motion the said Baron: there they were in all, to the number of nine hundred Soldiers.  
About the 18. of june, at the first approach of the enemy, they issued out with such courage, that their sally cost the lives of a great number of their enemies. They within the town had made a barticado at the end of a suburb, which they defended ten days against all that army, and all the shot of their Ordinance. But at length, being enforced to retire into the town, out of the which, they issuing oftentimes, gave many fearful alarms and hot skirmishes unto the enemy, with the loss of the lives of many.  
During this siege of Chastilion, the Lord Saissival returned from the King, and brought letters of credit, of thirty thousand Crowns, but no man was willing to buy so dear a piece of paper. Yet the Duke gave not them over so, hoping that the priests would have him in their memento at Mass, and would bless him yet with some more money: but to satisfy his wives stomach, he would venture that little remuant of credit of his which rested: wherefore he caused many great rampires of earth to be made, as though he had to besiege jerusalem. The siege continued seven weeks, in the which space, the Viscount Turenne with a few (notwithstanding that great army) victualled the Town, and fortified Montravil, a town situated upon a hill, and Gensak on the other side, each of them distant from Chastilian a little League. On another side, Captain Beutune, a man of great valour went forth out of Saint Foy, to attempt upon that army, and in the conflict, the said Beutune, and the Lord Maligny, a valiant young Gentleman, Son to the Lord Beawoyr, with two Soldiers more were slain, and the Lord Piles hurt. On the side of the Leaguers, were slain three men of arms, Charles of Birague and Grimaldie, were taken prisoners & Monardy was wounded. During this long siege, the plague waxed so hot within the town, that of nine hundred there remained but two hundred a live, whereof many were infected, other were wounded, their chirurgeons were dead, medicines to heal with, powder and shot failed them: there was left but two old women, which served them in stead of chirurgeons and cooks. So that God disposed of those invincible hearts that were almost destitute of force & means of defence, after the discharging of six thousand shot of ordinance, & seven weeks of siege, at length having lost but six score persons only by the lot of war, and among them, but six Gentlemen only, Chastilion was surrendered by composition.  
In the surrendering, they that were whole did escape away, they that were sick, were sent forth. The Duke to please his wives mind, would never consent that the inhabitants should be comprehended in the capitulation, because they were his tenants, yet at the instant request of the Viscount of Aubeterre, they were promised to receive no hurt, but notwithstanding (contrary to promise) most of them, who were found in the town were executed: the spoil of the town was given to the Soldiers, but there they found nothing but few rags infected with pestilence.  
The Lord Salignak, Captain allen and Coronnean, with thirteen Gentlemen more were taken prisoners, and sent to the castles of Bourdeaux and Blaye, to be safely kept, whence not long after, they were delivered by exchange for Popish Gentlemen, who were prisoners at Bergerark, Saint Foy and Rochel. The folly, cowardliness, lewd and voluptuous life of this conqueror, his traitorous intent, which was, that under colour of conducting the King's army, sought nothing but to make himself strong against the King, by seducing his people under colour of the Catholic religion, being spied of the most part of the captains, but especially by the Swissers, and Colonel of the French footmen: also the small gain which they have had, for the space of a whole year, and the little service which they had done to their King's intolerable charges, and the small reputation which they had gotten, by serving under such a Captain, caused many to disband themselves: some for lack of pay refused to be any longer employed. In April last, while the Duke was wallowing in filth in the city of Bourdeaux, the Duke of Guise upon advertisement of his brother, who greatly feared the Viscount Turenne which watched for him under every hedge, came to Paris, to show the King that if his brother (the Duke de maine) were not assisted, it were impossible for him to withstand the forces of the heretics in Guienne, which did join to the Viscount Turenne out of every province of the realm, to oppress his brother: he prayed therefore his Majesty to provide some speedy remedy, which might not be done otherwise than by diverting their forces, he showed also, how that might be done by sending divers armies into divers countries, and so set upon them on every side.  
This policy being approved, now they began to please themselves in their own conceits: whereupon the Marshal Byron was appointed to lead an army into Xainctonge: the Marshal joyeuse was appointed for languedoc, the Lord joyeuse his son for Awergne, the Duke of Espernon for Provance.  
The Lord Chastre should have a navy in a readiness on the coast of Britain, so that at the League's commandment like mad men they ran to it by land and by water. The brute of these new armies being noised abroad, made the Captains of the Duke de maine his army to be less willing to remain in his service, and more willing to serve others, under whose conduct they hoped to speed better, and do service with more credit. These new armies a preparing were as the rocks, upon the which this Sardanapalus army was cast and broken to pieces. The soldiers therefore first, and then the Captains began to slide away, after they had the spoil of Chastilion, which was just nothing but the plague, and such as continued with him were employed yet once more as you shall hear.  
There is a little town in the way to Chastilion, to the City Perigueux, named Puynormand, in the which there is an old Castle belonging to the king of Navarre, wherein the said King had put a Captain of the Catholic religion, named Captain Roux, not to make war, but to keep the Castle as his house. The inhabitants (except a few) were all of the popish religion: The person himself did never departed from thence, knowing well, that for the number of them of the Religion he needed not to fear. The inhabitants brought daily victuals, and the artificers of the said town necessary wares to the Duke's army, at the sieg of Chastilion, Into the said Castle the Country had sent their goods to be safely kept.  
The said Captain Roux had in the Castle a prisoner named Cussel, who had confessed, that the Lord Lansake had hired him to kill the Marshal Matignon: which Cussel, during the abode of the Duke de maine in Bourdeaux, the said Lord Matygnon had determined to put to death for some offences: but at the request of the Duke de maine, his life was spared, and he set at liberty: such a one by the means of the Lord Lansake the Duke had procured to murder the Marshal Matignon, that he being made out of the way, his faction in the city of Bourdeaux might have surprised the same with the castles.  
The Duke de maine to be revenged of Captain Roux, for giving notice to the said Matygnon of the enterprise confessed by Cussell, laid the siege before the said town and castle, which within few days was rendered with these conditions, that the Soldiers should go forth safe, with their lives & goods, & that the goods of the inhabitants should be preserved.  
There went forth sixteen Soldiers, and four country men, for the most part all catholics: the castle contrary to promise being ransacked, was set on fire and burned.  
The Duke de maine being at the siege of Puynormand, sent Saisseval to the king, to advertise him of his great conquest of Chastilion, but specially to have money, and within few days after he followed his messenger to do his message himself. From Puynormand, the rest of that army fell to pieces, and within a while became invisible. That army I say, that had boasted within six months to root out of Guyenne & Oastroyn, all them of the reformed religion, or else to force them to a perpetual exile, without having any more liberty, not so much as to turn their forces toward their country.  
This valiant warrior had bestowed a whole year, and wasted a million of Franks, which the Priests had contributed toward that war: he hath for his money the villages of Montignak, Beaulieu, Triles, Castets, which he bought with the priests money, Saint Bezile, Montsegure, Chastilion, Puynormand, which immediately came again into the hands of them of the reformed religion, and were fortified stronger than ever they had been. Now, if this great Duke's Chaplains will have more war & conquests at his hands, they must pay for it, or else let them go against the heretics themselves, for he will go home. Thus endeth the tragical comedy of this Captain.  
In October the chiefest of the reformed religion in the Isles of Maran, perceiving the disorder which was in the guard of the castle of Portmaran, and knowing that the Prince before his journey to Angers, had determined to put in a Governor, with a certain number of Soldiers, and that there were many which made suit for that government, advised to demand of the Prince some gentlemen of the government of Rochel, who had means to defend them without oppressing either the one part or other: which thing being granted unto them, they demanded the Lord Essars of Montalambert, a valiant and expert Captain, who had given a notable proof of his valour & experience at the siege of Saint Jhan D'angelie, in the year 1569. and also at Rochel 1572. and 1573. The said Lord Essars accepted it under the authority of the Prince, with 20. Soldiers appointed him, whom he undertook to pay with his own hand, upon the payment of a Sous for every pound of merchandise which should pass through Marans, and upon promise to receive one thousand crowns for the fortifications of the Castle, as he should think good: and into that government he entered in October.  
But within few days after, the said Lord of Essars began to vary with the inhabitants, who were of the religion for the most part. For the said Lord having found the castle wholly unfurnished of all household and necessary commodities, required that they would furnish it both for him and his soldiers, and also that in case the said castle should be besieged, they would repair to it for the defence of the same, and also willed them to bring in their movables.  
Then answered the said Lord Essars, that with movables every one had furnished what they could, and that the best of their goods were transported to Rochel. As for to retire within the Castle, they thought it not expedient, for if the enemy should besiege it, and beat it, they knew well by experience, that it was not defensible. They answered also, that they would not put in any more of their goods, but such as they passed not greatly to lose: & as for the fortifications, the Prince afore his departing, was content to quit them for one thousand crowns, considering their unableness, whereof his receiver had already received part. This answer the L. Essars did greatly mislike, which misliking continued until the Princes return out of England to Rochel, who being advertised thereof, sendeth the L. Resseus, and an other, to be fully informed of all the matter. And finally to prevent all inconveniences which might ensue thereof, unfit for the time & place of so great importance, thought good that the L. of Essars should surrender that government into the hands of the L. jarry nigh the sands of Ollonne, who entered therein as governor the x. of April 1586. & there remained almost two years: who was enforced with the L. Boysduly to surrender it to Laverdine the 25. of March 1586. as it shall appear more plainly hereafter.  
It is said before, how the Prince of Conde (after the dissolution of his army at Solonne in Vendomoys) through great dangers and difficulties, repaired to the Island of Gernesey, and from thence into England, where he was received in most princelike sort of that gracious great Elizabeth Queen of England.  
During his sojourn there, many noblemen and gentlemen passed over the sea into England, to accompany him home again, among whom was the Lord Clermont. The Queen of England (after innumerable courtesies and princelike entertainment) sent him home with a navy: certain ships also departed out of Rochel to meet the said Prince, among whom was the Lord Plessis Gettey, who conducted two ships, being then governor of the isle of the for the king of Navarre.  
The said Prince arrived at Rochel with that train the 3. of January, about eight a clock in the night. This return home, was no less wonderful than joyful to all the Lords, who had gathered themselves, and retired to Rochel, and Saint Ihan D' angely, and to the inhabitants of the towns and country, who showed great rejoicing every where, as having (by the special gift of God) received this noble Prince, of whose health and preservation they had been a long time doubtful.  
The Prince being returned home so happily, sojourned not long at Rochel, but within few days took his journey to S. Ihan, to provide for the necessary affairs, and to muster the companies which were or could be gathered.  
Few days before the Lord Laval was gone forth out of Saint Ihan, with some companies to besiege the Castle of Tours: but they which were within stayed not the ordinance which was coming from Saint Jhan, but yielded themselves without any delay. The said Castle was rendered into the hand of the Lord Caze, to whom it did belong.  
At that time, to wit, after the coming of the Prince to Saint Ihan, the Lords, Captains and companies, began to order themselves under the said Prince in form of an army, where with about the 17. of January he began to besiege the Castle of Dampierre, pertaining to the Marshal of Bets, nigh the town of S. Ihan, situated upon the river Botonne, within the which was a popish garrison: which through their insolency and ordinary roads upon them of the religion, did draw this storm upon their heads. The said Castle being battered for certain days, was surrendered about the 24. of january.  
There was found within that Castle great quantity of corn and movable goods, which the people of the country round about had carried in. It was hard to let the Soldiers from the pillage, considering that they had so long suffered infinite miseries after the breaking of the army in Vendomoys: for they which had reassembled themselves in Poytow, had kept themselves within the favour of the towns of S. Ihan, and others, which were holden by them of the religion.  
The companies of the Prince (after the taking of Dampierre) were divided into three parts, which went into three several coasts of the country. The first was the Lord S. Gelays, who followed the river Botonne, and took the towns thereupon situated, as Arnay, Monde●is, and Chizay.  
The Lord Ranques (with the fourth part of the companies) went toward Niort, and enterprised upon the Castle of Sassoy, and took it from the hands of certain Albaneses, whom the Lord Malicorne (governor of Niort) had put there in garrison. That castle by situation is very strong: the garrison did great injuries to them of the religion about Rochel, Saint Jhan, Marans, other places and high ways, by their ordinary courses. The Lord Ranques knowing the nature of the place, searched out the means to obtain it: he accompanied him with nine or ten gentlemen and certain resolute Soldiers, to the number of two and twenty: he carried through the marish a little boat on a cart, wherewith he went through a channel which watereth the garden of the Castle. To this garden doth answer a gate of the said Castle, through the which he thought to surprise the said Castle. Notwithstanding, the day before the taking of the same, the garrison having intelligences of the purpose of the said Lord Ranques, by one of the reformed religion, who entertained himself with them of the garrison; they stopped that gate with brick, dung, and other things which were at hand, and doubled their guards, and so thought to have well provided the surprising of the said place. Notwithstanding their thoughts beguiled them: for the said Lord Ranques following his enterprise, applied a petaird against that gate which issued out into the garden: the said piece opened the gate and broke their rampire, and gave the alarm to the garrison: whereof part ran to the great gate, other were surprised within the Castle and slain, other leapt over the walls. They who had retired to the great gate, yielded themselves with promise of their lives: which thing was also performed. The place was by the said Lord Ranques put in the keeping of Captain Faveran and Vaunean, who within a while after being summoned by Captain Merceur to render the same, and for not so doing, being threatened of the Canon, put the said place in the hand of Malicorne governor of Niort.  
About the beginning of April, the Lord Saint Luke enterprised upon the isle of Oleron, where were certain companies of the religion commanded by the Lord Aubigny, and Captain Lwaille his Lieutenant. For to bring to pass his enterprise, bearing impatiently that neighbourhood, conveyed certain companies into that Island: & among these, was the regiment of Tierceline, consisting of four hundred harquebuziers, fifty Muskets, and two hundred pikes, resolute Soldiers.  
The Prince advertyzed, how this regiment of Tiercelyne had passed into that Island, the Friday before Easter, being the first of April, he took his way to Marennes, nigh Browage, where he thought that the said Tierceline was returned, and went all night to surprise him more easily: but finding them not, he returned to Taillebourge, with the Lords Laval, and Boulay, and other Lords and Captains who had accompanied him.  
The 3. of April being Easter day, the said Prince had advertisement, that the said Treceline, with his regiment, had repassed from Oleron, to Marennes, for to return to Xainctes: upon these intelligences, the said Prince departed, intending to stop their passage in a place, not far from Xainctes. At his arriving, there issued out of the town about 16. or 20. men of arms, with a certain number of arquebusiers, who were charged by the Lord Chargroys, which conducted the forrunners of the Lord Laval, he passed them so hardly, that they could not retire within the reach of their arquebusiers, afore one of the enemies remained on the place, and many were hurt. After this skirmish, the Prince seeing that Treceline removed not that day (for that it was Easter day, or otherwise) retired for the second time to Taillebourg, without doing any thing else. Treceline was advertised, that his return was spied, but he made no account of it, trusting in the force of his regiment, and resolved (as he said) to fight against whom soever would let his way, as well in the field as in a strong place.  
So the fourth day of April, being Easter monday, departing out of Marennes, he took his journey toward Xainctes, marching in good order with countenance of men resolute to fight, whereof the Prince being admonished, about two a clock in the after noon speedily took his horse, accompanied with the Lord Trimoville, his brother in law, the Lords Bowlay and Auantigny, to the number of 30. horses, & so many arquebusiers of his guard, and some other who could be found at hand: with that small number, he went the ready way to Xainctes, where he found the enemy in the self same place, where he had stayed for him the day before, which was not much more than one thousand paces from the suburb: he found them too far passed toward the town, and were covered with hedges and ditches, yet he set upon the rereware of them, whereat the first he laid on the ground about 30. or 40. of the enemies: the rest put themselves in battle array, being favoured with the hedges and high way. In the first onset, the horse of the Lord Trimoville, (who did lead the adventurers) was beaten down with the shot of a musket, and he also under, who was in no less danger than the Lord Batardiere, which being struck with an Harquebus shot in the shoulder, was slain in that place: the Lord Chanterelles also was wounded, and died shortly after, with Captain Travarre who being wounded on the head, died also shortly after: the Lord Auantigny was hurt in the hand and in the knee. The Lord Laval, who with great speed was gone to fetch his company (which was at Port d' Anneaulx, and scatteringly lodged) approaching to the lane of this skirmish, yet timely enough, galloping with 35. horses of his, by the commandment of the Prince, set upon them on the side of the hedges, aiming still to the Colonels Ensign, for there was no more, which was compassed and covered with a squadron of Pikes, whom he discomfited: after he had spent all their shot, he fought hand to hand with him who carried the Ensign, which at length he gave over to him, thinking to save himself with slight. The Ensign taken, the Soldiers were quickly put in disorder and discomfited, although that they had been often supported, & upholden by them of the city. There remained upon the place about three score; many were wounded, Captain Peschays was taken, Tiercelin himself was hurt in the arm.  
The Lord Laval had three brethren, whereof the Lord Taulay, a little before died of sickness at Saint Ihan: the Lord Sailly, his third brother in that skirmish was hurt in the head, whereof he died: the morrow after, the Lord Rieulx his other brother, also was wounded in the belly with a pike, whereof he died the sixth day of the same month. The Lord Chargroys, Lieutenant of the Lord Laval, was hurt with shot in the knee: the Lord Monsche likewise in the Leg: few Soldiers of the Prince's guard were hurt, and few slain.  
During this skirmish, the Prince having gathered his company together, set on a fresh upon such of the enemies as flocked together again: but especially upon the horsemen of the enemy, who made show to advance themselves. The night interrupted the fight, and gave occasion to the Prince to retire, who carried away the spoil and armour of that regiment, with the Colonel's Ensign: the Victory was fair, but bloody, by reason of the death of the Lords above said. The Lord Rieulx spoke to the very last breath, and rendered a notable testimony to all them that were present, of his faith and generosity, and of his good nurture which he had learned in the school of godliness, so that it may be said of him, that he died a true Christian Knight.  
The Prince conceived a marvelous grief for the death of these two Lords, but especially the Lord Laval their brother, who conceived such sorrow thereby, that he fell sick and died eight days after, to wit, the 11. of April he was opened, and there was sound an apostume in his head, full of yellow stinking water: so in few days died these four Lords and brothers, to the great grief and heaviness of all good men: they were buried in the Temple, which is in the Castle Taillebourg.  
Now we have to speak of the King of Navarre, who did nothing all this time, but only in great silence, viewed whereto this voyage of his enemies would come. For first perceiving that the Leaguers had a special quarrel to him, because they knew him to be in their way, and a special stop of all their traitorous intents; they feared greatly his prudent counsel and wisdom. He made his complaint to the King, answered to the articles of the declaration of his enemies, exhorted the King to take heed of them, proffered him his service, prayed him to let him alone with them, for if it pleased his Majesty to give him leave, he doubted not, but with his own power he would so chastise them, that they should be an example to their posterity.  
The King by letters and messengers, exhorted and willed him to quiet himself, to see his Edict of pacification to be observed in his government, showed him that their cause is but one, that he seethe the intents of the said Leaguers well enough, and trusteth that GOD shall make him able to repress their madness, protested that he had care of the said K. of Navarre, as of his own self, and held him as a dear brother, the true & rightful heir of his Crown, in case he should die without issue.  
It is said also, how the King notwithstanding this, was driven to join with them whom he had condemned before, and to allow and justify their treasons, was enforced through the pernicious counsel of his mother; and not only enforced, but induced to take condition● and laws at their hands, to assist and arm his enemies whom he had so declared and judged few days before, even traitors against his person, state, Crown, and life, against them I say whom he had protested to be his faithful subjects, good brothers, and cousins, & had received under his protection.  
It is said also how the King of Navarre before had forewarned the King to beware of such association, showing him the evil which would surely ensue, and at length certifieth the King that he had admitted a higher power, a master and controller over himself, and that he had weakened himself, and strengthened his enemies. How he went to Saint Ihan de Cadeioux into languedoc, there to advise of his affairs, and his friends, with the Prince of Conde, the Duke Monmorencie, and other Nobles, where they concluded upon the defensive.  
The King of Navarre returned into Gascoigne, kept himself in silence, abiding all the injuries that might be possible, the preparations, braggings, boastings, & attempts of his enemies, even to the great imminent danger of his person, before that he would take arms in hand. Fron Gascoigne he went to Bergerak, in Perigrod, as a time of peace, where having sojourned for a time, he took his journey to Montauban, knowing very well that the army conducted by the Duke de main was against him, and already in Perigord, ravaging, pilling, spoiling, and wasting all that they came by. From thence he returned into Gascoigne again about the latter end of januarie. 1586.  
And whereas he knew well, that if he had joined all his forces with the power of the Prince, and the Viscount Turenne, he had been able to stop the way of the Duke de main, that he had not walked so long at his pleasure as he did. But that wise, prudent, and moderate Prince perceiving by the attempts of that army, the qualities of the leader, and the disorder that was among them; but specially having God's favour on his side: And seeing that God's curse and wrath was powered on his enemy's side, he never thought it meet to trouble himself nor his friends about that accursed company, and villainous rabble of rakehells, knowing that God himself would dissipate them, & cloth them with dishonour as with a garment; he knew well also that they did no more but to weaken their faction, in spending in vain the large liberality, and intolerable expenses of the Priests and Monks, who entertained the said army.  
At length the King of Navarre determined to pass the river of Garonne, to repair into Poytow, to visit the places of his government about the river of Loire, and being returned from Montauban into Gascoigne, the Marshal Matignon had besieged Castets, a castle situated upon the river Garonne, pertaining to the Lord Fabas, about the month of February.  
The King of Navarre, having knowledge thereof, accompanied with two or three hundred horses, and eighteen hundred arquebusiers, did raise the siege, and dined in the said Castle that day, in witness that he accomplished his purpose for that time.  
The K. of Navarre from thence sent all his companies to garrisons, and took his way to Bearne, to see the Lady his sister, and to take order for all necessary things, concerning the security and preservation of the towns and country.  
That being done, he took his journey to Nerak, and passing through Eause, (which is his) provided for the safety of the same in good time (for otherwise it was in danger to be lost) and for that purpose there he sojourned 2. days.  
There news was brought unto him, that the Duke de maine hasted to let his passage over the river Garonne: for all that he took his way to Nerak, where he sojourned a whole day more to take order for the safety of the town. Thereunto more advisement was given him, that the said Duke the Main was at Villeneufue d' Agenoys intending to stop his passage over the river Garonne. There was in appearance occasion enough, to cause the said King to advance and hasten extraordinarylie his voyage, but notwithstanding, despising all the endeavours of the said Duke, he would change nothing of his purpose: but to the contrary, having done at Nerak all his affairs with leisure, departed not thence until that it was already far in the day.  
From Nerak he took his journey to Barbase, and continued as though he would go to Castelialoux. Many did carefully muse the day before what way he would take, uncertain whether it would be through Caumont, or Saint Bazile, or through the Master de verdune, but they could know nothing at all until they came within two leagues of Cast●lialoux: For then being in the middle of the heath, he declared the way and order which would be kept in his passing over the river, he separated the men of war who accompanied him: he kept with him about 20. gentlemen well horsed and 10. Soldiers for his guard, with whom he went toward Cammont. He appointed the Lord Roque for the conducting of the rest, which were two or 3. hundred horses, among whom there was but 15. or 16. well armed and horsed, and about 15. arquebusiers of his guard: he commanded the said Lord Roque to pass at Saint Bazile, which thing he did without any let, although the marshal Matignon was but at 3. leagues from thence. The King being arrived at Cammont, although he knew the Duke de maine to be within 2. leagues from that place: notwithstanding there he dined with as much leisure, as any man could do in the greatest and most assured peace; and after dinner passed the river without any let or hindrance of his men.  
The King of Navarre came the morrow after to Saint Foy, which is a town upon Dordonne. The Lord Roque also with all them which had followed him, arrived there about two hours after. His Majesty sojourned there, and at Bergerak a whole month. These be two towns situated upon Dordonne: Bergerak is great and rich: Saint Foy is lesser a great deal, yet very rich, because of the traffic upon the said river: S. Foy is beneath Bergerak three leagus: Chastilion beneath Saint Foy three leagues, and above Liborne, a great, strong, and rich town about three leagus of. Bergerak and Saint Foy received the Gospel above fifty years ago by the man of God Edmond Lavoy, who suffered at Bourdeaux for the testimony of Christ. These two towns have always ever since persisted in the confession of the Gospel. in these 2. towns the King of Navarre remained (as is above said) a whole month, expressly to see the countenance of his enemies. All that while his enemies were within 3. leagues of him, he went daily to hunting, and none of his enemies that ever durst show their faces: which thing did show evidently, that the Main had so little courage in him, that he durst not let him to take his pleasures when he was willing so to do, much less to execute his enterprises, and proved for weighty and necessary affairs.  
It is said before, how that by the advise of the Main, Guyze came to Paris, to require help for his brother. For as a conscience guilty of grievous crimes is always timorous, and suspecteth all things: so the woorm of the conscience gnawed these men, and feared them so, that he apprehended God's justice: and supposed that all them of the reformed religion in France (out of hand) would oppress the Duke de maine his Brother.  
Therefore he persuaded the king to divert their forces, and to assault them in all quarters of the Realm. Whereupon divers armies were prepared for divers countries, and namely the Marshal Byron was appointed for Guyenne.  
The Leaguers understanding that the King of Navarre had passed Garonne, did greatly hast the voyage of the said Marshal Byron. The inhabitants of Niort having sold themselves to the Leaguers to work iniquity, made great suit to have that expedition performed out of hand, to the end, that the towns and countries of Marans, Annix, Rochel, and other parts of Xainctonge and Poytow, might be spoiled and wasted before the arriving of the king of Navarre into that country, whom they knew (by his valour and wisdom) was able to disappoint all their attempts.  
The king of Navarre understanding of these new preparations, and knowing, yea seeing with his eyes that the most miserable villages of Guyenne were good enough to occupy that army, and that the time of the infallible dissipation was at hand, having provided for the principal places sufficiently, and understanding of the readiness of the army, which was to be lead by the Marshal Byron, the said king of Navarre would rather show a proof of his valour and courage in opposing himself to that valiant, old, and experienced Captain, then to seem to strive with that effeminate, and slavish army.  
Therefore departing from Saint Foy in the end of April, and passing through Perigord, Engomoys, Poytow, & Landimoys, went to visit the places of his government upon the river of Loire.  
Whilst the army for Guyenne is a preparing, and the king of Navarre maketh his progress into Poytow, and the towns upon Loire, the King understanding, that in the execution of the edict of October, and of the declaration thereof, given in December last, touching the seizing on the goods of them of the religion: and others, which did bear arms against the League, many creditors & others which pretended right in the goods, made claim to them, so that the officers could have no gain thereof to the king's use and advantage. Therefore the king about the 26. of April setteth forth an edict, that the said goods shall be seized and sold, or given to farm to the kings use, and that after such as did pretend any title to the same goods, having proved their right, they then to be satisfied upon the fruits of the years following.  
And for as much as some were returned home from the countries, where they had repaired, according to the edict of july last passed, the King the thirteenth of May, sent commandment to all his officers, that such persons be apprehended, and their process made and executed: also that their goods movable and immovable be seized upon to the kings use, for the charges of the holy war. During the preparations of this war, the Pirates of Browage with their courses did greatly hinder the traffic upon the Sea, which caused them of Rochel to bar their haven, in sinking old ships in the mouth of the river, replenished with great stones for to make them sink in the bottom of the water.  
For the performance of this, the Rochellers prepared a navy of twenty ships well furnished, three Galiots, with other small vessels to the number of 35. or 40. in all. Over this army commanded the Lord Saint Gelays, assisted with Captain Gardeleau: and a number also of Gentlemen and Captains, aswell strangers as inhabitants of Rochel.  
The Lord Saint Luke upon the advertizement which he received of this enterprise, with all diligence prepared himself, and would have stayed all the Galleys which he had before received from Bourdeaux, but few remained there: notwithstanding he made a Fort upon the bank nigh the place where they would bar the said haven: which thing profited him a little, for in the keeping of the same he lost a great number of men.  
Whilst this was a doing at Browage, the King of Navarre returned from Poytow, and fro the Coast of Loire, and entered into Rochel the last day of May (being the Lord's day) with a marvelous reioy sing of all men, which received much comfort of his presence there: for the said King had always no less virtuously than happily opposed himself to all the attempts and endeavours of all the armies of the enemies, which had been sent against them.  
The same day the said King of Navarre embarked himself, to go to visit the Navy which was before Browage, where he sojourned some days.  
In the mean while there had arrived certain ships to the Lord S. Luke governor of Browage, who with them went about to let that enterprise; but all was in vain: so that without any great loss, all the ships appointed for that exploit, were brought in and su●ke in the mouth of the Haven, according to the deliberation taken. So the channel by these means was barred in such a sort, as the Haven hath been in a manner rendered unprofitable. Notwithstanding that, the Lord S. Luke hath bestowed much labour to open it, and at the charges of the inhabitants of the islands, he hath drawn out four or five vessels. Yet is that Haven always suspected unto ships, and they need to set marks to the ships that will enter in, lest they take hurt.  
This being done, the Navy returned to Rochel, without any loss, except of one Captain named Mercur, and few Soldiers which were taken in the skirmishes that were made at the Fort above mentioned.  
About the fourth of june, the King being returned to Rochel with this Navy, and understanding that the Marshal Byron with this army approached, and that Lusignen, meal and Chizay (Towns not defensible) had yielded themselves, took his journey to Marans, to consider the places whether théy were able to make head against that army.  
The army lead by the Marshal Byron did consist of twelve hundred horsemen, and four thousand footmen with a convenient furniture. This army was very small; the cause was, that the King (at the commandment of the Leaguers) had divided his forces into sundry armies for sundry Provinces, to divert the forces of them of the religion from the Duke de maine, as is afore said.  
The King of Navarre having well viewed the Forts of the Isles of Maran, concluded to defend the places against that army,  
The 7. day of june came two sorts of deputies appointed to require of the King of Navarre two contrary things: namely, the deputy of Rochel required his Majesty that he would cause the Castle of Maran to be razed, for the reasons which they then alleged. On the other side, the Gentlemen of Annix required him not to do so, for as much as the Papists would take occasion to do the like to their houses. The King of Navarre answered to them both, that thereupon he would take advise.  
Whilst these things were a doing, the King of Navarre had advertisement that the Duke de maine distressed Chastilion: whereupon he assembled as great a company of horsemen as he could, and with the Prince determined to rescue that place: which he could not bring to pass, by reason of the advancing of Byron and his army. For the army of Byron was already advanced to Niort, and having no nearer place than Maran to assault, made his reckoning not to besiege it, but only to fright the inhabitants and about fifty soldiers, which he knew to be lodged in the forts: and in the greater of the said forts there was not above nine or ten Soldiers; the said forts being very ill furnished, which made him believe that such a small company would not withstand him, but surrender the said forts.  
The fear indeed was great among many, whereof some of them had already retired to Rochel. But the Lord jarry (governor of the place) and his Soldiers (with some of the inhabitants) took courage: many did despair of the succour of the King of Navarre, whom they thought to have passed into Gascoigne. They resolved notwithstanding to hold against that army. And on the monday the 7. of june at night, they sent messengers to Rochel, to demand succour both of men and munition of war, and of certain pieces. They of Rochel answered, that they could not conveniently spare men; as for munition and pieces they would willingly let them have, so that they might have security to be paid the price that it cost them.  
This refusal of men did so fear the inhabitants, that even that night many did retire, and carried away the rest of their goods.  
But on the Wednesday morning about four of the clock arrived from the King of Navarre two Gentlemen, to wit, the Lord Fouqueroles, and Valiere, whom he had sent in great diligence: they calling the governor, the Minister of the place, and some of the inhabitants, assured them that the King of Navarre was coming in great diligence for to secure them, and that he would arrive even the same day: and after they had rested a while, the said Lords went to view the Holds and enterings into the islands, and so likewise the day following.  
The 12. day of june, the King of Navarre came with few in company, but his troops followed him apace.  
The 13. 14. and 15. days of that month, there entered brave companies of Soldiers, as they of the Lords Puelles, Granuile, Drakuille and S. Foy, Normands. There entered also Barache, the regiment of Sorlus, the Lord of Neufuy, under five Ensigns, for the most part Perigordins and Limosins, yet very well trained in Military Discipline. All these companies were placed in the forts by the King of Navarre, namely, the Lord Puelles was in the Bastile, Drakuille in Beauregard, Barache at Barnay, Granuile with Saint Foy, were put in the Brune, and Repentne on the way to Rochel: Captain Plaune with his company of Poytivines, was placed at Poyneuf, Captain Saint Ihan at Clousie, Captain Treille in Brault: there was a company of Rochellers, few in number, but men resolute under Captain Mot, they were put to keep the entry of the mill in the Marsh.  
The Lord jarrie governor of Man's, undertook to keep the Forts Paulee, Allowete, and Botsblauk, with his company, and some of the inhabitants. The King of Navarre commanded all to obey the Lord Fonquereles, who showed a marvelous care and diligence in the same siege.  
The 10. day of julie, the Marshal Byron with a company of horses, came himself to view the Bastile, but approaching a little too nigh, he was saluted out of some small forts, which the Lord Puelles had placed upon the high way; he had his thumb and some other fingers taken off with a shot; the same shot did greatly (as it was reported) hurt a Gentleman, who was by him.  
All that week, the enemy did none other thing, but advanced himself toward the Bastile, set his gabions nigh the farm of Angle, there to place three pieces to batter the fort of Bastile. In the mean time, the King of Navarre did show a wonderful diligence, as well in fortifying the Island, as in bringing companies to make head to the enemy at every coming in, and also in providing of victuals and munition of war, as well out of Rochel, as out of the isle of Rhe, and out of Lusson, whence he brought great store of corn, meal and wine. He had a great ship out of the isle of Rhe, well furnished, having two great pieces before, to defend the Fort Paulce, he had also seven great pieces carried from Rochel, which were divided in the Forts, to wit, one in the Brune, two in the Bastile, one at Beauregarde, two at Paulce, and two remained at the Castle.  
The 22. of july, was seen that the enemy passed through the Marshes of Beauregard, and coming forth out of a little Island named Cigogne, began to set up a fort in the middle of the Marshes, distant from the firm land about five hundred paces, on the other side, our men made a trench and a rampire of earth upon the end of the Marsh, of the length of five hundred paces, flanking the same with little Forts and Bastions. On the other side the enemy set up four other forts, somewhat more advanced than the first, and from them did shoot over the reeds at all adventure, without doing any hurt, saving that the third day after they hurt a Soldier on the foot, as he went down to the Trenches. The next day after, they killed another as he was playing at cards upon the side of the Trenches, the which being reported by the Minister, and admonished to go to public prayers, which were appointed to be made at the Fort of the Lord Drakuille, he regarded it not, so that as the minister returned from prayers, the said Soldier was shot through with a musket, and presently departed, before that the Minister had any time to admonish and comfort him. The same day, the enemy with great diligence set up a great fort, within six score paces of our trenches, it was made with great pieces of timber, faggots and earth, and hogsheads filled with earth, which were disposed by seven, set one against another; that fort might be of 30. foot square, and 15. in heigt, and for to bring all the stuff from the Island Cagogne, they caused the water of the Marshes to rise above a foot in heigt, by the means of opening the sluices and mills, about Fontenay and Niort. This thing our men did help also, for because of the great heat, they feared that the water would dry too fast, and so give too easy access to the enemy through the Marsh, for they stopped the sluices below nigh the sea, therefore the water course being opened above, and stopped beneath, did rise in a short space. By this means the enemy had opportunity to bring a very great Culuerine, with other small pieces, wherewith they began to shoot upon our men, & upon the house of Beauregard the last day of july, about two a clock, without doing any hurt to any man.  
This battering, notwithstanding did amaze a great many, because they never thought that they would have brought such pieces; for it was bruited, and even the Papists had given out, that the enemy would raise the siege: but by this it appeared, that he meant in good earnest.  
For all the great diligence and care of the King of Navarre, in providing for victuals, there was so many mouths who lived of the store, that they who did best service, oftentimes dined worst. For during the space of eight or ten days, they had not in a day but one or two loaves of Barley bread; for other corn was not ripe as yet in that country, which caused that scarcity. There were yet two discommodities which urged them greatly; the one was an extreme heat, which continued ten weeks and more: the other 〈◊〉 that in ●he night▪ especially the Gnats were so importunate, that many were stung with them, even with blood drawing in the face and other parts of the body which were uncovered, so that the stockens of linen cloth, could not defend them from such molesta●ions.  
Some days before, the King of Navarre had taken order, that one of the Galiots of Rochel came within the haven of Marans, with a long Culuerine, bearing the arms of Britain, which in the former wars, the Rochelers had taken out of the Castle of Marans, which afterward was called Chassebiron. That evening it was had out of the Galiot, and carried with horses & men half the way to Beauregard, but there it was overthrown, and one of the wheels broken: from thence it was drawn upon rolls, and being placed against the fort of the enemy, in such sort as it could not be indomaged, did them good service. For the 2. of August, about six a clock in the morning, the enemy brought down the water from Niort, a double Cannon upon two boats, and with them began to shoot against the Fort Paulee. There they did no other hurt, but shooting within a short piece of iron, they did break it about a foot, and the pieces stroke off the arm of the Gunner, and did hurt two Souldious; they hurt also a Soldier of the Ship, who did show great endeavour to shoot at the enemy, with a number of Harquebuses and Muskets.  
And below the fort Paulee, the Lord jarry with his arquebusiers, but specially with the long fowling pieces of the inhabitants of Maran, who did incessantly shoot upon the boats, and also into the cops nigh the river, did so molest the enemy, that about nine a clock they were enforced to forsake their boats, and their double Canon, which remained in the middle of the River, until that having tied the beats with cords, they drew them away up the river, and did no other thing therewith: for although they might have endamaged the fort by a long battering, yet had it been impossible unto them to approach to it to seize upon, considering that the river was staked thick, and the shot fell upon them as thick, if they discovered themselves never so little, so they were not suffered to appear within their reach. While they drew their boats, there was a rash fellow to occupy our harquebuziers, which did discover himself armed a great while in the sight of our men, playing with his two hand sword: and although they shot an infinite number of pellets at him, yet was he not hit but of two, and was very little hurt, as it was afterward reported.  
The third of August there was a great alarm given at the trenches of Beauregard, for the enemy made a countenance to advance forward upon us.  
At midnight we set upon the towers of the castle with great lanterns of light, because that the enemy had great fires in all their watches, and a mighty fire upon the vaults of S. Ihan of Laversay nigh the lodging of the Marshal Byron, half a league off from Bastile. At that time was there means made for the agreement between the king of Navarre, and the Marshal Byron general of the Popish army, which was concluded upon the fifth day of the same August. So that the night following the enemy began to draw pieces out of their fort: and at the breaking of the day put fire to it, which there continued the space of six months, having caught under the earth to those great pieces of timber, wherewith it was made even from the very foundation. The composition was very honourable, and to the great advantage of the king of Navarre: for it was first agreed, that the Marshal Byron should lead away his army beyond the river, without attempting upon Tonnay Charante, a place very weak, which he di● hold for the king of Navarre.  
Secondly, that Marans should remain free for the traffic.  
Thirdly, that the king of Navarre should have a Gentleman of his in the caste●l, with certain number of soldiers to hold the inhabitants of both religions in the same liberty which they had before the war. This agreement they of Fontenay and Niort would not hold, and never ceased to make war until that they were well punished: for wicked robbers did continually issue out of Fontenay, Maillezayes & Niort, having for their Captain a certain Mass Priest, named Sir merry, parish Priest of Ronde, who did daily rob Merchants and travelers of their goods, and often times of their lives, until they were reduced under the hands of the king of Navarre.  
The seventh of the same month, the king of Navarre came from Rochel, when it was very late, entered the Isles of Maran, by the fort Brune, and from thence to the Bastile, viewed all the forts and trenches on that side: and about ten in the night did sup at the sign of the Moon.  
The eight day he divided his companies, sending some into Poytow, other into Annis to refresh themselves, whilst the L. Byron lead his army into Xainctonge: so that army began to be broken against Reeds and Rushes of Marans, doing afterward nothing: but within a while after by little and little it was scattered and reduced to nothing.  
The Papists spoke diversly according to their passion, as though this army had not done what they might have done. But the truth is, that the king of Navarre had provided such a good order within the Island, and that there was such a number of men of valour, that the Lord Byron could not do otherwise then he did, except he would have thrust his men to the slaughter without endomaging much his enemy.  
Secondly, the marshes which at that time were wont to be dry, were yet full of water even a foot high, for the causes above recited.  
Thirdly, the men of war have made forts at every entrance into the Island, furnished with good and resolved men: for they were about one hundred of brave and 〈…〉 gentlemen, making about two hundred good horses, a●le to oppose themselves against the enemy, if he had attempted to enter. Also the enemies had to go above fifteen hundred paces in the Marsh, not above five in a rank, all discovered to our men who were in the forts.  
Fourthly, the Marish was full of steps, which the cattle made in winter: so that if the horsemen had waded, the one foot had sunk very deep, and the other would have stayed upon the firm ground, with a great number of Galthrops, which were cast in divers places. Such was the state of Maran, when the composition was made. The king of Navarre left the Lord jarry governor there as before, with charge to war against no man if they should not war against him.  
The Lord Nemours (whom the King had sent thither to command over the men of arms) stayed not there long: for he was commanded by the king of Navarre to retire in Poytow, and after went to Bruant.  
Few days after the distributing of the companies out of Marans, captain Lommeau discovered the money of the tributes & Impost of Poytow, conducted toward Loire by certain Albaneses: and some gentlemen with Popish soldiers of the country, whom they set upon: but they saved themselves in a Priory. Not far from thence he compassed them immediately with certain companies.  
The king of Navarre being advertised thereof at Rochel, departed speedily, and caused the great Culuerine of Marans to be brought before the Priory, which was strong without canon: they within yielded themselves by composition, which was, that they should go away safe, leaving behind them six thousand crowns, which was the charge of their convoy.  
As the king of Navarre used a wonderful diligence in going thither, so was his diligence no less in retiring thence, and commanded all the companies to do the like, knowing well that the enemy (which was yet at Morye, and about Fontenay with his army) would not fail to set on him; which thing did happen. But the said king of Navarre had already repassed the fort of Brault, which thing all his companies did not, for many remaining at Lusson to refresh themselves, and to far French-like, were charged and put to flight, some were slain, some taken prisoners, most of them saved themselves, leaving behind them their stuff and baggage, and among them captain Lommeau.  
It is said before, that by the advise of the Duke of Guyze, divers armies were appointed for divers provinces, and namely the Duke joyeuse for languedoc, where he entering with a power took the Cities of Lodeve and Saint Ponce: he took also Montesquion: but Marueiolx he took by treason. In all these places he committed incredible cruelties, and such as it were needful to find out new words to describe them. But as God is a just revenger of wrongs, so did he not suffer these cruelties long unpunished, but showed tokens that his justice is neither feigned nor idle, nor his hand shortened in punishing such insolent Tyrants: For after divers and manifold excesses and injuries done in the country, he besieged the mass Saint Puelles, the weakest, most miserable, and least defensible of all the places of Loragoys: there was he so shamefully beaten & put back, that after they had slain him thirty Captains, and five hundred Harquebusieres, they scattered his regiments, and so leaving his credit behind him cracked among men of valour, was feign to return home as well as he could, well chastised, to tell news of his good speed to his Master.  
Shortly after, the Nobility of languedoc advised better by the proud and insolent outrageousness of the man and of his companies, and taught by the execution of God's justice upon that rabble of savage robbers, assembled the states of that province, at Castelnawdarry, where they concluded never to meddle any more with the leaguers, neither to proceed any more by the way of war and violence against them of the Religion.  
It is said before how the Duke d'Espernon was appointed for Dauphin and Provance, and the son of joyeuse for Awergne. The Lord Espernon therefore entering into Dauphin with his power, had better success: for first he took Valance, Tallard, and Guileslie from the league, and reduced them to the King's obedience. He took also many towns from them of the Religion, as Sorges and others: he was more moderate and void of cruelty and savageness, yet at length seeing that as he had taken one place he left andther, and that war was an endless thing there, and that with long toil of war, and lack of money, his army was scattered, (as at length it went invisible) leaving his brother the Lord valet there with such forces as he had left, to do what he were able: so he went to the King again (and not without cause) considering he was one of his most faithfullest about his person.  
The young joyeuse in Awergne walked at liberty, took his pleasures, spent the King's money frankly, and when that was done, for lack of more, returned from whence he came as wise as when he went out.  
Thus we see that within the compass of a year, 6. armies have been sent (with great preparation of all necessary things) into several provinces, to war against heaven and earth, and to oppose themselves against all that is good and godly, and how they are all fallen to pieces, as though they had been smitten down by the hand of the God of armies, as the Lapiths and Centaurs are reported by the Poets.  
During these lamentable tempests, the which did so toss France with these six armies in divers provinces: The Princes and certain cities in Germany moved with compassion, pitying the miserable subversion and ransacking of France their next neighbours: sent an embassage to the King, to persuade him (if it were possible) to extinguish that combustion raised by the league, & by peace to restore the state of his Realm to some good stay.  
The Ambassadors were sent by the Prince's Electors of Saxony, Palatine and Brandenbourg, and by other Princes of the sacred empire as the Noble Princes joachim Frederick, marquess of Brandenbourg, and administrator of Magdebourg, july of Brundswik, and Lunebourg, William Lewis, and George Landgraves of Hessen, brethren: joachim earnest Prince of Chatten, with the four principal imperial cities, Strasbourg, Vlmes, Mersebourg, and Fr●nckefort, with the ambassadors of Vtten and Issenbourg, they all came, except they of Vtten & Issenbourg, which upon certain urgent affairs went back (delivering their commissions to their fellows) to Saint german in Say, & had audience the tenth of October.  
First, they offer the commendations and services of their Princes and commonwealths unto him.  
Secondly, they recite how they had been advertised, even by the letters of Mandolet, governor of Lions for the King, that his majesties intention had been to preserve the edict of pacification, established upon the faith of the Majesty of a Prince.  
Thirdly, that they understand that he had been enforced, contrary to his godly intention, to revoke the said edict of peace, and by way of arms to persecute his most faithful subjects, even the chiefest of the Princes of his blood, which thing they would hardly have believed, if it had not beerne made known by his own letters sent unto some of the said Princes, by the Lord Schemberg, hearing da●e the 22. of October. 1585.  
Fourthly, protesting of the good affection of their Princes and common wealths toward his Majesty, they do in their names in most humble wise beseech him, that considering into what pitiful state France had been reduced by the former wars, and the good benefits which have ensued the last peace: he will not be induced by the persuasions of the Pope, to bring in again blood shed, hatred of the Crown of France, loss of so many Princes, Lords, and Nobility, and of so many his faithful subjects, which have done to h●m and his predecessors so many notable services; which thing undoubtedly will ensue, (if not worse) if he do not defend the edict of peace, considering that by his own declaration he confess, seth, that the reformed Religion will not be rooted out by the sword.  
Fiftly, whereas he had showed by his declaration, that the edict of peace was made by ripe deliberation and counsel, and published with all solennities requisite thereunto, and that the said edict was sworn by his brother of happy memory, Duke of Alançon, by the Princes and Lords, in lifting up their hands to heaven, and that he himself would have that peace to be called his peace, which he made (as he said) voluntarily, without any compulsion, & for that would have it kept inviolable, there was no reason why the benefits of that peace should be cut off, by raising war at the Pope's pleasure. Last of all, they do show that there will ensue of the revoking of this edict of peace, a most certain and assured subversion of the state and Crown of France.  
And by the way of conclusion, they beseech his Majesty, that considering the reasons by them showed, & taking some pity of his poor Realm, it may please him to reject the persuasions of the Pope and Leaguers, and to preserve the edict of peace: offering unto him in the names of their Princes and Commonwealths, that if there be any means in them that may further a good peace, and restablish his estate, his Majesty shall understand how they are affectionate to procure all things which pertain to his honour and greatness: and if it pleaseth him, they will employ all their faithful service in the assuring of his dignity and royal Crown, and to the benefit of all Christendom, but specially to suppress this war, whereunto (in their judgement) he had been enforced.  
Having made an end of their embassage, they delivered him their instructions both in Dutch and 〈◊〉. The King giveth answer the 11. of October, but such an answer as he seemed rather to be offended with them for their duty and good will of their Princes & Commonwealths, than to be moved to any moderate counsel.  
It is said before, that in April of this year 1586. the King made great preparation of war in providing five armies all at once: at which time also they made a motion for peace unto the King of Navarre. By this it was an easy thing to judge, that they who disposed themselves to war so furiously, could not be brought to condescend to any moderate counsel or reasonable peace.  
But whilst all these armies were ready, and marching to do some great exploits, and to invade the Provinces (whereunto they of the reformed religion had retired and were strong) the QUEEN'S Mother also marched toward Guienne, in hope to obtain a greater victory in assaulting the King of Navarre with a parley, than all those armies with force. For she took with her out of the store of Italian tricks, temptation, disuniting and weakening. For first she will try the trick of Satan in the 4. of Matthew, when he tempting Christ proffered him all the kingdoms of the earth: So she thought to win this godly and noble Prince, in showing him, that if he would forsake the Son of God, he should be declared the right heir of the Crown, in case the King should decease without issue: otherwise it would be impossible to him to attain unto that Crown, considering the great strength of the Catholics, and how eagerly they are bend against the reformed religion.  
If she heareth the same answer of him, which Satan heard of Christ, then will she take the second weapon of her war in hand, which is Disuniting: for if the said King will not consent (upon the proffer of peace) to abolish the exercise of the reformed religion, than she will render him odious with infamous Libels throughout France, both to them of the reformed religion, and also to the Catholics; for both were desitous of peace: so she imagineth, that by these means she might disunite them from the King of Navarre, laying to his charge, that it rested but in him that France was not at rest.  
If this would not serve neither, than she thought sure that the third would do the feat; which was to abuse the true intentions of the said King of Navarre, that holding him long about the hope of peace, and whilst he should labour about it, he might be surprised by some point of Italian valour: and if not, his partakers would be so weakened in the Provinces, with these armies, that either he would not be able hereafter to defend himself, or withstand his enemies: or else that he would be enforced by this weakening, to accept at their hands a most disaduantagious peace.  
And to begin withal, she sendeth to the Lords Monpensier and Monmorency, willing them to dispose the heart of the said King to peace (as she said): which thing was diversly taken. For the Leaguers feared the authority of the Prince Monpensier, mistrusting that by these means the Queen unawares would unite him to the head of his house. They of the religion feared his facility, that he was made a mean for peace, lest he should join himself to the King of Navarre in this quarrel and war, (raised by the Leaguers) to destroy the house of Bourbon: so that by one thing both parts took occasion to distrust this message.  
Assoon as the negotiation of peace began, the practises of the Leaguers began also to interrupt the peace, which they greatly feared. For after the message of these two Lords, the Abbot of Gadaigne was sent to the King of Navarre, (for no Tragedy can be well played without a Priest) who being well entertained at Rochel by the said King, every man began to hope well of that thing which was so greatly desired.  
But when the Q. Mother came to Chevonceau, a town lying upon the river Cheer, which falleth in Loire beneath Tours, all this hope vanished away like a lightming. For then the hatred and deceitful meaning of the Q. Mother was discovered, which had lain hid under those courteous messages. For the Abbot of Gadaigne was sent to Browage, there to play Symons part (if he could): but his going thither was much suspected of the Rochelers. The victualling also of Browage was taken for a store house against their Town.  
There was a Gentleman named la Roche the lesser, who went many voyages between the King of Navarre and the Q. Mother, to agree of the place, and other means of the interview. The Q. by little and little did draw near to Xainctonge: the King of Navarre would have advanced as far as champaign in Tourene, so that the Marshal Byron, who had passed Loire, to assault Poytow, would retire beyond Loire, and that thing he required for his security.  
The Queen would, that he should trust in her; the King willed her to trust in him; she alleged her good will, he alleged his fidelity & innocency, who did never break his word toward any person. She did lay to his charge, that he was the cause that the parley could not be brought to pass. He answered, that it did stay but in her, that France was not in quietness, & that he was ready to see her, so that it were in a sure place, and that his way might be sure.  
Whilst these thing passed so between them, by messengers, some counseled the King of Navarre to help Chastilion, which was then besieged by the Duke d'Mayne: others willed him not to take heed to her deceitful words, and to expect the same courtesies which he had received heretofore at their hands.  
It is said before, how that among those five armies which were prepated in April and May, the commander Chastre was appointed to furnish a Navy in Britain, well provided. And in August, as they were taking order for the place and manner of the interview, this Navy on a sudden came before Rochel, which thing was the cause, that all was on the point to be broken. The King of Navarre complained to the King by the Lord Riaulx, beseeching his Majesty to call back that army, showing that he could not leave a town of such importance as that was, in that state, without seeking for the quietness and safety thereof. The army notwithstanding removed not thence, as long as they had any provision of victuals, whatsoever means the King of Navarre made for it: but at length in the month of November, the famine made them hoist up sails, and not the kings commandment.  
The self same day that the Navy took up anchor, Captain Arman was taken with letters of the Queen, to the commander Chastre, by the which he was commanded not to departed, or else not to go far from Rochel: these letters fell into the hands of the King of Navarre. He notwithstanding overcoming with patience all these occasions, which he might take to refuse the parely, he offered to see the Queen, upon the conditions above said, requiring that in the mean time, there should no act of hostility be done of either sides.  
The Queen required a truce to be taken, and published. The King of Navarre answered, that he could not consent thereunto, for as much as he had promised to his partakers, to enter into no agreement of peace, without their advise and consent: she found (to her thinking) that answer very strange. Thus like the Carthagenians, who wept when they should pay tribute to the Romans, but were not moved at all, when they yielded themselves tributaries to them.  
For when the King of Navarre, answered to the King's messengers, that he would stay yet six months for the King's succour, afore he would employ his friends, and that he would first be demanded of peace, before he would resolve himself to war. Now, when she finds that he hath given his word▪ she weary: it had been better to have wept when the edicts were broken, the innocent judged guilty, the obedient rebels, and the just malefactors. After much a do, the Q. Mother granted certain passports, which the King of Navarre demanded for to advertise his friends what he was in hand to do. At the self same time, she caused the truce to be proclaimed, which almost marred all, for the King of Navarre suspected, that under colour of that truce, she would stay the levy of the Germans.  
Thereupon the King of Navarre showed unto her, that this truce had a respect unto a common security, and that it should have been done by the common advise, so he caused the publishing to be called in, yet was it secretly printed, and sent into Germany.  
As they were about to conclude the said truce, certain of the companies of the Lord Neufuy were charged, which did greatly offend the King of Navarre. Thus this negotiation of peace going forward by messengers to and fro, the Duke d'Mayne in the mean while (supposing that the Q. Mother's absence from the Court, might be a good help to do some good exploit) hasted his journey from Puynormand, where his army partly weary and ashamed to obey such a cowardly Captain, partly for want of money was scattered, every man repairing where he thought to speed best: the Duke de maine (I say) came to Paris, where he and the rest of that house began to make new broils.  
But to return to the matter, at length after many voyages to and fro, lafoy Roche brought an order, both for the place and manner of the interview, and also of the truce granted of both parts. For the accomplishment thereof, therefore the King of Navarre came to larnak, a town situated upon the river Charante between Coignak and Engolesme the 11. of December, so the 13. day he want to Saint Brice with a good company.  
At the first meeting there were many complaints of both sides: the Queen reproached him of his disobedience, & passing over the former actions, she stayed upon the present calamities which do afflict France; she letteth him understand, that the King was enforced to make peace with the League to save his estate, and that without that remedy, all was lost.  
Secondly, that the pretence of religion ought to be taken away, to take away the war out of the realm.  
The King of Navarre on the other side answered to the first complaining, that he had none other way been damnicted or endangered, but by obeying the King: for the League was waxed strong, because he remained so long feeble, and that he had hazarded his life to keep his faith. Furthermore, reducing all the present calamities to the head spring, he imputed all the miseries, wherewith the realm is afflicted, to the peace made by the League: he showed also that the King was rather deceived with ill counsel, then forced to do that which he did.  
Thirdly, he showed that the preservation of the King's estate, depended of the entertaining of his edicts, and that they were his edicts in deed, which he had voluntarily sworn.  
Also, that they were edicts of peace, which chased away war, and not they which (for to satisfy certain seditious persons raised in some province) replenished the realm with sedition.  
Madam (said he) you cannot accuse me, but of too much fidelity: I do not complain of your faith, but of your age, which doing wrong to your memory, hath made you to forget what you had promised me: This was the end of the first interview.  
The sum of the principal articles of this truce, was, that it should endure unto the sixth of januarie, that she might advertise the King what was done, and that the said truce, if the King doth not agree to it, shall be prolonged fifteen days, for every one to retire, or else to take further advise.  
Secondly, to avoid the disorders, the impostes, subtleties, and other payments, shall not be gathered by neither side, and that within the first of januarie next coming, fifteen thousand crowns shall be delivered or levied upon the places, which they of the religion hold for the maintaining of the Garrisons of the reformed religion.  
Thirdly, that the Protestants shall cease to levy the tenths, goods and rents of Priests, where they have heretofore levied them: and as for the goods of the Catholics, seized on by them of the reformed religion, they shall not meddle neither of the one side, nor of the other.  
Fourthly, the men of war of both sides, shall make no roads, oppressions, nor any act of hostility, during the said truce.  
Last of all, the Q. Mother shall grant passports to the King of Navarre, his servants, friends, alleyed and partakers through the realm, and out of the realm, to advertise them of that which he is about, and also that he may send to the King, to let him know what endeavour the said King of Navarre hath used, to bring all things to a good peace. This was concluded at Tours, the 19 of December: in this truce were comprehended Poytow, Xainctonge, Engomoys, Lodumoyes, Mirebaloys.  
The Viscount Turenne was sent to Coignak, a Town upon the river Charante, between Xainctes and jaruk, to agree upon the particularities of the truce with the Q. Mother.  
There the Q. having agreed to these articles, & some other depending of these, gave him to understand, that for to have peace the king of Navarre must needs cause the exercise of the reformed religion to cease in the towns which he did hold: and gave him a special charge to declare to the said King of Navarre, that this was the kings will.  
The King of Navarre being in the way to come to see her, was met by the said Viscount, who declared unto his Majesty, what he was encharged by the Q. Mother to show him. Whereupon the king was about to turn back, but supposing tha● she had said so by the advise of the Counsel, he determined nevertheless to see her, and to satisfy his mind in answering her.  
When he had kissed her hands with a sad countenance, she asked him whether the Viscount Turenne had spoken with him, and assured him that it was the kings resolution.  
The king of Navarre answered, that he mused much, that she would take so great pains to t●ll him that whereof his ears were already weary to hear, and that she being so wise went about to resolve a difficulty by the self same difficulty. Also that she proposed to him that thing which he could not, would not, nor aught to do.  
For first, if he should forget himself so much, as to go about to do that which she required of him, yet were he not able to reduce all them of the religion, nor to cause them to leave the exercise of the same.  
Secondly, he himself would not, for than should he greatly hurt his conscience and honour: and for the one he hath God only for judge. His honour he should greatly impair, doing injury to himself, when he should seem to yield more to the arms of his enemies, then to the commandment of his Lord and King.  
Thirdly, he answered that he ought so do: for if he should seem to allow of that which was proposed to him, he should seem to allow the colour which the Leaguers have pretended: in whose pretences doth consist the strength of their arms, and in the strength of their arms the decay and undoing of the state.  
And although he knew well, that in so doing he should approach near the favours of the king, yet should he give them opportunity to take from him both the right which to him appertaineth, and to bereave the king of the faithfullest friend and servant he had.  
But they will not have such men as I am above the king (said he) for thereby they should be miserable, he should be better served, and all his subjects better governed.  
To this answer the Queen replied nothing, but went about to make himself feel the discommodities which he suffered by means of that religion which he professed.  
I bear them willingly (said he) when you have laid them upon me (as it seemeth) to ease yourself.  
Atlength she reproached him, that he did not in Rochel what he would.  
Yes Madam (said he) for I will nothing but what I should.  
The Duke of Nevers took the word, that he could not set an impost in Rochel.  
True (said he) for we have no Italians among us.  
After these speeches she opened unto him again a general truce for a year, on that condition, that there should be no exercise of the reformed religion within the realm, and within that time the states should be called.  
He answered, that if they of that religion should so lightly give over their holds, that the League would be stronger, the king weaker, and the states more unprofitable.  
Also, that it were impossible to cease the religion in France, except it were by a counsel duly assembled.  
So he taking his leave of the Queen, she often times repeated the same speeches which she had with the Viscount Turenne, & willed him to let the nobility which followed him understand of it: which thing themorow after he did with great grief, fearing to cause some alteration in their minds.  
After that, he sent two noble men of the mildest spirits in all his troops, to wit, the Lords Mauguyon & Force, to witness unto her what sorrow every one of them had conceived, to see things reduced to such an extreme resolution: and also to know whether they had any other thing to hope of the power which the king had given her.  
The Queen seeing, that all was upon the point to be broken, said, that shovee wld send the Lord Ramboullet to the king to know his last determination.  
She after told the Prince Monpensier, that all which she had said to the Viscount Turenne, was but by the way of discourse, dissembling to have had such speeches in plain terms to the king of Navarre, and willed the said Prince to let the king of Navarre understand, that she had a great desire to see him again, and also prayed him to make means of some prorogation of truce, which thing the said Prince showed to the king of Navarre when he went to take his leave from him.  
These double dealings of the Queen was diversly spoken, for some thought (to content the League) she would not open the means topeace.  
Others thought, that her Counsel being Leaguers, fed her with new hope, grounded upon the afflicted affairs of the religion, promising her at length to obtain a peace to the kings contentation: so they lead her closely to entertain a war profitable for the League.  
The Lord Rambovillet returned from the court, brought the oath, which the king had sworn in the solemnities of the order of the holy ghost, never to consent to the exercise of the reformed religion: at whose return the Q. Mother was very important to have a third parley with the king of Navarre, giving forth that the return of the Lord Rambovillet should be agreeable to him: to the which thing he was very unwilling to condescend, supposing the hope which he had conceived of that interview would be if not lost, yet far wide out of the way.  
They of his side discouraged him, fearing that he would not only continue the speeches which she had uttered before, and also to reiterate often times the truce, having advertizements that the truce was sent into Germany and Suisserland.  
Others advised him, that she held him in hand about a treaty of peace, in the mean time to prepare war against him. That she proposed him of hard conditions, to induce him to break off: and by that mean to make him hateful to all France, as the only hinderer of the peace thereof.  
Some others gave him notice, that she solicited the next towns and cities to execute the kings last edict: and that feigning to seek the common benefit of the state, she did much hurt in particular to the state of Rochel.  
Upon this earnest suit of the QUEEN'S Mother, in February the Leaguers took by force the Town of Vovans, and fair Montau, the which being places of no importance, caused men to suspect some treachery. The K. of Navarre also thought that he might not expect that they would give him any good thing, which took so great pains to take away so little from him: notwithstanding the Queen did so press him, that he granted the third interview, either to make the world know and see, that the fault was not in him if they did not obtain peace: or else that he persuaded himself that the Queen would not take so much pains to bring him ill news. She therefore took her journey to Fontenay.  
The 20. of February the king of Navarre came to Marans, accompanied with many noble men and company of Rochelers about threehundred men, guided by the Lord Gargoleau and other Captains, having the Colonel's ensign of Rochel: his coming thither was to parley with the Q. Mother, which was already at Fontenay. But for because the interview was to be made first in the isle Ellen, and after for her ease at the Fort Veluyre, the Lords Byron and Sarisack, with many other came to the king of Navarre to agree of the place.  
As the will to see one another did increase; so the mistrust did grow in their counsels. For the Q. Mother (or rather some of hers) did fear to go to the place where the Rochelers were stronger. And for as much as it was reported that the Ensign Colonel was at the ford Veluyre, they made as though they did fear to approach, considering also that the Rochelers had set up strong Barriers for the safety of the King of Navarre. These things she pretended to be the causes that she would not come thither. But in very deed she and hers saw not there the commodity how to execute that which they pretended to do. The King of Navarre did fear the entrances and turnings of these Marshes: for the natural situation of that country is such, that a man may do a feat without great hazard.  
Whilst these going too and fro were between them, the League took the alarm by these actions of the Q. but partly to let the peace which they did greatly fear, and partly (seeing some occasion) to execute their intended purpose, did conspire against the King's person.  
The Q. Mother perceiving that she could not execute that for which she was sent, (for no doubt she never intended to make any peace, but to commit some treachery upon the King of Navarre his person) and (by the just judgement of God) that which she had devised against that virtuous and innocent Prince, she heard that it was practised upon her son. She departed from Fontenay to Nyort, intending thus to take her journey to Paris, where she thought her presence to be needful. But before her departing out of the country, she would feign to do somewhat, lest it should be said she had done nothing. Therefore she sent to the King of Navarre, that he would send to her the Viscount Turenne; to whom she offered liberty to talk withal. To the which thing he consented easily. The Q. showed that she would treat with him, being informed of his prudence. The King of Navarre consented to that thing, being sure of his fidelity. All sorts of men deemed (that because he was known to love the blessed state and quietness of the Realm) he was indeed a fit instrument, if the counsel of the Q. would have used him unto that purpose.  
The Viscount Turenne for that purpose came to Fontenay, and having certified the Q. that he was there to receive his commandments, she proposed unto him to make a general truce, and that the affairs were such as there could be no talk of a peace as yet: for the which proposition he answered.  
That the King of Navarre would easily consent to that, and that he would always allow the name of truce, so that it would produce the events of a good peace. But that hitherto they had so stopped their cares to his requests, that he had been enforced to employ his friends to that end he might be heard, and that he could make neither peace, nor general truce without their advise and consent, for he was elected protector of a part, forsaken by the King, which consisted of many particular persons who had been particularly injuried, to whom no satisfaction could be made without hearing their complaints: that if it please her to grant the requisite pasportes, and a reasonable time to call them together, that it should be done with all speed. And for to bring this thing to pass, he thought good to make a particlar truce for the Provinces of Poytow & Xainctonge for two months, during the which the King of Navarre might provide and advise upon the means how to make the peace, for the treaty whereof, the deputies of the Provinces might come together.  
The Queen thought that truce very ill, and commanded her counsel to show the reasons.  
One of them answered, that it were prciudiciable to the King, for as much as during that time of truce, the King of Navarre would have means to bring the strangers into the Realm.  
Also that the catholics would become idle, and accustom themselves to rest: also that they of the league, would take that truce for a shadow of peace, of the which fearing the body, they would make a second insurrection.  
To those reasons the Viscount of Turenne answered, that the place of the entering of the strangers, had no correspondence with the high and low Poytow, and that the treaty of peace, did rather stay, than further the levy of them.  
He answered also to the second reason, which he said to be common to both parts, and that they of the reformed Religion would abuse rest sooner, than the Catholics, because they were less used to it.  
As for the insurrection of the league, he would say nothing to it, because he knew not not what they might do. But this he knew that the Duke of Guyze had but a small power: The Duke de maine had broken his army, and that of small rubbel there was never great buildings made.  
But for because he had spoken hitherto without charge, being come only to hear, the Queen thought good that he should return to the King of Navarre, to be particularly instructed of his pleasure.  
Coming then to the King of Navarre, he found him well assured of the levy of Germans, by a man which came the selfsame day.  
The same day the Viscount Turenne returned to the Queen speedily, & found her at Niort, determined to take her journey to Paris: he was heard, and made an ample discourse of the prosperous state of the K. of Navarre.  
First, that he had sustained the burden of five armies, which have served for nothing else, but to show that he was still in readiness, for the trial of the forces of his enemies: contrariwise that they were deceived both in forces and credit, & that they had reasons to the conspiracies and seditions of a town not able to war in the field.  
Also that they could hope for no more succour of the spantard, who was so occupied to defend himself, that he could not do so much as to dream to assault others: that if the King of Navarre had lost some weak villages, he had fortified strong holds. And whereas he had been hitherto upon the defensive: now he hath power to make his enemies to take his part. That he hath a mighty army of strangers, whom the necessity of his affairs did never procure him to call to his succour. That he never thought to employ their service to make war, but rather to make a good peace.  
Furthermore, that notwithstanding he hath received extreme injuries, yet it never came in his mind to use that to be revenged of them, whom he knew to be servants of this Crown.  
The Lord of Nevers assured him whether the King of Navarre had not bound himself to the prejudice of his crown.  
The Viscount continuing his discourse, beseeched the Queen in most humble wise, to believe that he was neither rash, nor a liar, and that he would say nothing but what he knew certainly to be true; and that if he knew otherwise, he would never disguise the truth, but that he certainly knew that the King of Navarre had done nothing with the strangers which be not for the good and quietness of the state, and to restore to the King and his faithful servants their authority.  
And to that end Madam (said he) that you may judge of his intent, he protesteth that whensoever your majesties pleasure is to use his forces, he will ever turn his face that way, whither the commodity of the Realm and your commandment shall call him.  
The King of Navarre (said he) continuing his discourses, hath always believed that the King having taken war in hand being the weaker, will never be able to restore peace before he be stronger. And then shall he be stronger indeed, when the Princes of his blood shall have his forces in hand, to restore the obedience which is due to him.  
This is the last remedy Madam (said he) which I could wish to be otherwise. And I do tell you this particularly as servant to your Majesty, and not as a Huguenot, to whom (it may be) it were more sure to expect an army, than a Negotiation, and a battle, than an edict. Believe not Madam, that damage of the State is sought by the friends thereof; it is more profitable and honourable to consent voluntarily to a peace, and to choose by time with a good will the means thereof, then to take the same enforced by necessity.  
The Queen said, that they should then stay the army of strangers, and did much brawl about the form of pasportes.  
Then the Viscount replied, Madam, if ye be so unwilling to give us good words, we are not come to that pass to expect good effects, for the which we should stay the longer if we should stay for the means whereby, to enforce you thereunto. Madam, the time is no more that we will assure ourselves upon a single promise, seeing that the edicts have failed us.  
The Queen did so give ear to these reasons, that she seemed to have her mind occupied more upon the advertisements which were given her on every side: for they set before her face the appearance of a great rebellion, and the King was ill provided of company. The Duke d'Mayne was in Paris, practising against the King's person: the Duke of Guise was about to put himself into Paris also. They made her see in their advertisements, the occasions which the heads of the League had to give the last blow of despair, they did show her that the hope which the Leaguers had of England was dead with the Queen of Scots, and that the devotion of the Clergy did cool as fast as the ambition of the League did heat. They showed her how the six armies already were spent and consumed without doing any thing, that they of the reformed religion were grown strong, so that there was no more hope for them to build out of the ruins of them, whereby it appeared evidently in what danger of them the King stood. All these things being set before her eyes, made her to take her journey in haste from Niort to Paris, fearing lest these seditious persons, who had left nothing more to enterprise, would execute their mischievous intents upon the King's person: therefore at the same time, the mistrust did greatly increase at the Court, where there were divers factions, for the King mistrusted the Leaguers, and the Leaguers the King, and among the Leaguers, one mistrusted another. Every one going about, under the colour of defending the Romish religion, to lay down the foundation of their greatness by rebellion, murder, and particide: which stirring of rebellion, caused also that this general truce which was in hand was not brought to effect.  
It is said before, that the 13. day of December 1586. the Q▪ Mother required of the King of Navarre, that a truce for a whole year might be taken, which the King of Navarre granted, so that it might be by the consent and advice of his friends, servants, and confederates, and such as had elected him for their protector and defender, whom the King had forsaken by his edicts, ploclaiming war against them, and also to certify the Germans thereof, which were his friends and allied: whereupon she agreed to give passports, that with safety of the messengers, they might be advertised thereof.  
Upon this promise of passports the 29. of December, the King of Navarre to omit nothing, which might show the desire he had to pacify the miserable troubles of the realm: and for to dispose as well them of the religion, as his friends, confederates, and servants, he sent forth notable gentlemen into divers countries, as well of the realm as out of the realm, with letters of credit, and ample memories to inform them of all that had passed in the interview between him and the Q. Mother, to that end that nothing should be disguised and falsified to them, as it had chanced often times in the former civil dissensions, by them who do watch nothing more than to disunite the hearts united to so good a work, as is the quarrel debated so many years against the Romish League, enemy to all quietness: these were the contents of these letters of credit.  
The King of Navarre sent to them, to whom he directed his letters, this Gentleman N. carrier of the said letters to visit them, and to let them understand the state of the common affairs, and how all things had passed at the meeting of him and the Q. Mother: he prayeth them to believe the messenger, as well about the particularities of the meeting, as about all those things which he had to tell them from him: he prayeth them also to be of good courage, and not to be weary, because of the good hope which he hath of the blessed issue of so many labours: and for his part he will omit no point of his duty, touching the preservation of the common cause. As touching the memories, the writ enclosed in the letters, contained the sum of them.  
The King of Navarre protector of the reformed Churches in France, supposing that to be the charge of his duty, after so many storms passed, to visit and to confirm the remnant of the dissipation: hath sent this the Lord N. to represent unto all them of the religion, in the Province N. what the estate of the common affairs is. And to this effect the said Lord shall repair to the Lords, Gentlemen, & other persons of meaner quality, who have retired to their own houses, or unto other places of the said. Province, for the rigour of the edicts (if it can be possible that he may find them) and shall certify them, how that after so many lets and delays, which mistrust bringeth, he hath seen the Q. Mother nigh Coignak: that he hath entered into no treaty of peace, but only hath harkened unto all that should be proposed to him, touching the attaining to the same, & that he hath promised to do nothing therein, without the advise of the Churches, kinsmen, friends, confederates and servants.  
And that acknowledging the honour which the said Lady hath done to him, considering the labour which she had taken at that time of the year, and in that age that she is of (after many discourses which she hath made of her desire and inclination to peace) he hath consented to a truce of two months in the provinces of high and low Poytow, Laudonoys, Mirabaloys, Angomoys & Xainctonge, as well on this side of Charante as beyond, as also in the town and government of Browage and Aluert, the country of Aunis, the town and government of Rochel: in the mean time to send for the deputies, as well of the churches of France, as of the confederates out of the realm, for to entreat of the peace by their common advise.  
But having sent the Lord Turenne with six men of honour with him to Coignak, for to agree upon the conditions necessary for the entertaining of the said truce. The said Q. mother (among other discourses) had declared unto him, that the king would suffer but one religion in the realm, to wit, his own, which determination of the King she sa●d she would plainly show lest any man should be deceived therein, commanding him to declare the same to the king of Navarre & to his partakers. Which message the said Viscount reported unto the king of Navarre, as he was upon the way to go to the place appointed for the second interview. The said Lady also had made him more particular declaration, and also commanded him to make acquainted the other nobles and gentlemen which were with him, and to send her answer the morrow after.  
Which thing the said king of Navarre showing her to be impossible to grant, after having supported for so many years the weight of arms, for the defence of the self same thing only: and that if so it were indeed, that there was no need to take so much pains as she did to lose it. She persisted therein, notwithstanding, so that thereupon the said king of Navarre took his leave of her.  
And the self same day at night, the said king of Navarre giving notice to the said Lords which were there at jarnak of the kings determination: all answered with one mind and consent, that it was impossible the said determination to be obeyed and performed. The morrow after by a common accord, they sent to her the Lords Montguyon and Force, to desire her most humbly to declare again whether that was the last resolution of the king. For as much as they were all resolute, after having shed their blood, and fought for so just a quarrel to live and die: yet for the defence of the same, and upon that to finish the truce, which was to end six days after.  
Upon that occasion she sent the Lord Monpensier, and the Marshal Byron, to excuse herself, that she had not spoken so rawly, and that her discourse about that matter was of advise, and not of resolution: desiring that they would stay until the sixth day of januarie next, whilst she sendeth the Lord Rambovillet to the king to know his answer: and expecting the kings answer, the truce hath been continued according to the articles agreed upon for that purpose.  
Since the K. of Navarre returned from Rochel, whence he had likewise sent a gentleman to the king, to notify unto him what was passed in that interview, to the end that he might also know the duty of the king of Navarre therein.  
Which thing likewise he hath done to the churches, and to the chiefest who make profession of the religion, to let them understand in what manner he hath proceeded, lest the adversaries should give out things otherwise then they are, as their manner is to do, for to sow hatred and dissension among us, to divide us by such crafty means.  
The self same message hath the King of Navarre sent to other provinces and Lords, strangers, our partakers, of whom we do expect succour.  
Now therefore knowing the state of the affairs, the king of Navarre prayeth them to give him their advise what is expedient to be done, greatly desiring in that which concerneth the honour of God, and the common quietness of his whole church, to proceed (as he hath done before) not in following his own opinion, but by the common advise and consent of all.  
He willeth them to know, that as partaker of the miseries, of the griefs, & vexations, which so many persons do suffer in their souls, bodies, & goods, being partaker of so many groanings and tears, of so many poor families scattered and deprived of their commodities: he hath always desired that for their deliverance it might please God to give us a good peace. But perceiving the crafts and deceits of our adversaries, and their hardness of heart, he hath bend himself to patience, finding all his pains and labours whatsoever light and easy in the defence of so good and just a cause: wherein he hath felt in himself a wonderful great favour and assistance of God, having seen that which he durst not have thought on, and done that which he would never have believed. Whereupon he exhorteth them that have remained constant, expecting the goodwill and pleasure of God, to persever and hope shortly of a good issue.  
And them, which through feebleness, or heavy burden of evils, have fallen to keep their hearts to God, and that they will not suffer that fire of zeal, whereof they do feel yet the heat, to be cooled and quenched, hoping for their deliverance, that by the means thereof, and the grace of God, they may reunite themselves, and join to that body where from they are gone.  
That they will assure themselves both the one and the other, that there shall never be peace before affairs be established as well beyond as on this side of Loire: and that the said king will provide for necessary safety in case of imminent danger for their safe retire, otherwise there should be nothing done.  
As the king of Navarre beareth to them, and all that concern them a singular love and affection, that they would render unto him the like: that Godblessing such a correspondance of good wills, we may all enjoin to his honour and glory the fruit, which such unity and concord would bring to the confusion of God's enemies.  
Also other particularities necessary to this Argument, the said gentleman N. shall show unto them of the Religion following what he hath seen and heard by the course of the affairs, being otherwise impossible to reduce them all in writing.  
And above all things he shall assure them of the good firm, and constant resolution of the said king of Navarre, and of them who do assist him to employ their lives and means for the glory of God, and deliverance of his Church. At Rochel the 29. of December. Henry, & below, Berzeau.  
The end of the third Book.   

THE FORUTH BOOK.  
IT is said before, how the Duke of Guise in the apprehension, of a great fright, & in a great heat went both to complain to the King, how all the heretics of France had conspired to join their forces together, to oppress his brother the Duke de maine, almost destitute of defence: and also to give him counsel how to let such a dangerous association of them, to wit, by diverting their forces. And that could not be done, but by sending several armies into several Provinces, where they of the religion were strong. It is also said, how upon this advise the King provided six armies, whereof be sent one into Poytow, and another into languedoc, the third into Dauphin, the fourth into Awergne, and the last was a Navy conducted by the Commander la Chastre, and the sixth most dangerous was lead by his Mother against the King of Navarre, under the colour of parley of peace, having with her a legion of Italian wrenches and figs which did her no service.  
Whilst the King was left alone, and his forces scattered far & wide from him, the Duke of Guise advised himself of a dilemma, that either he might easily oppress the King, or else at least might work jollily the seduction of the people. Therefore he called his brother the Duke de maine, began to complain greatly of the King, and to impute the ill success of his brother in Guyenne to him, to wit, how his brother was forsaken, destitute of men, money and munition. That this was the argument, that the Catholics were betrayed, that the King was corrupted by counsel, and that he hated and despised them whom he should love and embrace: and that he had intelligences with the heretics. And that if he would not dishenerite and degrade the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, than there was no cause why the Catholics should commit their lives to a dissembling King, who had nothing in his tongue but war, and in his hart did seek for peace with heretics. And therefore they cried out that the enemy was at hand, and stood at the door, and that omitting and leaving all others, he only was to be assaulted. This was the text whereupon the Friars, Priests and jesuits made their chattering discourses in the pulpits. This was the lesson which his favourers should repeat with great vehemency, among men of all degrees, when they met in company.  
By these false reports and traitorous slanders, much hatred and misliking of his government was procured to the King. Yet considering that both he and his partakers were very near danger, the Q. Mother was sent out of Poytow, where she had been parlying and brawling with the K. of Navarre four or five months, seeking occasion to make her Italian pipes play. She in great haste (fearing the breaking of good fellowship between the King and the Duke of Guise) (for by such frays she had kept herself always in authority) cometh to the Court, and by the Leaguers who were about the King's person, easily do persuade him to hold with the Leaguers; and so once more the heads of the Leaguers do obtain security, and do pause a while waiting for a better opportunity.  
For as much as the voyage and practises of the Q. Mother against the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, in the parley and interview at Saint Brice, could not bring to pass the effects pretended, her return to Paris, and the intelligences of the levy of the Germans, gave matter unto the King to enter into new deliberations to defend the Leaguers. For without his counsel, power and countenance, they had been reduced to that plunge, as they had never been able to get out.  
With this new year therefore 1587. we will begin this fourth book, which will show marvelous tempests and events to have been brought forth, to the small advantage of God's enemies, yet to the great furtherance of that rebellion which hath ensued, wrought, and procured by the Leaguers. But first we will speak and begin by the exploits of war which had been done, specially in Dauphin, and then we will return to pursuing of the great stirs and preparations of this year.  
It is said before, how the Duke Espernon appointed for Dauphin and Provance, did there what he could, and in displacing the Leaguers out of many towns and holds, he did good serui●e to the King, but seeing that war in that country to be endless, committing the remnant of his forces to his brother the Lord valet, & repaired to the King in November 1586 after the siege of Sorges. After his departure out of Dauphin, the Lord Diguieres recovered the town of Sorges, and employed three-moneths, to wit, januarie, February and March, in visiting the country, viewing of the places, fortifying the holds, and repairing the ruins which the armies had made the year before, looking to have a new army upon his back the spring following (which notwithstading came not to pass) by reason that the King made all preparations which could be possible against the Germans, both in the heart of France, and on the way which they should come in, to receive them with small courtesy. This thing caused, that the Lord des Diguieres had opportunity to do great things this year 1587. in that Province, as followeth. In the beginning of April, the Lord Diguieres took the castle of Champer, two Leagues from Grenoble, at which time the Court of Parliament there opened a way to a truce, which notwithstanding did not let the exploits of war, for as much as in the mean time, the said Lord Diguieres brought three pieces of battery to Nants, to batter Venterol town and Castle, but they surrendered themselves before they saw the cannon.  
The 7. of May, the company of men of arms, of the Lord Diguieres, conducted by the Lord Poligny his Lieutenant, and the company of the Lord Rosse, a popish Gentleman, lead by himself, did draw forth to skirmish the Garrison of Saults. There they killed six score men, among whom there were twenty of commandment, took six prisoners, and well nigh had entered into the town mingled with the enemies: all this was done with the loss of one man, only of the religion.  
The 31. and last of May, the Castle of the Lord Menestrier, strong, and situated upon a rock, builded again at the charges of the Country, to keep them of the religion in bondage, was rendered by composition, and razed, after it had sustained 14. days siege, by the Lord Diguieres, assisted by the Lords Brikmaut, Morges, and others.  
A little before that, the Pont of Coignet (surprised few days before by the Lord valet) was yielded at the discretion of the Lord Diguieres. The town of Quinsieur in Merindol was compassed about by the Lord Governet, and a while after, the Lord Diguieres (assisted with the lords Poet, Blacons, Montbrune, Vacheres, Brikmaut the younger, and the troops of the Province) there conducted three pieces of artillery; at the arriving and sight of the, the which town was surrendered with their safety, and the Castle at discretion.  
The 18. Benivay was surrendered likewise.  
The 19 the towns of Pierrelongue and Esgalieres were taken.  
The 22. jonquieres a town belonging to the principality of Orange was compassed, and the same day taken, after it had sustained 25. voleys of Ordinance. Gygondas also was rendered at the news of rendering of jonquieres.  
The 23. Poet Laval was besieged, and after it had sustained one hundred and fifty shot of two field pieces, at length was surrendered the 29. of the same month, although that the breach was not sufficient, and that they who besieged, had set up the ladders, and after took them up with further assault.  
The thirteenth day of july, the Lord valet took Pierrelongue by composition, after six score shot of pieces of battery. They who were within the town, came forth with their armour, their stuff and baggage safe, their Ensign open, the drum playing, and their match fired.  
The eighteenth day the Lord Diguieres went to Host, a town unwalled, and bestowed the rest of the month in fortifying of that place, wherein he employed the Lord Vacheres, to make war against the town of Cerf, half a mile distant from that place.  
The Lord Chastilion having gathered certain forces in languedoc, to join with the Suissers, who were coming into Dauphin, was expected upon the Rosne by all the forces of Dauphin from the 19 of july. The Lord de Poet, governor of the town of Montlimart, went forth with a good part of the forces there, to favour his passage. The said Lord Chastilion and Diguieres passed over the Rosne the first day of August, and sojourning long there, they gave leisure to the Lord valet to seize upon the bank of the river Lizere, and so letting their passage, had opportunity to do what he did.  
Whilst the L. Chastilion sojourned in Dauphin, the said L. valet practised a secret execution upon the town of Montlimart, & so began to draw his forces thither ward: but the inhabitants mistrusting his approaches, prepared themselves, which caused him to retire back again: yet he set such an order, that the Lord Balathye surprised the town, but the castle remained still in the hands of them of the reformed Religion. The L. valet did greatly fear, that the said town would be surprised again by the Castle, and would have provided a greater power to put in for the keeping of the same: But the said Lord Balathye answered, that he was strong enough to defend the same town. This was done the sixteenth of August.  
The seventeenth day at 9 a clock in the morning, the Lord Chastilion and Diguieres understood of this exploit done, though they were more than twenty leagues off. The said Lord Diguieres dispatched speedily the Lords Poet, Blacons, Sales, and Sousbrochet, with their companies, they took also the Lord Vacheres, with some other companies.  
In the mean while, the gentlemen of Viuar●ts which do lie right against it on the other side of the Rosne, understanding of this surprise, did send forces into the Castle by two Noblemen of the country, to wit, the Lords Mirebel and Allard.  
When the enemy had possessed the said town of Montlimart three days, the Lord Poet with his companies (being about three hundred men and fifty horses) entered at night into the Castle, and proposing what was to be done, determined to set speedily on the town, and the 19 day about 7. a clock in the morning he assembled all his forces, which were about two hundred pikes, and one thousand arquebusiers, issued out of the Castle into the town, with such fierceness, that they forced their trenches and Barricadoes, and cut in pieces above two thousand men, and among others the county of Suze, the Lords Ancone and Logieres, Teil the son, and Dupuy, Saint Martin, with many others, noblemans, Gentlemen, Captains, and men of fame, remained dead upon the place. There were a great number wounded, among whom were Ancone and Saint Fereol.  
Many were taken prisoners among them, men of name which were these; the eldest son of the County Suze, the Baron guard, Chemlak, governor of Vivarets, Strange, Teil the Father, Pracontat, the young Cossans, the young Vauterel, Balathye the Captain of the enterprise upon Montlimart, all Noble men. The Lord Ramfort had arrived in the town but four hours before, not willing to fly away shamefully, found the means to get into a tower of the town, where he defended himself three days: but at length seeing the pieces, yielded himself to them of the reformed Religion: there died not many more than twenty, among whom was the Lord Tissieres: there was about six and twenty hurt.  
This blow did greatly weaken the Papists in that Country, so that afterward they were more flexible unto a reasonable peace, than they had been before.  
This was the work of God which used the valour, diligence, & good government of these Noble men, but specially of the Lord Poet, chiefest governor of the said place. There excelled also the valiantness of the Lord Blacons, Vacheres, Mirebel and Allart, Gentlemen of Vivarets, the which being in so small number, to wit, about twelve hundred men, forced more than three thousand men of war, furnished & lodged advantageously within their Barricadoes, flanked and defended in front with three Cannons, to revenge the cruelties which they had used, and to beat down their pride  
The Lord Chastilion had procured certain regiments of Suissers, to come out of the Lordships of Berne, to descend along the lake of Losanne, and to repair into Dauphin, there to assist them of the Religion against the Lord valet, and to bring that country, and the next provinces about, out of the bondage of the Leaguers and Catholics. The Lord Chastilion came (as is said before) into Dauphin the first day of August, and went accompanied with the lords Diguieres and Poet, to receive them at the river Lizere. But the Lord valet having left Balathye in Montlimart for the safe keeping thereof, went with speed over Lizere, to let the L. Chastilion with his company, to pass over that river to join with the Swissers.  
The Swissers being two thousand Pikes, five hundred Corstets, three hundred arquebusiers, two hundred Musketeers, and four hundred Frenchmen, gathered on the frontiers of Suisserland, being all in number three thousand and four hundred men, drew near to the river Lizere, to have joined with the said Chastilion. But the Lord valet accompanied with Alphonse Corse, having intelligences of their coming with five hundred Harquebusieres, and four companies of horsemen, set upon them, defeated them, and took eleven Ensigns which he sent to the King, and one Coronet of horsemen. This overthrow was given the same day of the recovering of Montlimart, and in the sight of the Lords Chastilion and Diguieres, who were on the other side of the river, and by no means could pass over to rescue them. There were slain about one thousand men, twelve hundred taken prisoners, and were sent to Valence, to work to the fortifications there: a greatnumber saved themselves in Dauphin. God maketh the number and arms prevail as pleaseth him. They which were prisoners, were redeemed by exchange of them that were taken at Montlimart.  
Thus things passed on both sides, the Lord Chastilion at length having intelligences of the Germans coming with his companies, took his journey to meet them, whom he met in Basignye nigh Chaumont the 22. of September next following, as shall be noted hereafter.  
The 31. of August, the eldest son of the County of Grignan, at the solicitation of the Lord Diguieres, took part with the king of Navarre against the League, and seized upon the town of Clausures and Monsegur, towns well situated in the County of Grignan, wherein the Lord valet had put garrisons few days before.  
About the same time, the Lord Blacons took the town of Suze, which after it was ransacked, was given over because the castle could not be taken.  
The first day of September, the Lord Diguieres accompanied with the Lords Governet, Brikmaut, and the young Morges besieged Guylhestre, and battered it with four mean pieces, and two little field pieces: so that after having sustained two hundred shot, and the breach being reasonable, the enemy forsook the town, and retired into the castle: the which also after certain volyes of canon shot, rendered themselves the 5. of September by composition; by the which it was agreed that the Gascoynes should departed and be sent away with a white staff in their hands, and they of the country to remain upon discretion.  
The tenth of October the Castle of Quyras, besieged since the 25. of September, was surrendered to the Lord Diguieres, assisted with the Lord Brikmaut and Morges, where is a thing worthy of remembrance, that the ways being so high and difficult for the artillery to be carried over the mountains, contrary to the impossibility which we thought to be, and the expectation of the Papists, yet it passed over. They were six hundred Soldiers, & 15. hundred Pioniers, in drawing the same over the mountains but four Leagues, in the space of 15. days.  
At the same time the Lord Diguieres knowing that the enemy fortified a temple in the town of Saint Peter in the Marquisat of Saluces, sendeth thither the Lord Brikmaut with his companies, who forced that place in the middle of the day the twelft of October, took the captain prisoner, and cut to pieces the rest: this was the first exploit beyond the mountains.  
The eight of November the Lords Ramefort, Espornakes, and Signak, through intelligences which they had in jonquieres, had seized upon all the town, save one tower only: the news were brought to Orange to the Lord Blacons, the which three hours after the taking thereof, appeared before the town with 30. horses. This his sudden and unlooked for coming, did so terrify the footmen who were within the town (calling to remembrance the entertainment which they had at Montlimart) that they sorsooke the place, the captain being not able to hold them, although they were in number four hundred footmen, and six score horses, which were not yet entered into the town, whom the Lord Blacons let go without any pursuing, content only to enter into the town for to chastise the traitors.  
In the month of April, the States of the country, and Senate of Grenoble had some speeches of peace, as is aforesaid: but it was delayed Decemb. from time to time, the people being not willing to conclude any thing without the good will and advise of the King of Navarre, knowing him faithful to the king, lover of the good, and prosperity of the realm, and that he desireth nothing more than the wealth and quietness, as well of the State in general, as of their province, as also to be a true Prince of the blood, a Prince true and faithful in his word, having never altered his word in respect of any person, whose singular valiantness, mildness, and gentleness (if there were no other things in him) might move the people to honour and acknowledge him, according to that degree which he hath in the realm of France. These were the causes which moved the States & people of Dauphin to conclude nothing without his direction.  
The Articles proposed in the provincial States of Dauphin were three.  
First, that protestation be made to the obedience due to the King, and to the issue male, which it shall please God to give him.  
And that for lack of issue the king of Navarre be acknowledged as head of the Princes of the blood, first successor of the crown, and after him the other Princes, according to the primogeniture of their degree, with detestaon of the manifestes, and other such libels, whereby they of the League have gone about to alter this succession.  
Secondly, that the reformed religion be received throughout all the Province of Dauphin indifferently: and that they of the reformed religion shall permit the Romish, and suffer the church men to enter and enjoy their goods and livings: on both sides they do promise to acknowledge the court of Parliament of Grenoble, and to obey the Lord Maugyron: & that whatsoever alteration may happen to the State, the king of Navarre shall employ his authority present, and to come to the observation of the agreement, namely, in that which doth concern the dignity of the court, of the Lieutenant, of the King, and of the church men.  
Thirdly, that in expecting a peace, in more ampie manner every one shall keep that which he holdeth, shortening notwithstanding the garrisons as much as shall be possible.  
This was concluded and agreed in the provincial States of Dauphin, with an agreement upon their common defence about the 20. of December.  
Although the Lord Espernon be a most zealous and devout Catholic, & that he did against them of the reformed religion all that ever he could, yet with some moderatnes he had committed the government of his charge to the Lord valet his brother, which used the same valiantness, with the like modesty: God did so bless the good intents of these two noble Catholics indeed, as issued out of an ancient and noble stock, without any degenerating, that having well rid that Province of Dauphin of seditious and factions Leaguers, afterward the Catholics and reform have fallen to a good and peaceable composition, by the which they have entertained themselves in amity, and kept their country from ransacking, and subversion.  
So we see now these two great and large provinces languedoc, and Dauphin, the one through the savage cruelty of joyeuse, the other through the faithful service and modesty of the Lords Espernon and valet, brethren, to be set in good peaceable state.  
It is said how the king of Navarre had certain meetings and parleys with the Q. Mother, and how the last parl●y appointed, was interrupted by the conspiracies of the Leaguers, seeking to lay the foundation of their greatness, under colour of defending the Romish religion: after the which interruption, the King of Navarre retired into Rochel, where he continued until the end of April.  
Now let us lay down what the said King of Navarre did from this time, to wit, the latter end of April unto the end of December, and then we will take the course of those things which have passed in other countries, and by the setting down of other men.  
About the end of April, the King of Navarre departing from Rochel with certain pieces of ordinance, took Chizay by composition, and Sassay by assault, where he commanded certain robbers of Niort, (who had obstinately resolved to withstand him) to be hanged. From thence he went to S. Mexent, which yielded upon composition after they had seen the Canon. From thence (feigning to go somewhere else) departed in the evening, and in the morning early was before Fontenay, and on a sudden (without great resisting) took the Suburb called Loges, and at the same instant compassed the town on every side, lest any succour should enter in. But seeing that he had need of more ordinance than he had, speedily departed to Rochel to have more; which thing the Rochellers did very willingly and speedily grant: so that within less than five days he returned, and began to batter Fontenay with nine pieces. The Prince also brought certain pieces from S. Jhan d' Angely, so that Captain Rossiere, who commanded there over the Albanese and inhabitants, were enforced to yield by composition, almost at the discredition of the said King of Navarre, who used them very courteously, performing inviolably whatsoever he had promised them.  
From Fontenay the King of Navarre sent the Prince of Conde to Manlion, a little town, with three pieces of ordinance, which notwithstanding was taken with ladders before the ordinance had played. The morrow after, the King of Navarre arrived thither, who had retired to Lusson, after the taking of Fontenay, feigning to retire to Rochel.  
The King perceiving that his▪ Mother could neither execute her secret practises, nor bestow her Italian figs upon the King of Navarre, nor the Prince of Conde, immediately after her return to the Court, to please the Leaguers, and to entertain their favour, for that he was so much beholding to them, immediately he determined to send a mighty army into Guyenne, against the King of Navarre and of them of the religion. And supposing that the Marshal Byron had gone too slowly about his matters in the last army, he was desirous to try what another Captain of a hotter spirit could do. And because the Duke joyeuse the King's brother in law was somewhat famous, not for his valour, but for incredible & monstrous excesses of cruelty, which he had showed the year before at Lodeve, Saint Ponce and Marueiolx, and other places in languedoc: for the true description whereof, new terms and words had need to be devised. The King (I say) supposing him a fit iustrument to execute his choler upon them of the religion, which so valiantly had heretofore resisted the injuries of the Leaguers, and despised their forces, for the great wrongs proffered to his Majesty by the Leaguers, sent him with a mighty army to pass over the river Loire. The King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were in the low Poytow with their companies very brave and lusty, though very small in comparison of the multitude of the enemies. And as some companies of the Duke joyeuse had passed Loire, and advanced themselves upon the King of Navarre his men, the said King of Navarre wholly discomfited a band of the enemies: which thing being done, he caused his companies to retire, some to Saint Mexent, others into Xainctonge, to employ them as occasion might serve, to the overthrowing of that new mighty army. But not long after it happened (I know not by whose fault committed) that two regiments, to wit, the regiment of Charboniere, and of Captain Debory, were left within the town of Mote Saint Eloy, nigh Saint Mexent, being not assured of the Castle, but only by the promise of them who did hold it. Which afterward, seeing the enemy assault the said Charboniere and Debory, did not favour them, but took part against them, and that more is, delivered two pieces of ordinance to the enemy, wherewith they broke the Barricadoes of our men: so they were discomfited by the Lord joyeuse, Debory was taken prisoner. Charboniere was then at S. Mexent, where he did good service at the siege, which the enemy shortly after laid before the said town. Among other examples of barbarous and savage cruelty in divers places, by the said joyeuse executed, deserveth a special note of infamy, that the posterity may discern men from monsters. The Soldiers of the said Charboniere and Debory, (to whom upon his faith he had promised safety of life) yet contrary unto the same, having caused them to be stripped stark naked, and so they falling upon their knees, crying unto God for mercy, and unto the enemy for compassion, without any pity or feeling of humanity, commanded his Soldiers to try their strength of their arms, and the sharpness of their swords upon those naked bodies, destitute of all defence.  
After that he besieged Saint Mexent, which resisted the fury of his army, and of all his ordinance for the space of 15. days, and about the 22. of june, the town was surrendered by composition: which the King of Navarre did greatly mislike, because that L. jarriete being known and stayed at the gate, as he went forth among the rest was brought to the Lord joyeuse, which committed him to the hands of the Marshal, with commandment to put him to a shameful death. This learned and godly man had faithfully and virtuously executed the ministry in that town, and there he confirmed the doctrine which he had preached, with a most constant and Christian death, which was unhappy to them, who without a cause put him to the same. For they themselves who executed that unjust commandment, would not dissemble to say (after they had heard the earnest confession of his faith and prayers which he made in the end of his life) that certainly God would revenge the death of so good and godly a man, in whom there was found no cause of such punishment, and in deed the Duke joyeuse and his army did not survive him long.  
After the taking of Saint Mexent, the Lord joyeuse came to Niort, with show to seize upon Marans, as well to cut the way into Poytow, to the King of Navarre, as to shut him up into Rochel, and by these means to besiege Fontenay with less danger, which as yet was but slenderly fortified: also to seize upon Talmound, having all the rest to his devotion; which thing seemed to him easily to perform.  
For although the King of Navarre feigned that he would defend Maran against that army, as he did the year before against the Marshal Byron, at the selfsame season, yet notwithstanding he had not determined so to do, as also it was a thing impossible to defend it, for the Marshes and ditches and channels were so dried up, and the earth so hardened, that the footmen could easily go through every where: there was some more discommodity for horsemen, by reason of the steps, but yet it was accessible every where.  
In the mean time, the King of Navarre sent in the regiment of Captain Preau, with some other companies, who showed great diligence in fortifying the holds of Bastile, Brune, Poyneuf, and Clowsie: as for the Fort Brault, the King made it in form of Shears on the side of the land, and had determined to defend that only and the Castle. The others were only to hold the enemy in hand, and in the mean time that this resolution might be stayed, the heads having commandment to retire into the town, and not harden themselves obstinately in the defence of the said Forts. After that the Castle was furnished with necessaries, Captain Preau should retire to Fontenay, the Lord jarry with a number of Soldiers should retire into the Castle, when he should be enforced to forsake the town, and there to abide the force of the enemy for eight days: which thing he could do well enough. In the which space, the King of Navarre and the Prince having assembled their forces, would have given so many crosses to the Duke joyeuse, that perhaps he should not have needed to take the pain to go to die at Coutras: notwithstanding, for these considerations or other, the Duke joyeuse set not on Marans, but at the request of the Lord Saint Luke and others, going out of Niort through the country of Aunix, and the town Sorgeres, went to batter Tonnay Charante, which he took by composition: and there understanding that the company of the Lord Puelles was at Croixchapeau, half the way between Tonney Charante and Rochel, he went with the choice of his army, to set upon them at the breaking of the day.  
This company commanded by some officer (for the Lord Puelles was then at Rochel) did most courageously defend themselves: but the place was such, as the enemy had means to enclose them on every side, and to get to the top of the houses through the back side, and to drive them out by setting the houses on fire: great part of them was slain in the fight; other yielded themselves upon promise of the safety of their lives; other hid themselves in the caves. They were almost all killed against the faith given to them, with like savageness, and barbarous cruelty, as the Soldiers of Debory and Charboniere were at the Mote Saint Eloy.  
This done, the Lord joyeuse returned to Tonney Charante (understanding that the King of Navarre was gone out of Rochel to set upon him) and thence to Niort. At the same time, they which were at Marans did look to be set on, but he understanding that some companies of the Prince had taken Tonney Charante, upon the Garrison which he had left there, in haste returned thither with his Ordinance, took it again, being kept only by a sergeant of a band, who with 15. Soldiers only, had obstinately undertaken the defence thereof.  
In the self same place he was advertised of the evil watch, and of the small company which was at the Abbey of Maillezay, a very strong place, thither he went with speed, and the Lord Malicorne governor of Poytow with him, he compassed it so, that it was not possible to put in new forces, so that the fourth day after it was surrendered by composition.  
After the taking of Maillezay, it was thought that the Duke joyeuse would set on Marans, but he durst not, fearing the King of Navarre and the Prince, who were in the field seeking occasion. Some days after joyesue made a show to set upon Talmound, but the Lord Saint Stephen having seized upon it first, caused him to have no great affection thereto. So as his army decayed daily, being infected with the Pestilence: the King of Navarres on the other side waxed strong.  
The Lord joyeuse having stayed in Poytow somewhat lesser than three months, about the 15. day of August he road in post to Paris to the Duke of Guise, as well to inform him of his noble acts, and what Kingdoms he had conquered in winning few villages in Poytow, as to minister texts unto the Friars and jesuits to preach upon unto the sottish people of Paris: to wit, the notable slaughters which he had committed upon the heretics in Poytow, he was received with exceeding joy of the Parisions, he left his companies with the Lord Laverdine, who conducted them after him all by ease.  
But the King of Navarre who slept not, went forth out of Rochel upon the news of the retiring of the said joyeuse, with a marvelous celerity, and passing through Marans with some horsemen, pursued the remnant of that army so lively, (and that with few men) that he discomfited three companies of men of war, conducted by the Marquis Renel, took their Ensigns, and many of them, with a great number of Gentlemen.  
This being done, he pursued after Laverdine, which conducted the footmen with two culuerines, but with the favour of passages over the rivers, saved himself in the Hay in Tourenne, where the king of Navarre besieged him: but having neither Ordinance nor footmen, forsook him and went to Monsoreau upon the river of Loire in Tourenne, where he made a Fort upon the river, and there he stayed 15. days to expect the companies which were brought to him out of France, by the County Soissons.  
Whilst these things were passing thus in Poytow, the king about the 23. of june understood that the army of Germans, both great and strong was in readiness to take their journey into France: whereupon the King determined to prepare not only to defend himself, but also to invade the enemy. Therefore he sendeth his commissioners into all Provinces, to assemble all his Nobility, with all their forces, and them to divide into three several armies, whereof the rends vous of the one under the conduct of the Duke of Guyze, comprehending the Nobility and others who were known notorious leaguers, was given the 20. of july in the town of Chaumont in Bassignye. The second army under the conduct of the K. himself, was of the Nobility, in the which he had most trust, out of Picardy, France, Normandy, Britain, and other Provinces between Seyne and Loire. The rends vous was appointed at Saint Florentine in Bourgony, between the cities of Troy's and Auxer, the first day of August. The third under the conduct of the L. joyeuse, was of the Nobility of the countries beyond Loire, and the rends vous was assigned at Gien.  
The Duke of Guise with his army of conspirators and Leaguers should stop the passage to the Germans, upon the borders of Lorreyne, & specially should hinder them from taking their way through champaign, on the north side of the river of Seyne.  
The King of Navarre about the beginning of june, understanding that his army of Germans was in readiness to depart out of Germany to come to his succour, sent Ambassadonrs to the King, humbly to entreat him to take some pity of his kingdom and poor subjects, both to show him some ways of peace, and also because that heretofore the said King had acknowledged the heads of the League to be his enemies, and to have raised all these uproars, not so much against the house of Bourbon, as against his own person: he requested the King to use his, and the German forces against the common enemy of the Realm. But the King having many disloyal servants, both about his person and in his counsel, who were greatly addicted to the league, they disloyally betrayed him, making him believe that if he should accept the King of Navarre his offers, and so change his mind, it were the nearest way to raise an universal rebelliou of all his subjects against him, and that this embassage of the King of Navarre did proceed, not from love and duty, but from fear and dread▪ who saw his manifest overthrow at hand, by these three great and mighty armies which he was setting in a readiness. The Duke of Guyze with his conspirators, advertised by his special friends (which he had always about the King's person, & who were privy to all his secrets) of this embassage and proffers made by the King of Navarre, was not a little amazed, fearing that the King now was better advised, having a fit opportunity to revenge himself upon the pride, arrogancy, & injuries proffered him by them, considering that they were not able to withstand so great a power, and that they might be undone ere ever they should perceive it, useth two shifts to avoid the tempest he saw coming: First writeth a letter full of flattering prayers, protestations, and fear: for he with an humble style, endeavoureth to make the king believe that he had been gentle and tractable, never refusing the means of a good peace. Then he prayeth the King to think no hurt in that which they had done, as not proceeding from any malice, but rather from zeal of the Catholic Religion, and inflaming him to oppose himself and all his forces against the Germans, the ancient enemies of the Realm, promiseth him for that purpose, a strong aid and secure against them. Last of all, he feigned himself, his partakers, and all the Catholics, to stand in great fear of a successor unknown, and like to be much inferior unto him, and an enemy of the Catholic Religion, and that if he would resolve his subjects in that matter, do assure him that all things would prosper and succeed after his own wishing.  
The King with his army of Catholics should stay for them in Berry, and keep their passages over the Loire, but should suffer them to go forward between the rivers of Seine & Loire, that at length when they had gone forward in that slive between the said two rivers, the Catholics on the one side, and the Leaguers on the other side, following after them, either should enforce them through difficulties to retire homeward, the self same way that they came, or else by some occasion or surprise should oppress them. The Duke joyeuse with his army should go to get the advantage between the K. of Navarre and the Germans.  
Upon this occasion the Duke joyeuse (as is said) repaired to Paris, there to have his instructions, & to receive the King's commandments.  
According to this orer the Duke Mercure, (almost then king of Britain) taked out of Britain as many Leaguers as he could, and being sent unto the Duke of Guyze under the conduct of the Lord Hautboys, they miscarried by the way: for about the beginning of September they were met and slain by the King of Navarre, being then at Monsorean.  
During which time of the sojourning of the King of Navarre at Monsoreau, the Duke Mercure took his journey out of Britain to join with the army of the Duke joyeuse his brother in law, who having increased his army with a new supply of men of arms, artillery and inunition, stayed at Tours, to march against the King of Navarre. The Viscount Turenne having intelligence thereof, set upon him and took his rich carriage nigh Saumur: and shortly after the said King of Navarre having received the County of Soyssons with his French companies, returned to Xainctonge, and so went to Rochel, where after he had remained some days, at length he departed thence the tenth of October: there he took some pieces of artillery, and going through Taillebourg, repaired to Pons, where having assembled and mustered all his forces, determined to pass into Gascoigne, partly to gather more forces in going, partly to join with his army of Germans (which were already far entered into Bourgundy) passing through the Provinces, which were favourable to him.  
For to execute this determination, it was needful for him to pass the rivers Droune and Lisle, which were the nearest, with resolution to fight with joyeuse if need were.  
The Duke joyeuse, had advanced already to Saint Mexent, when the king of Navarre departed out of Rochel, and knowing the intent of the said King of Navarre, thought to cut his way: and with great journeys passing through Poytow & Engomoys, came to Barbesieulx, & so to Rochechalays in Perigord, with commandment (as he said) not to spare the extremity of the battle, if other means would not serve: concluding, that by the overthrow of the king of Navarre (which he made sure in his conceit) the army of the Germans would not be able to continue.  
The chiefest advantage in this exploit, was to pass over the said rivers, for it seemed that he who first might go over these two Rivers, would have great advantage upon the other; for the which cause the king of Navarre using that providence and accustomed diligence, which doth render him admirable, accompanied with the Princes of Conde and Soyssons, the Lords Trimoville and Turenne, and others, taketh his way to pass the river Droune, and lodged at Archiak and Montlieu, and other places thereabout.  
The Marshal Matygnon had given counsel to the said joyeuse, to seize upon Coutras, a town and castle situated somewhat above the meeting of the said rivers Lisle, and Droune, a place of importance.  
Both the King of Navarre and joyeuse did strive to get that town, the one did strive to pass over the river Droune, the other to stop the passage thereof.  
The Lord joyeuse caused his light horses to advance to the place, who arrived there one hour sooner than he could have done himself. But as they were taking their lodgings, there they found the companies of the king of Navarre, which came thither also, to whom the enemy gave place quickly, as being the weaker.  
The king of Navarre therefore passed his forces over the ford of Droune, but the Duke joyeuse having great desire to do some great exploit: and considering that the king of Navarre was enclosed between two great rivers, he promised himself an assured victory of him, as not able to avoid any way. Therefore he giveth the rends vous the morrow morning after being the 20. of October, to a certain place between Rochechalays, and Coutras.  
The day being come, he took his place for the battle, with as much advantage as he could choose within half a league of Coutras.  
Here is the place, the persons, the causes, and events to be consideres. The place is in the very edge of Xainctonge, where he had committed horrible and savage cruelties, and other excesses against them of the reformed religion, which have no names in any language. The persons were Leaguers for the most, Atheists walking among them, under colour of zeal of popish religion, men beside polluted for the most part with the blood of the Saints which they had spilt like water upon the earth, and other abominations which follow treasons, Idolatry, & Atheism: they were more in number without comparison better armed and furnished with all necessaries.  
The causes were, that after they had for these four years refused all reasonable offers of the king of Navarre, they hated him without a cause, they did draw their tongues and swords against the God of heaven, and his Gospel with a Ciclopicall rage. Therefore Adrasta did stay them in that place, swell with pride, arrogancy, contumely, vain hope and confidence in the arm of flesh, which could not deliver them. There they do● prove the force of the God of Battles, and drink a hearty draft, or rather a carouse of the dregs of God's wrath and justice, lest that their abominable cruelties should be known further. And also, that the saints, as it were out of the midst of those provinces, which do embrace the Gospel, might see that the Lord is the just revenger of such abominations, and defender of the just cause. And that they may learn to fear him, and in him only to trust and repose themselves. Here therefore Adrastia doth stay them to answer unto God's judgement.  
Now let us come to the events. The King of Navarre early in the morning being first advertyzed of this preparation, was not moved at it; no more was he upon the second warning. But at the third time he showed no lesser desire to fight, than the enemy to whom twice before he had proffered the occasions.  
He taketh horse, rideth forth out of Coutras to meet the enemy, commandeth the Lord Clermont master of his Ordinance, in all haste to pass over the canon (for he could not do it the day before:) he putteth his army in battle array, placeth his artillery in the forefront so commodiously, that all pieces did service without harming any man of his own, & greatly did endamage the enemy. At length having encouraged his soldiers to the battle (whom he found full of desire and readiness) caused prayers to be made from company to company.  
About 9 a clock in the morning the artillery began to play on both sides: the ordinance of the king of Navarre was so commodiously placed, that it did wonderfully annoy the men of Arms, which the Lord joyeuse had at his right hand, and the regiments which did flank those men of arms. Many being beaten down with it, some of the heads took resolution rather to go to the charge, then to die so miserably without any fight.  
The Harquebuziers in like manner began to join, and there was no man on both sides who showed not to have a great desire to do well.  
The Ordinance of joyeuse did let fly certain shot towards the company of the Prince of Conde, but without any effect, save a horse whereon a page did ride, which was slain. The cause of this small effect, was a little rising of the ground, which did let the free aspect and aiming of the Ordinance, so that many shot did light upon the ground.  
About nine a clock the light horsemen of the Lord joyeuse, to the number of four hundred horses, conducted by the Lord Laverdine, and captain Mercure, set on the horsemen of the king of Navarre: but after some fight, began to waver and to make room.  
The rest of the horsemen of the king of Navarre consisted of 4. Squadrons, distant the one from the other in this wise.  
The Squadrons of the King of Navarre, and of the Prince of Conde were distant about a hundred and fifty paces.  
The Squadron of the Prince of Soissons, at the left hand of the king of Navarre about three score paces.  
The Squadron of that Viscount Turenne, distant so much from the Prince of Conde at his right hand. The Lord Laverdine charged the Viscount Turenne, but without any endomaging of him.  
These three squadrons (where stood the Princes of the blood standing fast) did behold all this fight, until the Lord joyeuse followed with his main force of horsemen; and having both on the right hand and the left two great hedges of horsemen, advanced to give the general onset.  
Then these three Princes marching every one at the forefront of his squadron close, first went a soft pace, than began to gallop, last, the watch word being given with a loosed bridle, set on so lively (every one severally by himself according to his course) upon that multitude, that incontinently the companies were mingled, and came to handiblowes. The spears which were in great number in the army of joyeuse, did but small service, for they joined nearer.  
It is a wonderful thing, that in a moment such a furious troop as was that of the Lord joyeuse, armed & furnished to the advantage, flanked both on the right hand and the left with two great battalions of footmen, was overthrown and vanquished, by a troop which had neither in number, nor in furniture, nor in arms, nor in situation of the battle any advantage at all. God (who governeth all things, and holdeth in his hands the balance of victories and overthrows) made then courage to prevail against multitude; the just cause, against injury; and the lawful defence, against bragging, and the great preparation of war.  
And as the men of arms were quickly overthrown, trodden under foot, and put to flight; so in as little space were the footmen discomfited, being set on by the regiment of the King of Navarre, where commanded as Masters of the Camp, Castelnaw, Parabiere, Salignake, and others. And at the left hand of the King of Navarre, Charboniere, Preau, Orges, and others, who all every man right forward (following the occasion of the victory) cut in pieces all that made any resistance, and put to flight the rest which were on the side of copses at the right hand, as on the side of the river Droune at the left hand. And as a little before nine a clock these two armies came to hands, the quarrel was so soon decided, that at ten a clock there was found not one only man of the enemies which stood to his defence, nor that was in sight, but such as were laid dead upon the ground, or taken prisoners, or in flight. The place where the battle was fought, remained so covered with men of arms, horses and armours, but specially of Lances matted so thick that they stopped the way. There remained the Lord joyeuse, and also his brother, with a great number and notablest Lords.  
The King of Navarre, the Princes of Conde and Soissons, with the rest of the army pursued the victory. There were taken many notable Gentlemen, and among others the Lord Belegarde governor of Xainctonge, the Lords S. Luke, and Montigny of Berry, who commanded over a company of horsemen: he was noted in joining of the battle to have pierced further than any of the company; for he entered even to the side of the guards of the King of Navarre, which were at his right hand, and there by them beaten down was taken by some of the said guards.  
God gave this notable victory to the King of Navarre, and in that journey did shine the valour wherewith he hath endued him in all the special graces which may deck a noble and virtuous Prince, and great Captain, not only for the counsel, resolution, diligence, and wise government, but also in the execution of arms. For doing the office of a Captain & Soldier, he pressed so far as to take the enemy by the collar.  
The Prince of Conde also showed himself valiant; for he had his horse slain under him; the Prince of Soissons also took prisoners with his own hand. The horse of the Viscount Turenne was also slain. God made these Prince's strong in this days work, according to the order of their pre-eminence, by them to do the execution which pleased him: so that every one in his own person did some honourable exploit in this victory. This victory was the more honourable unto the said King of Navarre, that it was not bloody to him. For so great number being slain on the side of the enemies, he lost a very small number of either horsemen or footmen of his own. And among that small number, there was not found one of mark or commandment. On the other side, all the chiefest were slain, wounded or taken, except Laverdine, who saved himself with much a do. Captain Mercure while they were in battle, ran to Contras to seize upon the king of Navarre his baggage, supposing that the Duke joyeuse had gotten the victory. But when he heard the cry of victory for the King of Navarre, he went out in haste, and following the bank of the river Droune toward Rochechalays, saved himself by flight and shame.  
The victory was pursued three hours and more, in the which pursuing were slain and taken a great number: the ordinance was carried away, and the baggage lost. After the return from pursuing of the enemy, thanks were given to GOD upon the place of the battle, the wounded were taken up, the dead buried, the camp of the enemy burned up.  
But that which filled the measure of the King of Navarre his virtue and honour, was, that he showed himself no less courteous and gentle toward the prisoners and wounded, than he had showed himself valiant in the fight. Let them who have tried him by experience, give the testimony thereof, who also have acknowledged by effect, the good affection which he beareth to good French men, discerning by a wise prudence all good men, from the conspiring and traitorous Leaguers, enemies of the state. He commanded the wounded to be diligently dressed and attended: he sent away almost all the prisoners without any ransom: he gratified many of the chiefest, & to some he rendered their Ensigns, namely, unto the Lord Montigny. If he could have guided the lot of arms in the battle, many were left there upon the place to whom he would have willingly forgiven. For there was seen in him in this prosperous success not one token of insolency or passion, which is commonly the mother of cruelty.  
Here followeth the names of the most notable men, who died in this battle.  

The Lord joyeuse general of the army,  
and Saint Swear his brother.  
Bressay.  
Roussay.  
County of Suze.  
County Ganelo.  
County Aubjyou.  
Fumel.  
Neufuy in Perigord the elder.  
Rochefort.  
Gurat.  
Saint Fort.  
Vaulx, Lieutenant of Bellegard.  
The Ensign bearer of the Lord Montigny.  
Tierceline, master of the Campe.  
Chesner.  
Valade.  
Baculard.  
Champel the younger.  
Plwiault.  
Brangerie.  
All these were lords, having charge in the arm, with many other men of Mark.   
These following were taken prisoners and wounded.  

Bellegard taken, wounded, and afterward died.  
Saint Luke.  
The Marquis of Prennes.  
County Monsoreau.  
Sansak.  
Cipiere.  
Saultray.  
Montigny.  
Villecomblin.  
Chasteaurenauld.  
Maumont.  
Parriere.  
Chasteawieulx.  
Chastelou.  
Awerdiere.  
All these were men of commandment.   
Beside these were a number of Gentlemen, Captains, and other men of name, part of them slain, part taken. The body of joyeuse was embaumed and brought to Paris. God in that day and place, reigned from Heaven his fearful judgements, and made them of France, who love the blood of civil wars, to know, that in the end the loss is common, and that such pestilence destroyeth the authors thereof.  
The King being at Gien upon Loire, above Orleans, with his army, to withstand the Germans at the passage of Loire, received news, that the two armies had met, and it was first reported, that it was but a little skirmish, where the King of Navarre was put to the worst. But the truth could not be hidden long, for at length it was known to all men, that the King of Navarre had obtained the notablest victory, which was yet in all the civil wars of France, for the defence of the religion, with an irrecuperable loss of them, who would have it rooted out. The Court kept a great mourning thereof, which qualified well the great joy that they had for the overthrow of the Germans, which they had promised to themselves. After this victory the King of Navarre followed his purposed journey into Gascoigne, for the causes afore said: he brought with him the best part of all the companies, he was accompanied with the Prince of Soissons. The Prince of Conde repaired into Xainctonge, for to assemble moreover all that he might, and to be at the appointed rends vous, when they should take their journey toward the army of the Germans upon the river of Lisle, and afterward willing to go further for to haste with great diligence his way, he left the body of his forces with the Viscount Turenne, who losing neither time nor occasion, took many places upon the said river, and in the rountrey round about, which he reduced under the power of the King of Navarre.  
Here followeth the names of the places taken by force, or composition after the battle of Coutras.  
The house and mill of Auber demont nigh Coutras was rendered by composition: there were garrisons placed.  
The Mill of Penot beaten down.  
The Mill of Cause taken, and the fortifications destroyed.  
The Castle and Mill of Saint Severine, forsaken by night of them who did hold it. Captain Roux commanded there for the King of Navarre.  
The new Mill given over, and burned to the very foundations, with all the movable goods and victuals which were within, whereby many men were undone, having lost their evidences.  
The Mill of Co●y put under the protection of the King of Navarre, with the condition to make no war there. The Uicount Miles answered for it.  
The Mill of Meneplet did the like upon the same condition: so did the mill of Vauclere.  
The house of Captain Fay.  
The Abbey of Vauclere.  
The Church of Saint Laurens.  
The town and Abbey of Guistre▪ taken by force, and a Garrison put there.  
Saint Denis was forsaken, and a Garrison put therein.  
Lapalays taken by assault, after threescore and five shot of Ordinance, there were about 31. persons killed, and 32. hanged for the great outrages and violences committed therein, and many other reasons which were found worthy of justice, the strong hold, the Church and the town wholly consumed with fire, with all the fruits and goods which were within, for that it was a very den of thieves and robbers.  
The Castle of Vigneron rendered by composition, and a Garrison put therein.  
The town and Church of Puisiguin sustained the siege a day and a half, & was rendered to discretion: there were some executed judicially, for the great injuries and complaints laid against them.  
The Lord Semens' who was wont to be one of the pillars of the League in that country, brought the rest there about, to the service of the King of Navarre, and did show himself more addicted to the said King of Navarre, than he did ever to the contrary side.  
The fort and town of Lussak forsaken, after they had stayed for the cannon. It was utterly destroyed.  
Montague abandoned by night, ransacked and destroyed. The house of Mondesier rendered, and after put in the hands of the Uicount Myels, who gave his word for it. Monpaun forsaken by night, and the wales destroyed, no living soul left dwelling in. They did fortify it again.  
The 4. of December, the strong hold and town of Sorzack was rendered by composition, after six days of siege: the cannon could not arrive sooner, by reason of the foul weather and foul ways.  
The Castle of Greenholds, one of the strongest places of all the country was surprised, and Garrisons put therein.  
The house of the Lord Oulmes given over.  
The Castle Franckes forsaken, the fortresses were razed.  
The Castle of Mussidan a strong hold, with the town, were put in the protection of Salignak, who answered that they should make no war thence.  
The houses of Herbasses, Gaudilak, and Mazeroles were put in the protection of the King, with the house of the Lord Brovillet, with the house of Vivant, and the noble house and ancient Castle of Marsilak.  
The Castle of Saint Pardoux, which was belonging to the Lord of Neufuy, was put into the hands of his brother, the Lord Foillons.  
The 10. day of December, the army departed from Sorzak, to go to besiege the town of S. Astier, and Bishop's Castle, distant two Leagues from Perigeulx.  
These Leaguers about the King's person, did cast forth their forcering perfumes, to wit, if his Majesty should accept the King of Navarre his offers, first he should put the holy Catholic Roman faith in danger to be wholly subverted in few years, and at length he should be by the Heretics supplanted, deposed and displaced.  
Secondly, that there would ensue an universal rebellion of the Catholics, so that the heretics themselves, if they would▪ (which thing they would never (carrying always in remembrance the injuries and massacres by him committed upon them) be able to keep him in the possession of his estate.  
Thirdly, that the holy father, and all other Catholic potentates of Christendom, would take it in very ill part, and would bend their forces against him, so that jupiter himself would not be able to defend him.  
Last of all, that it would dot be honourable for him so to do: for it would be thought, that after the fresh loss at Coutras, fear had compelled him to yield to dishonourable conditions, and to receive law of his subjects, and so against the honourable acts of his ancestors, he should seem to have joined himself, though not in opinion, yet in society with the heretics, and so thought not to have forsaken, yet to have been himself against the Catholic religion.  
Furthermore, the heathens did never give so much credit to the oracles of Apollo, as this besotted King (whom God had endued with good parts, if he would have used them with liberty) did attribute unto his mother, being unto him as Vates fatidica, and a she Priest of Apollo, a snare, confusion and shame. She therefore at the request of the Masters of the League, sendeth her Oracle, ex aurcatripode, that by no means the King should accept the offers of the King of Navarre. Fearing that if the King had received the offers above said, having the Princes of the blood about him, to help by their counsel and wisdom the establishing of the decayed state, she should have been turned out of government, and de Ponte Deiecta, commanded to sit at home to mumble her beads. So this great King, yet once more traitorously was be witched, and by the abovesaid counsellors and Mother, was sold to his own ruin, and woeful fall.  
The King of Navarre, after the victory obtained at Coutras, became not insolent of the victory, but moved with compassion for the miseries which afflicted France, submitted himself, and searching out the means to pacify the troubles, sent Ambassadors to the king then being on the South side the river Loire in Berry, to require him yet most earnestly and humbly to consider the pitiful state of his realm, and to pity and remedy the manifold oppressions of his people. And although they might have considered his good success for the space of three years in beholding so great forces and strong armies prepared and sent against him, partly to have vanished away as dust blown by the wind, and partly overthrown by the singular assistance of the mighty God of battles, yet doth proffer with many humble prayers and submission, not only peace to his disadvantage, but also his forces with the army of the Germans, if it pleaseth him to use them, to take revengement of the injuries, & so often reiterated rebellions of the League.  
But the Duke of Guyze, head of the League, hearing of this message, & seeing himself, his practices, hope, and all that ever he had with his fellows, followers, and companions to be in a dreadful precipice, like to be thrown down into a miserable headlong downfall, taketh order by policy to devise some means to avoid the danger, that is, to work by all means possible to let the accomplishing of this embassage. And that this thing may be brought to pass, the king is to be enchanted with that kind of sorcery which in old time was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is a deluding of man's reason, as to make a man think to see that which he seethe not. Two sorts of witches are to be employed, to wit, the Leaguers of his counsel, as Villeroy, Rets, and others, but specially his mother, whose devilish and factions craftiness was admired of him, as a most perfect wisdom. These persons must uphold the League, or else all will be spilt.  
It is said before how the King with all the forces he could make, gave his last endeavour to oppress the King of Navarre, and with him them of the Religion, for the which purpose he ●et up three great mighty armies, the one to abide upon the passages of out of Germany into Lorreyne, there to stop the entering the said Germans into France.  
The second, the king himself should have about him in his own person, to let the passage over Loire, lest the said Germans should join with the King of Navarre.  
The third was conducted by the Lord joyeuse into Guienne, where we showed the same to have been buried in perpetual infamy at the battle of Coutras.  
Now remaineth to speak of the other two, what they did, and what became of them.  
The King had in deed gathered mighty armies, but he had no money to maintain them, for the Priests would have no more war so costly as they had two years before: the parisians would hear no more these words, da mihi, affer mihi: The King's money either was intercepted by the way in divers chances, or else his Taliages, tributes, or subsidies were not paid, either by some for lack of good will, or else by some for lack of money. Therefore in the latter end of August having four thousand Swissers at Estampes, and eight thousand more entering already into France, with four thousand Rutters, which were every day expected, he must needs provide money for them. For these shameless Mercenaries (who sell themselves to die at other men's commandment, never considering the justice of the cause) will make no war longer than they are fed with money. Considering the great charge which he through evil counsel had drawn upon his arms; he gathered a great sum of money upon the Courts of his Parliaments, wherewith he paid those Soldiers.  
But whilst the K. was so busy to fight against the God of battles, & his Son whom he had anointed upon his holy hill Zion; and polled his judges and Magistrates, that they might recover money with advantage by perverting judgement. Behold a preamble of that rebellion which followed against him in Paris the month of May next ensuing.  
There was a certain Mass Priest, Parson of Saint Severine, at the lower end of Saint james street, named Prevost, who preached most seditiously against the King and certain other Lords, who were his faithful servants, without any respect of persons, degree, or dignity. This Priest being threatened to be had before the King, a certain notary made a great assembly, both of arms and men for to defend the Priest.  
The King being advertised of this misdemeanour, commanded one of the porters of his chamber, accompanied with two Archers of his guard, to go to the said Notary, to bid him come to speak with the King. They which were assembled in the Notary's house, seeing the said company to enter into the house, set upon them with great violence, and enforced them to save their lives by flight ●rying arm, arm, and so put all the side of the University in such a wonderful commotion, that there was nothing else to be hoped, but a tragical event, and afterward until the 8. day of the said month, the whole City was in an uproar, keeping watch all night at the corners of the streets.  
Now to return to the course of the history: The King having three great mighty armies, and no money to entertain them, turned him●elfe to the old shifts, brought into France by the Cardinal of Lorreyne, and paltering Italians, who came with the Q. Mother, and governed King Henry the second (father to this King) at their pleasure, when they were disposed to make him a slave to their passions. For the ninth of September the King went to Parliament, for to establish fifteen Edicts, among the which there were three notable: the first was of the establishing 27. Secretaries: The second was to choose the sixth chamber of inquests, consisting of twenty counsellors, and two precedents. The third was the creation of the Masters of accounts, with two precedents: out of the which estates, he made his reckoning to pluck two Millions of gold. Where thou mayest see (gentle Reader) in what miserable state France was then, from the highest to the lowest. The Leaguers secretly against the king: They openly made war against God, destroyed his subjects to bring to pass his own subversion, and to hide the treasons of his enemies, refusing to hearken unto any motion of peace proffered him by the king of Navarre, or to any good counsels: and for to maintain this his enterprises, justice must be perverted by plurality of offices, which is one of the principallest pillars of kingdoms: by the which magistracy is upholden & man's society entertained.  
As concerning the armies which were in hand, that which should be lead by the king himself consisted of four score and eight companies of men of arms, and ten thousand footmen, twelve thousand Swissers, 4. thousand Rutters, he carried twelve double Canons, and two thousand pioneers, and about the 1. of September the companies began to repair to Montereau faut Yoynne, with commandment to stay there about, & about Sens in Bourgony, until his coming, and then to repair all to S. Florentine there to be mustered.  
The king sent to Marshal Byron to Montereau, to view the place where they should camp: for the king had determined to camp always: and for that cause all the Lords had provided tents. He took for his counsel, the Lords Villeroy, and Bruslard, secretaries, the Duke's Espernon, Danuile, Retes, and the Marshals Byron and Aumont.  
The Prince Soyssons was with the king of Navarre, and the Prince County, was in Normandy, maine & Anjou, to gather as many companies as he could, to join with the Germans, knowing well, that these great armies were specially provided to destroy the house of Bourbon, under the colour of defending the popish religion. The Duke d'Aumaule was appointed Colonel of the Swissers: this army went not further Eastward than Sens, from thence turning South and West ward, and crossing the Country of Auxeroy, and Gastinoys, passed Loire into Berry, after the determinatiun of the Germans was known.  
As for the third armies, thus is it: the Duke of Guise & Lorreyne, at the beginning of September were at Nancy, there they had between 20. and 25000. men, among them were many horsemen, there they received 400. Lances of the Duke of Parma, all old Soldiers, 2000 footmen Italians, and between six or seven hundred light horses, they made no great account of the Italians: the son of the Lord Antragues, governor of Orleans, about the 15. of September brought unto the Duke of Guise, beside horsemen, about 700. footmen, when a little before, all the companies of the Leaguers of britain, sent unto him by the Duke Mercure, under the conduct of the Lord Hault Boys, were discomfited by the King of Navarre nigh Monsoreau, upon Loire, as is before reported.  
The army of Germans for the king of Navarre when it departed out of Germany, was of five thousand Rutters, five thousand Launceknights, armed with croslets and lances, sixteen thousand Swissers, four thousand arquebusiers on horseback, and about three hundred horses of French men. But after they had passed the mountain of Sauerne, the further it went forward, the more it did increase: for the Lord Movy brought two thousand arquebusiers French men on horseback. The L. Villeneufue Cormon one thousandand, the Lord Lours one thousand.  
The Lord Chastilion the 22. of September brought to it fifteen hundred arquebusiers, & about 200. horses, so that the total sum might amount to 34. or 35. thousand, besides the companies which the Prince County brought afterward.  
They had 16. pieces of ordinance, to wit, four great culuerines, eight field pieces, and three pieces which were taken from Salabrine.  
The Lieutenant of the King of Navarre was the Prince Bullion, assisted with a counsel, consisting of these which follow: the Lords Guitri, Oneaulx, Cleruan, Beawoys la Nocle, Vezins, Digoyne, Lovet, Ramboillet, Laube, Chevorles, Huguery, and Beawieu.  
This army was the terror of the one side, and the hope of the other, and yet both were disappointed of their expectation. For God showed to the one part, that he hath means enough to chastife whom, and when he pleaseth: to the other part he showed, that they are not safe who do trust in man, and make their force the arm of flesh.  
Beside these three mighty armies, and the armies of the king of Navarre and joyeuse, whereof it is spoken before: The Lords Mommorency and Diguieres had the fifth in Dauphin against the Lord valet, beside the arms and assembled forces scattered elsewhere.  
Such was the state of miserable France, which had great cause to groan under the heavy burden of so many, so great and mighty armies. This tempest was very black and thick, and at length thereout issued dreadful thunder claps.  
But now we have to speak of these three armies conjointly, to wit, of the Leaguers, lead by the Guyzes: of the Catholics, conducted by the king himself: and of the Germans, guided chief by the Duke of Boillon.  
Here we have to consider the judgements of God, which were powered upon these armies. First, the Leaguers by the K. forces did work the K. undoing, that by his fall they might be lifted up on high. The king in pretending the defence of the Catholic religion, which no man did oppugn by violence, but the Leaguers, went about to root the Gospel of Christ out of France. The Germans for the most part were mercenaries, who regarded not the right of the cause, neither came to serve him, who procured them, but did in mind swallow down the spoil of France. And some among them who were lead with an upright mind, yet being mingled with profane and irreligious men, and trusting in the outward appearance of that army, turned their confidence from God to the arm of flesh: therefore all were disappointed of their intents, for neither of them all had any benefit by this great war, but blows, slaughters and calamities.  
About the latter end of August, after this great army, had passed the mountain of Zaverne, and began to enter into Lorreyne, the Duke's eldest son, with certain regiments approached so nigh them at Salabrine, that 3. of his companies were discomfited, and six Ensigns sent to Strasbourg, and proceeding further they took Blasmond.  
The said army drawing near to Nancy, about the beginning of September, certain servants going about to forage with their carts, were set on by certain companies which issued out of Nancy: & when they had seized upon some carts, were pursued and beaten into the very gates of Nancy.  
This army of Germans being about Nancy, there was a counsel holden, to wit, against whom they should first turn their arms.  
The French men were of that advile, to make war in Lorreyne, and that it was the pleasure of the king of Navarre, that they who had of lustiness kindled that miserable war in France, might first of all feel the heavy burden of the same: but specially the Duke of Lorreyne, who was one of the heads of the League.  
The Germans in taking a certain sum of money, which the Duke of Lorreyne proffered them, were at length content to pass by as neighbours and friends: yet notwithstanding they concluded war, & did there many acts of hostility, such as war doth commonly draw after it.  
This army being yet new and lusty, did neglect a notable occasion to oppress the enemy at the bridge S. Vincent: upon what occasion that opportunity was neglected, it is uncertain. But it is confessed of all men, that if they had come to hands that day, they had seen the end (by the judgement of men) of that war assoon as the beginning. Thus some exploits of war being done there, the scarcity of victuals beginning to grow, they determined to go forth out of Lorreyne. But upon the determination of the way which they should follow, there was great difficulty found. For the Germans desired to pass toward Sedan, from whence they might hope of many good commodities, and if need should be they might have a new supply of forces out of Germany: which thing could not be, if they enclosed themselves among so many rivers which are on the South side of Seyne. Some French men on the contrary, said, that they should turn right to the river of Loire, for to join with the King of Navarre.  
The Lord Boillon desired greatly that they would approach to Sedan, as they had (as he said) promised him, and that in hope of it he had made great preparations of powder and artillery, which he had made of purpose. Considering also that he had to provide for the security of his places, which might incur some danger if they were not provided for. All reasons debated and weighed on both sides, the course to the river of Loire was concluded.  
Whilst these things so passed in Lorreyne, the Lord Chastilion the 22. of September came to the army with his troops: he had much ado to pass, and was as if it were enclosed in the town of Gresille, but was rescued by the County de la Mark, younger brother to the Duke of Boillon. The army drawing near to Chaumont in Bassigny, there it was put in deliberation to execute a certain enterprise which the Lord Chastilion had in hand; but it could not be done.  
The army came to Chasteawilaine, where they sojourned some days: and in the mean while they took a Gentleman named Viliers, coming from Rome: his journey to Rome was to solicit the Pope to help his master with money, to make war against them of the reformed religion, and also to pray the Pope (Friar Sixtus) to name the King head of the League, assuring him that it would greatly move him to war, and root out them of the religion, whom he named heretics. The answer which the Pope made him (as it appeared by his words) was, that they should live in peace with their neighbours, and that he could not furnish them with money, being not willing to make war against any man, who desired peace among all men.  
The said gentleman carried a letter very ill written, which he said to be the hand of the Duchess of Lorreyne, mother of the Duke, containing thus much. I am very glad to understand the state of your affairs, and I advise you to go forward, for never a fairer occasion was offered you to put the Sceptre in your hand, and the Crown upon your head. This letter gave occasion to them of the Counsel, to agree that this Gentleman should be kept carefully, and brought to the King of Navarre.  
The army sojourning at Chasteawilaine, the King with his great army stayed about Montereau faut Yonne and Sens: but understanding the determination of the Germans, retired with his army into Berry beyond Loire, there to stop the passing over to the King of Navarre, and to give them freer access between the two rivers of Seyne and Loire, where he thought either to weary them, or by joining his with the army of the Leaguers, at the tail of them easily he might oppress them. During this sojourn, the Baron Oneau brought the artillery before the Abbey of Cleruaulx, which compounded to give a certain sum of money, and some quantity of wine and meal: notwithstanding, that capitulation did not hold, because the said Lord Oneau had not taken hostages for the performance of the said conditions, contenting himself with the faith of the Captain which was within: but as the army marched forward he kept not promise.  
The army departing from Chasteawilaine, made four days journey to the river Seyne, where they arrived about the 2. of October, and passed over the said river above Chastilion upon Seyne, without enterprizing upon the town, because the Lord of Guise had put into it the Lord Chastre with a certain number of horsemen and footmen, which made a sally. The Lord Chastilion was commanded to make the rearward with three companies of light horsemen, and seven Cornets of Rutters, and three hundred arquebusiers.  
The Colonel Berbistroph was a little more toward the river to favour the Lord Chastilion: which thing the Lord Chastre seeing, he made haste with his horsemen (being favoured with certain arquebusiers which he had set in a cops) to charge Berpistroph, who incontinently advertised the Lord Chastilion, to the end he might cut off the return of those horsemen of the Lord Chastre: which thing he did. The seven Cornets which were with the Lord Chastilion, followed him with a show of good will to fight: but coming not in time, the Lord Chastilion (with the Frenchmen) began to charge the arquebusiers of the guard of the Lord Chastre, who were all cut to pieces, and the horsemen followed unto the gates of the town. One of the Rutters on a sudden forsaking his band, killed a French Lance with the shot of a pistol.  
From thence they went to lodge at lie, where they sojourned two days. The Germans complained much of their lodgings. The Marshals could not deny but that they had oftentimes ill lodgings: but the fault was in the dear year, as they among the principal Rutters could testify, who in the years before in their former voyages, had been well lodged in the self same lodgings where they were now.  
In the same place died of sickness the County de la Mark, younger brother to the Duke of Boillon, who had hitherto always conducted the avauntgard about the third of October.  
From lie they removed to Ansi le frank, & to Taulay, where news came that the Duke de maine was in a Castle not far off. The Baron of Oneau, who was lodged nigh the said Castle, wrote about it to the said Lord Chastilion, with a declaration of the good will which the Rutters had to assault him, if they would send them some number of footmen. And if the Duke of Guise would have approached to the right hand of the said Lord Chastilion, they would come to his succour assoon as need were. There was then a fair occasion (as it seemed) to enforce the Duke of Guise to battle: notwithstanding, there was found some difficulties. For some of the country said that the Castle was strong: others, that it was a wood land fit for the arquebusiers of the Duke of Guise, and disaduantagious for the horsemen of the army, and that it would be hard in camping there to get victuals, and therefore they stayed not there.  
From Ansi the army took course to the river of Yonne, and came to it the second day after. About the fift of October the said army passed the river at maly lafoy vile, where also arrived the Lord Longa from the King of Navarre, and willed them in the name of the said King to direct the army toward the head of the river Loire, where he determined to receive it. Many (notwithstanding) thought that the Germans would hardly take that way, supposing that if they should take that course, many of the Swissers would disband themselves, drawing so nigh their country, considering also that with much ado the artillery would pass through the Nivernoys, partly by reason of the foul ways, and partly for the great scarcity of victuals which would be found in Nivernoys and Moruant. Upon this incertitude, the army marched forward, the resolution of that matter being referred to the incident occasions. This thing moved the Germans to complain, and to require another government to be used in marching. The form of marching which they desired, was in form of a triangle, so that the Rutters should make one wing: the other wing toward the side of the enemy should be of the Frenchmen, and the middle should be the guard of the artillery and the Swissers, which notwithstanding was not so resolved: then also began the discommodities to increase in the army.  
Thus the matters passing in that army doubtfully, and without any resolution upon any expedient counsel, at length they determined to try the passage at charity, and for this purpose were chosen both horsemen and footmen: but the enterprise being delayed off one day for want of some commodity, the King had leisure to send thither men of arms, who arrived there at the same instant when the army did approach, which gave occasion to retire without doing any thing.  
The Lord Chastilion, with the Marshal of the Camp of Rutters, and the Colonel Book, with two thousand horses, drew near to Cosnes, partly to favour them who were gone to seek passage at charity (if need were) partly to seek occasion to see the enemy. There they miss the Duke Espernon but a little, who had passed the river at Neufuy.  
The same night the said Lord Espernon set upon the Camp of the footmen, but did very little prevail, and after that returned to Cosnes, carrying away with him the Captain Bonourier sore wounded.  
In the mean while the King with his army was on the other side of the river to oppose himself to the passage: so that the day being come, the two armies could see one another.  
At evening all the army arrived at the river side, & that night the K. made great trenches at the ford of Neufuy, & fortified the same with a garrison of Harquebuziers and Musketters: and for to favour them, caused 3. great boats well furnished with ordinance to be brought. The river of Loire was to be passed at foordin many places until that time, and there was yet in some places fords, yet had they no means to pass, because the king's army kept the bank of the river every where. If that army had marched somewhat speedily, it might have passed well enough in preventing the kings army which came out of Paris somewhat late: for the king reposed himself upon the assurance of the Duke of Guyze, who assured the said king to stop the passage of that army, which thing he could not perform, and had not been done, if the king had not opposed himself to them at the bank of the river.  
The morrow after, the Lord Boyllon came to sit in counsel at Neufuy. There the Lords Oneau and Huguerie made many complaints in the name of the Germans, by reasons of the safeties and exemptions which were given as well to the popish gentlemen as to them of the religion, in favour thereof they received into their houses the goods of the villages where the army was lodged: and that was true indeed, and therefore required that there might be no more given to any man, or else that they might be taxed to pay money for the army. They requested also that they would take order for the payment of the Rutters for a month, which was promised them: and for lack of the said pay, they would go no further, adding many difficulties concerning the passage of Loire: beside that the winter did draw near, and that there was but two months to keep the field. They were requested patiently to stay a while until they might advertise the king of Navarre to know his pleasure. That in the mean time they would go to sojourn in Beausse, where was great quantity of corn, and of fodder for the hor●es, so that the armies might there easily berefreshed. As for the pay, it was impossible to the French men at that present time to furnish so much money, and that drawing into Beausse and Vandomoys, there some money might be had.  
The Germans were contented with that, so that speedily they would send to the K. of Navarre with promise to stay until they might hear from him.  
They quartered themselves the next day, and all the army was lodged upon the lands of the Lord Chastilion, who offered it willingly, to show example to others to prefer the public commodities before the particular.  
The Lord Boillon lodged at Chastilion with other noble men, to advise upon the affairs of that army.  
Some days before, Tilman colonel of the regiment of Bearne, departed through sickness. Bouschet his Lieutenant wrote a letter to the Lord Cleruaut in the name of all the Swissers, that they had determined to let the king understand the causes wherefore they were come into France, and to that effect would send Ambassadors to the king. That resolution seemed to many very dangerous: they sent to him nevertheless.  
The town of Bleneau upon Loin above the town of Chastilion had resisted the Baron Oneau: for which cause they forced them, and upon that occasion the army sojourned 2. days about Chastilion. In the mean time news came that the Duke of Guyze did approach with his forces, and was to lodge about Chasteau-renard, distant from Chastilion three small leagues.  
The Lord Chastilion than opened them the means which he had, therein to enclose the said Duke of Guyze: but many difficulties were alleged, which did hinder his enterprise: Notwithstanding, the said Lord Chastilion went on horseback with twenty horsemen in company even to the gates of Chasteau-renard, and there having taken some of that place, learned that Guyze was gone thence about one hour before, for to join with his brother the Duke de maine, and that he had lodged in the town with three hundred horses only, and before his going away, had put garrisons in the Castle.  
The said Lord Chastilion brought with him about 25. Harquebusters on horseback, whom he sent to the Lord Boillon: by them he learned (as is aforesaid) that the Duke of Guyze was gone to join with his brother, & that all their Bands were so scattered here and there in the Villages about. Some gave counsel to turn the faces of the army against the Duke of Guyze and his brother; that it was an easy thing to force him to battle, afore that he should approach nearer to the kings army, or to Montargis to favour one an other: notwithstanding some were of a contrary opinion: and that it could not be done, but the Lord of Guyze would have knowledge thereof, and then would he retire into some sure and safe places, which thing being done, their returning back would bring great discommodities to the army: which by these means would be cumbered between the rivers Yonne on the East, Loin on the West, and Seyne on the North; over whom they could not find passages when need should require it: and that if they should do no exploit, they should repass that way which they came, where they should find all things eaten up: which thing would increase the discomodities, and the complaints of the strangers: this opinion prevailed, and therefore nothing was enterprised.  
They went to lodge about Montargis, leaving the river of Loin at their right hand for to get the way to Beausse.  
They lodged at Landon and Vimory, and other Towns there about. This way is moorish, broken, foul, and full of quakmiers, where the wagons of the Germans and Frenchmen did so sink, that the Rutters were fain there to lodge.  
The 27. of October, the Lords of Guyze, maine, Elleufe, Aumerle, Bar, the young januile, and the brother of the Lord Mercure, with other heads of the League and their forces, which were about fifteen hundred horses, and five thousand arquebusiers went to lodge at Montargis, and thereabouts on the East side of the river Loin, which running between both, let the Germans to go to them of the League: but on the contrary, gave this advantage to the Leaguers to pass to that army's side when they would, because they had the fords and bridges at their devotion. This advantage, with the favour of the Town of Montargis, and of the Country, gave them occasion to enterprise to set upon Vimory, where the Baron Oneau was lodged, with seven Cornets of Rutters, that place being not distant from Montargis above a League and a half.  
The Enemies arrived at Vimory in the end of Supper about seven a clock at night. The Rutters (the alarm being given) do repair to their Cornets with great speed: and whilst the enemies were busy in the streets to rob, the Baron Oneau did oftentimes charge as well their horsemen as their footmen: the first onset was upon the Duke de maine, who with a good company of horsemen made head to the Rutters. At this onset the Rutters did so play the men, that many notable gentlemen were left dead upon the place, as well of the companies of the Guyze, as of his brother de maine.  
The Cornet of the Duke de maine, with the gentleman that carried it, Rowray of Burgundy was taken. There were two other Cornets taken, whereof one was of the Lord Bordesiere. The Duke de maine received two shot of Pistol within his armour, whereof he was so amazed, that he came not to himself until the morrow after about eight a clock. There is no doubt but the League would have had much ado, if it had not been for a great rain, darkness and thunder, which on a sudden came and parted the fight. The League lost there above forty gentlemen notable among them, among whom was the Marquis d'Arques, eldest son to the Lord Listenay, and the Lord Cigoigne, son to the Duchess de maine, and others were sore wounded.  
The Rutters lost above fifty men, about one hundred serving men, & three hundred waggon horses: they lost three Cornets of their servants, wherein were painted the Star, the Horse-comb, and the Sponge.  
The Baron Oneau received a blow with a sword upon the forehead, but he was shortly after whole.  
The Lord Chastilion was lodged three leagues from that place, who understanding of the alarm, went on horseback, as also others in other places, where the rumour came.  
The said Lord Chastilion went into the village where he found some of the enemies wandering, whom he took there: he noted a great number of dead men, but more Frenchmen then Germane.  
The morrow after the Guyze sent to ask for the dead, which were above two hundred in number, he sent also to know of the Rutters whether they would be content to exchange their Cornets and prisoners. They answered, that as for the prisoners, they would advise upon that matter but for the Cornets they would send them to the king.  
That day the Baron Oneau, who had kept possession of their lodgings, sending all night for the regiment of Lance-knights, went to present himself in battle array before Montargis, where he was more than an hour to draw the enemies to battle: but no man appeared, and therefore he retired.  
The same day the artillery in going forward, came within a league of Montargis, where it was in no small danger, being so nigh the enemy, with a small company: the which after the Lord Chastilion had found in that case, he accompanied the same until two hours within night: and not able to go further, they unstalled it to send the horses to bait in the next Uillages. The said Lord Chastilion left fifty arquebusiers on horseback to keep all night.  
The Lord Chastilion arrived at his lodging, learned by a Trumpet which had been in the kings camp, the overthrow of the Duke joyeuse, and of the prosperous success of the king of Navarre in the battle at Coutras, whereof all the court made a great mourning.  
The 30. of October there was a great mutiny of the Rutters, partly for the loss which they had at Vimory, and partly because they were denied to enter into Chasteaulandon, which was appointed for their lodging. The Baron Oneau had much ado to pacify them: but when the Lord Chastilion was come, he was requested by the said Baron Oneau to besiege that Castle, for the which he sent his footmen, and in the mean time he went to view the place.  
During which exploit, the Duke of Boillon, accompanied with many other Lords, came to the Rutters upon their mutiny. There they said that they would not pass further, and that they were lead to the slaughter, that they were lodged at the face of the enemy, without any Frenchmen to guard them. They alleged that it was reported the King of Navarre to be dead in the overthrowing of joyeuse, that they had lost part of their baggage, that their servants demanded their wages, and threatened to forsake them if they had no money. To be short, they said they had no means to follow, and therefore required to have leave.  
The Swissers did help much to appease that mutiny, showing the alliance which they had entered into nigh Chasteawilaine, promising each other never to part asunder until the war were ended. This mutiny was pacified upon promise of the Frenchmen, which was to make among themselves a sum of money, to horse them which were spoiled at Vimory.  
When the Counsel had made an end of their sitting, there came a young man names Pau, saying, that he had to speak with the Lord Cleruaut, to whom he had heretofore brought letters from the King of Navarre: this young man had already come three or four times in the army, saying, that he would bring to them his regiment which he had in the army of Guise, that he had not assembled it for any other end then for the King of Navarre his service, and that in taking his part he would do him, beside some piece of notable service in seizing upon some place, and that he had good means in Bourgondy, but the army had not favoured him. That now they might take Montargis, as he had informed them, when they camped at Chastilion. That he had his company in the Castle, which the Lord of Guise had put in for his safety when he lodged there: but now when the army marched, the Duke of Guise went aside of them still on the other side of the river Loin, and that he pressed him with his company to come to meet him, and that he could not disobey any longer: therefore let them speedily take advise.  
After some speeches had on both sides, the Lord Chastilion answered him, that all that came from the Duke of Guise was suspected to him. Notwithstanding, that if he would do as they would show him, they would send thither. Pau answered, that there he was to do all that they should command him.  
The matter being reasoned, they determined to send the Lord Cleruaut with two hundred harquebuziers and two Cornets of Rutters to execute that enterprise. When they came to the place, the Lords Cleruaut & Chastilion, and others of the company, called Pau unto them, and after they had sent to visit the Castle, they put fifty arquebusiers upon the gate: and as they were about to enter in, one of the company of the Lord Chastilion warned him that there was treason: upon which occasion he retired speedily his men: which thing the enemies seeing, and that they were discovered, they played their parts, and did blow up the gate and bridge through which our men should have entered. In returning from this enterprise, they who had avoided such danger (for to have believed a traitor of the League) gave hearty thanks unto God. Whilst these things did so pass at Montargis, the Lord Boillon, with the rest of the Counsel, had arrived at Chasteaulandon, and sent the ordinance, having considered where it should be placed: but because there were neither Swissers nor Launceknights to guard it, the charge was committed to the Lord Chastilion, after his return from Montargis, who began the battery about two of the clock. Then the heads of the army arrived, and in the evening they showed countenance to give the assault. They within rendered themselves with their lives safe.  
For to keep the lodgings to the Rutters, and to avoid confusion, the Lord Chastilion would not suffer any companies to enter in, but sent in some gentlemen to keep it for the Rutters, and sent to the Baron Oneau to come very early; which thing he did not. And because the Lord Chastilion had to do with Germans, Swissers and Frenchmen, he could not keep them from spoiling the Castle: but notwithstansting, what could be had in money from the Soldiers, it was given to the Baron Oneau for the Rutters. There was much spoil in that quarter, for the Rutters put fire in every village where they had lodged.  
From thence they went to lodge along the river which goeth to Estempes'. Whilst they were there, Bouschet and others, who were sent to the King by the Swissers, returned to the army about the beginning of November. Their answer was, that the King had commanded them to speak to the Duke of Nevers, who had showed them the wrong that they did to their ancient alliance which they had with the King, so to bear arms against him; he showed them the danger wherein they put their Commonwealth to be troubled, by the occasion which they had given him to remember their enterprise: but that they might easily remedy it, by retiring themselves from so many discommodities and necessities whereunto they were reduced. Also, that if they would determine to retire home, he would make means to the King in their behalf to give them money, with all the security which they might ask. Also, that after he had so spoken to them, the said Lord of Nevers brought them to the King, who showed them a very angry countenance, reproving them very sharply for the offence done against their alliance and their oaths, so to arm themselves against him. That it was he which was King of France, that he did wear the crown upon his head, that he was not a spirit, that it was he himself who ventured both his person and all his means against them who had employed their forces: he thought that they had been circumvented under a false pretence, but now when they saw it they could not pretend any ignorance: he assured them also that he would see them pursued by the way of justice before their Lords.  
To these things they are reported to have answered, that they had borne these arms to support the crown of France, and to oppose themselves to the wicked practices of the Leaguers, whom his Majesty heretofore both by words of mouth, and also by his edicts had declared his enemies. And that being every way duly informed of the truth of this matter, they could do no less, then to satisfy the just request of the King of Navarre first Prince of the blood, who was most faithful unto him, for to accompany him in such a just quarrel. They said also, that they added all which they thought might have served for that purpose.  
Notwithstanding whether they were amazed at the word of the King, whether they were already won by money, at their return they changed the minds of their fellows, who then openly began to mutiny, and to ask two or three months wages, or else to have leave to departed.  
The Baron Oneau, with all the Colonels, employed themselves very faithfully, showing them what wrong they did to themselves, and to their nation, to pick quarrels for to separat themselves from them, and the Frenchmen, which they could not do with a good conscience.  
The morrow after the Duke Boyllon, with the Baron Oneau, and other Lords of the Counsel, went to the quarter of the Swissers, to see how to remedy that disorder. The matter was pleaded with many words, but at that time there was nothing done. The Colonels and Captains determined to send once more to the king, to have pasportes to send to the king of Navarre, to know to know of him whether he did bear arms against the crown of France: and that if he should deny it, they would serve him for money: if to the contrary, they would take their leave from him, with entreaty to be content with that which is past.  
This answer was received as words, for they themselves were sufficiently informed of the good and right affection of the king of Navarre towards the king, his crown, and estate: and though they had not known it, yet was it not time now to inquire thereof. This answer also was not regarded, but that they made this quarrel, moved from some where else. The alleged also their necessities, and that without money they would not pass further.  
As these things passed in the army, they of Estempes' made a sally by night upon the Swissers, but without any notable effect.  
At the same time the enemies gave an onset upon the footmen: but by reason they were succoured by the Lord Chastilion, they did but a little hurt, save that they took prisoner the Lord Cormon, who was incontivently brought to the Duke Espernon: they used him to bring to pass that whereby the army was afterward disbanded.  
The 15. of November the army removed toward Chartres, and there was put in question whether they should proceed further or return back: it was agreed that they should make one days march yet further, to favour the coming of the Prince County, of whom they had news by the Lord Essars, who had seen him in returning from the king of Navarre.  
The next lodging was within two little Leagues of Chartres: the Duke Espernon with the kings advangard was at Bonavall, which was the only passage which rested for the army to pass, if they would have gone further along the river of Loire: from thence departed the Lord Chastilion by the common consent of all to go to receive the Prince County, who came the 20. of November to Prunay, where all the Nobles came to meets him.  
There they represented unto him all the great discommodities which they suffered. For the king was on the one side upon the border of Loire, the Leaguers were on the right hand of them, and if the army would turn back, they mustrepasse the way they came, and fight with the Duke of Guyze on the one side, they should have the king's army at their heels. All reasons weighed, it was concluded to return back as speedily as might be, and with great iourueyes to recover the head spring of Loire.  
Some of the Germans thought good at midnight next following to departed, and proposed it in the Counsel by Huguery●: but on the one side the way was not yetresolued: on the other side they had no time to advertise the whole army: and also it was not thought honourable to departed in the night, as though they had been carried away with terror. The departing therefore was deferred until the 24. of November, and that it should be by day.  
Whilst these things were a doing, the messengers of the Swissers returned, and gave to understand, that at this third time they had found some alteration in the discourse he had with them, and that the king had commanded them to repair to the Duke Espernon: so that it seemed by their discourse, that they were ashamed that ever they were entered into any negotiation with the King: so there was some hope to stay them.  
To the same end Huguerie was sent to the Baron Oneau, to propose that it was necessary for the contentation of the Germans, to try by all means to stay the Swissers: it was alleged for a principal reason, that the same huge body going away, would carry with them some companies of Rutters, who might move the others, and render them more unwilling to do that which they were requested.  
The matter being proposed in the counsel, some thought their departure to be not greatly hurtful, bringing these reasons to verify their opinion: first, that it was a body so heavy and so unwealdye to remove, that by this action the enemy might drive the whole army into some disaduantagious straight. For without that heavy trou ●●they might more easily get the height of the river Loire, which was the only sure way which the army could take.  
The other on the contrary showed, that such separation could not be done with out great alteration in the rest of the army, and that if it were not let, it would be the beginning of a dissipation, which was like to have an evil end, and that the Germans would do the like at the least occasion, and that with the Swissers they were able to beat the king's power: which thing they could not do without their aid. The K. of Navarre had showed what should be done in such extremity, to wit, to turn their faces toward the Duke of Guyze, to enforce him to fight, or else to enclose him in what soever place he were: which thing did not seem very hard, considering that he had no good town to make his retreat unto.  
That the Swissers would not refuse to fight against the League, and unto all these things above said, would help much the prosperous victory which God had given to the king of Navarre: but the Swissers could not be kept, having so far dealt with the king.  
They upon the resolution to departed, required their Rolls to be sealed, to that end that the bodies being asunder, the affections might remain joined together: and that in so doing, they would be sworn to promise to bring to the king of Navarre two or three regiments of Swissers at the time and term prefixed.  
The counsel stood upon a letter which the Baron of Oneau had written, by the which he warned them, that if they gave assurance of pay to the Swissers, who contrary to their duty did forsake the service of their master, they should put no difference between the good servitors and the bad.  
The day for the army to departed, which was appointed the 24. being come, the Duke of Guyze either of his own motion, or else by intelligences, marched all Night, and put certain Harquebuziers into a Castle, which was at Aulneau, where certain countrymen had repaired, and had agreed with the Rutters to furnish them with all that they needed.  
The guards of the Baron Oneau, who was lodged at Aulneau, a little town enclosed, did not perceive the said arquebusiers.  
The Duke of Guise with the rest of his troops, stayed till the day breaking, when the wagons of the Rutters began to go forth, and the guards were taken up for to departed: that hour seemed unto him most fit to surprise the said Rutters, whom otherwise he durst not assault. Having given the watchword, they entered into the gates, which they found open, and without any resistance, because that every one was in his lodging, ready to take horse. The Harquebuziers of the enemies going along the streets, set on the first lodgings.  
The Rutters upon the alarm, took horse, and found the gate seized upon, and the streets hampered with their wagons, so that they could never join together to take the field.  
The Baron Oneau with six or seven, being the first at the gate, pierced through them which came in. The gate was quickly shut. They of the Rutters which had got on horseback, ran about the walls to find a way to get out: and when they found none, standing on the horse saddle, leapt up the wall, and so threw themselves into the ditch, where some saved the Colonel's Cornet, and five others: but all the Gentlemen of all these Cornets were for the most part taken, or slain.  
The Baron Oneau with the rest of the Rutters, stayed within half a league of the Town. The Swissers repaired thither in battle array, where also came the Lord Chastilion. There it was propounded to send for the rest of the army and ordinance, and presently to compass the town, where they might find some yet busy about the ransacking; but there was no order to hearken unto that: so the Duke Boillon & all the Counsel concluded upon their departing. The Lord's Cleruant and Chastilion were sent to the Rutters to comfort them about their loss, and to cause them to follow the way. But the morrow after the Colonels were moved to mutiny, saying, that they would go to the Swissers, and so with them into Germany, and cause their wagons to turn that way. These news were brought to the Prince County and the Duke Boillon. Notwithstanding, an hour after the Baron Oneau sent for the Lords Cleruant and Chastilion, to return to them, and that he had so wrought with them that they would come to the rends vous. There it was showed them that it would not be honourable to them to retire so upon a sudden loss, and that there was no safety for them, if they would follow their determination, but that it was far better to remain with the Frenchmen, with whom they were able to fight against whomsoever, and that the way which they would follow, was the nearest for them to return into Germany.  
Upon these persuasions they agreed to follow the next day to the rends vout, where they said they would see the Frenchmen, and that there they would entreat of all things.  
A certain man, a friend of the Lord Chastilion, had sent word unto him from the King's army that he had weighty things to tell him. The said Lord Chastilion had showed the letter to the Lord Boillon and the rest of the Counsel, which willed him to send thither some faithful friend: which thing he did. The messenger who was sent, returned with the Lord Cormon, (whom we have said before to have been taken prisoner by the enemy) bringing offers from the King, that he would give safe return to the Frenchmen to repair into Germany, or else to their houses, with many reasons which were alleged, which could not be presently answered, because the army marched on.  
There was some appearance of danger, lest the army should be pursued by the King and the Leaguers joined together, which was the cause that it was propounded to the Rutters to burn their wagons, and to set as many as they could on horseback, promising that the Frenchmen should do the like. At the rends vous it was showed to the Rutters, that within twenty days they should be brought into the presence of the King of Navarre, or else they should be set in place of safety. That the Prince County, the Lords Boillon, or Chastilion, or other such as they would choose, should answer them for the sum which was due to them. And in case the King of Navarre would not content them all, assoon as they should come unto the said Lord King of Navarre, they would yield themselves their prisoners: this was an agreement by words, which should have been put down in writing, and afterward sealed on both parts, with assurance and promise given by them, that they would repair to the King of Navarre.  
The rends vous on the next day was at Landon, four leagues from Montargis, an unfit place, by reason of a bridge which is in the middle of the Town, where was great confusion in going over. The Lord Chastilion was commanded to go to try the passage at Gien: but many inconveniences let that enterprise, although he had gone part of the way. In the mean time the enemy advanced in such sort, that the forerunners did charge the Launceknights, and unarmed about one thousand or twelve hundred, did hurt a great many, took the artilterie and munition. About 25. horsemen did all that.  
The Launceknights did retire in good order toward Buissiere, as also the waggon men with their horses, and other such stuff as they could save. The Lord Chastilion went also to the said Buissiere, who did incontinently send to the horsemen on every side, for to take advise what was to be done; for they were like to have the enemy very shortly on their backs: but the companies went to the rends vous, which was appointed at Bowy. The Lord Chastilion having stood in battle array at Buissiere, to receive the Launceknights who did pass in order, made the retreat, having not with him above three score armed men, and six score arquebusiers on horseback at the most.  
The same long sojourning which the Lord Chastilion made at Buissiere, gave time to the enemy to follow him; so that in marching the high way to Bye, the enemy appeared marching along the park: at whose discovering he put his company in battle array four and four, by reason of the narrowness of the place.  
The Lords Morinault and S. Albine did lead the forerunners, who discovering that the enemy was of more than two hundred horses, sent word to the Lord Chastilion, who strengthened them of ten men of arms which were with the Lord Byramont, and willed them to march a small pace after the companies. But a little after they were so pressed, that they turned their faces against the enemy with sword in hand, who then stayed, and after in that manner followed the Lord Chastilion more than three leagues.  
The said Lord Chastilion giving to understand to the Prince County, that the enemy was at hand: the Duke Boyllon went back to the said Lord Chastilion, with 2. hundred horses: and going back to a little brook which they had left behind, thought good to stay there for the enemy: but the Lord Monluet (who always had remained behind) gave to understand to the Lord Chastilion, that he doubted somewhat: and for to know better what it might be, they went toward the enemies, and at the discovering of them, began to speak either to stay them, or else to make them come nearer, but at length the enemy began to retire: upon which occasion the Lord Monluet and Chastilion pressed them so far, that they pursued, beating them beyond the Brook, where they left dead of the enemy seven or eight upon the place.  
The Lord Chastilion pursuing the disorder of the enemy, was advertised by the Lord Boillon, that the Rutters were more than five leagues before with the rest of the Frenchmen, & that the companies which he pursued was the whole power of the enemy, where were the Lords Espernon, Nemours, and Mercure, & that necessity required to march forward without any further delay: which thing stayed the Lord Chastilion, who in returning passed by a little wood, where he spied about four score Harquebuziers of the enemy, who hide themselves in the said Wood, whom the said Lord Chastilion made countenance to charge, that in the mean time he he might retire his forerunners, whom the said Harquebuziers made their reckoning to surprise in their return: but they came again without any damage.  
The truth is, that there was in all those troops but only the Duke's Espernon, Nemours, and Mercure, who were greatly amazed when their forerunners so fearfully did cast themselves in their arms.  
That same day they went to lodge five leagues from thence, and the next day they began to enter into Moruaut, which is a wood land, and so thick, that with much ado they could not go above two and two.  
They appointed the rends vous for the chief of the army, to hear what commission the Lord Cormon had brought: which was, that the King would give such surety unto the Germans as they would, to retire into Germany, and to the French men Papists (who would live Popishly in their houses) safety with their goods. Others of the religion which would retire out of France, might enjoy their goods, so that they would bear no arms against him: requiring furthermore in token of their obedience and good intentes, by the which they had declared to have borne arms only for his service, that all the French men should surrender him their Cornets and Colours.  
All these things being debated on both sides, it was advised not to despise these offers, but for the sureties and ensigns to take further advise.  
The reasons which induced them, were the great amazedness wherein the whole army was, and to that fear there was such negligence joined, that there was no more means to keep any order, neither among the Germans nor Frenchmen. Many French gentlemen had and did daily resort home: there was no assurance that any great number would stay any longer. There was no resolution to fight against the enemy: the ways were full of stuff and arms, as well of Germans as Frenchmen, the Horses were weary, they had to make long journeys to go far from the enemy: when they came, they found no guide to lead them the way to the Villages, so that they traveled some time one or two leagues after they were arrived at the rends vous for to take their lodgings. The most part of them remained either in the woods, or else in the first houses which they met: men without bread; horses without fodder: many horses were tired for lack of shoeing. There was four days journey to go through woods.  
The Harquebuziers and footmen did diminish on both sides: all the regiment of the Lord Villeneufue had disbanded themselves not passing three days before, because the master of their camp was prisoner: there was almost no men left in the regiment of the Lord Movy.  
They whom the Lord Chastilion had brought out of languedoc, for lack of horses could not follow, or else for to follow in so long journeys were enforced to cast away their armours: most of them had no powder, nor means to recover any. Their Pieces were either broken or unprofitable for lack of workmen to mend them. There remained not above two hundred Harquebuziers.  
They which rested of Launceknights, being about two thousand, were unarmed: all these reasons made them conclude, that it was better to save the men to do service another time, then to lose them and give the praise to the enemy, to have wholly destroyed that army.  
Upon these deliberations, they dispatched to the king the L. Cormon:  
In the mean while the army went forward, followed still by the Lord Espernon, accompanied with seven or eight hundred horsemen, and with as many arquebusiers as he could put on horseback, and was then with in a league of the army.  
The Army marched five days journey unto the town of Lancy in Masconoys, where the rends vous was given. The Rutters and Frenchmen assembled themselves the 6. day of December. The Lords Cormon, Lisle, and Morivault came from the Lord Espernon: there the heads and the troops being assembled, conferred together of the things which were to be entreated.  
The king fearing greatly that the remnant of that army should escape into Vivarets and languedoc, & so into Gascoigne to the king of Navarre. Therefore they invented surmises to increase the terror and impossibility, to divert them (if it were possible) from going that way, which they saw was the easiest and safest to escape the danger into the which they did cast themselves, and to cause them to accept of disavantagious offers.  
The Lord Lisle Morivault (being sent by the Duke Espernon) opened a roll, in the which was read how many companies of armed men and regiments of footmen were in the forest country to stop the way to the army, if they should take their journey to Vivarets: he reported also how Mandelot was enforced to retire his army, by reason of the great Snows which were fallen there, so that there was no means for them to pass: this thing discouraged the army greatly.  
Upon this deliberation appointed to determine what was to be done: the Lord Chastilion showed that the hardest & most dangerous part of the Forest was passed already, that within four days they could be in a place of safety, and showed them to the eye the mountains of Vivarets, where within 24. hours they might have the Lord Chebault with fifteen hundred arquebusiers: that he knew well the means of Mandelot, how that he could not gather such companies as could be able to stop their way: he warned them to take heed of rumours which were spread abroad by the enemy to terrify them: offered upon his life to conduct the companies into Vivarets without danger. The means which he proposed, were to divide the army into two parts, to put one half of the Rutters and Frenchmen in the vaungard, with as much of the stuff as was necessary, & that which they could not spare, and to cut off all the rest, but specially all the tired horses which served for nothing but for lets.  
The other half of the army should march after, and that they should resolve themselves to fight against whomsoever would oppose themselves in their way, either afore or behind. And that in so doing he trusted by God's power, that they might overcome all impediments which might be proffered: considering that God had plucked the army, as if it were by the hand, out of more and far greater dangers, than they which remained behind. Thereunto he added, that the Lord Espernon was left a long days journey behind the army, Guise three days journey, the King was beyond the river Loire, and that before the army there was nothing which might do hurt. He showed furthermore, that there was no cause to accept the disaduantagious and unhonest conditions which were offered, unworthy to be accepted of them who professed the true Christian reformed religion. On the other side, he showed the small assurance which they might have of the King's proffers, and the impossibility to return home in safety the way which they determined to take.  
For first, the King did offer safety to retire wheresoever they would, with assurance of enjoying their goods, as well to them who would repair to their houses and live according to the Romish religion, as to others who would retire out of France, to live in freedom of conscience without bearing of arms. He did offer also safety to the strangers, to repair to their country with their Cornets and Ensigns, requiring only the Colours of the Frenchmen. But now he altereth these conditions, and will give no surety to return home, nor liberty to enjoy their goods, but only to them who will live after the Popish manner, or would promise never to bear arms, except by his express commandment: and beside asked all the Cornets and Colours indifferently as well of the Germans as Frenchmen.  
This alteration made him think that there was some false dealing even in the army itself, which gave occasion to the King to revoke his former proffers, and to offer harder: considering that it was not unknown that the Lord Espernon hath not at this present time five hundred horses, and not so many arquebusiers on horseback: so that if he would stay for them which be had on foot, he would never overtake the army going forward. But if he should come with them which he had, he would be still the weaker, and himself as weary, as the army in danger still to be well beaten: having no reason that he should do so now, seeing that he durst not do it when he had greater forces nearer the army, and in a country favourable to him every way. He concluded therefore, that there was nothing so sure for the army as to pass the Loire.  
He showed also, that it was impossible to return into Germany safely: for to go thither they ought to pass the river Saosne, and that still upon bridges, because it cannot be passed by foor● any where. He showed that the bridges and boats were in the power of the Duke de maine, and that if the Saosne might be passed, yet must they go through the enemy's lands, so that they must needs commit themselves into the Leaguers mercy, whose cruelty he knew the King himself were not able to stay. Many Germans and others showed that they approved well this advise as the surest way. But this is to be confessed, that God would not use the means of this army, and that he would wholly scatter it. For although they saw and approved the most expedient reasons, yet they could not follow them. Others thought, that they who would return into languedoc, would have others to follow them for to assure their way. Others alleged the impossibility by reason of the Snows: others, the barrenness of that country, where they should find food neither for men nor horses. The Rutters thought upon the loss of their horses, when they should pass the downfalls of the mountains of Vivarets, where the country men alone were able to resist them: so that easily they were withdrawn from that voyage. For then the common sort of them without their Colonels flocked together, to hear what the Lord Lisle marivalt would say, who (persuaded to diminish somewhat of the conditions) proposed unto them, or else to carry away their Cornets, and swear never to return into France, except it were for the King's service, or the Emperor: or else to surrender their Cornets and to go with liberty, and to return when they would.  
Upon this proposition, the Lord Chastilion breaking through the press, showed that the Lord Lisle marivault had no authority nor writ to treat with them, nor that could bind the King to entertain that which he proposed: he showed also, how in all that there was no security, and that the King's offer was as good as nothing, in offering to men of war & soldiers conditions shameful and unreasonable, and such as could not be accepted, without forcing both their religion and honour. But the tumult increasing (as is commonly seen in such diversity of opinions) the Germans concluded to accept one of the two proffers, and that same day at evening they would show which of them. Upon this resolution, the Prince County with his white Cornet separated himself, and went to lodge at a Castle not far off. They made some proffers to the Lord Chastilion, to dissuade him from his return into languedoc, amplifying the great dangers which did attend him, if he should hazard that voyage. Notwithstanding, he went to the Lord Boillon, and (having made a discourse of the dangers whereinto he did cast his life and state upon the fear which he conceived) showed him ●ow this delay of resolution would give leisure to the enemy to stop his passage: and taking his leave from him, took his way to his troops which stayed for him. This being done, there came 25. or 30. Rutters after him to call him, saying, that they had somewhat to say to him. Then he began to mistrust them, as that they would arrest him: and being in the middle of them, understood that they talked among themselves, that they had no security for their payment, & that the French men should give them assurance. There some of the princi●allest of them said unto him twice in the ear, my Lord go your way, fearing the mutiny of the common Soldiers. The Lord Chastilion then speaking to the company of the Rutters, it is reason said he, that you should have security of your payment, and for my part I am ready to bind myself, & to the what you will. But said he, I must have the Lord Boillon, whom I go to fetch to you.  
And upon these words ●urned bridle, and making room took the gallop to the forefront of his troops, the which (with sword in hand) took their way with a soft pace about two miles, and thence got easily to S. Laurence where was the rends vous.  
The said L. Chastilion (through great dangers) with his company arrived the 11. of December at a Castle in Vivarets, called Retortou, where was a garrison of them of the Religion, the fift day after his separation from the army.  
The Lord Chastilion so retired from that army, the Rutters and others who remained among them, concluded the capitulation with the Lord Espernon, as appeareth by the articles which were brought to the King▪ and afterward by his commandment sent into the Provinces and governments of his realm, whereof the tenor followeth.  
Articles and capitulations, concluded by the Lord Espernon, with the Lords, heads, and guides of the army of strangers, Baron Oneau, Colonel's, Captains, Writmasters, Lords, and Knights, etc.  
The Frenchmen who are in the army, shall render their Cornets into the hands of the Lord Espernon, to be sent unto his Majesty, to whom the King giveth liberty to enjoy their goods in safety in their houses, so that they obey the King's edicts. They also shall make promise to him, signed and sealed with their hands, never to bear arms, except it be for his service, and by his express commandment, except it be out of the realm. They of his said subjects, who will retire out of the realm without obeying his edicts, and yet will make the said promise, the King doth grant them liberty to enjoy their goods, and security to return with the strangers out of the realm: but they who will promise nothing at all, they shall only have safety to retire out of the realm with the strangers, without enjoying any of their goods. And for as much as some of the Captains may make doubts to surrender their Ensigns, the King will that such shall not at all enjoy the benefit contained in these Articles.  
As for the strangers, the King doth grant them passport unto the Frontiers of his estate, on that side where they are now nearest, upon condition that the said Colonels, Captains, & Writmasters, shall promise to the King, never to carry arms in France against the King, being thither called by his subjects, without his express commandment: and shall lap up their Ensigns, in returning to their Country.  
Also they shall not take, nor carry away any prisoners of the King's subjects, without his express licence, neither shall commit any act of hostility in his realm, in which doing, the King shall provide them necessary things for the performing of the premises the 8. of December.  
This was the end of this army, by the which God did evidently show to his children, that it is he only, upon whom they ought to cast their eyes in their afflictions, & that other means are altogether unprofitable, except that he will further them, neither will he further them, except they be well used, with an upright mind and intent.  
This separation of the army took away from the enemies of God's people, all occasion to swell of the victory, which they may not attribute to their valour, who durst never look them in the face, and in skirmishes the enemy had always the worst, except at Aulneau only, where through their negligence they were surprised.  
Now Christian Reader, consider well the use of this dissolution of the Army. The King prepared great power to oppose himself to it, used great policy to draw it into that strait whereinto they wilfully did cast themselves, for not following the good counsel of the K. of Navarre, who would have them to pass above the head of Loire. But as men destitute of understanding, heedily went into a manifest mishap, and knew not wherefore, as to close up themselves between so many rivers, whose passages they knew well to be holden by the enemies.  
And as the king used great policy in snaring them that way, so he took great care & labour to disunite them, that without blows he might throw them down: and at length being by themselves weakened, sent them away to the slaughter, under the shadow of a passport. If the King had been so long at school with Solomon as he was with his mother (the only fury that hath been these many ages) he could have learned that it was an unseemly thing for a king to speak a lie.  
But mark the fruit that he received thereby, all this redounded to his undoing: for of evil can no good be done by man. The Duke of Guyze as he had turned all his actions heretofore to his viscredit, so did he this: for he caused certain horses which he had taken of the Rutters at the skirmish at Vimory in Gastinois, & at the surprise at Aulneau, to be lead some into one City, and some into another, almost through all France, by his horsecorsers and riders with this song, Saul hath killed a thousand, and David ten thousands, as it shall be showed in his place: So he made the world believe that he had been the only instrument, by the which that army had received all the harm which they received. And whereas the kings only policy had undone that army, yet made he the world believe by his horsecorsers, whom he sent to walk the said. Dutch horses, whom be used for sowers of false rumours, that not only the king had willingly let them to escape, but also had given them the means to retire, some into Germany, and some into languedoc, and from thence to the king of Navarre, so that the pulpits of Friars and jesuits in Paris and other cities, did sound nothing else but of these news, extolling the valour, wisdom, and glory of the Duke of Guyze, with procuring to him much popular authority and good will, and making the King hateful among the Catholics, for glozing and dissembling with them, and favouring the heretics, to that end, that when opportunity should be offered, the said Duke of Guyze might easily bring to pass his enterprises, and the king should not be able to let him.  
Now let us know what became of the fragments of this army.  
First, the promise was not observed to them, for a great number of them were slain, rob and spoiled in divers places. The Duke of Lorreynes' eldest son, called Marthuis de Pont, accompanied with the forces of the League, set on them in divers places, and enuaded the county of Montbeliard, where he committed horrible cruelties, putting all to the sword, with execrable whoredoms and abominations.  
Many died in the way, many died when they came in place of safety, even of the chiefest noble men.  
The Lords Boillon, Cleruaut, and Vau, with many other noble men retired to Geneva, where after so many labours and grieves they died in the Lord.  
The like happened to the Swissers, whose Colonels and captains (who were the authors of the first parley and capitulation with the king) were punished by their seignories, so that few either of the Germans or Swissers returned home, or escaped unpunished.  
It is said before, how that France in this year was groaning under the burden of seven great armies, besides many particular assemblies: whereof it is said how joyeuse and his army was made sure at Coutras, and their reduced carcases were left in perpetual infamy, not for their death, but for the causes of it.  
The Germans have made shipwreck upon the Rocks of Lancy in Mosconoys the eight of December, and after.  
The kings army was broken against the bank of Loire, and from thence scattered every man home.  
The Leaguers are excluded out of Dauphin, where the Catholics and they of the reformed religion (after much bloodshed) at length agreed to live like good fellow citizens under the lawful government of their king: and so the year is ended, and Christ reigneth for evermore.  
The end of the fourth Book.   

THE FIFT BOOK.  
THis year is notable; not so much by reason that it was holden by the Mathematicians to be fatal to the world, as by reason of the great and tragical events, which happened to many great and Noble personages. For this year died the Duke of Boillon, and other Nobles at Geneva: The Prince of Conde at Saint Ihan d'Angelye: The Duke of Guyze and some of his partakers: The invincible armada of Spain intending to have invaded England, was beaten both by God and man: And last of all, the famous enterprise achieved by the French King Henry the third, with the famous victories of the Church of God in the principality of Boillon, against the conspirators and enemies of mankind of the League.  
It is said before, how after the capitulation of the King, with the army of Germans, at Lancy in Masconoys, the Duke of Boillon, the lords Cleruaut, Vau, and others, retired to Geneva, where these three especially died.  
Not long after their aryving there, the Prince of Boillon fell sick, & the 27. of December (feeling in himself his end to be at hand, & that he had to pass to a most blessed life, careful for the state of the Church of God) gathered in his Sovereign principality of Boillon, disposed of his affairs as followeth.  
He made his soul heir generally of all his goods holden, as well in Sovereignty as otherwise: the Lady Charlote de la mark his sister, upon condition that she shall neither alter nor innovate any thing in the state, nor in Religion, the which there she shall maintain as it is established. Also that she shall not marry without the advise of the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and the Prince Monpensier her▪ Uncle, upon pain of forfeiting the right of those Sovereignties, from the which (in case she should otherwise do) he utterly excludeth her. And in case the said Lady of Boillon should decease without heirs, the Prince of Monpensier her Uncle is substitute as next to inherit: and after him the Prince Dombees his son, conditionally that they shall change nothing in the state nor Religion, upon pain of the like forfeiture: And in case the said princes should make there any innovation, he doth substitute the King of Navarre, and in like case the Prince of Conde, in case the first should fail in the performance of the premises.  
The said Lord Boillon made executor of his Testament, and the Lord la Nove: the which done, the first of januarie he was delivered out of this mortal li●e, to enter into the full enjoying of the society of God, being the day of his nativity and the 25. of his age.  
This was a Prince of great ancient and famous nobility, issued by the father side out of the stock of that renowned Argonante Godfrey of Boillon, who was crowned King of jerusalem, a noble and virtuous man, his Mother was one of the most virtuous women of our age, daughter unto the Prince Monpensier, and sister unto this Prince, now at this year living: her virtue, godliness, and constancy in the confession of the true doctrine, shall be in an everlasting remembrance. For she being very oftentimes requested by her Father (a great & devout Catholic) to forsake the Gospel, and to return to popery, at length she agreed unto him, with this condition, that if the popish Doctors could bring better proofs for their religion, than the ministers of the reform would for hers, she would fulfil his will. Whereupon a disputation being obtained at the hands of King Charles the ninth, and the matter being reasoned between two Doctors of Sorbonne, and two Ministers of the Gospel, for many days in her presence, her own husband sitting as moderator, it fell out, that in stead of that which her Father looked that she should have been converted to popery, she was confirmed in the truth: by whose singular wisdom and special care, afterward the Churches of the Sovereignty of Boillon were reform.  
This Principality of Boillon is a small country, holden in sovereignty, yet commonly under the protection of the Crown of France, between the rivers Mose and Moselle, a part of the ancient Nation, called Eburones, having on the East side Lorreyne and Ardenues, on the West Henault, on the North Liege, on the South Baroys and champaign: it hath two strong places, Sedan and jamets', and many other strong holds and Castles, the Country is Woody, Moorish, and strong, lying altogether upon the bank of the river Mensae. This Country since it had embraced the Gospel, and become the Garden of Eden, hath been the place of refuge for them of the reformed religion of the Nations, which do lie between the rivers of Marne, Seyne, Mosselle, and Saosne, a place most fit to retire unto, in time of persecution.  
There were two brethren, the Duke of Boillon, and the County de la Mark, two Noble young men of great virtue, valour, and godliness, who had from their cradle, as if it were sucked the true religion and virtue, with the milk of their virtuous and godly Mother: They ventured all that they had, lives, goods, and state, for the defence of the Crown of France and true religion, and opposed themselves against the conspiracies of the Leaguers, not as Mercevaries, but moved with a true zeal and love toward both.  
These two noble men were called out of this life, unto that which never decayeth, and to enjoy the inheritance of the Saints in light, whose names shall be in the everlasting remembrance of the righteous. The one, to wit, the County de la Mark, died at Lancye, about the beginning of October, as is said before: but the eldest, to wit, the Prince Boillon at Geneva, the first of januarie, as is said.  
It is said before, how the Duke of Guise set upon the Rutters at Vimory, where many were slain and taken on both sides, and the Duke of Guise took also about three hundred waggon horses, and in like manner took some more in the surprise, which he did enterprise upon them at Aulneau in Beausse. This man being possessed with a legion of unclean spirits, named Ambition, this unclean spirit did so torment him, that it made him to think an hour a day, a day a year, and a year an old man's age, so he longed to see the royal family rooted out, and the crown of France to fall to his lot: he advised therefore himself of this point of policy, to make his name ring over all France, his victories sung out, and to store up the love and admiration of the people toward him, and to procure hatred and en●ie to the King. He divided these horses and armour which he had taken from the Rutters at Vimory and Aulneau, into sundry companies of horsecorsers and riders, transported with affection, and factious malcontents and unquiet, to make a progress through the realm into those Provinces, whereunto they durst venture, and into those Towns and Cities, specially which were favourable to him. There these horsecorsers carried (as if it were in a triumph) through the cities the Germans spoils, horses, weapons, and all other array. And when the people were flocked together in great troops, to see these new shows, there were the Orators ready among them. The number of the dead, horses and Ensigns taken, were increased by the figure of multiplication, one killed a hundred, and a hundred ten thousand, as Pyrgopolinices in Plautus: the manner of the fight was made very difficult, and dangerous for the conquerors. They showed also, how not one of the Guizes Soldiers were found wanting: to be short, vanitas vanitatis.  
Then they applied their shows, how that the Duke of Guise had achieved himself all the difficulties of the war, and either slain or taken the chosen and valiant Captains and Soul●iers thereof, and if he had been assisted by the King, he would have gotten such a victory, as never the like had been heard of in France. For he knew the means how to have made such a slaughter of them, as not one had been left to tell the news in Germany: all the realm might have enjoyed the commodities of such a victory. But the King he retired beyond Loire, as though he had been unwilling or afeard of them, for he would or durst never show his face, or draw his sword against them, and for to show some outward countenance, or for shame when the enemy were already vanquished, and that the Duke of Guise had left the small remnant, who were but pages and scullions, so hurt, weary, and sick, that they could not fly, trusting that they would have been dispatched by the King, they were followed so slackly, that not only he gave them leisure to escape without running, but also helped them to overcome so many distresses whereunto they were driven by the said Duke of Guyze, & also under colour of a counterfeit yielding and submission, he granted unto them their lives, horses and furniture, and to some of them their goods, and by these means they came all to their journeys end, and safely arrived to the King of Navarre.  
Now the conclusion of these infamous reports, was left to every man to infer, that either there was not in the King such princelike virtues as should be in him, or else that he was a favourer of heretics, and a dissembler with the Catholics. Then what should we do with such a King: Let us have another. And whom should we have, but him that hath done such exploits, and delivered France from so many dangers and terrors.  
By these devices, hatred and contempt was no less procured against the King, as, gloria in excelsis, praise, love, favour, and authority to the Duke of Guyze.  
The jesuits and Friars on the other side took these lyings and slanderous reports for a theme to discourse upon in the pulpits, he that was of a timorous mind cried, that the King was a betrayer of the Catholics, he was become either a close and dissembling heretic, or a favourer of heretics, and that it was to be feared ere long he would forsake the catholicism, and overthrow the Catholic Religion in France: Others which had a more warlike stomach, discoursed upon the other common place, that the K. had a timorous mind, durst not look few (Pages and Scullions half vanquished) in the face, and that was the cause that many attempts upon the heretics had come to small effect, because the wars were not pursued by men neither of courage nor wisdom. But the Duke of Guise, that noble branch of Charlemaigne, the deliverer of France, the only protector of the holy Church, was the only man to whom they own their religion, their lives and goods, the only hope of the Realm. Thus the frogs that rose up out of the bottomless pit, did daily in their pulpits cry croak, croak, croak.  
There was great hope that the sundry lamentable events which did beat the one and the other part in France by the scourge of war, and execution of armours as well in the loss of the battle at Coutras, in the death of notable men, as in the oppression and havoc which the armies did carry with them, would have assuaged the rage and passion which carried away many, would have stayed the persecutions against them of the reformed Religion, and would have made a way to some reasonable agreement: but the Leaguers and other enemies (without any remorse of conscience, & without feeling of their own private or public grives) so much the more made haste to work the utter subversion of the said religion, oppressing with greater cruelty the professors thereof than they did before. Satan therefore (the captain of murderers of the Saints) divided his forces, one part to assault the remnant of the Church left in the popish provinces of France, and the Churches of the principality of Boillon, which we will in order recite.  
As after the breaking of the army of the prince of Conde in Vandomoys, in the year of our Lord 1585. they thought that with the same Prince all their hope had been gone; which thing made them increase their cruelty: even so did they after the dissipation of the army of the Germans, supposing that they should shortly see the end thereof.  
The authors of these persecutions, were the King, the Leaguers, the Bishops, the jesuits, the Friars, the Monks, the parish Priests and Magistrates. In these assaults appeared the cowardliness of a great many of them who had professed the true religion, who looking more on the events and present dangers, than to the end of such skirmishes (where we ought to show a proof of our faith, and with patience to expect an happyend) for fear were carried away to unlawful things against their conscience.  
But the Lord (as at all other times) left not his truth without witnesses: for many in divers parts of the Realm being cruelly persecuted, showed their constancy in maintaining their faith and religion, whereupon it seemeth me, not to be out of purpose to make mention of the constancy which God gave to a man of base condition, in defending of his religion, who in this respect showed the way to many, which in the sight of the world had greater means to do it than he had.  
There was in the town of Marchenoyre in Beausse a poor man borne in Boysgencye upon Loire, named Francis Tixier: (as if we should say weaver) this man by his occupation was a maker of packsaddles, who (by reason of his family) had not departed out of the Realm according to the King's Edicts, neither had obeyed the kings commandment in conforming himself to the Popish religion, but had always constantly remained in the profession of the true religion, praying daily in his house, & often times joining himself secretly to others to the same effect, and to sing Psalms, as it is used among them who do profess the reform religion.  
He visited also them who were sick, and strengthened them: and if any were which stood in need, by the mean of some small collections which was made among them secretly, he helped them, as he was wont to do when the reformed Church did assemble at Orges, in the which he did bear the office of an Elder.  
God blessed that zeal in time so hard and difficult: for some of the villages thereabous, by the mean of that small exercise, without fear of the persecution, forsaking the Romish Church, joined themselves to the pure religion. But this course was not continued long: for by the watches and searches of them, who in the former assaults & alarumes could get nothing upon this man, he was at length discovered and complained off to the Magistrate. So that the King passing through Marchenoyre, the accusers addressed themselves to one of his Aulmoners, and instructed him of certain accusations against that poor man, to wit, that he had not obeyed the King's edict, but on the contrary did persever in his heresy and dogmatize: so they kindled the Aulmoner in such a sort, that they agreed altogether to put a complaint to the King: they made also a book of others of the religion, which they caused the said Aulmoner to present to the King. For his custom belike was so to bestow the King's alms.  
The King commanded that they should be apprehended: Tixier as the most hateful, was first taken, and with great solemnity brought before the King, who was desirous to see him, for he was informed that he was a Minister. The King himself examined him (when he had appeared) with great assurance. When the King had asked him whether he was an Huguenot, and wherefore he had not gone out of the Realm being one, (as he did confess) and whether he would go to Mass once or twice, and so to escape from punishment. The poor man answered, that he had not the means to avoid, and that he would not go to Mass, nor alter his religion which he knew to be the truth.  
When the King perceived his constancy, he sent him to Bloys, with letters to his judges, there commanding them straightly to make his process, according to the rigour of his edicts. There in the King's presence he was greatly reviled by the Lords, Courtiers and Clawbacks'.  
Being carried to Bloys, there he was assaulted by three manner of enemies, the judges, his friends, and the rest of prisoners. First the judges had him in hand, and after they had gone about to withdraw him from his religion to Popery, with such bald reasons as they could afford, he made them a plain answer, that he knew the true Catholic and Apostolic Church, and that he was one of the fellow citizens of the same; but for the Romish Church he neither knew it, nor cared to know. When these great Divines had spent all their reasons even to the bottom, they began to draw out their threatenings to hang him, and to give him opprobrious words. The poor man despising their reasons and the dregs thereof, made them a flat answer, that as he had lived in that religion, which they call heresy, so was he ready to die for it, if so it were Gods will.  
And after many examinations all about on thing, to wit, whether he would go to mass, one asked him of whom he held his religion, and who had taught him: he answered, that he held it of God who had taught him by his holy spirit.  
Upon this answer, one Saint Severine an Italian replied: my friend, thine holy spirit will hang thee, if thou come not to thyself. The Lord reprove the spirit of blasphemy.  
This was the miserable state of that realm then, that the most vile, saucy & blasphemous Atheists, were raised up by the Q. Mother to high and honourable dignities.  
Saint Paul had learned the Pharisaisme at the feet of Gwaliel: but this lewd Italian had learned Atheism at the Pope's feet in Italy, and is welcome in France by them of his religion to teach Atheism, and to show the way to the Frenchmen how to blaspheme a l'Italiane. Many other such like trifling talk they had with the poor man, more fit for gatherers of old shoes and rags upon the dunghill of Bloys, then for magistrates.  
The Prisoners did greatly afflict him with their continual brabbling, and brawling with him, with few popish unreasonable reasons, which they took out of certain Sermons of popish friarly Doctors, which they had among them, and not only did daily complain upon him to the magistrate, but also were some time ready to set upon him to murder him, and the more he was fervent in prayers, the more they did moiest and vex him.  
The third sort of enemies who did assault him, were they which professed friendship, who oftentimes came to advertise him in the prison, that the judges had concluded to condemn him to die: and that it were high time to look about, persuading him to avoid the danger, to go to Mass once or twice, and after he could make some shift to get him out of the way: but he refused all that counsel.  
So he made his will, fully determined to die, which he sent to his wife: yet the judges must have a fling more to try what he would do, or otherwise resolve to condemn him, & made him sit upon the stool, whereupon they that are condemned of capital crimes are used to sit when they do receive sentence of condemnation.  
But behold, on a sudden they changed their minds, and sent him again into prison. The King had written, and set his own hand to a letter commanding them to make his Process with all ●igour of the law. The judges were cruel Papists and Leaguers: the Italian was an Atheist, contemner of all religions, but a notorious & blind enemy of the truth. The opportunity of the time might have encouraged them to use all extremity. But the Lord (to the comfort of his children) did put a ring in their Nostrils, and after a long imprisonment, the eight of April they pronounced sentence against the said Tyxier, by the which they banished him out of the realm for ever, and commanded him upon pain of death within two months to avoid: his goods were forfeited to the King. Which sentence was signified unto him the same day by the secretary of the same Court of Bloys.  
It is said, how the two noble Princes of Boillon, and his brother the County de la Mark, died, the one in the month of October at Lany, and the other in Geneva in january.  
The death of this noble Prince being published abroad, the Leaguers took it for a presage of their good success, and occasion to increase their power.  
As for to enterprise any thing against Guyenne, or the king of Navarre, the bad success of the Main, and the death of joyeuse at Coutras, did not counsel them. There was as little hope in other Provinces, where they of the reformed were strong in arms and forts, as in languedoc, and Dauphin, where now of late an assotiation upon the defensive was made between the Catholics and them of the Religion.  
To attempt the old plat against the king's person, the time was not yet come.  
On the other side, they did greatly fear the tempest which did threaten them on the side of Germany, by reason of the fires which they had kindled in the County of Montpeliard, and the execrable outrages by them there committed, where (as is aforesaid) they charged the Rutters in them retiring homeward.  
This fear caused the Duke of Lorreyne to send to the king for succour, for they thought that it would be greatly for their advantage, if the King in defending them on that side, might have procured the hatred of the Germans, and with all consumed his forces in defending and justifying their villainies: and so all by one means should spoil himself of the amity of his neighbours, and of his own forces, in being after more easy to be oppressed by them.  
Therefore among so many difficulties, nothing seemed unto them more commodious to bestow and exercise their forces, and by little and little to increase their power, then to invade the said principality of Boillon, supposing that to be of an easy execution (considering the opportunity proffered itself) thereby preparing the way by easy things to harder and more difficult matters.  
The opportunity seemed unto them very fit, to wit, the death of the two brethren, the amaze which fell upon the subjects in the territory of Sedan and jamets'. The weakness of the young Princess fatherless, in tears and mourning, by reason of the death of her two brethren, a maid even under age, destitute of men, armour and Captains, and as if it were disdained of the world, forsaken of her friends, not through unfaithfulness, but being themselves hampered and busied in the selfsame dangers that she was in.  
Other friends of the contrary profession durst not show her any favourable look, for fear to be heretics, or favourers of heresy, and so to provoke against themselves the bloody power of the League. And that which is more, she being accounted an heretic for professing of the truth, and therefore accursed by the Pope, proscript by the League, and as it were dead to the world, by the articles of Nancy, whereof it shall be spoken hereafter at large.  
And to that end they might the better both to invade that young Princess and resist the Germans, whom they feared, by reason of the villainies wherewith they had provoked them, as is above said, they had secure of the Duke of Parma, Italians, Spaniards, Walloons, Legeoys & Germans, under the conduct of the Baron of Sarexenbourg, to the number of ten thousand men in all. All these occasions, opportunities, causes & forces, moved the Duke of Lorreyne to lay the siege before the Town of jamets', next of the principality, which lieth nigh the borders of Lorreyne, about the 20. of january.  
In the mean while, the Princess caused the inhabitants to swear fidelity to her, and gave the government of her affairs unto the Lord Nuevile, until she might understand of the Prince Monpensier her uncle, appointed Warde, and of the Lord la Nove, executor of the Will of her brother, but specially of the King of Navarre, whose counsel she desired greatly to follow.  
The company which she had were the Princess herself, the Princess Bourbon, and the Lord Laval, a young child the heir of the Lord Laval, who died at Taillebourg the year 1586. in April, as is aforesaid.  
The forces were the inhabitants of the country, and a certain number of Frenchmen exiled out of their country, by reason of the persecution of the League.  
The Duke of Boillon being dead, the King of Navarre was certified thereof from Geneva, and also from Sedan an express messenger was sent to the said King, to let him understand the state and necessity of the affairs.  
The King of Navarre understanding the state of Sedan, the injuries and violences of the League, sent thither the Lord Reaulx, and from thence to the King, to put him in mind of the protection which he did owe to the said Princess, and of the services done by her predecessors to the Crown of France: but specially to show him the importance of the places which the Leaguers did intend to invade, to make much for the safety of Mets.  
She sent also to her uncle the Prince Monpensier, who promised her all assistance to his power.  
The Dukes of Sweibrook sent her word, that they would do what lay in them to divert those forces from her.  
The King not greatly regarding the suit and protection of the said Lady, for hatred of the reformed religion, sent back again the Lord Reaulx to the Duke of Lorreyne, where he tarried so long that all things were burned and spoiled before he returned to Sedan. And at his return he delivered a commission from the King, to be received as Lieutenant general for the King, and protector of the Princess: and that after being received when they had given their oath, than he would declare what order should be taken.  
They made answer, that it was a new thing, and that the sovereign Lords of Sedan had never received such charges, and therefore they could not accept them, considering that they had given their oath unto the Prince Monpensier her uncle and Warden, to do her lawful and faithful service, and to keep the places against all men, under the protection of his Majesty: who would (as he hoped) be contented with the assurance which the Prince Monpensier would give him.  
About the same time, the Lord Nuevile governor of Mezieres, came to joram nigh Sedan, seeking by fair promises of friendship to have that Lieutenantship: and propounding certain captious articles, was so answered, that if he had come into Sedan, there was not of his kin enough for half the women of Sedan: for even they who moved the matter first stood in some danger.  
The Prince Monpensier sent divers times to visit and assist her, and went to the Court to obtain the continuance of her protection. But nothing was obtained; for the King sought nothing else, but to put in such as he thought would fulfil his desire to oppress and scatter the Church, and to have in his possession that Princess, to nousse her up in Popery, that there might not be any hope left hereafter to restore the Church.  
Whilst the Duke of Lorreyne besieged jamets', the Duke of Guise sent to Sedan to proffer them great friendship, and to preserve them in all liberty of conscience and religion, if so that there might a marriage be made between the Princess and his son.  
The Duke of Lorreyne using all manner of hostility and villainies that could be possible, made suit to have the said Princess in marriage for his son the Lord Vaudimount, both with flattering words, & also by thundering of the double Canon.  
The weakness of this Princess caused the enemy to be very secure and careless, which encouraged them which were besieged at jamets', daily to make sturdy and stout sallies upon the enemies, giving them no advantage, not so much as to approach to place their pieces, and compelled them to trench themselves in the Villages, where they were charged by them within the town daily: and this continued until the beginning of April next following.  
During these two Months of February and March, and the continuance of the siege of jamets', the Lord Resne, with certain troops of Italians, Germans, Walloons, Legeoys, and Lorreins, to the number of 7. or 8. hundred horses, with certain regiments of footmen, did scour the country about Sedan, where they fired all things: so that in all the principality of Boillon there remained in a manner but ashes and calamity, besides Sedan and jamets'.  
Their outrages and cruelties were such that the like were never heard of. For all manner of whoredom, ravishments, violences and worse, were committed by those infernal helhowndes, villains, and savage robbers: beside, they put all women, maidens, and children to ransom as many as they could take: such violences they continued until the latter end of March, thereby to terrify this young and desolate Princess.  
Whilst the Leaguers (as fire brands blown out of hell, subject unto no law, government, nor power, do proffer injuries unto all manner of persons, without any respect, about the beginning of February, while they tried by all means possible, both by fair words & open violence, to seize both upon the person and state of the Princess of Boillon: the chiefest of them assembled at Nancy in Lorreine, where they continued in counsel until the midst of February, in the which assembly they concluded many articles against the King's person and state, also they took order to continue the evil wars, which they had kindled, and that still under the ●olour of popish religion, they might win by little and little, and so make themselves way to the state, by the undoing of whom soever.  
And for as much as they were out of hope to prevail against them of the reformed religion in Guyenne, or other where, they advised themselves by policy, to give the King no rest, by hampring him into new troubles, in proposing to him unreasonable requests, and still under colour of Catholickisme.  
For there they framed articles which have three principal final causes, to destroy the King, the nobility, and to save themselves.  
The first is, either to shorten the King's life by some lot of war, or else at the least to weaken him, and make him odious to the Churchmen.  
The second is, to kindle and entertain the war immortal, that the nobility may be destroyed by mutual blows and wounds.  
Thirdly, to save themselves from blows and charges, and to keep themselves in authority, until the opportunity which they watched for should proffer itself: these things are evidently seen in the articles following.  
But here first before we come to these articles, mark well (Christian Reader) the turkish hearts, who contemning all that is named God and justice, they have extinguished in themselves all humanity and reverence of superiority. For contrary unto all humanity, they went about to ravish away that noble Princess, issued of noble race, left desolate, fatherless, brotherless, and friendless, and also to lay hand upon her state. Now have they despised the superiority ordained of God, when they desperately and imperiously dare give law to their Sovereign, even such law as is altogether unreasonable, contrary to the duty of subjects. But now let us come to the articles.  
First, they say the King shall be requested to join himself more openly to the League, and shall put away from him, and out of his strong holds, and out of all states and offices of any weight, such as shall be named unto him.  
Here first they will have the King, to take upon him all the shame, dishonour, and hatred of their detestable actions and injuries, which they do intend 
Note  to proffer to all manner of men, under the name of the League, which they will the King to take upon him in these words, that they will have him to join with the League.  
Secondly, whereas they seek to displace from about him such as they would, their intent is to deprive him of his authority, forces, and faithful friends, to put him underward, that he may reign at their discretion, and no longer than it shall please them.  
The second article is, that the King shall cause the counsel of Trent to be published, authorised, and received in his dominions, only the execution to be stayed for a time, concerning the revoking of certain exemptions and privileges of some Chapters, Abbeys, and other Churches from their Bishops.  
This article they do set forth to be the seed of immortal wars, knowing well that it cannot be published without the sound of the trumpet 
Note  and double Canon.  
The third article is, that the King shall establish the holy inquisition of Spain, at the least in good towns, which is the only way to root out heretics, and suspected, so that the officers of the said Inquisition be strangers, or at the least be not borne in the places, where they may have neither kindred, friends, nor alliance.  
This is the means to execute the decrees of the counsel, which in the former article they have given to the kingdom of France for a law▪ that by 
Note  that law all the inhabitants of the realm, who shall be to the Inquisitors, either heretics, or suspected: for who will not be suspected if it pleaseth master Friar the Inquisitor.  
Secondly, the inquisitors must needs be either Lorreines or Spaniards, two nations delighting in the blood of Frenchmen, as the Wolf in the blood of Lambs, or else they may not have any kindred, say they: that is, that neither blood, duty of nature, nor friendship, may let them from evil doing, and from subverting the french nation. The sum of this article is, that the french nation may be destroyed without mercy or compassion.  
The fourth article is, that the King shall grant licence unto the churchmen, to redeem at any time the Church goods, and lands which they have sold, of whatsoever quality the said goods and lands be, or they that have bought them. And that the King shall compel the beneficed men to make such a redemption within a certain time that shall be prefixed to them, according to the ability that they shall be found to be of, by them that shall be appointed to see the state of their revenues and lands.  
The Leaguers have made the churchmen to blow the Trumpet of 
Note  civil wars, upon that condition that they should not fight themselves, but pay money to them that would fight for them, and so have made them sell their church lands. Now they will enforce the poor Priests to buy again their church lands, that they may sell them again when the Leaguers have need of them.  
The fift article is, that the King shall put into the hands of some of them, certain places of importance which shall be named to him: In the which it shall be lawful for them to build Fortresses, and put in men of war, as they shall think good, and all at the charges of the towns, cities and countries: the like also they shall do in the places which they hold at the time of the making of these articles.  
The leaguers do think that the King had too great a portion in the 
Note  last division of his kingdom which they made with him in july 1585. and that the King was too strong for them yet. Therefore by this article they do call him to a new division, wherein they go about to do three things.  
First they would have more strong places, and such as they themselves shall appoint. It is to be thought that they will not make choice of the worst. For if the King should put them to their choice, I dare affirm that they would choose Paris, Calis, Anious, Reymes, Bologne, Newhaven, Caen, Rouen, Orleans, Tours, Aunts, poitiers, Bourdeaulx, Lymoges, Perigeulx, Tholouse, Bayone, Narboune, Marseilles, Lions, Dijous, Auxone, Langaes, Seus, Mets, and other such which they do mean by places of importance.  
Secondly, they would have the King this to do for them, as to suffer them quietly to build citadels, and therein to put garrisons, which they gently call forts, and men of war to keep out the King, if at any time he should change his mind and call for his own.  
The third is, that the king and his poor subjects shall bear the charges of fortifying and keeping these places from his obedience, that thence they may easily oppress him when they shall spy time, and tyramze his subjects.  
The sixth article is, that the King shall give pay to men ofwarre, to be maintained in Lorreyn upon the borders of Germany, to let the entry of the 
Note.  strangers their Neighbours, and for that end shall cause out of hand the goods of herelikes, and others which be associate with them to be sold.  
The cause of this article was fear of the vengeance which their conscience represented continually before their eyes, for the great enormities, injuries, & execrable abominations by them committed in the County of Noubeliard: for they perceiving their weakness in strength and wealth against that hot, vindicative and mighty nation of Germany, would have the King to defend them, and so doing, justify their villainous actions, and thereby to beggar himself, and procure the hatred of that Nation, which had been always at amity with the Crown of France.  
Secondly, whereas they require the goods of heretics, and their associates (by the which they do understand the Princes of the blood, the Duke Mommorency, Noble men) and other qualities of men, which shall please them to be sold.  
I marvel when they will go into Guienne and other Provinces to pluck sheave with them, it will be hard for them to get the sheave out of their hand: yet the king must do all this to justify the murders, whoredoms, Sodomi●ryes, and other abominations committed against the friends and allied of the Realm of France.  
The seventh article is, that all they who have been heretics, or holden for heretics, ever since the year 1560. of what degree soever, may be taxed to the third or fourth part of their goods.  
A research must be made of the space of 28. years past, and all liberty given 
Note.  so oft, by the Kings & proclaimed by their edicts must needs be made conyne. Even they who were reunited by the last edict of July 1585. made at their own discretion, must be called to account: and this is to make the war immortal, until they attain to the mark they shoot at, if they do not catch a fall by the way.  
The eight article is, that the Catholics shall pay the tenth part of their revenues every year. And that commissioners be appointed to make the sallies and taxes, as well of ecclesiastical, as lay persons: others notwithstanding then officers of the sovereign courts, that all things may be executed more speedily and with less charges.  
In this article, first the Leaguers spare neither friends nor foes, but 
Note.  that they are somewhat more favourable to the Catholics then to the heretics. For whereas they were promised at the first rising of the league to be eased of all impost: now three years after they are taxed to pay the 10. part of all their goods, until they be discharged of all taxes and impost. And if they should complain of it, no doubt they should hear the answer of the Wolf to the Crane: go thy way, thou mayst be glad that thou hast not lost all.  
Secondly, they will not put in trust about their tyrannous devices none of the kings faithful officers and servants whom they suspect, but such Commissioners as be of their own making, of their own qualities, and such as will say to all their doings Amen.  
The ninth article is, that the friends of heretics which are of their associate, shall be enforced by all means possible to buy their goods, in abating unto them the fifth part of the value: and when they shall be sold to others, upon their refusing, they shall not be received afterward to have any action to recover them.  
Here be two things full of wrong and Turkish oppression.  
First, that any man should be compelled to buy other men's goods, standeth 
Note.  upon no reason.  
Secondly, that the ancient law of aguation, grounded upon the civil law of the Romans, and used in the Realm above one thousand years (by the which the next of kindred might recover the land of his kinsman alienated, in repaying the money within a certayine time) should be altered by new men, who within a man's age had no more to do in the realm than they have this day in Turkey: that law I say, that the Kings of France never sought to alter, neither had been able to do it if they would.  
The tenth article is, that the first sums of money that shall be made of that sale, shall be bestowed to pay the most needful debts of the heads of the League, and the overplus shall be put in the hands of such as shall be named, with condition that they shall not be employed otherwise.  
In this Article we may observe two pretty shameless tokens: for first, these beggarly Lords, issued out of the caverns of the beggarly mountains 
Note.  of Lorreine, do imitate the beggarly Friars in their Sermons, who do exhort their good Dames to give to their covent: so these Lords being 12. in number (having spent their goods, and other men's also, partly in practising conspiracies against the state, partly in riots, whoredoms, and excess) now put us in remembrance to fallen our lands and goods at what price soever, for to pay their debts, for these good laws which they send us out of their village of Nancy.  
Secondly, order is taken that the overplus of the sale of our goods and lands be put in store in such hands as they shall appoint for them, lest they should lack to finish their course which they have begun. But what shall we do when the is done? for all willbe but a gnat in an Elephant's mouth: we must begin to sell again, and for lack of goods and lands to sell, we must sell our own bodies to be slaves in the Galleys, lest these men should lack money.  
The tenth article is, that the life of any prisoner of the enemy, meaning the heretics, as they term them, be not spared, except he will abjure, and put in good sureties to live catholicly, in paying presently the just value of his goods, if they have not been sold already. And in case they have been sold, he shall renounce all right which he may pretend hereafter, and shall bind himself to serve three years and more in any service that he shall be employed, without receiving any wages or pay.  
This is the law wherewith Mahomet the false Prophet did strengthen his tyranny and superstition, for thus he speaketh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Note.  if any man shall speak against Corran, either the sword or bondage. The only difference is, that Mahomet's law is somewhat more favourable, in as much as it is but only against the speakers against his religion, but not against them who shall be taken in war.  
But this doth violate the law of Nations, and right of suppleants, which always have been kept inviolable: and the violating thereof had been always accounted among all Nations, worthy to be revenged with fire and sword. By this law of Nancy they will make this Nation so famous in the praise of humanity, more savage than the very barbarous Nations.  
Secondly, life here is redeemed only with abjuration and violating of conscience, which is more than the Turk, or any other Nation on the earth doth practise.  
At last followeth bondage, which must endure as long as it shall please the Lords and Senators of Nancy. This is the nature of this monstrous law borne at Nancy.  
The effects of this strange new law were to root out the French Nation. For it maketh the Catholics without any hope of remission, to murder the Huguenots contraius gentium & supplicum: and it enforceth the Huguenots, lege talionis, to destroy the Catholics for the violating of the right of Nations and Suppliants. And thus we shall be well recompensed for the selling of our goods & lands. These articles be such, as if a Lord should offer them to his slaves, it were lawful for them to use all means possible against him. But these new Gods on earth dare present so unjust, so unreasonable, so unreverent conditions and laws unto one of the greatest Monarkies in the World: but what is it that these shameless men dare not presume for advantage?  
These articles agreed upon by these wise Senators and lawgivers in Nancy, the Metropolitan village of Lorreyne, were brought to the King to be approved by him: but there was some delay in the approbation. And as for such as made for the suppressing of the reformed religion, he did accord with them, but to the rest he could not by any means condesend, knowing with a good judgement, that they took religion for no other pretence but to cover their ambition, and by these means to weaken his authority, and to rid him out of the way, by whatsoever means, and also all them whom they knew, were able and willing to hold plea for the Crown against them: which thing caused that these articles of Nancy, but specially such as touched the King's strong places and holds to be delivered to them, could not be approved by the King.  
It is said in the first book, how the Guyzes making all haste that they might to usurp the Crown, thought good to rid out of the way Monsieur the King's only brother, and how at Nancy, the shop of all the treacheries in these perilous days, they hired one Salcedo a Spaniard to have dispatched him one way or another, and for to bring that to pass, they delivered him for an earnest at the beginning 6000. Crowns. Now in like manner these Senators of Nancy do propound in their counsel to search out, and how to take away the impediments which may let them to come speedily to their intended purpose: it was found specially to be the King, and the Princes of the blood, but among them chiefly the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde. Therefore they must be made away by one means or another: and whereas war and violence were neither the safest nor the surest way, they concluded that poison must be tried. But to bring this to an happy end, they must have the help of the Q. Mother, she must be one instrument to commit parricides: for it is to be thought, that if she would not spare her own Son Charles the 9 she would not spare them whom she never loved: for she never cared what she did, so that she might not do good, she is therefore easily won, to do that which she greatly desired.  
Poisoners are hired, they have their drougges and instructions with them: some are sent to minister their Physic to the King of Navarre, if by any means they could. But howsoever it be, either that they which were hired to poison the King of Navarre did alter their minds, or had not the means to execute so villainous an act, so it is, that his death was bruited in Lorreyne, and at the Court about the same time that the Prince of Conde died. But it hath pleased the Lord to have delivered him from their snares, to punish them in time, according to the measure of the treacheries and innumerable enormities by them committed.  
As touching the Prince of Conde, they had their minds upon him, for at length, the devil furthering their treacheries, procured some of his own household servants to be won to take the matter in hand, and among others, one Brillant and a Page (upon whom he had bestowed great benefits) to give him poison the third day of March at supper, he fell sick of a great pain of the stomach, about an hour an a half after supper: that pain was followed incontinently with great vomiting, coming at sundry times with continuation of the said pain, and with a great thirst: he was assisted by Nicolas Poget, his master Chirurgeon. At the same hour was called Master Bonaventure de Medicis, Doctor of Physic: which considering the accidents, did help the vomitings following therein, the motions of nature. The sickness notwithstanding continued all the night, having invaded the inferior belly with swelling and hardness of the same, with such difficulty to take breath, that he could not lie in his bed, but was feign to sit still in a chair.  
The morrow after were called to counsel Lewis Bontempts, and Ihan Pallet, Doctors of Physic, who altogether did endeavour to help his Excellency with all diligence and fidelity, by all the means which they judged fit, according to the accurrant accidents.  
The fift day of March, and second of his disease, about three a clock in the after noon, all things went from worse to worse, so that there came a suffocation of all the famolties of nature, in the which he rendered his soul to God, half an hour after.  
In the death of this Prince, God did shoot an arrow of his wrath against the ungratefulness & perversity of this world, but specially against France, in plucking this Noble Prince out of so many labours, into the society of the inheritance of his Saints in light.  
Henry Bourbon, Prince of Conde, Son unto Lewis of Bourbon, Prince of Conde, whose famous name shall be in the everlasting remembrance of the righteous, was borne and brought up in the Church of God, whose preservation was as dear unto him as his own life, God had endued him with noble virtues, he was faithful unto God, dutiful in the true worship of God, true unto his King, lover of his Country, and of the liberty and honour of this realm, enemy unto the perturbers of the peace of the same, and of them all whom he knew to be coniurators against the King and state. His generosity und valour, with the greatness of courage had been showed in many noble exploits, done by him, but specially in overcoming many assaults, labours, perils, and miseries, during these miserable civil wars: to be short, God hath plucked him in all the course of his life, out of many dangers.  
His death was the more to be lamented, because it was violent, and in the flower of his age, which happened the fift day of March 1588. at S. Jhan d' Angely in Xainctonge, to the great grief of all men, among whom from age to age, the remembrance of him shall be honourable. For the death of this Prince was hurtful to all France, but gainful only to him, who changed a vain and painful life into one only true and steadfast life, immortal, quiet and everlastingly blessed, in the assurance of the which he died in our Lord jesus Christ.  
This sudden and unlooked for accident, gave occasion to the said Doctors, Physicians and chirurgeons, to think that this sickness came thorough some extraordinary and violent cause.  
For the said Physicians gave out under their hand and seal, as followeth.  

After his departing about two hours, there began to issue out of his mouth and nostrils a froth thick and white, which gathered by little and little to the bigness of ones fist, and out of the same place a little after did issue yealowish water in great abundance. On the Lord's day being the sixth of March, by the commandment of his Counsel, we Physicians and chirurgeons have beside called Peter Mesnard, & Focault Chotard, both Master's chirurgeons of S. Ihan d' Angely, to make the anatomy of his body, and to search altogether the causes of a death so sudden.  
And first we have found all the body bluish and leadie, the belly in a strange manner swollen, stretched and hard. In the opening of the body, we found in the lower belly all the parts thereof with the inwards, bluish and black, and the hollowness of his body full of yealowish waters. After searching diligently the stomach, we have also found it bluish, and in the right and upward part of the same an inch or thereabout under the Orifice of the said stomach, we have found a round hole eaten through, and through that hole had fallen the waters and liquors which we found within the capacity of the inferior belly. Then having diligently taken up, viewed, cut and emptied the said stomach, we have seen evidently the whole body of the said stomach as well without as within, specially on the right side black, burned, ulcered and gangrened in divers places, but notably about the hole above said. So that we cannot judge that it could be done otherwise, then by a notable quantity of burning, ulcering, and caustic poison, which had left evident marks of his passing in the Oesophage. The liver also in the place joining to the said hole, was found altered and burned; the rest of the substance of the said liver bluish, as also the lights. There was no part of the body of his Excellency which was not of a very good constitution and very healthful, if the violent poison had not corrupted the parts above said. All the premises are according to truth: and for the certitude of the same,  
we have sealed this report with our hands andseales at S. Ihan d' Angely the 6. day of March. 1588. 

Medicis.  
Bontemps.  
Pallet.  
Poget.  
Mesnard.  
Chotard.     
About the same time the King of Navarre came out of Gascoigne, who being advertised of his death, commanded that such as were suspected of that villainous fact should be pursued. Whereupon a page suspected, saved himself by flight: many more were apprehended. The process was made unto many, with all the solemnities requisite thereunto: whereof within a while after, the condemnation of one Brillaut ensued: the page also was condemned upon centumacie, & executed in Picture. Brillaut was drawn upon a hurdle through all the streets of S. Jhan, and in the chiefest place of the said town was torn in pieces with four horses.  
Now we see how the Leaguers when they have not been able to destroy the Princes by valour, have used treacherous proceedings. For first, having treacherously shortened the life of the Duke of Alencon by poison, as it is said in the first book, and seduced the Cardinal of Bourbon, making him dream of a kingdom in his old doting age, and to oppose himself to two Kings, to wit, the King, and the King of Navarre, and to all the house of Bourbons, out of which God had made him that honour as to have issued one of the chiefest, as is said in the second book. They also have condemned the King of Navarre to die by their Italian figs, and there upon proclaimed his death (which they had promised to themselves) both in Lorreyne and in the Court, and in Towns and Cities of their favourers: but God hath disappointed them of their murderous purpose. At length (by the long suffering of God) to plague France, they have prevailed against that good godly, virtuous, & famous Prince of Conde, and that upon such a day as hath been fatal to the house of Guise to work mischief, murder and rebellion.  
The death of this noble Prince amazed all men in Xainctonge, knowing that God had some heavy judgements to execute upon France, and that GOD had taken that noble Prince, lest he should see evil days, as the Prophet Esay saith.  
It is said before, how the Lord Laverdine (who was master of the Camp) saved himself by flight out of the slaughter of Coutras, & betook himself to the town of Niort, to the Lord Malicorne his uncle, where he sojourned as his Lieutenant.  
Here (Christian Reader) we have to observe, that although the King and the Leaguers hated inwardly one another, and in outward appearance did deeply dissemble their affections; yet we do see, that as Herode and Pilate did excercise privy hatred between them, and at length in persecuting Christ did well agree as friends: so in men of like degrees and in like actions the like affections are boiling in their hearts. For the rumour of the death of the King of Navarre and Prince of Conde, (which the Leaguers (having set some secret price upon their heads) had promised unto themselves) did cause the King and the Leaguers in outward appearance to be great friends, and to promise unto themselves an utter rooting out of them of the religion, and a sure subduing of all things beyond the river of Loire. With speed therefore they sent eight or nine regiments conducted by the Lord Courbe, to the Lord Laverdine, Lieutenant of his uncle the Lord Malicorne at Niort in Poytow, who with all the forces which he could gather both in the low and high Poytow, the 16. day of March about two a clock after midnight, descended into Marans by boats through the marshes of Beauregard, and with five hundred footmen seized upon the house and farm of the said Beauregard, having found no resistance, but only of two of the inhabitants of Marans, with a little boat who were gone to discover the Island Cicoigne: these two discharging their pieces upon the enemies, retired to the trenches of Beauregard, there they found but five or six Soldiers, as well of the inhabitants as others, who also discharged certain shot upon the enemy, who notwithstanding advanced and came to land. The cause why the Lord Laverdine subdued these islands so easily, was, first the certain news of the death of the Prince of Conde, and the rumours bruited abroad touching the supposed death of the King of Navarre; which thing caused great amaze and discouraging among all men. Secondly, the ill order and providence of the governor: for if he, his troops and inhabitants had done their duty, Laverdine had not entered that Island at that price, or else had been chased out to his dishonour and loss. The Lord jarry had been advertised three days before of the enterprise of Laverdine, and might have put into the islands forces sufficient to resist the enemy: for the companies of the Lord Trimoville conducted by the Lord Boysduly, returning from Cotaudiere were very nigh him, to wit, at S. Radagond, champaign, and Puyreneau, who desired nothing more than to enter into Marans. But the governor and the inhabitants fearing the press of Soldiers (which was excessive indeed) would not admit them, but sent to Rochel the Captain Plaute, Lieutenant of the Governor, to request them of Rochel to send them about fifty Soldiers, whom they would entertain, until they might see what the enemy would do: which thing they of Rochel could not do for that time.  
Notwithstanding this refuse, and that the governor was well advertised, that he had not sufficient forces to let the enemy to take land, yet the companies of the Lord Boysduly passing through the Brault, were sent further as far as Esuand, through foul ways overthwart the Marshes, whereas they should have been stayed, to be used as the necessity had required. They sent notwithstanding the same day at evening to the said Boysduly: but arriving not before ten or eleven a clock in the night, was the cause that succour could not come in time, although that the diligence of the said Boysduly and his companies was wonderful; for without any leisure to lodge, and without any respect of the indignity proffered him and his troops the day before, they departed presently, and repaired to the fort Brune one hour and a hal●e before the enemy took land at Beauregard. But whilst the governor and the inhabitants made some difficulty to let in all his troops, (being not willing to receive above 50. or 60.) the enemy on the other side entered at Beauregard (as is said) so that the entry into Brune was not opened to the said Boysduly, nor his troops, afore that the enemy had already gotten the farm house of Beauregarde. There had been means to drive back the enemy, if speedily the troops (who were entered at Brune about three a clock after midnight) had gone to meet the enemy, as some did give their advise to do. For the L. Laverdine was not yet well accompanied, and it had been an easy thing to cut the way to the rest of his troops which came in small boats. But because the Soldiers were marvelously weary, they took incontinently their lodgings: the Captains also did not think good to assault the enemy by night, before they had discovered him.  
By this delay, the Lord Laverdine received his footmen with leisure, to the number of five hundred, without any horsemen, whom he set in battle array in Beauregard, and placed about four score of them in the Farm house of Lommeau. The day being come, to wit, the 16. of March, the Lords Boysduly and jarry, and others Captains, to number of three hundred footmen, and about three score hrsemen, went to seek out the enemy, who put his men in battle array, in favour of the Farm house of Beauregard, and durst not advance upon our men, fearing our horsemen, although they were twice stronger in footmen. Our men on the other side durst not charge them, having such advantage as they had, but for that time were content to chase them, who were put in the Farm house of Lommeau, who retired to their fellows in good order, as men resolute. Our men on the other side, retired to the town, where every one refreshed himself, intending to charge the enemy in the evening, but there was noted in our men much confusion, but small resolution.  
The same day about three a clock in the after noon arrived from Rochel the Lord Noise, with twenty brave soldiers, under the conduct of Captain Ozanneau: it is certain that it these soldiers had arrived the day before, and had been placed at Beauregard, with some more forces which might have been given them, part of the inhabitants, & part of the soldiers of the governor, the L. Laverdine had not put foot on land so easily as he did. For although the Lord Laverdine had gotten much (as is said) yet he had been enforced to retire, if it had not been for the treathery committed in the fort of Bastile, which commanded the captain Ensign of the governor and some others, who were so frighted by a country man, sent unto them by the way of advertizement from Perrerio with threatenings, that if they did suffer themselves to be besieged, they would be hanged as others were at Cotaudiere: that there upon they stated not for the enemy, but abandoned their fort, their armour and munition, and saved themselves in the Marshes.  
The Lord Laverdine having intelligence of this fact, immediately sent for his horsemen, who were three long leagues off: they arrived about 5. a clock in the morning: he put all his men in battle array, and marched toward the town of Marans.  
The Lords Boysduly and the governor, with other gentlemen and soldiers, prepared themselves to go to seek the enemy, whom about six a clock they discovered with his horsemen, which made them conclude that without doubt the Bastile was in their power: for it was unpossible that their horsemen had entered any other way.  
Notwithstanding, they which were in the town, went forth to receive the enemy to the farthest houses of the high town, where they fought a skirmish, in the which the Lord Boysduly, Noise, and some others who followed them, with some of▪ Rochel, did what they could: but at length being charged with horsemen of the enemy, were forced to give place, and to retire into the Castle speedily, so that the enemy seized upon the high town, and thereupon afterward became master of all the rest.  
All the Gentlemen with their horses and Soldiers, and some of the inhabitants retired into the Castle, to the number of three or four hundred. Within that place there was no provision of victuals, save some small store of meal, which the Soldiers in retiring therein could carry away with them. There was neither shovels, mattocks, picaxes, nor any other tools, to remove the earth if need should be: there was small provision for horses, and no good store of powder.  
Notwithstanding, the Lord Boysduly, with the governor and other Gentlemen, determined to hold out for certain days, hoping to have some succour either by the coming of the king of Navarre (who was not yet returned out of Gascoigne) or else by them of Rochel, or if the worst should fall out, yet they would make some honourable composition. With this resolution they prepared to keep the court of the castle, which was in a manner trenched, and the dungeon having one piece which was little or nothing worth to them.  
There they were incontinently besieged by the enemy, who seized upon all the convenient places round about the Castle, and did command the court of the said Castle: they trenched themselves where it was convenient for them.  
They who were besieged in the Castle did likewise their endeavour▪ so that without any loss of men they killed many of the enemies. The Lord jarry Governor was hurt in the foot, which made his person afterward unprofitable.  
But the enemy pressed them within so narrowly, that there could no means be devised to understand any thing during the siege.  
The 18. of March the King of Navarre hasting before his company, which followed him contrary to the opinion of many, came to Rochel with the Prince of Soyssons, and some other noble men in good deliberation to succour Marans.  
Afore his arriving to Rochel, the inhabitants thereof had sent a good number of Harquebuziers, under the conduct of Captain Gargoleau, and others, for to enter into Marans: but they understood by the way, that the enemy possessed the Island with the chiefest forts, and had besieged the Castle: for which cause they returned to Rochel. The Citizens of Rochel also had sent two ships with the bark of Captain Courtault, and certain Culuerings, under the conduct of Captain Boysseau, and other Soldiers and Captains. They entered into the river boldly, seized upon the forts of Brault and Clousie, in the sight of the enemy whom they prevented.  
The King of Navarre informed of all things passed at Marans, the 19 day very early took his journey to Charon, and from thence to the said forts, where he put men and munition a● occasion served. He caused also the ships whereon the Culuerings were to approach the town of Marans: the Culuerings did beat the houses of the Town called the boats houses.  
The enemy having seized upon the whole town, and trenched himself in the market house, seeing the preparing of the Ships, presented himself to withstand the landing of them that came from Rochel, and with two field Pieces compelled the ships to descend lower: there were slain some Soldiers of Rochel.  
The King of Navarre gave all the signs that could be possible (as by the sounding of trumpets, spyals, or other means) to let them who were besieged understand of his coming. One of his spyals was hanged: but they within could not perceive any thing, save only of the coming of the Ships, whom they supposed to have been the Rochellers only, but he could not conceive any hope to be able to secure them.  
The enemy in the mean while increased his forces, which repaired into the Island out of every side. He had also means to make forts and trenches in divers enterings of the Island, to stop the succour which might come to them within the Castle, and in the mean time pressed them hard. The King of Navarre on the other side received some forces, as well them which had followed him out of Gascoigne, as other who repaired unto him out of Poytow, and Xainctonge. All these companies together were fair; and disposed to do well: & although the forces of the enemy were no lesser, notwithstanding he determined to enter into the Island. But he found in the place (which he thought to be most easy) which before he had viewed himself, that the enemy had so entrenched himself there, that it was impossible to force them without great loss of men; considering that the most part of the way to come to the said trenches, the Soldiers should have waded in the water to the waist, & the horses to the saddle. The enemy also had set some Pieces upon the bank of the marsh, by the which they might greatly have endamaged them that would have gone about to pass: they had broken also some bridges to make the entering difficult.  
All these discommodities considered, the King of Navarre chose rather to save his men to a better opportunity, than so dangerously to hazard them, without any help to them that were within the Castle, who might save themselves some other way: so he took his forces from Clousy, and gave it over.  
He kept only the fort of Brault, the passage into the low Poytow, which notwithstanding two or three days after came in the power of the enemy.  
The enemy waxed stronger and stronger daily, because the castle refused parley, and hearkened to nothing but to defend themselves, seeing no Ordinance.  
At length the Lord Laverdine had three Pieces brought from Niort, which he set against the castle the 24. of March. The first battery was against a round tower, which maketh one of the corners of the Castle toward the town: and with shot did so enlarge a window which was garnished with a Lattice of Iron, that he enforced the Rochellers to forsake it: they shot also against the tower of the gate, and in other places here and there without hurting any man, although that place be very ill for the shot of Ordinance.  
They which commanded in the Castle, and many Soldiers lacked no courage (although they wanted many things necessary to assist themselves in defence of a naughty place) but as the affections are divers, specially in a company confused, as that was within the Castle: so one gave counsel one way, another another way: at length they came to that issue, that they would surrender the place, but upon such terms and conditions as should not be dishonourable unto them.  
The reasons of this resolution were, that they had promised, and so sent word to Rochel that they might hold eight days and no longer without succour. The term was expired, they had no more bread but for two days, and yet was not there enough for all. Many of their horses were dead for hunger, which did infect them with the stink: there happened also that some horses for lack of fodder had eaten the tails one of an other, even to the bones. They had no salu●s to dress them which were wounded, they had no tools to fortify themselves, having among them all but one shovel and a ma●tock. The dungeon being very little, the fall of the walls did quell them, and that which was worst of all, they heard no news of the King of Navarre, but only what Laverdine told them, who made them believe that he was still in Gascoigne: and although they believed not the words of the enemy, yet did they see nothing to persuade them to the contrary.  
The enemy on the other side fearing to be forced by the king of Navarre, offered them honest and good sureties for the performance of the offers, so that they did choose rather to take him in that mood (seeing that they must yield) then to expect greater extremity which might ●ender the conditions harder, having done already that which good soldiers & men of war might do: therefore they yielded up the castle upon these conditions.  
That there should go forth all gentlemen, Soldiers, and inhabitants, with their armour, horses and stuff, and should be safely conducted whither they would, which was faithfully kept by the Lord Laverdine, in the tail: notwithstanding, some soldiers were spoiled of their good, but few.  
The Island of Marans being so reduced into the hand of the Leaguers, the Lord Cluseaulx, otherwise called Blanchard, obtained the government of that place, which he kept about two months.  
About the same time that these things did so pass in the Isles of Maran, to wit, the 25. of March, not far from thence, to wit, in Britain, upon the North side of Loire, as at Aunts, and other places thereabouts happened an earthquake, as a presage of such commotions as have happened, & do continue there still: which was testified by Lewis Vivant doctor of Physic in the university of Aunts to Duke Mercure, governor of Britain, as followeth.  
These are to let your Lordship understand, that on Friday being the 25. of March about 11. a clock in the morning, the weather being calm, the wind at South-west, at the time of the celebration of the high Mass, was heard throughout all the city a great noise, roaring and groonting with a great shaking and quaking of the earth for that small time that it did continue, so that the people which were in Churches, with great multitudes were afeard of that sudden noise, except some which thought it to have been cart loaden & drawn through the streets. Other doubted it had been the Mine of the gate Sawetour that had kindled: they which were in houses, thought that the fire had suddenly caught the Chimneys, hearing such noise as when a Chimney is fired. This noise and earthquake not only was in the City and Suburbs, but also at Nozay, Eucenis, Oudon, Mawes, Calquefou, S. Erbline, S. Stephen, B●oys, la Hay, the low Goulene, and high Goulene, chiefly where the Country people were so amazed in those quarters, that they forsook both the Mass and the Priests that said it: the river also was seen bubbling at the same time.  
This token doth presage many calamities, and a wonderful alteration in this estate: this earthquake doth admonish us to search the right knowledge of our offences, as also of late we have been warned by fiery men, which have been seen by the watermen about Tours and Saumur to fight in the air. Thus far Doctor Vivaut to Duke Merceur.  
It is said before how the Duke of Lorreyne both besieged jamets', and also asked the Duchess of Boillon in marriage for his Son the Lord Vaudimount: the Duke of Guise did the like for his. This Noble Princess abhorred their alliance, partly for their false religion, or rather atheism, which was covered with zeal of popish religion, as with a Mask, partly for their treacherous intents, which she knew they had against the Crown of France. Yet these petty Lords of Lorreyn, must needs have her whether she will or not: but her they may not have before they take Sedan, the chiefest town of her principality, which they had terrified all this month of March, by the barbarous invasions of the Lord Rosne. It is said also, how the besieged in jamets' have kept off the enemies, and had caused to trench themselves in villages thereabouts, where they were daily assaulted by them of jamets'. Now in the latter end of March, the army before jamets' was greatly increased enforces, so that all things being ready, jamets' is pressed and besieged more narrowly than before, and after many skirmishes between them, the artillery is placed for the battery.  
There remained to them of Jamets' for hope of succour, (after man's judgement) the town of Sedan, in the which under the authority of the Duchess commanded the Lord Nievile, a Gentleman famous in counsel, valour, and experience: he had within Sedan a small number of Gentlemen and good Soldiers. The army which was before jamets', desirous to cut off all hope of succour from Sedan, sent part of their horsemen, Frenchmen, Italians, and Spaniards, with a number of arquebusiers about Sedan, to spoil and to seize upon all places and high wai●s, by which they of Sedan might come to secure jamets', and among others they took Vaudelincourt, Balan and other places. Their courses were raging, and their rage spared nothing: the contempt which they had of so weak an enemy, made them (as the manner is) both insolent, secure, and careless of their safety, which was the cause, that divers times, and in divers places they were charged by them of Sedan, who issuing out fiercely, made great slaughter of them, as the time and small means which they had suffered them: so that they were shamefully driven out of their villages of Vaudelincourt and Balan.  
But to prevent such inconveniences, the Lord Rosne and other Captains, who conducted the turkish troops of the League, determined to lodge hereafter more closely, than they had done before: and for that cause, the fourth day of April, the greatest part of the horsenien and footmen which were on the east side of Mensae went to Bemily, situated on the west side of the said river, where the L. Rosne lodge, and the rest of his companies lodged at Aucourt, Haracourt, and Raucourt, leaving on the east side of Mensae, the Baron of Saraxenbourg, with four companies of horsemen, to wit, his own, and the Lord Anthony Advise a frenchman, a great friend of the Duke of Guyze: the third was the company of the Lord Tilly, a Lorreyne, and the fourth was conducted by Captain Carlo an Italian. These companies placed themselves within the town of Douzie, belonging to the principality of Sedan. That town they determined to fortify, by reason of the situation which is good, being situated upon the river named Chize, flowing from juoy, and within a quarter of a league beneath Douzie falleth in the river Mensae, which cannot be passed by ford in winter: the said Douzie lieth directly from Sedan to jamets', so that having Douzie, they be masters of the way from Sedan to jamets'.  
Nigh unto the village of Douzie beyond the bridge at the ends of the meads, at a place called Marry, were two companies of horsemen lodged, commanded by Ihan and Thomas Albaneses, there they were set to secure Douzie, for by the means of the bridge lying between them and the town, in a moment they could recover the town. The companies which had passed the river Mensae, under the conduct of the Lord Rosne, were gone to besiege Raucourt, appertaining to the Sovereignty of Sedan. They besieged it when it was altogether unprovided of all necessary things, for which cause the Lord Nievile determined by the advise of the cousel to furnish it with all necessary things, as well with provision of victuals as munition of war, and by the way to charge three companies of light horsemen, which were lodged in Haracourt, and to that end he departed out of Sedan about eight a clock in the evening the tenth day of April, accompanied with four score horses and four hundred arquebusiers: but there fellout such a terrible tempest and violent rain, that they were enforced to retire, save only they victualled Raucourt.  
The twelfth das of April, the Lord Nievile advertised of the diligence which the Baron of Saraxenbourg used in fortifiing Douzie, he considered that the longer he should delay to charge him, the greater the difficulty would be, and that the sooner the better, without giving him leave to fortify himself in that place, which did so press Sedan, and took from him the means to secure jamets': he therefore called the counsel, and propounded them two enterprises which be would willingly attempt, the ●●e was to go to Haracourt, the other to Douzie: whither it was concluded that they should march the same night. They departed about ten a clock at night, with four hundred arquebusiers, and fourscore and twelve horses, commawded by the Lord Arsoune, and Falayses. It was also ordered that the footmen should go three divers ways, to wit, that the captains Dories and Parramentier, with one hundred Harquebusiers, should go to get the bridge of Douzy, upon the river Chize, to stop the sally of them who were within the town, and by the same means to let the companies of the light horsemen, who were at Mary, distant only from Douzie the shot of an Harquebus (between that place and the town, nothing being but the meads and the river) lest they should go into the town to secure their fellows.  
Captain Cheverdery, Lieutenant to the Lord Caulmont, should assault the lodging of the Lord Saraxenbourg, with 50. arquebusiers: the Captains Framond and Massart, with their troup●● should charge upon the trenches, through the which, the horsemen should issue forth. The rest of the footmen commanded by Captain Villepoys Sergeant Mayor, should stay with the horsemen, for to help where need should be, and to favour our horsemen when they should join with the enemy.  
The thirteenth day, about three a clock in the morning, the troops of Sedan did charge Dovize, and they who had the charge to seize the bridge, came so fitly, without finding any great resistance, that quickly they were masters of the bridge.  
But it was not so at the barritadoes, whom the Captain Framond and Massart did charge, for there our men were violently resisted by the Baron of Saraxenbourg himself and the Lord Anthony Advise, & Dom Ihan Romeroa Spaniard, who made a sally with five and twenty or thirty horsemen, who notwithstanding were received so courageously by our footmen, who had charged the Barricado, that being beaten back, they were feign to retire within their trenches so confusedly, that our footmen in beating them before, entered with them, and seized upon the barricado. In this skirmish were slain many notable Captains and men of war, among whom were Anthony Advise and his Lieutenant, the rest of their horsemen, that then for haste and terror could not get on horseback, would have avoided by the bridge, which was seized on before, but they found it stopped, & were so rudely seton by our footmen, that the most of them were sla●ne, some taken prisoners, a great number cast themselves into the river and were drowned, the Baron and few with him, by the goodness of their horses, avoided the danger, and most of them in their doublets, and without boots, the way to juoy.  
The fight having endured one hour, the rest of the enemies retired into a Fort, which they had made within the village, and there stayed for the canon. The Lord Nievile by hap had caused two mean pieces to be brought with his troops, wherewith they shot two volleys against that Fort: that disligent exploit so amazed them within the Fort, that without any bargaining, they rendered themselves at the discretion of the Duchess, with promise of their lives. The agreement made, the Captains Carlo & Maruile rendered their Ensigns to the Lord Nievile, who being entered into the Fort, found therein about two hundred able men, as well borsemen as footmen, whom he caused to be brought forth, and be lead captines to Sedan. The chief men of them were the Captains Carlo, Maruile, & their Lieutenant and Ensigns, Captain Romero a Spaniard, who commanded over a company of horsemen. There were also a number of Gentlemen of the company of the Baron, and many light horses Italians: there were found more than seven score slain upon the place in that flight, besides them who were drowned and hurt. There were taken more than two hundred horses, among whom were found twenty or five and twenty of the fairest in all the army, and many of them had cost the Baron one thousand crowns a piece: he esteemed the loss which he had sustained in that charge, in horses, plate, money, and money worth, at more than thirty thousand Crowns.  
Of our men it is most true, there died but only two, the one was a Soldier of the companies▪ and the other a Citizen's Son of Sedan, named the Febure, there were some hurt▪ but very few.  
The enemies did hold a strong house, named Lamcourt, situated between Douzie and Sedan, which the Lord Rosne had battered with nine and twenty shot of Ordinance. The Lord Nievile in returning to Sedan, caused his artillery to take that way: that house was kept by five & twenty Soldiers, who when they had seen the canon, yielded themselves upon the same conditions that they of Douzy had done. The companies which were beyond Mensae, commanded by the Lord Rosne, took such fright by the overthrow of them of Douzy, that they could never claw it off after: for the night following, they repassed the river Menze with great alarm, and retired with the rest of the army before Jamets', so that there remained not one of them upon the Land of Sedan. This was the light of deliverance, which God reserved to this fatherless and comfortless Princess, and the confirmation of his promise that he raised up himself for the poor, which is afflicted without a cause, and that he will pull down with shame and confusion the high looks of the haughty. The Papists, in whom there was some spark of reason and justice, did hold infallibly, that some horrible vengeance did hang over the head of that army full of villainy and blood.  
The Duchess of Boillon having received the news of that unlooked or victory, accompanied with other Ladies of calling, who were exiled for the testimony of the truth, and sojourned at Sedan, went to the gate called Mesuil, to give thanks to the Gentlemen and Captains, for the notable service which they had done to her, and to gratify the Soldiers in all that she could.  
The Lord Nievile presented her two Ensigns, & two Cornets which they had gotten, which she received thankfully, & incontinently the whole company with the people went to the temple, where thanks were given to God for this happy success: this was about noon.  
This overthrow did not quench the fire, but rather did kindle the violence of the army which was before jamets', so that they doubled their rage, labour and battery, which they had continued from the ninth day of April, and never ceased to thunder, until the sixteenth day of the same month, ●● which time they were willing to give an assault, and they doubled the battery more furiously than ever before, in the which for the space of five days they had employed the greatest pieces they had, which did carry 45. or 48. or 50. bullets. As they without prepared themselves to give the assault, so they within prepared all things necessary, with courage to receive them: it was not possible to do more valiantly, than botl, Captain and Soldiers did; the more worthy praise, that in the midst of arms (which they acknowledged of themselves but uncertain and weak) they put their whole hope and confidence of their preservation only in God, the upholder of the oppressed, and the defender of their just quarrel.  
Such hope did not deceive them, for the enemies having done their battery, to the number of twelve volleys of Ordinance, the same day in a moment they closed themselves in battle array, and headlong set as well on the breach, as on the curtain toward the tower, called the Cat, where they planted a great number of ladders, with a full assurance to carry the town away by one way or other: but they were so courageously received, that after a long fight they were so beaten, driven back, and overthrown, that the Town ditch remained full of a great number of dead & wounded: few were taken prisoners by them of the town, for they did drive them before, still beating them unto their trenches, so that no man was able to repass the heat and fury of the Soldiers following the victory: one half of their army was there wholly destroyed.  
Of them of the town were not above six slain, and eight hurt: a thing very strange and yet most true. God for to magnify his power in taking vengeance upon tyrants and haughty persons, oftentimes doth overcome as well with a small as with a great number: and so was that the only virtue and force of his arm, to whom the victorious gave the glory: for after the retire from the fight they gave publicly thanks to the divine goodness of God, who so mightily had delivered them.  
Afterward, that proud sink of filthy slaves did nothing worthy to be reported, but grew always lesser and lesser: they attempted afterwards some stratagems, but without any effect, which caused them to conclude not to hazard further, but to preserve the rest in certain Block houses, which they made about the town upon the high ways, supposing by that means to compel them in time through hunger to yield.  
It is said before, how the Duke of Guyze sent his horse coursers and riders, with his Orators to bring in triumph, and to show the horses, armour and spoil of the Rutters, taken from them at Vimorye and Aulnea●, by Montargis and Chartres, not only with amplifications of his victories and great valiantness, but also with depraving and debasing the kings doings, with calumnies, lies, false reports and slanders, into such Provinces and Cities, where these sycophants did venture to go: for such were the graces and ornaments of their rhetoric, wherewith these Orators did beautify their demonstrative orations.  
It is said also how the King of Navarre, after the prosperous journey at Coutras, sent Ambassadors to the King to search the means of peace, & offered him his and the Germans forces to be revenged of the Leaguers, his secret enemies. Also, how by what policy the good hope of this embassage was prevented and made of none effect by the Leaguers, seeking to nourish dissension and war in the Realm.  
Furthermore, it is said, how after the dissipation of the Germans, the King retiring to Paris, and hearing of the proceeding of the Duke of Guzye against his person and honour: and what great discredit he had procured him among his subjects, too late he saw his error, in having rejected the proffers of the King of Navarre, and neglected opportunity of revengement, which he doth purpose to dilay, and refer it to another time, supposing this to be his best course; first to repair the fault committed: For seeing the communality addicted altogether and affectionated to the Duke of Guyze, he determined to do some thing plausible to the Commons, to recover their good wills and affections.  
In the twelfth Chapter of the Acts, there it is showed how a King killed james, seeing that it pleased well the people (to get their love to the uttermost) took Peter also, intending to kill him like wise: so this King (with dutiful reverence of the sovereign power be it spoken, in comparing the counsels and actions, not the persons) determined to recover the love of his subjects by the slaughter of the King of Navarre, Nobility and people, which follow the example of Peter, and embrace the same form of doctrine which he hath delivered. He concludeth therefore to make war against them of the reformed religion.  
The King therefore passing the latter end of Winter in the meditating of these enterprises, in repairing and renewing his forces, an expedition was published abroad against them of the reformed religion, whereunto the K. in his own person would go the next Summer.  
The jesuits fearing least the cold of the Winter and the sweetness of the spring next following, would both cool and qualify that heat and bitterness, which did so boil in the King's mind, importunately by their outcries and tumultuous Sermons did press him forward, their pulpits ringing of nothing else but fire, fire, burn, burn, kill, kill, the heretics: to sharpen and flesh him to go about his business more eagerly. They daily assured him, and showed him certain arguments of God's wrath against the heretics (as they termed them) promised him an assured victory, and blessed issue, descanting specially upon the fatal year 1588. so much spoken of by the Astronomers. Yet for all these hellish Frogs crying croak, croak: the King made no great haste to his voyage in Poytow, either doubting of some new rebellion of the Leaguers, or else mistrusting the events.  
But whilst the things abovesaid do so pass in the Sovereignty of Sedan, the king having opportunity given him, by the death of the Prince of Conde, and the good success of Lavardine in subduing so speedily the Isles of Marans (which he thought to be a good beginning to bring under his obedience the rest of Poytow and Xainctonge, and at length to force Rochel) began earnestly to resolve himself upon his expedition of Guyenne, and thought good to use some speed and celerity in invading Poytow and Xainctonge, as the nearest of them which did embrace the Gospel. Therefore he prepareth all things, and deviseth all the means possible to destroy the King of Navarre, to take the isle of Rhe, to Block in Rochel, to get the towns of Talmond, Ganach, and Fontenay: and girdeth about his loins to go in his own person to that voyage: there to fill the measure of his praises and victories, hoping thereby to win again the hearts of his lost subjects.  
On the other side, the master of the league perceiving himself to have crept deeply into the hearts of the people, and to have dislodged the K. from thence, forgetteth the heretics, and the defence of the holy Church, which he had heretofore pretended, and beginneth to discover the ha●red against the King, which had lain hidden in his breast a long time, crieth out that the wars so often times moved against the king of Navarre, had vanished away without profit, the only fault is the king's intelligences with the heretics, but the supporter of the king of Navarre being once dispatched, with less labour shall he be overthrown: he dreameth that Germany and England are so angry with the king of Navarre for the dissipation of the German army, that he can hope for no more aid nor succour from thence. As for the K. he is weary of war, his good Soldiers are spent & worn out, the residue weary of the tediousness of this war, or else for want and need do only desire quietness and peace. He doth enholden and encourage himself upon the favours which he had at the court, of the chiefest about the king's person, & concludeth that the king may easily be oppressed, and the king of Navarre cannot defend him●elfe long: and in the mean time he determined to try what miracles the slubbersawce figs of Italy can do as is afore said.  
Of all the armies which were prepared the year before against the K. of Navarre, remained none but only the Leaguers companies: such as were together were occupied at the siege of jamets', and in wasting the teritory of Sedan, who in token that there they had been, they left their accursed carcases for gage for the most part,  
The masters of the League having received the foil before jamets', and at Douzie, in the principality of Boillon (as is afore said) considering that their counsels succeeded not, their forces were greatly diminished, and that they had opened divers ways, at divers times, but now specially their intents too evidently: and considering also that a small hole in such a dangerons conspiracy, would in a little space turn to a great breach, (which bloweth abroad the counsels, weakeneth the authority, & mollifieth the courages) took advise to remedy speedily those dangers which might ensue thereof: for their goods, their honours, and lives stood thereon. They knew also that their counsels and treasons had peareed in-into the king's closet, who might dissemble, but never forget it.  
First therefore in hasting the execution of their conspiracy, necessity compelled them to put fear aside, and respect of all authority under foot.  
Secondly, that in such extremity, none but a violent remedy would serve.  
Thirdly, that the execution could not much increase the punishment of such a dangerous conspiracy.  
Last of all, Fortune would help their valiant courages, and that high enterprises could not be brought to pass, but by diligent exploits. These are the reasons which made them haste the execution of their enterprise.  
The means to exempt their purpose, was to seize upon Paris, the che●fest town in the realm, and there (with the help of their partakers) to kill, or take the King therein, and by the self same means to destroy the Pinces' of the blood (as many as should come within their reach) and all other the Kings faithful servants and officers of the Crown, with all others as should oppose themselves to their purpose.  
As for the prince of Conde, they had dispatched him out of the way by their paltry pills.  
The Cardinal of Bourbon was the Tree, under whose shadow they did work all their conspiracies.  
The King of Navarre they made no account of, assuring themselves of his life by one mean or other.  
To bring this project to a perfect, wished, and blessed end, they needed two things; to strengthen themselves, and to weaken the King.  
Their forces were diminished greatly by reason of the Bastinadoes which they received at a maiden's hands at jamets' and Douzie, in the teritory of Boillon, yet was it easy with a short warning, to repair them sufficiently. Therefore the Duke of Guyze sent into those countries and Provinces, which favoured him, to warue his partakers to be in Paris with horse, armour and furniture at the beginning of May, and there to attend upon his Mastership, for he had a mystical may-game to play, wherein he had need of their service.  
For the weakening of the king, they used this Dilemma, we will so work that the king will send his fores into Picardy, whereby he will weaken the safety of his own person, and so shall he be easier to be surprised. (or he will not send) If he send and recall them to Paris, to prevent the danger which we will prepare him; then will it be a good occasion to the factious citizens to pick a quarrel, and to make an uproar against him, and so by open violence of many against few, he may easily well be dispatched.  
If the King send not his forces from about him into Picardy, it may be wrested out of his hand, and in course of time the next Provinces will follow, and yet will we so provide that in Paris he shall be able scarce to defend himself. Now let us consider how they executed every part of this dilemma.  
The Duke d' Aumale, with all theresidue of the forces which survived their companions at jamets' and Douzie, with other complices of the Guise, who were in the country of Pycardie, were sent into the said country of Picardy to make war, not against the Huguenots, for there were men to oppose themselves against the Leaguers, but against the heretics of the Romish Church, who will remain faithful to their King: they therefore most furiously did war against the King's Cities, Towns & Forts; all was reduced from the King's obedience save Calis and Boulogne, which was besieged & greatly distressed. They in Boulogne were worse heretics than Rochel, although they did worship our Lady, with all the Saints and the Saints of heaven, and some devils also among them with greater devotion than ever they did worship God. The like did he in Normandy, and in all those countries, the Catholics without changing of their old superstition were on a sudden become heretics: the King by many degrees worse than an heretic. The King of Navarre had been of good religion, if he would have cast his lot among them, and have had a common purse with them, and gone with them to shed innocent blood.  
About the beginuing of May (by the secret advertisements of the Duke of Guise) there repaired into the City of Paris out of divers parts of the Realm, Gentlemen, and of all qualities, beside men light headed, rash, malcontents, and desirous of novelties, above 15. thousand. Besides this great number of strangers in Paris, most part of the citizens, and an infinite multitude of sottish and rash people desirous of novelties, who had most villainously conspired the king's destruction, and to that intent secretly had given the hand of association, and oath of obedience to Guise, great master of the League in France. This accursed multitude was greatly encouraged by the strangers, who altogether would have made a mighty army, and had been able to match with the Turk both in number and qualities. All these were swimming in that city as in a large and wide sea, being not perceived nor known but by their partakers.  
On the other side, the King lived in security void of any suspicion of treachery of the people of Paris, who made his right hand of them, as whom he had always cherished & loved as himself, and more regarded in a manner then all the rest of his kingdom.  
But as counsels which do draw after such haughty events cannot long be kept close, but do take wind; so the deep providence of the masters of the League could not take so good order, (being not able to execute any thing alone) but distrust began to rise in the hearts of many men who were faithful to the King: so that after divers mutterings, sundry advertisements were given to the King, that there was some great matter in hand against his person and estate. And although they could not tell him expressedly that which happened afterward; yet experienced of long time in the anatomy of the hearts and counsels of them of Guise, began to mistrust the matter, & determined to remedy it by all gracious ways grounded upon reason.  
The King in the latter end of April, hearing of the commotions of the Duke Aumale in Picardy and Normandy, sendeth the Duke Espernon into Normandy with part of his forces, and some part into Picardy, there to defend his authority.  
The Duke of Guise hearing how he was expected in Paris, both by the mutinous citizens and strangers, who upon advertisements given them, had flocked thither out of divers parts of the Realm: and understanding that the King had sent his forces into Picardy and Normandy, resolved himself to go to Paris with a small company for to avoid suspicion, yet assured to find there (as in a little world) a number of partakers, provided of all necessary things, and in readiness sufficient to surprise a great King.  
The King informed of this deliberation of Guise to come to Paris, and desirous (as is said before) to prevent all their attempts by gracious ways, about the eight day of May sent the Lord Belieure to the said Duke whom he met at Soyssons, to inform him of his will, that his coming to Paris would not be agreeable to his Majesty; willing him in the King's name for that time not to come to Paris; and beside, the king commanded the said Belieure, that in (case the said Duke would needs continue his purpose of coming thither) plain terms he should tell him, that it was against his majesties will, and that in so doing he held him as a Traitor and author of all the troubles and divisions of the Realm, and therefore justly to deserve his displeasure.  
The Lord Belieure gave notice of all the Kings will and intent unto the said Duke, as he was charged to do. The Duke subtly gave him a doubtful answer, not declaring whether he would go or not: but as the water being stopped waxeth stronger and more violent; so the prohibiting of him increased his heat; and ambition by nature impatient, and made him think that the delay was an irrevocable loss.  
So that at one instant after the departing of Belieure out of Soyssons, the Guise took horse and his way to Paris, and followed the said Lord Belieure so nigh, that the one arrived the Monday about nine a clock, and the Duke likewise arrived at Paris the same day about twelve a clock, accompanied with eight gentlemen, having in all not above fifteen or sixteen horses that could be seen: and being there arrived, he lighted at the lodging of the QUEEN'S Mother, at the penitent Sisters, the 9 of May.  
The King being advertised of the Duke's coming to Paris, took great discontentation thereof, & conceived a great displeasure against the said Belieure, as though he had not faithfully delivered his commandment, and in the same terms as he was charged, to the Duke of Guise.  
This solitary coming of the Duke of Guise increased the suspicions and mistrust, making every man that knew him and his pomp, think that such extraordinary coming had some mystery, which ere it were long should be revealed. For if it had been simple and without fraud, a cooling of the partakers had ensued (as commonly they who do obey do frame their actions, according to the manners of them which do command) so that such a tumult had not ensued it as did.  
A little while after the arriving of the Duke of Guise, the Q. Mother caused herself to be carried to the Louvre to speak with the King. The Guise with a small company to see too, followed the Q. Mother on foot: and it is to be noted, that by the way the Lord of Guise going through the streets of Paris with the Q. Mother, the people flocked in great companies to bid him welcome, and among others, a gentlewoman standing upon a bulk, plucking her mask down, saluted him with these words, Good Prince seeing thou art come we be safe.  
The Q. Mother and the Guise arrived at the Louvre together, entered into the king's chamber, who then sat nigh his bed, and did not stir out of his place for the coming of the said Duke, who saluted the King with a fair and humble countenance, making a courtesy almost his knee to the ground. Few would have judged by this interview, that there had been so dangerous ulcers in their hearts: the King greatly displeased at his coming, showed neither to his mother, nor to the said Duke, any other welcome, but asked him thus: Cousin, wherefore are you come: He answered, that it was to purge himself of the calumnies and slanders that he was charged of, as though he were guilty of the crime of treason. In making this answer, he seemed very much moved, and pale, as though he had feared that the King even then would take punishment of that contempt, wherewith he had despised his commandment.  
The King relied, that he had sent him an express commandment, that he should not come for that time. The Duke made answer, that it was not told him in such sort, as that he had occasion to fear that his coming should be so disagreeable to him. The King then turning his speech to the Lord Belieure, asked him whether he had not commanded him to make him understand his intention. When Belieure would have recounted, in what sort he performed his message, the Duke of Guise interrupted him, and said to the King, speaking by Belieure, that he had told him more.  
Upon this, the Q. Mother beginning to talk with the King a side, the Duke of Guise drew near to the Queen, raging and talked together with her, during the parley of the QUEEN'S Mother with the King. The Guise a little after went away, being neither accompanied nor followed by any of the King's servants. The King being advertised a new, how Paris was full of armed men, replenished with faction and madness, and that there had resorted, and hourly did resort a number of strangers of all qualities, and that the Duke of Guise was the adamant stone, which did draw the yr●n of that commotion, began to double his mistrust, & thought it was high time to take order to assure his affairs, and provide both for the safety of his person, and the state of the City. And first to assure his forces about his person, sent for two thousand and five hundred Suissers which were in Picardy, for the companies of his guards, and some regiments which were extraordinarily ordained by him, for two companies of Suiss●rs, to fortify his guards, and three companies of Frenchmen.  
The tenth day he commanded the Eschevins, that is the Aldermen, and chiefest men of the City, to make search through the City in all houses, of all such men as were to be found, without any lawful business: they dissembled the matter, as though they had good liking thereof. He caused also notice thereof to be given to the Duke of Guise, who had no great liking of it, but took it for a token which hasted him to do his feat: this order was taken, but not executed until the morrow after.  
The same day, the Master of the League, that is the Duke of Guise, came to Louvre, accompanied with thirty or forty horses, and accompanied the King in his walking to the artilleries, and there conferred together very friendly about the war of Guienne against the King of Navarre.  
The 11. day, the search being a making through the City by the chiefest of the Magistrates, and certain Knights of the order of the Holy Ghost, commonly called the King's order, to countenance the matter, gave great occasion of mistrust: whereupon the King caused the search to cease.  
The 12. day very early, the Suissers and the French companies, being 12. Ensigns of footmen, entered into Paris through the gate Saint Honore, the King and his nobles being there on horseback to receive them. At the arriving of them, the Parisians gave themselves the alarm, and feigned great fear, as though the great Turk had entered the City with an hundred thousand men, every man ran into his house, shut up their doors and windows many cried that they were lost, undone, and would be all murdered. It had been an easy thing for the King if he had had an evil intent against them (as afterward they made themselves believe) to have let the attempt, which they did that same day, in raising and trenching themselves against their King. But the King was accustomed to use patiency and long delays, even in the midst of mistrust.  
The King's forces being entered the City, were by his commandment under the conduct of the Lord Byron, distributed into divers plares of the City, not to enterprise or to offend any man, but there to hold fast, lest that any mutiny should rise in the City, as all things seemed apparently to be disposed by the coming of the Duke of Guise. Part of those forces were appointed to be about the King, to fortify his guards: and another part was placed at Saint Ihan de grieve, before the common house of the City, under the conduct of Martial Haumont, the Provost of Merchants, and other of the chiefest of the City, who knew the King's intent. Likewise, part of the said forces were set upon the little bridge, under the commandment of the Lord Tinteville. There were also also some of them placed at the new market, under the conduct of the Lord Dampieore, some were also at Saint Innocent, and many other places.  
This division of the King's forces was well made, for that end to the which it was done, but it was not universal, nor in some special places, where the necessity did specially require. For in the place Maubert was no body placed. And that place was of such importance, that being seized upon, it might be the means to recover all the others: but yet if it had been provided with one hundred Pikes, and thirty arquebusiers, they had been sufficient to let them for a time, who would stir. The Lord Byron was warned of it, and himself was not ignorant of it, but for lack of men, he provided not to it: beside, that these words were not looked to.  
The Duke of Guise, considering that his treacherous intents were already too manifest, keepeth his bed that morning, to dissemble the matter more kindly, and supposing that all this preparation was for him, whilst the King should make his process, he thought to prevent the worst: therefore by secret messengers he sent to his partakers to flock together, to seize upon as many places as they could, to strengthen and to Barricado themselves, afore the watch word be given, and that he may swear that it was not his doing, he was a sleep still.  
About eight a clock in the morning, behold the Eschevins, whether they were terrified by threatenings, or accessaries to the rebellion, in a moment of one side they began to vanish away, and to descend from the university: on the other side, the people flocking together, seized upon the place Maubert, & Barricado's were planted within ten paces of the Suissers, who might easily have let it, and immediately they began every where to trench themselves with Barricado's, from thirty to thirty paces, the chains also immediately were drawn: their Barricado's were well flanked, and well furnished with men to defend them, so that it was no more time to go through Paris any where without watch word, passport, or particular bills from the Captains, or Colonels of the wards.  
The Duke of Guise understanding that the King's forces were severed a sunder, and disposed in certain places, knowing his partakers to be stronger, and more in number without comparison, trenched with Barricado's, hard by the King's Garrisons, set in divers places (as is before said) even with thirty paces one from the other, and perceiving that all this while a sleep, he had enclosed up the King's forces on every side: how much more can he do, awaking out of his bed, if he would bestir himself about his business: now seeing that it resteth no more, but to charge and to dispatch the King's forces, that destitute of all succour, more easily he may be had out of the Louvre dead or a live, resteth therefore but the watch word to begin the may game.  
All things being in a readiness, two sorts of men are appointed, the one to give the watch word, the other to give the first blow. The watch word was given by interposed persons, who went about the City, reporting that the King would establish new Garrisons in the City, and executt one hundred of the chiefest inhabitants, and many other noble men at the suggestion of the Duke Espernon, who had intelligences with the King of Navarre.  
Others were interposed among the King's French Soldiers, who did bid the inhabitants to lay clean sheets in their beds, for the same night they would lie in their houses. On a sudden therefore the fire was set to the mine, in a moment Paris was fired into an horrible and confused commotion, and as if there had been question to run upon the enemy, every man doth prepare himself to set upon the King's guards, and the rest of his forces.  
The others (who were appointed to begin the fray) were Brissak, Boysdauphin, Chamoyes, and other partakers of Guyze, who at the watchword given, began to charge the Swissers, whereof some were killed, some unarmed: the like was done to the other companies of Frenchmen, many were slain, and all unarmed.  
The Duke of Guyze waiting a sleep for this beginning, started up (as he said) out of his sleep, ran to the fray, showed a double diligence, did endeavour to show outwardly to the world, that he enterprised nothing, and that he was utterly ignorant of all these things: and to that end he might have witness, he caused the slaughter which was made of the Swissers to seize, caused the arms to be rendered to the kings companies, who had been unarmed: but after such a manner as did show how much greater regard they of Paris had of him then of the King, and what intelligences he had with them, whereof he did show himself not discontented.  
In that commotion some would have killed the Marshal Byron, and the Lord Belieure, which thing this King of the may game misliked, & would not suffer. Such occasions did content him greatly, for by such actions he confirmed himself in the trust and confidence which he had in that people: he would also have them whom he saved from the slaughter, to believe that he had no small part in France: & besides that he bond them to him in as much as their lives were worth. To be short, no man was in danger of the rage of the people, who either was with him, or was commended by him.  
The Duke of Guyze, after the unarming of the kings compan●es set themselves as prisoners until the evening, and within a little while after these things were done, they made their approaches by little and little, to the Louvre where the king was.  
The King being advertised of all which was a doing, did not show himself moved therewith at all. But the 2. Queens were greatly amazed, specially the QUEEN'S Mother, which all the dinner time did nothing else but weep, with great abundance of tears. And immediately after dinner she took her coach to go to the house of Guyze, where the said Lord of Guyze had retired, after having taken prisoners the King's forces, to do her best endeavour to passify the commotion, but it was without any effect: for they who heretofore had in admiration her devilish craftiness, as a divine wisdom, did now when they had the upper hand account it a deceitful Italian dissimulation. So that old Cadye is no more regarded than she deserved. For she herself with much ado could pass through the streets so thick trenched with Barricado's, that she was enforced to forsake her Coach and be carried in a chair: and every varlet would presume to bid her stay, what will you have? whether go you? and opening the way only for her chair, did bid her go her way.  
As the seditious made all things in a readiness to besiege the King in the Louvre the next day, the Duke of Guyze went out of his house to purchase to himself some good will of the Master, by showing some courtesy to the servants, and came to the place where the kings forces were stayed and unarmed, in the evening caused their arms to be rendered them. He sent one Saint Paul (who had grown from a latrey to be a great man, and greatly favoured by the Duke of Guyze) to go before the King's guards, leading them as captives in a triumph, and commanded them to be turned out of Saint Anthony's gate, and to shift for themselves.  
The night following, the Rebels besieged the Louvre, where the King was, set their Barricado's nigh the gace, stopped the issues, skirmished with them that came forth: and yet all things are so disguised, that to besiege the King and kill him in his own house, to execute it diligently, and that without sparing the life of any man, at the commandment of Guyze, is to obey the King, to defend the King and the country, to fight for liberty, to expose valiantly their lives for their temples, their altars, their wives and children.  
The morrow after, as the tumult increased, the King had advertisement from two several places (the first by one who was familiar, and household servant to the Lord of Guyze: the second by a gentleman of good calling) that the said Guyze, and they of Paris his partakers, had determined to bring forth the night following fifteen or sixteen thousand men by the new gate, and other gates of that side of the City, to besiege him without, there to stop all passage, and to force him in his house.  
The King received confirmation of the same determination by one of his faithful servants, a man of honour and understanding, who laboured much to cause one of his servants to step to the Louvre for that purpose, who could not have brought it to pass if it had not been by the help of one of the Captains of the wards of the City, who conducted the messenger to the Louvre.  
The King did step aside to receive this message by the mouth of him which brought it: which when he understood, judged the mischief and danger to be greater than he had thought, and began to be amazed (seeing that which he would never have expected of the parisians) without showing any token of dismay.  
He was also advised at the same instant, to get him out of Paris, though he should go forth alone, if not he would be undone, and that when his person should be without, he might find many servants & faithful subjects.  
The K. did not refuse that counsel, for he saw the danger to increase every moment, and yet he made no great show to follow it. But on the contrary increasing the assurance of his countenance, did seem to promise shortly to remedy it.  
He sent the Q. Mother to the Duke of Guyze once again: she with much a do, having access to him, exhorted him to bring of his own so much as he could to pacify that commotion, prayed him very instantly to come to the king with great protestation of assurance, that he would be well pleased thereof, protesting of his good will and confidence which he reposed in him.  
The King delayed his departing out of Paris, meditating revengement upon the head of this rebellion, and had sent his mother to the end to have drawn him within his reach, supposing that the head being off, the members would cool and wax weak.  
The Q. Mother having done all that ever she could with her Italian Rhetoric, could not persuade the Duke of Guyze, having learned by t●e simplicity of them of the reformed Religion, and by the tragedies which through his counsel he had caused the King to play upon them of the religion, how little credit was to be given to King's faith, and to her fair promises, but showed himself very cold in that matter, and contemptious towards her person: for he feared that he should not be able to execute his enterprise within the Louvre so well as without, mistrusting to be prevented, if he had entered therein.  
The QUEEN'S Mother seeing that he was not moved by her words, sendeth his answer to the king, by the secretary Pinart.  
The King being advertised of the hardness of the Duke, & out of hope to execute his will upon him. To prevent a farther mischief which he saw to be at hand, commanded his companies to retire, and determined to go out of Paris, and to take his farewell of the Louvre, at the persuasions of many officers of the Crown, who gave him counsel to give place to that desperate conspiracy, and to retire into a place of safety: he sent his household to the place called the Tuilleries, and leaving the Q. Mother there in the Louvre, went forth out of Paris on that side which was most sure for him, to wit, through newgate with a walking staff in his hand, as though he went (according to his custom) to walk to the Tuilleries with as joyful countenance, as in the most joyful day that could shine unto him.  
When he was out of the gate, he turned his face toward that city, casting forth certain speeches of indignation, with protestation against their ingratefulnes, treachery, and treason. When he came to the Tuilleries, he took his horse with them of his train, who had means to get horses, they who had none either stayed behind, or else followed him on foot. Many great Lords went after him on foot, until they had the means to get horses. Many great Lords and gentlemen of the kings side went out of Paris in great haste, some without boots, some destitute of all things, every one under the shadow of some friend, such as they met withal in the middle of the confused press.  
The King that night, went to Traps, and lodged in the house of Danuile, brother to Mommorency, and allied to the Duke d'Espernon. The flight of such a great King, so ungratefully dealt with all, by them whom he had so greatly favoured, was lamentable.  
The Duke of Guise having removed the King's power from him, partly by killing, and partly by sending others another clean contrary way from the King, supposing that the said King had been still in the Louvre, and knowing that there rested nothing more to do, but to have his person for a gage of the Crown, determined to besiege the Louvre, and to bring out of hand the Artillery before the gate. But understanding that he was issued out, and gone already a great way of, he remained Master of Paris, seeing that the Master and the servants had yielded him the lodging.  
Hitherto we have conducted the King to Traps, and his forces are sent packing, and the Duke maketh merry in Paris, in hope likewise to be Master of all the rest.  
The Duke and his partakers, perceiving how the King had given the slip, and avoided their bloody hands, do scratch their heads, and see their error: for although the overthrow was great, yet the victory was not full, the enterprise not well executed, and the King being not taken, the issue thereof was doubtful and full of perplexity. For their consciences do represent before their eyes, the perfidious rebellion which they had committed, as to have not only dispossessed him of his house, of whom they hold all that ever they had, but also to have sought to murder him whom God had consecrated, to represent before their eyes, the image of his Sovereign justice, to destroy their Prince, who had loved them so tenderly; their benefactor, who had cherished them as a Father his own natural Children. They accurse their negligent folly, in that they had not been more watchful to attend upon his person: fear seized their hearts, when considering the greatness of their offence, do also know, that yet he will have means enough to bring their doings to judgement, and to take revengement of them, according to the heinousness of their offence. To be short, they are very sorry, not for that which they had done, but for that they have not done worse.  
But the Duke of Guise considering well that the stinking fame of his villainous fact would flee abroad unto the ears of foreign Princes, who will think themselves interes●ed in this injury, and that they will not forsake such a mighty Prince in his distress, he thought good that the execution done this day, might be reported unto Princes, neighbours, and friends of the Crown, in such a manner, that whatsoever was therein, most odious and damnable, might be either concealed or else coloured. Therefore among others, he forgot no courtesy, and honest offers to the Lord Ambassodor of England, to whom he sent the Lord Brissak, accompanied with some others, to offer him a protection, and to pray him not to be dismayed, and not to remove thence, with assurance of safety. The Ambassador answered, that if he had been as a private men in Paris, he would have gone to prostrate himself at the feet of the Duke of Guise, for to give him most hearty thanks for his courtesies and honest proffers, but being there nigh the King, for the Queen of England his Mistress, who had ali●unce and covenant of amity with him, he could not, nor would not take any protection, but of the King only.  
The Lord Brissak showed him, that the Lord of Guise was not come to Paris, to enterprise any thing against the King or his service, but that he hath resolved himself upon the defensive, and that there was a great conspiracy against him, and the City of Paris, and how the town house, and other places were full of gibbets, whereon the King had determined to hang a great number of the City and others. The Lord of Guyze prayed him to advertise his Mistress of all these things, to the end the world might be informed of the truth▪  
The Ambassador answered, that he could easily believe that he said as he thought, but that haughty and hard enterprises, oftentimes do remain incommunicable, and closely shut up in the hearts of them who do enterprise them, which also when they think good, do produce them forth with such colour, as they judge most fit for their advantage. And that he would say freely, that whatsoever had passed in Paris, would be judged very strange and wicked, by all the Princes of Christendom, who were interessed in it, and that no colours, were they never so fair, could make it to seem good, being the simple duty of a subject, to remain in the just obedience of his Sovereign.  
And that if there were so many gibbets prepared, it would be believed more easily, when the Lord of Guyze should bring them in sight. And grant that so it were, yet is it a hateful thing, and intolerable, that a subject would let by force the justice which his Sovereign will execute with strong hand. He promised him, that willingly he would advertise the Queen his Mistress, of all that which he told him, but to serve him as an interpreter of all the conceits of the Duke of Guyze, and of them of his part, it was no matter belonging to his charge. The Queen his Mistress being wiser than he to believe, and judge what would please her Majesty upon that which he would write unto her.  
The Lord Brissake seeing that neither by fair offers, words, nor prayers, the Lord Ambassador could be moved to allow their actions, ended his speeches with threatenings, saying, that the people of Paris had a quarrel to him, by reason of the cruelty which the Queen of England had showed to the Queen of Scots. To this word of cruelty the Ambassador answered. I arrest you upon this word of cruelty, my Lord: no man ever named a justice well qualified, cruelty. Moreover, I believe not that the people of Paris have any quarrel to me, as you say: for upon what occasion? seeing that I am here a public person who never molested any bedie.  
Have you any armour? (said the Lord Brissake) If you did ask it me (said the Lord Ambassador) as as of him who hath been sometime friend and familiar of the Lord Coss your uncle, it may be I would tell you; but being that which I am, I will not tell you.  
You shallbe searched here (said Brissake) ere it belong: for it is thought here is armour, and it is to be feared you will be forced. I have two gates in this house (said the Ambassador) I will shut and defend them as long as I may, that it may appear to the world, that uniuftly in my person they have violated the right of Nations.  
To that Brissak replied; but tell me in good friendship I pray you, have you any armour? The Ambassador answered, seeing you ask me as a friend, I will tell you as a friend: If I were ●ere as a private man, I would have armour; but being here as Ambassador, I have none other armour than the right and faith public. I pray you (said Brissak) keep your doors shut up. I ought not to do it (said the Lord Ambassour) for the house of an Ambassador ought to be open to all goers and comers, considering that I am not in France to dwell in Paris only, but to be nigh the King wheresoever he be.  
We have recited (in as good order as such a deformed confusion could be reduced unto) those things which passed in Paris in that damnable commotion.  
Now the King being at Traps, considering the treachery of that house which he had favoured and honoured more without comparison than the houses of his own blood, the person also whom he had loved and united to himself more than any other, the savagednes of his subjects and familiar household servants; representing to himself the rage of the people, whom he had always tendered almost more than all the residue of his Realm, the ingratitude of that City which had been always his delights, and to the which he had never denied any thing that he could do for the peace, preservation, ease, riches and greatness of the same, calling to mind the tumuits, rage and violence attempted and executed against him their benefactor; reasoning with himself how that they were Catholics, of his own religion, and that they had been his right hand in persecuting them of the reformed religion, how they were his fellows & followers in committing the most vile and savage murder that ever was heard of in the world.  
Calling to remembrance the long and daily warning given him by the King of Navarre, the Princes of the blood, noble men, and gentlemen of all degrees, and of many foreign Princes of the Guyzes intent against him, his crown, and state.  
Pondering in his mind the token which his eyes had seen, his ears had heard, and all despised and contemned, and withal in steed of looking to his security against such practises, he had from time to time hardened his hart against Christ, and to shed innocent blood, and under the colour of defending the Catholic religion, had countenanced, strengthened, and armed his enemies against himself, whereby he hath received that foil, shame and confusion this day. Every man may judge in what distress of mind this great King passed all that night full of just indignation of sorrow, which although in outward appearance it might be kept close, yet inwardly inhart it could not be dissembled.  
The self same day of the tumult in Paris, the Duke de maine attempted upon Lions; but he was put back by the inhabitants.  
About the same time also the inhabitants of Orleans, Anious, Bourges, Abeville, and in other places did expel the King's garrisons and officers, with the Citizens who did hold with the King, whom they did call politics, and many of them were taken prisoners.  
The thirteenth day the King went to the City of Chartres, where many of his faithful servants resorted to him, and also his guards, which had escaped the slaughter of Paris.  
The Duke of Guyze (though very sorry, that so foolishly he had miss to take the King in the Louvre, as he made his full reckoning the day before) followed the victory as well as he could; and first beginneth to play the good husband in Paris, to further the affairs to the premeditate intent. First, he brought to his house above seven hundred thousand crowns of that which was none of his, which there he laid for an earnest of the whole.  
The same day also he took the kings Arsevall at the Bastile, and sealed up the King's treasury, and in hope shortly to make all his own: in the mean time he will carry the key.  
When the Duke of Guyze had so played the good husband: now he will try in a small matter how he can play the King's part in great and weighty matters. For suspecting the Provost of Merchants, named Perreuse, & the Eschevins, to be politics, and favourers of the King, assembled the state of the city, and there in his presence, the said Provost and Eschevins were deposed, and by his commandment one Chapel, a most treacherous and seditious man, was elected Provost, and one Rowland Compan, with other factious and mutinous companions, all devoted to the Duke of Guyze were elected Eschevins.  
Immediately after these things done in Paris, the fame there flieth abroad from town to town: reports are spread abroad, not as before, that Cities are surprised, that the people rise in arms, that muster is taken: but the king was besieged in the Louvre, and in great danger to be slain by the Duke of Guyze: he is fled from Paris, the Duke is in possession of the said City. It was incredible to many, some made but a ●ush at it, good men were greatly moved as it, for seeing that such a treason would draw after it many calamities.  
But the Leaguers lifted up their heads, thes stoutness and high courage of the Duke of Guyze was in the mouths of them of his faction: but specially the Priests, Monks, and jesuits did in their Pulpits extol him to heaven: and upon the news of this exploit done in Paris, by the advertizements which the Duke of Guyze gave every where, but specially by the preaching of the Friars and jesuits, the partakers make themselves ready to battle.  
A sudden fear came upon the Duke of Guiz, and them of Paris his partakers: for after the King's departure from Paris, they considering their error, and that now they are further to execute their enterprise upon his person than ever they were: the guiltiness of their consciences do represent to them the revengement, and the King making already (as they see in their fearful vision) an agreement of peace with the King of Navarre, and calling him with his forces to his aid to chastise them according to their deserts: Therefore they sent presently to their partakers to arm themselves: The Friars and jesuits sound the alarum every where, their seditious and impudent tongues serving them for trumpets, and their pulpits for a drum, and give the rends vous at Paris, about the person of the Duke of Guyze.  
When the Duke had so played the good husband, and had no more to take, and had played the king in altering the state of the city, and seizing upon the kings arsevall and treasury, and had showed himself a good provident Captain, yet considering that in a little while the king was like to wax stronger than the Leaguers, specially if he should join himself to the king of Navarre, whose name they not only hated, but also feared extremely: in the mean while they go about both to strengthen themselves, and to amend their error as well as they can, especially three manner of ways; by letters, by spyalls, and seeking the way of reconsiliation.  
As for the letters, the Duke himself playeth the secretary, to show how prettily he can skill of that occupation when it pleaseth him. And for that the part of a good Orator is to delight, he hath a special care of that, and supposeth that vanity is the chiefest thing whereby to delight the Reader, therefore to achieve this part of eloquence happily, he plucketh quills out of one of Polypus wings, wherewith he maketh him three pens, and with the one he writeth to the governor of Orleans, of whom he had always as much assured himself, as of the inhabitants. Therein he showeth in plain terms, that he doth not repent of his former actions, but rejoiceth in them, and will'th him to warn his friends to come to him speedily with horses and armour, without baggage, and showeth the facility thereof, saying, that the ways (as he supposeth) are free.  
Secondly, he boasted to have defeated the Swissers, and cut to pieces the King's guards.  
Thirdly, he braggeth that he was ready to have besieged the King in the Louvre, making his reckoning to have either taken him, or slain him there. But seeing that the king had beguiled him in flying away by stealth, he referreth that matter till an other time.  
Last of all, he showeth that he hath determined to seize all that which the king hath in Paris, until he be called to accounts. The copy of this letter was sent the 14. day of May to the Gentlemen of the League in the Bayliwikes of Orleans and Bloys, who immediately took their horses to repair to Boysgency, where the governor had given the rends vous. But the 15. day they received a contrary advertisement by a letter which the said governor sent them, containing as followeth.  
Our great Duke could not execute his enterprise, the K. having retired to Chartres: wherefore I counsel you to retire into your houses as softly as you may, making no semblance to have seen any thing. If you do not think yourselves safe, come hither: I pray you let this letter serve for the Lord Villecombline, and Cigognes' of Marchenoyre, and have me excused if I do not write to you severally; it is not that I am proud, foolish or drunk, but I am so glad that I know not what to do.  
With the self same pen he wrote also a letter to the Lord Bossempiere, in the which he boasteth of his exploit done at Paris.  
First, how he hath discomfited the King's forces of Swissers & French men, who were bestowed in certain places of the City, and after how the said companies are beholding to him by saving their lives, armours and goods.  
Secondly, he rejoiceth of the great good will, obedience and reverence of the persons showed unto him in that commotion.  
Thirdly, he complaineth how he hath been assaulted by the practices of the heretics.  
Fourthly, he acknowledgeth to have been preserved by the bravery and valiantness of them of Paris, of whom he assureth himself for ever.  
Fiftly, he maketh a comparison between the King and himself in these words: The King gathereth forces and we also; the King is at Chartres, and we in Paris.  
Sixtly, he boasteth how he hath changed the state of the City. And last of all, showeth that every where the Towns and Cities about do send to acknowledge him. Also, prayeth the said Bossempiere to come to see him, where he shall find him very lusty with forces, courage, friends, and money enough to make merry withal. To those kind of people whom he durst trust, he wrote in plain terms with a plain pen what his mind and intent was. But writing unto some friends in whom he thought that there was some french heart and nature, and therefore could not trust them so far as to commit the thoughts of his hart unto them in plain terms, he taketh another pen which could disguise the matter, by the which he goeth about so to colour his actions, as to make them believe that they are all just and lawful.  
First, he deriveth the occasion of all the things which had happened from him and his ambition, upon the Duke Espernon, whom indeed he knew to be one of the faithfullest servants to the King of all his Catholics, whom he would feign have to be put out of countenance, supposing that if he were not, he might do with the King what he would, and rid him easily out of the way.  
Therefore he blameth the Duke Espernon to have searched out the means to let the Duke's journey into Guienne, against the King of Navarre, whether he feigned himself to have been desirous to go and to have had that charge.  
Secondly, to bring these things to pass, he chargeth him to have gone into Picardy and Normandy, with part of the King's forces, to pick quarrels, to refresh old enormities, thereby to divert the king's power from Guienne.  
Thirdly, he accuseth the said Espernon, that to that intent he would have derived the war against the Duke of Guise, and the rest of the League, by reporting and persuading the King, that the said Duke intended to make a slaughter of the King's friends in the City of Paris, and there either to kill, or to take the King prisoner, and to ransack the City, to make money to war against whom he should think good.  
Fourthly, he accuseth the king of rashness, for believing those reports, and for that thereupon he increased his forces in Paris, and for his stealing away out of Paris.  
Fiftly, he showeth how things passed in that commotion, so that he washeth still his hands, and is in no fault, and the King and Espernon be the procurers of all that hath passed of late in Paris: and that if it had not been for his wisdom and care, the King had been undone, and the state in extreme danger.  
Last of all, he hopeth that the King will be a good boy, and if not, he will make him a boy indeed.  
With the self same pen he writeth to the Towns and Cities of his confederacy, and supposing them to be of divers dispositions, to so many as may by his actions enter into his thoughts, to them he saith nothing of that which hath passed in Paris, leaving the report thereof to such as were his trusty friends in the said Cities, thereby to colour his actions with lies and surmises. Therefore he specially without naming him, imputeth all these uproars which have been in Paris to the King of Navarre, who for to divert the war from himself, hath sent (saith he) divers express gentlemen, and also hath laboured to the same purpose them who were at his devotion about the King, who have gone about to persuade the King to war against the Leaguers.  
Secondly, he exhorteth them at the example of Paris, to suffer no manner of garrisons to be put into their Towns and Cities.  
Thirdly, he prayeth them that they will join their means and wills with him and the City of Paris.  
The inhabitants of Paris borrowed the same pen of the Duke of Guyze, to write with the self same style as he had done therewith.  
And namely, they do charge the Duke Espernon as a secret friend to the King of Navarre, to have procured the King first to bring forces and accustomed garrisons within the City of Paris: by which occasion, the mutiny and commotion had ensued. Then to have persuaded the King in these tumults to suspect the inhabitants of the said City, and at length to have counseled him to flee from Paris.  
Secondly, they stir up the Cities and Towns of their confederacy, to make like uproars against the King and his forces, as they have done, warning them, that now the time is come that they ought to live and die together, to bring to pass their intents.  
Thus the Duke of Guyze with his parisians, having dispatched those things which they thought necessary either to strengthen or excuse their actions. Now he taketh in hand the third pen to write to the King, wherewith he poureth out the words of a faithful servant, and in disguising his enterprise goeth about to deceive him, & to lul him asleep: but to do it with good grace in his exordium he doth chafe & brawl first, for fear the King should have that advantage over him as to begin with him. And although this his last action did openly show the intentes of all his former dealings, he must dissemble and make the words of service & obedience sound highly. There he doth lament, and almost fall a weeping (Crocodiles lacrymis) for his estate, that by reason of the slanders of his adversaries, he hath been rendered suspect to the King of the crime of high treason.  
Secondly, to make his innocency appear, he showeth how he came to him with a small company to justify his actions.  
Thirdly, he blameth the King that he would hearken to his enemies, who caused him to put extraordinary forces in Paris, and to dispose them into the chiefest places of the said City, and that he would be moved by their persuasions to make such an exemplary execution of so many noble men and citizens, whose names he doth omit in silence.  
Fourthly, he sayeth, that when the commotion began, he was altogether unarmed and fast a sleep in his house.  
Fiftly, that his great pains which he took in containing the people from murder, doth declare him that his intent was never to stir that City to sedition.  
Sixtly, the care which he had to save them of his officers, who had not well deserved of him, doth manifestly prove that he never intended any thing against his servants.  
Last of all, the saving of the lives of his Swissers, Captains, and Soldiers doth plainly show, that he never feared any thing so much as to displease him.  
These be the pens where with he doth so vary his skill, and doth write so contrary things, not to delight (as the art of Rhetoric teacheth) but by the one to confess the truth, with the other to colour his actions, dissemble and lie; and by the third to divert the crime of those things which have happened from himself and his partakers, and to charge the King of Navarre, and the Duke Espernon, namely, as the workers and practisers of all the misdemeanours that have fallen out in that commotion.  
On the other side, the King about the 17. of May being at Chartres, sent letters unto the governors of the provinces of his Realm, to give them notice according to the truth of things which had happened at Paris. But namely he wrote letters unto the Lord Boiseguine, governor for his majesty in the city of poitiers, and knight of the order of the holy Ghost: wherein he showeth briefly the sum of the matter, of so sudden (and contrary to his will) coming of the Duke of Guyze, of his own intent in placing new garrisons within Paris, what had there happened by the secret practising of the Duke of Guyze, of the causes of his retire to Chartres, praying him to give notice of all these things to the Lords, Gentlemen, and all other of credit in Poytow and thereabout.  
He writeth also to the same effect unto the people and inhabitants of his realm for to divert them from rebellion, to the which they might be solicited by the Duke of Guyze, and his partakers, and by the example of the City of Paris.  
Whilst these things are so handled on both sides, every one justifying his cause: The Leaguers seeing themselves farther to execute their intent upon the king's person than ever before; do seize upon as many towns and holds as they can: and about the 25. and 26. of May, the Cardinal and the Duke of Guyze went out of Paris, and seized upon Meaulx and Chasteautiery in Brye.  
The king seized upon Corbeil and Meloune, and other holds and places upon the river of Seyne, right against Brie, and upon the high ways to Paris: but the Duke of Guise having made sure Meaulx & Chasteautiery (as is said) about the 27. of May returned to Paris, and considering how the holding of Corbiel and Meloune, was very grievous to Paris; do in haste prepare all things for the siege of Meloune, and doth his best endeavour to force it: but seeing that it was too hot for him, and that it would not be recovered being so strongly fortified by the king, gave it over.  
Whilst these things above said were a doing, there appeared within Paris spanish captains, every day more than other, & out of divers parts men did join with them. Some (who were faithful to the king and of some credit among the people) went through the streets to persuade the inhabitant to open their shops, and to do as they have done before.  
Other who were of the league, did cry with a loud voice, shut up your shops, and take arms: if you will not, be ransacked, your wives ravished, and lose your traffic. Many of the inhabitants went forth out of Paris, and retired some whither else: they who could not do it, desired greatly the King's return.  
In the mean time, that on every side they make their parts strong, and that the parties were like to come to handy blows. The Leaguers considering their strength to be weak, if the king should take the matter at the worst, sent three manners of spials. First, they sent of their own faction under the colour of service, to view the king's countenance, and to give intelligences thereof from time to time.  
Secondly, the Capuchins were sent thither in procession, that under the colour of hypocritical holiness, they might see what weather was at Chartres, and to try if the king's mind was any thing altered toward the Friary, Monkery, and popish superstition, and inclining in any wise to the heretics, as they termed them. The Capuchins are a sect of hypocrites, differing from the Franciscan Friars, nothing but in hair, and form of their cowl. Their garments are of colour like the robes of the sweep chimneys here in England, and their cowl is made after the manner of a sugar loaf, likeso many melancholic Devils spewed out of hell, to make the world laugh.  
Last of all, another sort of spials were sent, wiser & of greater countenance, than the other 2. sorts, who would sound better, & make a more perfect anatomy of the king's heart, to wit, certain picked out of the court of Parliament, and among others, namely the Lord Dauron, master of the requests, to excuse that which had b●ene committed in that tumult, and to endeavour to pacify that indignation, which justly he had conceived against Guyze and the inhabitants of Paris. To whom he showed himself very easy to be entreated, as it may appear by his speeches uttered to them as followeth.  
The Queen my mother hath given me to understand, that you were all assembled and will repair to me, whereof I am well pleased, being assured that you would not offend in such force, being the first company of my Realm. I have promised to myself of you always all faithfulness and obedience, such as you have showed heretofore to my predecessors (Kings) as unto your lawful and natural Princes: And I know that if it had been in your power to let things there passed, that you would have done it. I am sorry for that which hath happened to the city of Paris: notwithstanding I am not the first to whom such misfortune hath happened: And the more I am displeased, that the spare of these fourteen years that I have been king, I have always honoured it with my abode, showing all gentleness and goodness to the inhabitants, and they have always found me a good king, gratifiyng them in all that ever I could: I know that in such a City as that is there be good and bad: when they shall make their submission, & will acknowledge themselves, I will be ready to receive and embrace them, as a good father his children, and as a good King his subjects. Your duty is to labour in the matter, for therein consisteth the preservation of the City, of yourselves, your wives, and your families. Furthermore, continue in your charges as you have accustomed: the Queen my mother shall certify you from time to time of my will.  
In the after noon, the King sent for them again, and used these speeches following.  
I have sent for you, (before you go hence) to let you understand, besides that which I told you this morning, that I was advertised of certain reports given out, that I would have put Garrisons in the City of Paris. I do greatly ●●use that ever such a thing came in their minds, I know that Garrisons are set either to undo a City, or for the mistrust of the inhabitants. They ought not to think that I would destroy a City, to the which I have showed so many tokens and witness of my good will, which I have so much benefited by my long abiding therein, for to have remained there more than ten of my predecessors before me had done: which thing hath brought to the inhabitants, even to the simplest sort of artifficers, all the commodities which there do appear this day, whereby ten or twelve other Cities might have been made rich. And when my officers or Merchants have had need of me, I have done them good: and I may say that I have showed myself a good King towards them. And therefore it was far from me, to conceive any diffidence of them, whom I have so dearly loved, and of whom I ought to assure myself: for the friendship which I have witnessed unto them, was enough to take away that opinion from them, that I should be willing to give them Garrisons, neither can it (in truth) be said, that any man of my guards or Garrisons, hath put his foot in any house, or taken from any man a loaf of bread, or any thing else, but contrariwise have at my provision been furnished of all needful things: neither should they have stayed there above four and twenty hours, but the morrow after, without lying in any other place, should have been appointed to their charge, as if they had been in the camp. I intended to have made exactly a search of many strangers, who were within my City of Paris, and desirous to offend no man: I sent even to the Lord of Guise, and other Lords, to that end they should give me a book of the names of their household servants, and to cause the residue to avoid. Whereof I was advertised, that there was a great number, no less than fifteen thousand men, which thing I did for the preservation of the City, and safety of my subjects. This is the cause that I will have them to acknowledge their fault, with sorrow and displeasure. I know well, that they are made believe, that having offended me in such a sort as they have done, mine indignation is irreconsiliable. I will you to let them know, that I have not that humour nor will to undo them: and that as God, as whose Image I am here upon the earth (though unworthy) desireth not the death of a sinner, so do I not desire their undoing. I will always prove the peaceable way, and when they shall show their duty, and confess their fault, and testify in deed, the sorrow which they have of their offence, I will receive, and embrace them as my subjects, in showing myself as a father toward his children. I will have them to acknowledge me as their King and Master: if they do it not, but delay the matter, in drawing my hand, as I may do, I will make them feel their offence, so that the mark thereof shall remain for ever. For being the first and principallest City, honoured with the first and suprem court of my Kingdom, and other courts, privileges, honours, and university, I can (as you know) revoake and remove thence, all my courts and university, which would turn to their great displeasure: for these things ceasing, all other commodities and traffic will diminish, as it fellout in the year 1579. during the great plague, by reason of my absence, and ceasing of the Parliament, a great number of my officers, being retired thence, young Children were seen that year to play at the nine pings in the streets. I know that there is a great number of good men in my City of Paris, and that of four parts, three are of that number who are very sorry of that which hath happened. Let them therefore so deal, that I may be content, let them not enforce me to show them what I may do, more to do that which I am able, and will not. You know that patiency provoked, do turn into fury, and you know also, what a King offended may do, if I list to employ all my power and means to be revenged. And although I be not of a vindicative spirit, yet I would that they should know that I have courage as much as any of my predecessors. I have not yet, since the time that I came to the Crown, by the death of my brother, used any rigour toward any man, yet will not I, that they should abuse my clemency; I am not an usurper; I am a lawful King by succession, and of a race which hath always commanded with clemency. It is a tale to speak of religion, they must take another way: there is not a Prince in this world, more Catholic, which desireth more the rooting out of heresy than I; my actions and my life have given sufficient witness in that behalf to my people: I would that it had cost me an arm, that the last heretic were in picture in this chamber. Go home to your charges and be of good courage, you ought not to fear any thing while you have me on your side, I will you to let them understand all that I have told you.  
During these practices of the Leaguers, and their running to an fro, to amend their error, to fortify themselves, to make a way to reconsiliation, they stoop to the QUEEN'S Mother, who was left at the Louvre, there they cap and crouch unto her, they kiss her hands, and give her sugared words, excusing the matter, that they meant no hurt, but were put in some fear by the king's forces, being lodged and placed in Garrison before their doors, they were all the Kings most obedient and faithful servants, they require nothing else, but that a Catholic success be nominated, an immortal war denounced against the heretics: upon that condition they are ready to be sacrificed at his feet, that she would be a mean to pacify his anger and displeasure; she had been hitherto the only upholder of the state against the heretics, now she may show a notable proof of her great wisdom, and do great service to the holy Church.  
By these and such like persuasions, she was easily won to be a mediator yet once for them to the King.  
The Q. Mother was as deeply fallen into the crime of treason as they, save only in one degree: for they had conspired the king's death, and usurping of his kingdom. She was not desirous of the kings death, nor that his kingdom should be taken from him, but she was glad and sought all means to keep him wrapped in troubles during her life, though it should cost him at length his life and state, that she might always wrest the rule and government out of his hand, by throwing him headlong from time to time into troubles and dangers.  
This accursed woman therefore seethe here an occasion proffered her to nourish still her ambitious humour, & to bind both the king and his enemies unto her by the means of reconciliation. She from time to time sendeth unto the king, maketh him believe that there is not so much fault in the Leaguers, as it outwardly seemeth to be: they took armours to defend themselves, standing in some fear and mistrust of his forces disposed in the streets at their doors, and that it was rather a fray which happened by the provoking of some unadvised persons, than any intent of rebellion, and that the people once moved ran somewhat rashly and inordinately (as the manner is in such a case) she warneth him to take heed, not to kindle a new civil war far more dangerous than the former, with the heretics, stronger in forces, wealth, and partakers: & if all the power of the realm had not been able to extinguish the former, it would be an endless work to bring this to an end: which could not be done without the subverting, or at least the renting of the kingdom, that in time he may well be revenged of the injuries of some, of whom he feeleth himself grieved. It is best to dissemble and wink for a time, then by a precipitation of counsel to hazard life and state. By this Cup, which she borrowed of Circe her country woman, she transformed the king from a man (having a lions hart) into a sheep, cast him in a sound and unsensibleness: whereby after he could not feel the good counsels of his faithful subjects, who proffered him their help to revenge such notorious and public contumelies, until that at length necessity enforced him to do it.  
The rumour of such a notable treason, attempted and performed by the Leaguers, in expelling the king of such an ancient race out of his imperial City, spread abroad, there repaired unto the king two manner of people, to offer him their help in the revengement of such an injury, to wit, some Leaguers, which (seeing that the Lorreins had proceeded so far as to attempt against his person and state) now do change their mind, do pity their Prince so much abused under colour of Catholicism. The Catholics both noble, ecclesiastical and commons, the better & sounder part of them come in post to the King, exclaiming against the Guyzes, and against their presumption, requiring the K. to take punishment equal to the greatness of the offence, do counsel him to let alone the King of Navarre and all the heretics, who never enterprised such a thing, and to turn his forces against such notorious offenders. They prayed him to overgo his grief, they proffer him their service, their lives, goods, and means for the performance thereof.  
The King despiseth not their good counsel and affection toward him, but being bewitched by the sorcering of his mother, as is abovesaid, answereth them quietly, that he wanted neither courage nor force to revenge his private injuries, saith, that he will not kindle a new civil war in his realm, thanketh them, and sendeth them home, intending already reconsiliation with the Leaguers. It is said before how the Leaguers and the parisians leagued with them, perceiving that the missing of the King might turn to their shame and undoing, tried to justify their actions by letters, solicited other towns and cities to the like rebellion, fortified themselves, seized upon as many holds as they could surprise: and in the mean time searched and viewed the kings mind by their secret spials, sounded his mind a far of by the hypocritical Capuchins, whether these ungrateful actions had any thing moved him to disdain popery, and to seem to incline to them of the reformed religion: but specially by them of the court of Parliament, whom they sent to him to know his disposition to peace, and how he digested the contumelious injuries.  
It is said also, that in the mean time by the means of his mother, they extinguished that Nemesis, which is in great Princes, and turned it into pusillanimity: and how be showed some tokens of that baseness of hart in his speeches with them of his court of Parliament.  
Now the Leaguers perceiving by all these means, that the kings heat was cooled, & more inclined unto impunity, which he calleth clemency, then unto punishment and revenge: Before they enter into treaty of peace, they go about to temper him somewhat better yet, by a form of petition: and to give some authority to the same, they borrow both the person, and the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon, whose authority from the beginning they had made a covering of their negotiation and conspiracies.  
This Cardinal being one of the first Princes of the blood, was not ignorant long time before, of all these commotions, & of the old hatred which they of the house of Guyze have borne to the Princes, friends, and servants, of the house of Bourbon, and that in seeking the decay and fall of them they procured also his own: But through a certain unhappiness, he had suffered himself to be possessed and handled by them of the contrary part, and following their counsels, they had made always a buckler of him, considering his quality and degree, which he hath in that realm, as well among the Princes, as among the priests. So that many of them to serve their turn did not fear, to affirm that he was the eldest of the house of Bourbon, and that if need were, he was capable of the succession to the Crown. This man therefore served much to their faction: him they thrust forward for the negotiation and advancing of their affairs, according to the occasions.  
So that having determined to send a supplication to the King, to assuage his displeasure, while they advise upon other ways, to entangle and entrap him yet once more. They prepose the said Cardinal his name in the said petition, that the greatness of his name (only of that faction of all the house of Bourbon) may serve as a veil to the affections, of them who were more watchful in handling of their affairs, them the said Cardinal was in the governing of his own. They do present this supplication, in the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon, and of the Masters of the League, who would feign becalled Princess, and in the name of the City of Paris, and of the other Cities of their confederacy. In this supplication they make a low curtsy and all contemptious capping, with an humble submission and protestation of their good wills, with a proffer of their service, and of all that they have, for the defence of his estate, and of the Catholic religion, so that the Duke of Guise may have the leading of his forces and managing of their affairs.  
Secondly, they charge the Duke Espernon and his brother, the Lord Valette, to be favourers of the heretics, to have betrayed the kings forces, in hindering all good exploits, to be done against the heretics, and the King of Navarre. To have favoured the army of the Germans in their retiring home, to have been the cause by his counsel of the uproar happened of late at Paris. To have wasted the kings treasure, to be the author of all the disorder which is in the government.  
Thirdly, they purge themselves of any private enmity, or affection towards him in this accusation, and for proof of the foresaid offences, do refer themselves to the testimony of the Queen Mother, and of the officers of his Crown, if it pleaseth him to examine them upon the said crimes, and give them licence to speak their minds with liberty.  
Fourthly, they demand of him instantly with prayer to put the said Espernon and Valette his brother, and their adherents, from his person and favour, and to discharge them from all charges and governments which they have in the Realm, & that the king will provide them of some small charges, of no importance at all. They also do assure the King, that in so doing, he shall greatly please the people, in delivering them as they say from that fear, which they have conceived of the power of the said Espernon. These lets being taken away, they require him to make war in Guienne, in his own person, to whom they do promise their ready will, courage and assistance, against the heretics, and in the mean time to appoint his mother to govern Paris.  
Fiftly, they require that the Duke de main may have an army to go into Dauphin, against them of the Religion, they tell him that he may make a great booty of the spoil of Espernon & his brother, to maintain the war, and that he will abolish all new subsidies and charges laid upon the people.  
Sixtly, they do require that he will name a successor Catholic, fearing it greatly to fall into the hands of them of the reformed Religion.  
Seventhly, they of Paris (as partakers in this request) do feign and gloze with the king, and pray him most humbly to believe them, that all which had happened of late at Paris, was not that they thought to do him any harm, and that it was done by their Magistrates, and that only they doubted least the authors of the counsel (in bringing extraordinary forces into the City) would have abused his authority in oppressing them  
They fain themselves very sorry, that he went forth of their City in displeasure and mistrust, praying him to give them leave to live in rest under his obedience.  
Last of all, they require that the Lord d'Ho be discharged hereafter, of his charge which he had to command in the City, and that he will allow the deposing of the Provost and Eschevins, and approve the new election which they have made of others, and that hereafter it be lawful for the Citizens to choose their own officers.  
Also when it shall please him to return into the City, he will not bring within twelve leagues thereof, any other forces beside his ordinary guards. This supplication was presented to him the eight and twentieth of May.  
The King having received this supplication, answereth it the nine and twentieth of May at Chartres, wherein first he rehearseth the zeal which he hath to the Catholic religion, the great and dangerous wars which he had done, the great charges which he hath been at for the same, the famous victories obtained by him against them of the reformed religion: and how he hath pacified the troubles raised by the Leaguers, and united the Catholics, which were by the Leaguers divided.  
Secondly, he showeth himself willing to put up all injuries, passed against him in Paris, when the inhabitants shall behave themselves hereafter, as it becometh them to do, and in so doing he proffereth them to preserve them in their liberties, as his predecessors have done before him.  
Thirdly, he wisheth nothing more than that all the popish Princes, Lords, and subjects may be reunited again to war against the King of Navarre.  
Fourthly, he greatly desireth the reformation of his Realm in all his parts: and for because it is a public contagion, he supposeth that it can not be well done, without the assembly of the States, which he intendeth to assemble in the town of Bloys the fifteeneth of August, where he promiseth to satisfy them in warranting them from falling into the hands of the king of Navarre or any other heretic. As touching the complaints against the Duke Espernon he promiseth to them justice therein.  
It is said before, how the King after the retire of the Germans returning to Paris, intending to make a voyage to Guienne against the King of Navarre with all his forces, and in his proper person had prepared the way to do great exploits, by sending forces unto Laverdine Lieutenant of Niort, immediately after the death of the Prince of Conde, and how the said Lord Laverdine with those forces seized upon the Isles of Marans, and took all the Forts within the Island. Which exploits being done, the Lord Cluseaulx, otherwise called Blanchard, obtained the government of the said Island, where he determined to settle himself: and after many extortions, ransackings and robberies, done (during and after the siege of Marans) to them of the reformed religion, who had abandoned all things to save themselves at Rochel; he promised to himself to fortify and keep well the said places, in hope shortly after to occupy the whole government of Aunis, and to plague the inhabitants of Rochel. Therefore he lodged there his regiment, which consisted of ten Ensigns, whom he divided in the Forts of the Island: and to make war out right, he ordained the Lord Tremblay to be in garrison there with a company of forty light horses.  
He caused great store of white Corslets and new Pikes to be brought thither out of Paris, to arm his garrisons there. He sendeth Commissioners to the Parishes round about, even to them which lie next to Rochel, to have a number of Pioneers, to gather Subsidies and Tallages, and to bring them to Marans.  
He prepared a number of Barks and boats for to hold the Sea, and to seize upon the isle of Rhe, by the intelligences which he had with the Lord S. Luke of Browage.  
He caused the Corn and Wine to be taken up through the Farms of the government of Rochel, and took many prisoners. To be short, speaking very big, he omitted no point of hostility, hoping to make there a second Browage, and a Blockhouse to famish Rochel.  
The King of Navarre did bear with him: and having spied his counsel, during the space of two months and a half, the said King having on a sudden assembled certain companies of footmen and horsemen, & made all things ready, the 24. of june entered the Island at Charron nigh to Marans over the bridges, which he had caused to be made in divers places. In this Island were holden by the enemy the Forts of Charron and Brault, wherein were four score Soldiers arquebusiers, commanded by Captain Chautery, he besieged the Fort of Brault, as the nearest of greater importance and more defendable by the enemy, whose loss drew after it the loss of Charron. He drew by the channel of Seure two ships set in readiness to batter it: but at night it was surrendered, their lives safe: notwithstanding, of courtesy he granted both to the Captain and Soldiers their swords: & immediately they of Charron surrendered themselves likewise, being in number twenty of the best Soldiers of the Regiment.  
The 25. day he caused a bridge to be made upon the channel of Brune, approaching still to the isle of Marans, and went himself to view the fort Clouzie, and a certain house fortified by the enemy, called the house of Clouzie, nigh the meetings of two channels which do wash the said house on both sides. These two Forts do lie upon a deep channel, which they must needs pass over to enter into Marans, distant one from the other about six score paces, and beyond the said channel between the two forts a new fort was builded, for to let the casting of the bridge, if any should be made. This new fort was in the sight of the two forts, to wit, the fort of Clouzie, and the house of Clouzie, whereof is spoken of before.  
All things well viewed, the said King concluded to attempt upon these forts: the rest of the day passed away in shooting certain volleys of Ordinance upon those forts out of the ships, and in certain light skirmishes. In the evening the said King caused the ships to go down the water to the Island Charron, to take from the enemy the suspicion of the thing which he determined to do the day following.  
The 26. day being the Lord's day, about three a clock, he came with few of his men before Clouzie, made his bridges sure, advancing forward, his Gabions prepared the bridge to be cast between the two forts, searched the places where they might enter into Marans, causeth his ships to approach into that place, where they were the day before, putting his regiments in battle array, placing them in the same order that they should march, and also his footmen to sustain the enemy at the entering of the Island, and to serve for such occasions as might rise, he being himself in person the foremost to see with the eye what should be needful to be done. The morning passed away in such exercises, and in the mean while the enemy did what he could to keep him off.  
At 11. a clock, prayers and singing of Psalms unto God being ended throughout all his regiments and troops of horsemen, after he had appointed every man what they should do, he began to force the passage, kept by a company of the regiment of the Lord Cluseaulx, and with the company of light horses of the Lord Tremblay, flanked on the one side with the fort Clouzie, and on the other side by the house Clousie, which was (as is aforesaid) fortified and in front defended by the third fort, and a trench in the middle.  
Upon the right hand of the house of Clousy marched the master of the Camp Preaulx, who had slided with his troops into the reeds, to pass over the channel in a place known, and yet not without danger and the Captain Ferrand with him: he took also with him the captains Lomeau and Nede into the same reeds.  
A little behind was the Baron Salignak with his regiment to give the scalado to the said house.  
Right against the house of Clouzie, four captains with their Soldiers thosen out of the regiment of the Lord Granuile, did advance the Gabions upon the bank of the channel, and behind their Gabions were in battle array the companies of Rochel at the right hand of the said Gabions, right against the meeting of the two channels: the said Lord Granuile with thirty armed men did push forward the said bridge, they were covered from the gunshot of the fort Clousy by the Captain Valley of Rochel with a great number of targets of proof, and behind them (who did push the bridge) marched the rest of the regiment with the troops of Rhe, conducted by captain Planch.  
At the lift hand going toward Clousy (to occupy the enemy) all along the channel marched the new and old guards of the King of Navarre, conducted by the Captains port and Vignoles, and the Harquebuziers on horseback of the Lord Peujas, who were all lighted of their horse with Captain Limalle.  
The horsemen were behind the footmen, the troop of the Lord Peujas behind the regiment of the Lord Granuile, and the companies of Rhe, which followed the bridge.  
The main forces of the King of Navarre, commanded by the Prince of Soissons, were a hundred paces and more behind, but a little more advanced upon the lift hand.  
The enemies seeing the kings forces in that array, and that they had bowed their knees on the ground to make their prayers to God afore they went to the battle, and calling to remembrance the prayers which were made at Coutras, did fall into such a fear, as they began to cry, they pray, they will beat us as they did at Coutras: and beginning to waver, on a sudden fled away in great disorder.  
Here is to be noted, that had it not been for the fault committed through hastiness in casting the bridge in a place where the channel was forked, whereas it should have been cast below the meeting of two channels, they had been followed with such violence, that they had been cut to pieces afore they could have come to Marans.  
It is not to be forgotten, that the King of Navarre at the same hour caused the regiments of his guards of Charbonieres, and Soubran, conducted by the Lord Mignonuile, Martial of the camp, to take pains for to wade overthwart the Marshes in the water to the knee, more than a League, and defeated a part of the enemy, whom they met in their retiring.  
The Fort of Clousy, seeing the disarray of their fellows, rendered immediately: at discretion therein were fourscore men commanded by Captain Serre, who were all saved; the enemies partly made their retire in great haste to Marans, and partly fled another way.  
In the town where it was thought that some resistance would have been made, was such a maze, that there was found no body.  
Many of the forces of the King of Navarre, not staying for the setting on of the bridge, both a foot and horseback, cast themselves in the water.  
The Lord Cluseaulx, who did dine at Marans whilst the King of Navarre did force the passage, hearing of the flight of his men, as well with them which had remained within the town, as with them who had retired from the guard of the passage, with the Lord Tremblay, few of the company fled into the Castle, because there was no other way nor place to flee to.  
The first which entered into Marans were the guards of the King of Navarre, followed at hand with the rest of the army, as fast as they could pass over at Clousy.  
At the same instant, the enemies were besieged in the Castle, the quarters parted to every regiment, and at evening every one was lodged upon the Castle ditch. The King of Navarre followed them at hand with his main forces, and lodged that same night at Marans.  
The same day were summoned all these forts following, fortified with Garrisons of the enemy. The Fort Boysneuf, where commanded the Lieutenant of Captain Serre, with thirty men with him, who yielded. Also the Fort Brune, wherein were threescore men, commanded by Captain Camart, who yielded also: The Fort Allowette, holden with twenty men, commanded by the Lieutenant of Captain Roque, all yielded with their lives safe. There rested in all the Island that day, being the six and twenty of june, to recover from the hand of the enemy, but the Castle, the Forts Bastile and Paulee, situated upon the other entries into the Island. The prudence of the K. of Navarre is not to be forgotten, that before he assaulted the Island, he placed the Lord Trimoville, with all his light horsemen, and the companies of the Lord Orges, Plassak, and Arambure, within the town of Saint Ihan of Liversay, in the high way from Niort, to Marans, that the enemy might not receive succour through the Bastile. The Lord Trimoville had made a Fort in two days, between Saint Ihan of Liversay and Bastile, to cut from them which were therein, all means to escape away, and hope of succour.  
The monday on the seven and twenty of june, the Captain and Soldiers of the said Bastile, seeing that all the means to avoid, were cut off from them, did yield, and went forth with like conditions as their fellows had done the day before, being in number fourscore and ten, commanded by Captain Chapel.  
The eight and twenty, the King of Navarre, with two canons, and two Culuerines, began to approach, and in the midst of the day, put them in place of battery. The Lord Clermont there did command: that night there were certain motions of Parley.  
The nine and twenty, about three a clock in the morning, when the besieged saw that the King of Navarre went to work in good earnest, they demanded to Parley, and in the name of all the rest, came forth Captain Riviere, to require conditions of the King of Navarre. At length the composition was concluded, that the Captains and Gentlemen should go forth with their horses and corselets, & the soldiers with their swords, that the rest of their armour should remain within the Castle. The master of the camp, the Lord Tremblay, the Captains Maron and tour should remain in the hands of the King of Navarre, to deliver him the colours, to wit, eight Ensigns (for two companies had none) and the Cornet.  
The agreement was carefully kept, the King himself conducted them part of the way, they were not injuried so much as one word, although the Lord Cluseaulx had great enemies.  
The same day, Captain Roque rendered the Fort Paulee, with the same conditions, that the Castle was yielded up: the Lord Laverdine sending word that he could not rescue them, for because the Lord Boulay was lodged on that side.  
The King of Navarre kept Cluseaulx prisoner, who was brought with great solemnity into Rochel, where he was kept prisoner a long time, having licence (notwithstanding) to go where he would, under custody of certain Soldiers: he was better used then many did expect: at length he was delivered, and among other, upon this condition, never more to join himself to the League.  
The King of Navarre also sendeth all the armour which there was taken, in great store, with the colours to Rochel there were taken also: many fair horses.  
So in the space of four days, he recovered all the Isles and Forts of Maran, & did rid all that quarter of the filthy sink of the Leaguers, where he did show no less courtesy to his enemies, than valour and diligence in the repressing of them.  
It is said before, how that after the accursed and execrable rebellion, and insolency of the Leaguers in Paris, they perceiving the foul and dangerous error which they had committed, in missing of the King's person, and that he was now safe enough from falling into their hands again, which might redound to their utter undoing, they sent three manner of spyalls to him, to view his countenance, to sound the thoughts of his heart, by the way of sorrowing and excusing the desperate fact attempted against his sacred person in Paris. It is said also, how they sent a supplication unto him, therein feigning a submission full of snares, and unreasonable demands.  
It is said also, how upon the rumour spread abroad throughout all the realm, his faithful servants of all callings and degrees moved with anger and compassion repaired unto him, most humbly prayed him not to put up such public injury, proffered him their service, goods, and lives for the revengement of such an outrageous offence.  
Now again many of the kings subjects of all qualities and degrees do repair a fresh unto the King, most instantly to require him not to suffer such a damnable treason of the Guyzes and their confederates let go unpunished, but that punishment be executed upon such offenders in such sort as is fit for the grievousness of the offence: they do promise him again all aid and succour, if he will resolve himself to seek the means of revenge, and let the heretics alone for a time.  
The King whom God's justice did urge and pursue for the hardness of his hart, in so obstinating himself against the Gospel and other offences, which do issue out of that spring, seemed to be touched with the readiness of his good Subjects, but not to any purpose moved to follow their good counsel, but thanketh every one as though he had no need at all of their counsel and aid.  
The Leaguers now understanding by their spials the pusillanimity of the King, and his inclination to some composition and peace with them, though disaduantagious, by his slender and fearful answer to their unreasonable demands in their supplication, do now conceive a good hope, not only to amend the former fault, but also to make themselves a way more plain and easier than ever they had before, to perform shortly their enterprises. And as they have had recourse always to the Q. Mother, by whose means they have found a present remedy in all faults committed, and offences given to the King: but now that at their request she had besotted him by her sorceries, she must make an end of her good work begun. This accursed woman hath been the dishonour of womankind, the subversion of the whole kingdom, the slaughter of the nobility, the butcher of the commons, and the undoing of her own children.  
The Leaguers then having such an intercessor, who under colour of a motherly counsel, will bring them nearer to execute their rage upon the kings person, and to usurp his estate, do send this old Medea to make a negotiation for them, as much to their advantage as she can. Therefore that they may strip the King clean out of authority, they do thrust in their demands, the articles concluded at Nancy spoken of before. She must urge the kings consent to these articles following: for which intent she went to Nemours, a town in Gastinois.  
In these demands they would feign make the King believe, how all that they do is for the preservation of the popish religion, and that they desire greatly a reunion of the catholics, whereof he should be the head.  
First, they do demand that all generally shall promise and swear, to employ their persons, goods, and means, for the conservation and defence, of the king, of his estate and authority, and of the children which it shall please God to send him, and that against all manner of men. By this demand they lull the king asleep.  
They shall swear also the rooting out of heresy, and do require provision to be taken, that no heretic Prince, or suspected of heresy, or favourer of heretics, may enjoy the Crown, whatsoever right he may pretend thereunto: and that this may be confirmed by an oath of all men. Also that the king shall swear to defend the Leaguers (who do call themselves Princes) against the heretics and their favourers.  
By this artcile they will exclude (if they may) all the Princes of the house of Bourbon, whom they will easily find either heretics, or favourers 
Note.  of heretics.  
Secondly, they demand, that it may please him to swear to the observation of those demands, and that he will permit in their custody the towns and Cities which are granted them, during six years: and that in all other towns which shall join themselves to the Leaguers, nothing be innovated, and that they may not be punished for any offence or rebellion committed.  
Furthermore, they do demand that if during the six years, there should happen any vocation of governors and Captains, in the said towns and Cities, that then the Leaguers may name such as they think good, and that the king shall 'stablish such at their request.  
This is to dispossess the king of his holds, towns and cities, and therein to place such as shall be at their devotion, whom they may trust. 
Note.   
Thirdly, they do require the publishing of the council of Trent, and the observing of the same, and that the King shall forsake his alliance which he hath with princes and nations, heretics, and that he shall give over the protection of certain towns known to be the receptacle of heretics.  
By these they mean, the Germans, the kings of Denmark and Scotland, 
Note.  the Queen of England, the cantons of Swissers, the towns of Geneva, Sedan, and jamets'. that of one side he might be destitute of friends to defend him against his enemies, and that the one of these Cities might be the more easily subdued by the Duke of Savoy, and the other two by the Duke of Lorreine.  
Last of all, that the goods and lands of the heretics be sold, and to employ the money to make war against the heretics, but specially to maintain one army in Poytow, under the conduct of the Duke of Guyze, and the other in Dauphin conducted by his brother the Duke de main.  
The king knew very well (except he had been talpacoecior) that these articles were against the duty of faithful subjects: and that of the princes mentioned in the said articles, there was but one, to wit, the Cardinal of Bourbon, & that all the others being strangers, did handle him cunningly at will, under fair colours, and made him their mouth to speak for them. He knew very well, that all that which they say in their articles, of the preservation o● his person, crown and estate, were but words, and a covering of their traitorous drifts: he perceived well, that the desire which they pretended to have of the ease and preservation of Cities, was but a flattering bait, on the one side to alienate them from his obedience, and on the other side, to make them affected, & ready to the execution of their enterprises.  
As for the nomination of governors and captains in the said towns, which they would have to be reform to them, to place therein such as they would think good; he understood well, that in plain terms they meant to abridge that small store of authority which they had left him, and to make him their inferior: He saw well enough, that the degraduation, and disheriting of the lawful Princes from the succession of the crown, under the colour of heresy, or favouring of heretics, was but a mean to put the Crown upon their own heads.  
Also, that to break the alliances which he had with the foreign Princes and nations whom they called heretics, was a thing no less unjust, than pernicious to his estate, whom by such means, they wrapped into a heap of new troubles, and that such a demand was arrogantly to command their King and Sovereign.  
To be short, the king knew very well, that in all these things they sought but the easier way to their greatness, and the means to debase his authority, and to hasten the fall of his estate. Yet as a man bereft of wit, destitute of wisdom and courage, and bewitched with the pernicious and poisoned counsels of Circe, his execrable and accursed mother, without considering any thing the greatness of the offence of the leaguers, and the innocency of the party condemned, he granted the Edict of reunion, patched by the hammering and tinkering of his mother & the Leaguers, in the town of Nemours, where they had assembled themselves, bearing date the one and twentieth of july.  
This Edict was made according to the former demands and articles of Nancy, spoken of before.  
Here it may be asked, how the King knowing the secret thoughts and drifts of the Guizes and other Leaguers, by long experience and observation of their behaviours, by the admonitions given him by men of all degrees both strangers and subjects, by their attempts and actions so often times achieved, by their unjust, pernicious, unreasonable, unseemly and irreverent demands so oftentimes proposed, and his faithful subjects urging him with earnest prayers to seek the remedying and revenge of these injuries: why did he not hearken unto them, and pursued them with strong hand, if they had refused to answer to his justice; which thing to do at length he was enforced to do: There is no doubt but he had a will and purpose to be revenged of them: but being a scholar of the villainous and profane Atheist the Italian Machiavelli, whose philosophy he had hardly studied by the counsel of his godless mother, and of some villainous scullions Italians which were about her, he supposed that he could be revenged better by craftiness and surprising of them, then by force. He watched for the occasions how to handle them in such wise as he handled them of the reformed religion at S. Bartholomew, and so with one banquet to have rid his hands of his enemies, and recovered his authority, state and quietness. And so refusing the lawful means by the which God giveth salvation unto Kings, his own counsel turned to his own shame, confusion and dishonour. Do ye therefore that which is righteous, ye Kings and judges of the earth, and kiss the son lest ye perish out of the way. The king therefore hoping to bestow a S. Bartholmews breakfast upon them, was content to take any thing at their hands. This agreement concluded, caused an exceeding great joy to all the conspirators, who thought it to be no small cunning of theirs thus easily to have avoided the deserved punishment of their mutiny and rebellion: for which cause they of their confederacy do carry their heads higher than ever they did, their courage doth double, and heat kindle against them of the reformed religion without comparison far more than before.  
Thereupon two mighty Armies are appointed to be sent, the one into Guienne, the other into Dauphin, compounded of the Kings & Leaguers forces, dreadful and terrible not only to the reformed Churches of France, but also to the Nations round about. The Duke of Savoy (one of the conspiracy of the League) mustered a mighty Army that should invade the Marquizat of Saluces, to enter into Dauphin, to join his forces with the League. The Towns and Cities great and small, according to the edict of reunion, do show themselves ready and willing to bestow gold, silver, goods, favours, armours and lives to further the affairs of the Leaguers. All these things were much, but they were nothing to the great preparation of war, and the invincible Armado which was not only in a readiness, but also sailing forward to the execution of this conspiracy against the Church of God, they go to work by land and by water. For this naval Army builded in Spain, was thought sufficient to conquer many Realms: the ships were of incomparable bigness, in number so many that they covered the seas. The most excellent Carpenters, cunning men, and finest workmen of all Europe, had spent their wits and seven or eight years in the building and preparing of the said Army: The Artillery, powder, pellets, munitions, tackle, and other necessary things, for so dreadful an army, was a heap of things incredible to believe.  
All Italy, Venice, Sicil, Sardinia, Malta, and other islands, subject or confederated to the King of Spain, had brought to it their counsel, their money, their ships, their Captains, their armour, their pilots, and all that ever they could devise: so that Xerxes did never so much against Grecia, as this Armado determined to do to England and to France, in passing by.  
As for France, the Spaniard made his account, to be already vanquished and subdued under his power, having already these mighty armies above said, and the conspiracy of the League on his side. As for England, they thought they should have a little to do in conquering it, as they had indeed, though they had much a do on the narrow Seas, nigh the coast of England.  
On the other side, the Duke of Parma had a mighty army in the Low Country, wherewith at the same time, to invade the Countries of Holland and Zealand, and others where they have the exercise of the reformed religion, so that they had already swallowed in one morsel, by imagination all France, England, Scotland, Zealand, and Holland: and for to make this great morsel go down easily without choking, there was in the midst of France two armies, and about France the Duke of Savoy on the South, the Naval army of Spain on the West, and Parma on the North side.  
The enemies of God made their full account, that there was no more hope to outstand or overwaigh such heavy forces. They therefore breathing fire, blood, and murder, do not only determine to reduce all that remained of the reformed religion to fire and ashes, and to make havoc and waste of all things, but also do promise themselves a beginning of an assured rest hereafter, and infallible victories, and that this exploit being done, and this great morsel swallowed, Germany, Denmark, Suisserland, and Geneva, other places would follow, or else for fear of like handling would be reduced to the holy Church.  
After this famous victory of the Leaguers was known through the realm, how they had conquered the King's heart and courage, the edict of the 21. of july proclaimed and sworn in every town and City, where the crier durst venture; Satan, the chiefest master and worker of all this game, stirred up false Prophets in every place, to wit, the legions of jesuits, Friars, Monks, & Priests: these false Prophets ●an every where, a vision, a vision, I have seen a vision; they bring into their pulpits, which have served them this long for trumpets and drums, to kindle sedition, rebellion and murder; they utter the vision of their own hearts, bring forth divers Prognostications and Prophecies, for to animate these fiery courages of the Leaguers and Catholics, reunited together; they do handle so their visions, that they do promise an infallible good, and prosperous success. But specially they (by their spirits of divination) show their great learning in uttering loads of wisdom upon the predictions of the old Mathematicians, concerning the year 1588. which they had long before accounted fatal to the world, both the Prophets and the people do easily persuade themselves, that the things will befall, which they greatly desired.  
The fear of these thunderclaps was great every where, the forces in number and furniture were inequal: therefore in France, many not considering that God may defend his people, as well with few as with many, and that he hath Legions of Angels to fight at his commandment, for the defence of his Elect, yielded to the time, and revolted, made their abjuration, and followed the world.  
The Duke of Guise was the Northern Star, by the which, all this Navigation was guided, so that it was perceived, that neither all this preparation and store, neither the Prophecies and visions of the raving Prophets, could assure the happy success, except the Duke of Guise might be in court, nigh the King's elbow. Therefore the Q. Mother she must be set to work, she with other Leaguers, which were about the King's person, tell what a great wise man the Duke of Guise was, and that he could not be well without such a counsellor, having such great weighty things in hand. The King thought it was a dangerous thing to have such a guest so nigh him, yet supposing that it would be the nearest way to surprise him, and that at some occasion he might rid his hands of that perilous burden, consented thereto.  
All caveats and provisions which the providence of man could devise for his safety, being provided and made sure, he purposeth to departed out of Paris to go to the court.  
He took in his company the Q. Mother, and reigning with a great train of the inhabitants of Paris: the Lords Byron and Nevers, who had been always with the King (the one as a faithful servant to the King, the other as a secret favourer of the League) went to meet the said Duke.  
At his coming to the King's presence, what welcomes, what complain, what excuses, what prayers, what promises, what greetings, and what dissimulations there was between them, to wit, the King & Guise, every man of judgement may consider.  
The Duke of Guise caused his table of great master of France, to be established, and good and assured means for the maintenance thereof; he obtained also a patent of great Master of men of war in France (which is a diminutive title of Constable) for an earnest, and in hope shortly to have all.  
And whereas in the request presented to the King, it was demanded that he should be the King's General of that army, which should be sent into Guienne. Now he doth recant, and upon the push doth refuse to take that charge, but willeth another to be appointed, and that for two causes: he would rather venture another man's skin then his own, knowing well that he could never repass Loire without a broken skin, which thing he loved not: the second cause was, that he would not go far from the King, and from Paris there to be at hand, upon all occasions to take opportunity to execute his enterprise.  
In his room therefore the Duke of Nevers is appointed to conduct the army into Guienne against the King of Navarre, he maketh his excuse (fearing the whip as the other did) of his indisposition, and offereth to maintain one hundred Gentlemen, so that he might be excused, which charge, notwithstanding at length he accepted.  
The wisest sort feared in general, that this wound could not be closed up and healed, without some fowl scar remaining, or that he who had once presumed to beat his Prince out of his imperial city, should not want audacity to attempt further matters.  
All these uproars being now pacified, and all these great preparations urged with great courage, they of the reformed religion all ready proscript, all things threatening death and desolation by land and by water, a parliament of the States is appointed by the King to be holden at Bloys the 15. day of August next following, there to determine upon the affairs of the land according to the said edict of reunion, and not otherwise, and about the reformation of the State: but specially for the disheneriting of the Princes of the blood, that they should not succeed to the Crown. In this Parliament the King and the Duke of Guyze had divers and contrary meanings, and neither of them both did intend to do the things above said, touching the affairs of the land, and reformation of the State.  
But the King's purpose was, that now (having recovered as he thought part of his authority) he might bridle his domestical enemy, to wit, the Duke of Guyze, whose practices and attempts had been so evidently showed to the eye of all men, against his person and estate, and there either to have had him condemned and executed by the full assembly of the states, or else by surprising to have dispatched him out of the way, as he at length performed.  
The Duke's meaning was, either to exclude the King from all government, or else to have condemned him by the authority of all the states, or if opportunity might serve, to do him away by some violence, and after to have tried how to bring his intent to pass.  
Every one of them therefore having his contrary thoughts in his mind, yet they in common do prepare all things for this assembly of the Parliament, they make the overthrow of the King of Navarre, and the rasing of the Blockhouse of Rochel (as they term it) very easy.  
While they keep this great ado, and replenish the world with cruel threatenings, and are in hand both by land and by water, to advance the treasons of the Leaguers, which cannot be done without the rooting out of the true Religion. Therefore it is assaulted on the South side by the Dukes of Savoy and maine, with two mighty armies on the West, by the omnipotent Armado; on the North, by all the forces of the low Countries; in the middle of France, by the Duke of Nevers with a mighty army: behold, God who holdeth the stern of the whole world doth produce events all contrary unto those which men had promised to themselves.  
For in the mean time God doth execute his dreadful judgements against the invincible (as they did call them) but in deed barbarous and savage nation of Spaniards, partly beating them out of the narrow Seas with a notable slaughter and shame of them, by that nation which they had so deadly hated for the Gospel, and so arrogantly despised: and partly God sent his messengers, the wind, storm and tempest, with the rocks in their ways, that by shipwreck, thirst, famine, and pestilence, and other calamities of the Sea, they might be drowned in an everlasting oblivion, like Pharaoh, his horses and horsemen.  
In August the King's writs are sent into all provinces and cities to send speedily their Deputies, so that they were catholics, Romans, and not otherwise, and in the mean time doth fortify himself: but not mistrusting the practices of the Leaguers in the Provinces, he gave them leave to do all by partialities in the Provinces in choice of the Deputies. For they gave order that their partakers might come strong, not so much with the outward force, as with plurality of suffrages, which in all places they had secretly suborued by premises and corruptions. And so it came to pass, that there came but few to that assembly, but they which were of the Leaguers faction.  
Here (Christian Reader) we may see God's judgements, calling this great King as it were by steps, to a miserable and shameful fall for his unthankfulness. He hath forsaken one part of his subjects, and that the best part, though not the greatest in number, holdeth them for enemies, and will have none of their counsel: and by the self same means hath opened a door to weaken himself in his Parliament, and committed his person into the hands of them that were assembled to dispossess him out of his kingdom, either by murder or by captiaitie, making the way plain before his enemies, to rule the matter as they would without controlment.  
Now we will leave the King, with all his courtand train, with his Leaguers, to go (soft and fair for fear of sweeting too much) to cloys, there to take order for their Processions, Massing▪ and other solemnities. And used by men of that religion, and there to stay for the arriving of the deputies, while we do see what things had happened in other places.  
While (and after) the Edict of reunion was a casting in july, and the States appointed, all means were sought out to undo the King of Navarre, and with him them of the Religion.  
The said king of Navarre of his part did make himself ready upon the defensive, grounded upon all his reasons, propounded often times by his declarations, and upon the grieves and injuries proffered unto him, and unto them of the religion.  
It is said before how the Lord Colombieres had brought certain companies out of Normandy unto the King of Navarre, and in june before had seized upon the town of Montagne. This was a town belonging to the Prince of Conde, which had been miserably defaced in the former civil wars. The wall and the castle being one of the strongest places in all that country, had been beaten down. But the ruin of the town was not so great, but within few days it was reasonably repaired, and made defensible, by the said Lord Colombieres, and other Captains with him.  
The companies of the said Lord Colombieres out of that town made daily long roads and courses toward Nantes, and against other places holden by the papists, whereby daily they greatly molested them.  
After the Edict of reunion, Duke Mercure, governor of Britain, and others of the country who did hold with the League, but specially they of Nants, who could not away with such neighbours, gathered certain regiments of the Leaguers, to make certain roads into the low Poytow, as well to let the enterprises of the king of Navarre there, as to prepare the way to that army which should follow shortly after, under the conduct of the Duke of Nevers, but specially intending to lay the siege before Montagne, to get that place out of the hand of them of the religion.  
The Duke Mercure therefore with as great forces as he was able to make, went in person to lay siege before the said Montagne, abou● the eight of August, and lodged the regiment of Gersay at Saint George. And sending from thence to view the town, a hot skirmish was begun against them of the town, in the presence of the said Mercure, who stood in battle array with two hundred horses on the side of Barrillery, so called, because there they make barrels, tub, and such like stuff.  
They within the town at the discovering of the enemy, issued so furiously, and did so beat them back, that many men and horses remained slain upon the place, among whom were some of the guards of Mercure, who seeing that it was so hard for him to lodge his men of war in the suburb of Saint Jamets', as he had determined to do, sent them again to their lodgings at Saint George. As for himself, in the evening he retired to Elison, having sent down the river Loire from Nantes, three double cannons to pont Rosseau, which is a town situated on the fall of the river Sevie into Loire.  
The King of Navarre advertised of Mercures invasion into Poytow, gathered such forces as he could, and upon some other occasions also, departed out of Rochel the ninth of August, accompanied with a hundred horses only, and the arquebusiers of his guards: and taking his journey toward Loire, went that day to lodge at Lusson.  
The Duke Mercure being lodged at Clisson, the tenth day of August understood that the King of Navarre was gone forth out of Rochel, and upon the shadow of his own fear he persuaded himself that it is to raise up the siege of Montagne; so that having represented unto himself the accustomed diligence of the King of Navarre in his exploits of war, he imagineth to see him already: whereupon he determined to retire before he had planted his siege, and returned to Nantes the 11. of August, two days before the coming of the King of Navarre: he left the regiment of Gersay to make the retire, and lodged the 12. day at Mounieres, a town situated upon the river Seure.  
The King of Navarre at his departure from Lusson, went to lodge at Bourneveau, where the Lord Boulay with his company of armed men well appointed, and a company of arquebusiers on horseback, commanded by Captain Nede joined to him.  
From Bourneveau the King went to lodge at Essars, where he was advertised that the Duke Mercure was departed and retired to Nantes, and that the regiment of Gersay was lodged at Mounieres.  
These news did cause him to dislodge the day following very early, lest he should lose the occasion to overtake that regiment: he went through the Town of Montagne with much toil, and there took the garrison commanded by Lucern eldest son to the Lord Colombieres, and with extreme diligence in a little space of time came to the river Seure, which he passed over speedily on ford: there he found that the regiment was parted from Mounieres, purposing to retire to Pilmil Suburb of Nantes.  
The garrison of Montagne being forerunners to the said King, followed with diligence, and overtook them in a way hollow and covered, very advantageous for the enemy, by reason of three little houses wherein they had put men to flank them. There the skirmish did continue about half an hour, until the said King of Navarre had arrived with all his companies, at whose coming the enemy was discouraged, begun to faint and flee away in disarray, and there was wholly overthrown.  
The King of Navarre took to mercy as many as were taken prisoners to the number of four hundred and fifty, and suffered none to be killed but such as were slain in the battle: The master of the Camp Gersay, saved himself by flight, by the means of a fair jenet of Spain, yet hurt with a shot. There were eight Ensigns taken, great number of carts & horses of carriage: the onset was given within two leagues of Pilmil suburb of Nantes.  
The King (after giving of thanks upon that place where the skirmish was fought, for that prosperous success and victory) made a light dinner under a tree, and after retired to his lodging at S. George's, where he sojourned the whole day following, for the long days journey which he had made the day before: notwithstanding, that day he went a hawking for Partridges, and in the evening viewed the town of Montagne, to take order for the fortifications and garrisons of the said town, and purposed to have laid the siege to the town Clisson not far thence.  
The King being yet at S. George, was strengthened with four regiments of footmen, to wit, of Charbonieres, Sallignak, Preau, and the regiment of his guards, commanded by the Lord Querine: there also he received the light horsemen of the Lord Trimoville, who had discomfited the regiment of Lestele, and taken four Ensigns, which they presented unto the said King.  
The self same day being advertised of the danger wherein the Duke Espernon stood within the Town of Engolesme, besieged there within the Castle by a conspiracy of the Leaguers, caused him to give over his enterprise upon Clisson, & the day following being the 15. of August, departed from Saint George, purposing to make toward Engolesme, to succour the said Lord Espernon: but hearing by the way, how the tumult there was pacified, went not so far as that place.  
It is said before, how that the Leaguers in their request presented unto the King, made a great complaint against the Duke Espernon, charging him to have intelligences with the King of Navarre, and them of the religion, to have been the cause that their armies had heretofore small success, and that if he should grow to greater authority, it were danger that in time he would deliver the places of his government to the King of Navarre; that he is the only cause, that the politic state is so corrupt, and out of frame, and therefore the King must needs put him from about his person and favour.  
This Lord Espernon of the ancient house of Valette, grew in great favour with the King, through his faithful service, a man altogether sold to popery, yet a lover of the King's person, crown and state, a lover of the realm and peace of the same, a hater of conspirators and perturbers of the quietness of the King and his subjects, who never could be drawn to the conspiracies of the Leaguers, neither by fair promises nor other means whatsoever, which thing was the cause that the Leaguers hated him, as the only man about the King's person, who did hinder the execution ●f their enterprises: that man therefore must not be about the King, nor be admitted into the assembly of the states.  
The King to give place to their hatred for a time, and to avoid the inconveniences, which through the malice of his enemies, might befall to such a trusty servant, determined to send him out of their sight, and where he thought that they should be least able to practise against him. And giving him a very great power and commission in a most ample manner, to command in the Provinces of Anjou, Toureyne, Poytow, Engomoyes, & Xainctonge, commanded him to departed the Court, about the same time that the edict of reunion was made by the Leaguers: who having sojourned a while in the Tower of Loches, situated in Toureyne, upon the river under, which falleth into Loire, between Tours and Samure, to fortify and assure the said place to the King's obedience, against the practices of certain Gentlemen of the League, made against that place. From thence he took his journey to Engolesme; where he understood that many enterprises were a working by the League against the King's service. There commanded the Lord Tageus his kinsman, under the charge of the Lord Valette his brother.  
The said Lord Espernon arriving at Engolesme, accompanied with a great number of the nobility, was honourably received by the Mayor and Aldermen of the City, by the officers of justice & policy, with great numbers of people, who went to meet him at the gates of the City; he was likewise received by the Bishop and his Priests, at the door of Saint Peter's Church, where they sung solemnly, a great te Deum laudamus, in the worship of him.  
Not long after, the said Lord Espernon called together the Bishop and his Priests, the Mayor and the Eschevins, the King's officers and other chief Citizens, to give them notice of the occasions of his coming, which was first to preserve them all in the Catholic Roman religion, for the which, and for the King's service he would willingly adventure his life against all manner of men. Exhorting them to advise what was requisite for their conservation, and that they would propound the same unto him.  
All answered with one consent, that they would die under his authority in the same resolution, and for to testify their wills the better, they would have his authority from the King, printed, read, and published (as the manner is) through all the town.  
The said Lord having many companies both of horsemen and footmen, yet would he innovate nothing, not so much as to change any part of the garrison of the City: and to testify unto them more apparently of the confidence, which he had in the promises and fidelity of them, he would not lodge in any stronger place (nor more advantageous for his preservation) but in the Castle, which is called the King's house: wherein he found his Cousin the Lord Tageus lodged, as the governors heretofore had accustomed to do. This Castle hath no strength which is any thing worth, neither in Ditches nor in any handy work, except some great Towers of stone very old: but otherwise very commodious for the store of chambers which are therein. The said Lord had brought his Lady with him, and had also lodged the Lady Tageus there. He went the same day into the Citadel, wherein he commanded the Lord Boards, with all the nobility which accompanied him, & could even then have lodged there, if he had had any diffidence of the inhabitants: for the keys were presented to him by the Lord Boards. That Fortress was sufficient to have bridled the inhabitants, considering the strength and great store of Munitions of the said place, as well in Ordinance as in other necessary things. But specially having a gate to get out of the town, whereby may be let in as many men as one would. But the said Lord in steed of mistrust kept an open house, as well for the nobility of the country, as for the inhabitants of the city, without any respect of persons, whereof a great number (but specially the Mayor of the town with his conspirators) sat ordinarily at his table, with great courtesy and welcome showed unto them by the said L. Espernon.  
He walked familiarly with them through the city and suburbs with a small company of his, without any other care then to confer lovingly with them about the necessary things for the preservation of their City.  
The Mayor had in his possession all the keys of the City, the inhabitants made their accustomed watches, and by halves, with two companies which were under the commandment of the Lord Boards, whereof the most part were inhabitants of the City.  
Upon request made unto him by the Mayor and Aldermen, concerning the necessary fortifications for the safety and increasing of their City, the said Lord promised to lend them to that effect such a sum of money as they should think good. And to advance the work, the said Lord commanded the Mayor, and the Lieutenant Nesmond to make the project, by the counsel of Captain Ramel, son of Augustine, master of the King's works.  
In the mean while the said Lord caused the edict of reunion to be published in the City, and according to the same did prepare to war against them of the religion, to let them from gathering subsidies and tallages, & to repress their courses: & furthermore, had made an enterprise against one of their best places. And for a beginning of the performance of these things, had commanded his cousin the Lord Tageus to take with him all the companies of his light horses, and the companies of the Lords Sobelle, and Cadilan, with all the footmen, and troops which he had brought with him.  
And besides all this, for to win the hearts of the inhabitants, he caused every day all sorts of public exercises of Romish popery to be done in all their chief Idol Temples in the City. He had also promised to the grey Friars to help the re-edifying of their covent and temple of the same.  
For the war defensive and offensive against them of the religion, he obmitted no means he had, no indsturie, nor diligence.  
For his pastimes, he would go every day (without mistrust of any man) to the Tennis court, situated in one of the furthest parts of the city. Every morning he would get upon his horses himself, to exercise them in the sight of great assembly of people, with a very small company of his men about him.  
It is said how the King (to convey the Lord Espernon, his trusty and faithful servant out of the jealousies & dangers of the Leaguers) ha● sent him into Guyenne, to keep such towns there as did waver, into his obedience.  
The town of Engolesme was above all the towns of that Country inclining to the League, so disposed by many Gentlemen thereabouts, who were leagued and devoted to the Duke of Guyze. The Duke Espernon (as it is said) went thither to make it sure to the king's obedience.  
The news coming to the town of the determination of the said Duke, the complices of the conspiracy of the League considering that neither to admit him, nor to exclude him was a safe way for them, considering that the King might recover the town at all times by the citadel, which was kept by the L. Boards, a faithful servant to his Prince, did immediately send one (who was the majors brother to the court) to know by the Oracle of the Leaguers, what was to be done in such a doubtful matter.  
The Duke of Guyze with his counsel, to wit, his brother, the Cardinal, & the Archbishop of Lions, did sit upon the death of the Duke of Espernon, they did condemn him to die. They answered to their partakers, to admit him, and bid him welcome: but to rid him out of the way, if it can be done by any means, the revenge they need not to fear, for they are in good hope that the master shall follow him shortly, and if not, yet they will find out some shift to excuse the matter, and will find him guilty of his own death, else they will so work, that the King shall have little leisure to think upon the revenge. They writ also to their complices, gentlemen of the country, as to Mere, Massilieres, Maquevile, Boucheaulx, to the Baron Tonnerak, Caze, and Fleurak. They caused also Vileroy the King's Secretary, to write his letters to the Lord Aubeterre, to repair to the Mayor of Engolesme with all his power, at such time as they should have warning by the ●aid Mayor: in the mean while they expect the Oracle of the Leaguers, the Duke Espernon is lulled a sleep, and cast into a dangerous security, by the Mayor and the rest of the conspirators, they make him believe that they love him as their own soul: by the which dissimulation, he unarmeth himself, sendeth his forces abroad to war against Christ.  
At length Souchet (long desired) cometh from the court, giveth the answer that Espernon must die by all means possible, biddeth them to put aside all fear of revenge for the causes afore showed. Now than it must be executed out of hand afore the return of the Lord Tageus, with the Duke's forces, for than shall they not be able to put in execution that judgement, having any forces about him: or else because he will go forth to war against the heretics, according to his deliberation.  
The tenth day of August the Lord Espernon very early got him on horseback to go to his ordinary exercises, with few of the nobility with him. The mayor with certain of the inhabitants of the city were all that morning with him. The said Lord lighting down of his horse, embraced the Mayor, and with great courtesy asked him whether hedelighted in horses. Thence the said Lord returned to his lodging, and went into his closet to change his shirt, intending to go devoutly to Mass in the Chapel of Saint Laurence, in the church of Saint Cibert, where his Almoner had prepared all the tools ready to finish that mystical play: this was about 7. a clock.  
The Mayor on the other side with his complices (who were gone to see his riding, only to spy what strength he had about him) went home, to put on his armour, to charge his pistol, to take order about nine of the clock that the toxin should be rung, and to appoint at the same time certain firebrands of sedition to go about the streets, crying, that the Huguenots had seized upon the Castle.  
The Mayor also did craftily entice the Lord Boards, governor of the Citadel into his house, under colour to discover him a certain enterprise against the king, and when he had him in his house kept him as prisoner.  
Between eight and nine a clock, the Lord Espernon being in his closet, and knowing that the Abbot of Elbeve, and the Lord Marivault, were in the next wardrobe, staying there to accompany him to Mass, sendeth a Page to call them to him into the Closet, which when they had done he ●hewed them a place in a book sent him from Paris, full of defamations against the honour & authority of the King, lamenting the unbridled licence of this age: he prayeth them also to sit by him, to understand out of his own mouth, his resolution and platform of war against them of the religion, assoon as the Lord Tageus could return from this exploit, whom he would leave there for the preservation of the City.  
Behold (Christian Reader) this noble man endued with good gifts, raised up to high degree, sent out of the danger of his enemies, to keep the king's subjects in peace and justice, unthankful of Gods good graces, do meditate how to turn that power, wisdom, and graces received of God, to persecute his Church: and whilst he is laying down his plot, God sendeth him a warning; to wit, murderers, to execute the rage of God's enemies upon him.  
For as they concluded upon the resolution of this war, which he purposed against the Children of God, the Abbot of Elbeu sitting next unto the door of the closet, heard the sound of a pistol shot within the wardrobe, and some crying, kill, kill. At this alarm the said Abbot ran first to the door nigh the closet, where he found the Aulmoner of the said Duke, who had rushed in, & had shut up the door, and thought it had neither lock nor boult, but held the said door with his back, very pale and frighted: The Abbot inquiring what it was, speak softly said the Aulmoner, there be armed men which seek to kill my Lord.  
At the same instant, the said Lord Espernon, the Lord Marivault, and the Abbot, herded two other pistols shot in the same wardrobe, with many voices, crying, kill, kill, & coming to the said door, cried, yield my Lord, for you are but a dead man.  
The Abbot and Marivault then counseled the said Espernon, to keep within the closet where was a second door, very narrow & hard to get in. At the same time, the Toxin began to ring in all Churches of the City, and they of the faction ran into the streets, crying, that the Huguenots had surprised the Castle, and willing all men to run to secure it, according to the instructions given by the Mayor. These tokens being given, the people ran on every side to their weapons, and went toward the castle, they lodge themselves in the house next to the Castle.  
The Mayor that morning intending to bring to an end their conspiracy, had persuaded them of his faction, but especially 40. or 50. of the vilest and most desperate persons of all the City, that his brother in law Southct came from the Court, and had brought with him an express commandment from the King, both by letters and word of mouth, to seize upon the person of the said Lord Espernon, dead or alive, and to assure the city: some of them he had appointed to run through the city, and to give the alarm, as is afore said: some should seize upon the gates of the Castle, when he should have entered the said Castle; and some should go with him to execute this murder. This vile traitor than head of the conspiracy, entered first armed into the Castle, through the great gate, having two men booted with him, which as he said were Pursuivants, whom he brought to speak with the Duke, and followed with ten men, going up into the hall, and passing through it, saluted the Lord Couplieres, who sat upon a table, and thence passing through the Lord Espernon his chamber, went as far as the wardroabe, supposing there to find him, and there to execute his damnable conspiracy, there he met with on Raphael Gyrolamy, a Gentleman Florentine, Rovillard and Segnencio, Secretaries, and one Sorline, the King's Chirurgeon. The Lord Aubine, one of the King's Magistrates in the Court of Engolesme, who was expressly come to advertise the Lord Espernon, that there was some practice against him in the town, and there he stayed for his coming forth, to do his message. The Mayor therefore entered as is said, first of all armed with a Corselet, into the wardrobe, with a Pistol in his hand ready charged, and the cock down, came to Sorline first, who set his hand to his sword, and did hurt the Mayor a little on the head.  
Another man (great and strong) with a Pistol set upon Raphael, who immediately taking him by the collar, cast him down upon the ground, and with his sword wounded him, as he did three more, as they have confessed after, and beat them out of the chamber, crying still, my Lord is not here: but being wounded with a Pistol, he fell down, and then they made an end of him with their swords. The others who were in the wardrobe, saved themselves as they could. Sorline running into the kitchen, gave the alarm to the cooks, who ran with their broaches: but the conspirators being in the hall, and hearing the noise in the kitchen, stopped the way out of that kitchen into the hall. In the mean time while these things were doing within the wardrobe by the Mayor, his partakers went about (as they had received instructions aforehand of the Mayor) to seize upon the great gate of the Castle, for to bring in the people, who were already in armour: but they were let by some Gentlemen, who were in the Court of the Castle, staying there for the Lord Espernon his coming forth.  
The first were the Lords Ambleville, Beaurepayre, Sobelle, and others: in defending of the said gate, the Lord Beaurepayre was slain with the stroke of a Halbeard, the Provost Baretes likewise, and one of the guards, the Lord Clavery was hurt: certain Gentlemen entered into the said gate, afore it was shut up, as Captain Baron Artiges, the County Brune, brother in law to the Duke Espernon, the Lords Goas, Mirane, cost, Emars, and others.  
They believed then that the Lord Espernon was dead, so that being astonished and looked one upon another, they knew not what to do, nor in whom to trust, until that the Lords Ambleville, Myran, Sobelle, and Emars, acknowledging one another, and giving hands with promise, to die together, gathered as well Gentlemen as Soldiers of the guard close together, and ran to the Chamber door of the Lord Espernon, through the which the conspirators would have gone forth, to seize upon the tower of the Castle, but they were let by the Gentlemen and guards, who wounded the Mayor through the door, where of he fell down, they shot also against the residue of the conspirators, with these threatenings, you shall die traitors. Seguencio the Secretary, whom they detained prisoner, reported that at that threatening, they began to be amazed, and to say among themselves, we are undone if we do not save ourselves some where, and thereupon carrying away the Mayor, went out through a little door of that chamber, which issued to a little pair of stairs, that did lead up to a chamber, nigh the tower: but they were followed by the said Gentlemen, and at the same time, the Lord Espernon, the Abbot Elbeu, and the Lord Marinault, who understanding the voice of Sobelle, went forth of the closet with Pistols and sword in hand.  
The conspirators were enforced to save themselves in that Chamber nigh the great tower, to the which no man could go but by a pair of stairs so narrow, that but one man alone might pass: there were none armed, neither the Lord Espernon, nor any of his were at all; which thing caused them to stay their going up.  
At the same instant a maidservant advertised the Lord Espernon, that the majors brother with a number of armed men, did enter into the castle through a hole in the wall on the side of the Curtain. The said Lord Espernon ran thither, who found already the majors brother entered with another, which both were slain there, and a guard was put at the place.  
At the same time, the complices of the conspiracy, and among others the foresaid Souchet, the majors brother in law, who had come lately from the Court, with some other gentlemen of the country, seeing that they could not fire the first gate, where they found resistance (as is said before) ran to another gate of the Castle with fire to burn it, preparing also gi●s to break it up. But the Lord Espernon with fifteen of his men, whom he had gathered together, ran also to the said gate, to defend and fortify it with earth, stones, boards, and such like, leaving his guard to keep the door of the chamber where the conspirators were locked up, the which endeavoured themselves to issue forth, but notwithstanding were repulsed by the said guards and the Lord Espernon himself, who having divided his guards upon the entries into the Castle, went too and fro as need required, and where he judged his presence necessary; so that resorting to the foresaid door, he killed one of the said conspirators with his own hand, as he went about to issue forth. The inhabitants in the mean time did bestow their shot freely upon the chambers of the Castle, because they were so great and wide, and because the inhabitants had seized upon the next houses, and among others, upon the house nearest to the Castle, called the queens house.  
The diligence of the Lord Espernon, and other gentlemen which accompanied him was such, that within two hours they assured themselves of the Castle: so that it had been hard for the gentlemen and others who were within the Town, to force it without Canon.  
The labour bestowed in fight, fortifying, and breaking the stairs of the chambers, and in firing the narrow stairs which went up the chamber where the conspirators were locked up, had been quick and violent.  
The L. Espernon desirous to make the gentlemen which were with him to drink, there was found in all the house but four flagons of wine, which were brought in that morning for his breakfast: there was no water at all, and very small store of bread, for the inhabitants had seized upon the well which was in the other court, and also the way to go to it; which thing did greatly trouble them that were besieged, the space of two days and a half that they were enclosed therein. But the discommodity was little in comparison of the constant resolution which they took, rather to die then yield themselves unto that seditious multitude.  
It is said before, how the Mayor afore he began to execute his enterprise, had by false surmises enticed the Lord Boards, governor of the Citadel, to come to his house, making him believe that he would discover him some great practice against the King; whom when he had in his hands he kept prisoner in his house.  
This thing did greatly amaze the Lord Espernon that he heard not the Citadel play against the City: the cause was, that when the fray was begun at the Castle, immediately men appointed by the Mayor, brought the said Boards before the Citadel, to cause the Lieutenant to surrender it, or else to stay him from discharging the Ordinance against the town, which in case he should do it, they threatened to kill the said Lord Boards. The Lieutenant desirous to save the life of the said Lord Boards, promised to do their request, and so kept promise with them. The Lord Espernon ignorant of all these things, was greatly dismayed, fearing lest the Citadel had been in the hands of the conspirators, or else had favoured them. The conspirators closed up in the high chamber of the Castle, did affirm the same, and when they were summoned to render themselves, they answered that it was for the said Lord Espernon and his to yield, & that they should quickly see the Canon of the Citadel before the Castle.  
There was an other mischance that happened. The Lady Espernon before the commotion began, was gone to Mass to the Dominican friars. When the alarm was given, she went about to go forth to get the citadel over her head, believing that they were Huguenots that had attempted against that town; she was lead by the arms by 2. gentlemen to wit, Seguency (not the secretary, but an other of that name) & Pial: she was arrested prisoner, and her two Gentlemen slain by these two Catholics, within the Church door, not permitting the Priest to make an end of his juggling game. They took also many Gentlemen, among whom were the Lord's Curee, Mesme, Blere, and Captain Ramel, the Baron Cousin, and many others of all degrees, of the train of the said Lord Espernon.  
The Lords Curee and Mesme, went about to get into the Castle, but the people with Holbards kept them back, although they said that they would go fight against the Huguenots, when they assayed to have entered the castle. The Lord Haultclerie (a man of that country of great estimation) with much ado saved their lives.  
Captain Ramel fell into the same danger of the people, in going about to get into the castle, by the Curtain of the town wall, but he saved himself by taking the Bishop's house.  
In the midst of all these discommodities, the Lord Espernon sendeth a Lackey to the Lord Tageus, who was at Xainctes with all his horsemen, to make haste to secure him. The Lackey was let down the wall of the Park joining to the Castle, but he was incontinently taken by the inhabitants. Notwithstanding the Lord Tageus was advertised of the commotion by two Gentlemen, who in a good hour went forth of the town to go on to hunting, who hearing the Toxin, did gallop unto the gate of the Citadel, where they caused immediately all the bread and provision which was in the subburb to be brought in, and the self same day at night came to Xainctes, to warn the Lord Tageus of that commotion.  
The people in the mean while continued in their rage, assisted and conducted by divers gentlemen of the country, who were of the league, among whom was one (brought up in the house of Guyze) Messeliere Makuole, and Boucheaulx, and others, who two hours after the commotion summoned the Lord Espernon by a drum to yield, and to deliver the place into their hands, promising him and his life and baggage safe.  
That proffer he disdained, and gave them no other answer, but that he would within few hours make them change their language. They threatened also the Lady Espernon (if she would not persuade her husband to yield) to make her serve for a gabion, or else to stab her. She answered them, that if they would bring her before the Castle, she would persuade him to the contrary: and that she did hope one day to have reason of the insolences of the said Mere, who did proffer her such speeches.  
The Lord Espernon had but eight arquebusiers of his guard, they never shot without killing or hurting some one or other; so that there were killed by them. 25. or thirty persons: but this was their evil luck, that they had no powder with them but that which they found in their flasks. One of the conspirators who was shut up in the castle, with linen cloth cut in length, and knotted in the ends in stead of a cord, was let down into to the Castle ditch, and advertised the inhabitants, how that his fellows were ready almost to be stifled with fire, or quelled with the fall of the house, which could not be avoided, except they were very shortly rescued. That moved the Parents to induce the other Mayor, named Bourgoyne, to go to the Castle to parley.  
The Abbot Elbeu and the Lord Ambleville spoke with him through a hole of the wall, and showed him the danger wherein the town stood to be ransacked, at the arriving of the succour which was at hand: That they had in hold the Mayor with his conspired fellows, wh●me the Lord Espernon had forgiven, and that easily he mought be moved to pardon the people also which had been abused. And that it they should go further in their enterprise, and assault any more the Castle, the Lord Espernon would stay them all. Furthermore, they offer themselves to make means for the people with the said Lord Espernon.  
They which were shut up being no more able to endure, yielded unto the Lord Espernon upon his faith, which he kept to them inviolable. The Mayor at the time of his yielding, was gaping for life, and within a while after died in the castle of the wounds which he had received.  
The Lord Espernon caused his prisoners to write to them of the town in what danger they were of their lives, if they should any more assault the Castle. Whereupon the inhabitants required the Mayor Bourgoyne to return to the Duke Espernon in the behalf of them, that he would send the Abbot and the Lord Ambleville to them, to entreat of peace. The Lord Ambleville would not forsake the Duke Espernon. The Abbot preffered himself so that they would give hostages. They of the town gave the King's procurator, who entered into the Castle by a ladder, by the which the Abbot came down into the town.  
The Abbot at the first trenches, found Mere and Messeliere, two Gentlemen, fir●ts of the sedition: accompanied with a multitude of people who would have treated with him: but the Abbot would not, saying, that he would go to treat with the seneschal in the house of the Lord Argence, who was an old Gentleman, and of honour, who also had promised all friendship to the Lord Espernon.  
Being conducted thither, all the officers and chief of the City, with much people, resorted to the place. The Abbot showed them the enormity of their offence, so to attempt against such an officer of the Crown, a good Catholic and faithful servant to the King, that they had made themselves guilty of high treason.  
He showed them also the majors treasons, whereof they had made themselves rash ex●cutioners under a forged colour of the King's commandment. He spoke unto the officers, the nobility, and people, to every one s●nerally, and before all showing them their fault and their duty: and concluded that by such kind of dealing they put themselves in great hazard of the Huguenots, their common enemies. He so much affected, that they were divided among themselves, and found in the end that the kings officers; the chiefest of the city, and the most apparent of the nobility were not at all privy nor consenting in the beginning to the majors conspiracy, who had only assured himself of forty or fifty the vple●● sor● for the execution of his conspiracy: and that these at the sound of the alarm had caused all the rest to take armour in hand, under colour of the name of the Huguenots.  
The common people (induced by Mere) showed themselves void of all capacity, of reason, and intractable. Many speeches and reasonings passed in this conference, the people fell to mutiny again, and bidding the Abbot to make short, proffered him like conditions as before. The Abbot cut them short, and assured them that the day following after noon, the Lord Espernon should give them the law.  
The seditious Leagued Mere, whom we have said to have been brought up in the house of Guyze, the school of treasons and seditions, did heat the people by an assured promise, which he made to them of an infallible succour of the Lord of Aubeterre, who as he said was at hand: to whom also the Lord Vileroy, the King's secretary, had written to that effect.  
The Abbot departing thence, went (not without pain and danger) to visit the Lady Espernon, and commended her unto a company of gentlemen, who were assembled there, and protested revenge against them, which should proffer her injury.  
That being done, he returned to the castle, having neither s●ene the L. Boards, nor any other of the gentlemen which were detained prisoners in the Town.  
The morrow after being the twelfth day of August, the alarm was given in the Town by the Drum and Toxin, and as well the gentlemen, the people, the Leagued, and others who were not of the conspiracy, were enforced to take armour to go to the breach, which they prepared and hoped to make in a weak place of the Castle wall, defended neither with any window, nor otherwise flanked. Some small opening being made, the people presented themselves, where they were received: and there was slain the Lord Fleurak, one of the Leaguers.  
About three a clock in the morning, the people heard the trumpets of the light horsemen of the Lord Espernon, which made them believe that succou● was not far. This assuaged much their fury, and on the contrary encouraged much the soldiers of the Citadel (which hitherto had done nothing) so that they let flee many shot of Harquebusses, and certain volleys of Canon against the City. The Lord Espernon having commanded them so to do from the top of the high tower of the Castle.  
At this new thundering from the Citadel, they of the Town began to waver, and to draw on again to parley, and do desire that the Abbot would return, and that they would hearken to the propositions of the said Lord Espernon.  
The Abbot calling to remembrance the danger past, maketh some difficulty to go forth again. But at length the Lord Espernon writeth, and sendeth by the said Abbot what he will require of them of the town for the acknowledging of their fault. Again all came together about noon to the house of the Lord Argence.  
As they were all ready there to sign the agreement, behold a new commotion of the people, who will not compound: the reason was the arriving into the town of the Baron of Tonnerak, with divers gentlemen of the League, also of captain Caze Martial of the lodgings of the L. Aubeterre, who do assure them, that the said Lord of Aubeterre will come with succour to them the next day morning, with three hundred horsemen, and five hundred footmen.  
The Abbot by these occasions was enforced to get him to the castle again with greater danger then at the first, by reason of the raging of this Leagued people. For they brought him by force before the Citadel, to forbid the Soldiers to discharge the ordinance against the town: which thing notwithstanding in a while after they continued to do, because that the people assaulted the castle continually upon a vain hope, incited by those leagued gentlemen newly come.  
The chiefest officers of the King, and Bourgeses of the City, having duly considered in the Bishop's house, the danger wherein their city stood, if so many strangers on every side should come in, joined themselves with the chiefest Gentlemen against the rest who were stubborn. They sent again 2. of the chiefest Bourgeses to the Lord Espernon, to beseech him that it may please him that the Lord Tageus his kinsman newly arrived in the Suburbs with his companies, might sign and seal the agreement, to the which they added only, that they who were detained prisoners in the castle, should be comprised therein and set at liberty, according to the faith which he had given them, promising of their part to do the like to them, whom they did detain, and all that which had been taken in the houses should be restored.  
The Lord Espernon granting unto them their demand, sent again the Abbot, who went forth with them of the town to the Lord Tageus, to make him seal the composition, which was done about four a clock in the evening.  
Within a while after the trenches were broken, the people went away, the Lady Espernon was conducted by the said Abbot into the castle, with all the prisoners detained in the town.  
The Lord Boards entered the Citadel, the conspirators, and majors fellows, who were prisoners in the castle were set at liberty.  
Mere with his complices went forth out of the town and retired into their houses, under the conduct of the Lord Maumont captain of light horses.  
The dead on both sides were quietly buried, and namely the Mayor, whose corpse with the corpse of his brother, were freely delivered to their friends to be buried.  
When the agreement was concluded, it was nine and thirty hours that neither the Lord Espernon nor any of his, had eat nor drunk. There was no more powder for the shot: he had determined the night following to issue forth upon the enemies for to seize upon the well, he also looked that night to be rescued by his men: to be short, by the singular goodness of God he escaped a perilous snare of the Leaguers & a marvelous great danger, for the which to avoid, he showed himself both valiant and watchful, and if he would be thankful to God for so great deliverance, and consider from whence, & for what cause these blows came, he should do the part of a right noble man.  
About the self same time that these things were done at Engol●sme against the Duke Espernon, the Lord Autragues, governor of Orleans, sent to the King, to protest obedience, with excuse that the things which he had done in favour of the League, had been for none other cause, then for zeal of the Catholic religion: but perceiving that the chief Leaguers passed further than he thought, he wholly doth renounce & detest the League, and upon that protestation he was received in favour by the King.  
Whilst the King, after he had sent his writs to the Provinces, Towns, and Cities, to make those of their deputies, men of wisdom, discretion, and lovers of peace, to send with speed to the States, preparing all things to resort with a soft pace to Bloys, to the States.  
It is said also, how the Leaguers perverted all things, suborned all the most vile and accursed traitors, that could be picked out in all France.  
It is said also, how least that execrable company might be spied or crossed, they had obtained by the edict of reunion, that none of the reformed religion, or suspected to favour the same, and that none of the Princes of the blood should be admitted to that house, lest they should be spied when they should go about to make process against their lawful King, and natural Prince.  
The King considering the shortness of the time, reiourned his estates, until the beginning of October, following whatsoever other causes did move him so to do. But toward the latter end of September, he and his mother accompanied with the Duke of Guise, with all their train, arrived at Bloys.  
The Princes of Monpensier, County, and Soyssons, did appear at Bloys: and for because the Prince County had joined himself to the army of the Germans the year before, his company was greatly suspected, and many of his friends, went about to persuade him to send to the Pope for an absolution: but in that following the counsel of his best friends and servants, he did it no●. The Prince of Soyssons had already obtained a Bull of the Pope, containing a pardon, for having followed the part of them of the religion, with a Renuoy for his absolution to the Legate of Venise, who was also at the States: he made great difficulties in the matter, so that they of the assembly had once resolved to require the King, not to suffer the said Prince to be admitted, but at length it was found good to stay their suit for that time.  
Whilst these things above said do pass so diversly in sundry places, the great and mighty army appointed for Dauphin, under the leading of the Duke d' maine, doth march, and at length arrived in Liomoys, & there continued long, daring not enter far into the Province of Dauphin, for fear of scalding, but sojourned upon the borders between Liomoys, and Dauphin, as a man that came only to see, whether he could make the heretics afraid, or not.  
The King arrived at Bloys with all his train, maketh ready all the solemnities fit for that assembly, whilst the deputies and assigns of the Provinces do make ready their instructions, and hast to the place appointed.  
The King having more trust in his subjects, than his subjects were to be trusted of him, doth expect honest, wise, and indifferent deputies, & such as would seek only the good of the Common wealth. But the Duke of Guise had so laboured of long time, and so reduced the people, that there was almost no city, town nor province in all France, but the complices of the Leaguers (under colour of zeal of religion) prevailed, in sending such as were altogether factious and desirous of innovations, the King's secret enemies, and most false traitors to their king and country, hiding all their intended treasons under the old gabardin of the Catholic religion.  
These conspirators against God, their King and their Country, being come at length from every part of the realm, the second day of October being the Lord's day, the King caused a general procession to be made with great solemnity from the Temple of Saint Saviour, which is in the court of the Castle unto the Temple, commonly called our Lady of help in the Suburb Vienne, on the South side of the river Loire.  
There was in this procession great magnificency and outward appearance of devotion, but as little godliness & love as could be. The King, the Queens, the Princes and Princesses, Lords & Ladies which were at the Court, & generally all the people, as well strangers as inhabitants of that place, were at it, there they offered unto their gods, which did stand gazing in their temples, with great store of dissimulation and hypocrisy. They carried in great pomp that Idol, which commonly they do call the corpus Domini, through the streets, which were decked with tapestry, and other such things, as they are accustomed to be done that day, which they call corpus Christi day.  
In the said procession, the King with all the States, marched in this order following. The foremost of all were the Frie●s, Monks, and Abbots, like a swarm of Locusts: after them followed the deputies of the third estates four & four. They were followed of the nobility, and after them marched in battle array, the deputies of the Clergy in long gowns, and square caps only: next after them went the Archbishops, and Bishops with their rochets: after the Bishops, went their God, otherwise called by the Prophet, Idolum vastans, by some Corpus Domini, and by some Corpus Christi, & by some the Sacrament of the Altar. It was the same God, by whom the King with all his Lords and train did daily, and at every word swear by. That God was arrayed in pure beaten Gold, and had been so beaten and turmoiled by the heretics, these 27. years before, that he was gone so weak, that it could not go, but was carried very demurely by the Bishop of Aix in Provance, under a Canopy. This Canapy could not go neither, no more than their God, but was carried by four Knights of the holy Ghost: they sung continually so many gaudeamus, so many salve fest a dies, and so many aleluia, and so many ora pro nobis, and so many black sanctus, that it was too bad, and that with such melody, that a man would have thought that all the Cuckoos of the spring, and all the Owls of winter had met together, to try who could make the prettier noise.  
The King followed that company, with the Queens and Princes, and other Lords of the court. After they had walked their God through the streets to take air, and to recreate him a little, having been kept so long in very strait and close prison: at length in that order they came all to the Temple of our Lady of help, where the Archbishop of Bourges juggled and charmed the Mass, played with his God, as the Cat with the mouse, and at length eat him up. The Bishop of Eureulx babled out a Sermon as well as he could: And that done, have with you to good cheer.  
This was such a painful journey to those ghostly fathers, but specially for the Bishop of Aix, to carry all the way such a heavy farthel, that S. Christopher was never more cumbered with his burden, than this pillar of the holy Church was with his. They would do nothing all that week, but eat, drink, sleep, and do worse, as these ghostly fathers can do that well.  
The 9 day of Octob. the K. the Lords & deputies of the three estates, were housed together at the Friary of the frantic franciscan friars. There they did eat so much raw flesh, that the cannibals of the west Indies might have surfeited with one half of that which was spent there. Blood they drank none, hoping shortly to fill their bellies with the blood of saints. Such as was the beginning of this assembly, such was the end thereof, as you shall see hereafter in the sequel. It began with heathenish superstition and Idolatry, it ended with heathenish murders and disloyal rebellion.  
As this was done to confirm the union and correspondence which was between them, for performing of their enterprise: of which thing by the means of this union every man conceived so good hope, that now they made no doubt but all would go well.  
This done, the K. delayed the proposition of the States to the sixteenth of October, willing in the mean time the officers of the assembly in every order to be chosen.  
For the Priests in the absence of the Cardinal of Bourbon, & the Cardinal of Guyze, the Archbishop of Bourges was chosen precedent. The County Brissak and Mignade were chosen Precedents of the Nobility. The Provost of Paris was for the third estate.  
But the headlings of the League, had greater things in their brain than all this: for they were day and night consulting how to make an end of all their labours.  
The sixteenth day of October all the deputies of the States being assembled in the great Hall of the Castle, appointed to that use, their places taken according to their order. The King followed, and accompanied with his court, maketh an Oration to the assembly, by a long & doubtful speech, painted with divers terms of sorrow: by the which he showeth, that his mind carried a remembrance of the injuries received by the Leaguers, from time to time, by the which he complaineth, his authority to have decayed, and unjustly to have been debased.  
And first proposeth the things which ought to be done in that assembly, to wit, the establishing of Popery, the rooting out of heresy, the setting of good order in the government, the ease of his people, and restoring of his authority, protesting that he is their lawful King, given to them of God, and that he will not be, but that which he is, neither doth he covet greater authority or honour in this Realm than he ought to have.  
He protesteth also of his great sorrow which he hath felt in the miseries and oppressions of his subjects, acknowledging the same to be procured by his and their offences in general.  
Also he showeth the care which he hath had to take away the causes of the said miseries, and how he hath tried all the ways that ever he could d●uise, and following the ancient manner of the Realm (accustomed in such a case) had assembled his estates for that intent, but that he hath been interrupted always by new uproars, stirred up to hinder his good mind and purpose, and to overthrow his good endeavours.  
And also complaineth that to bring to pass these things, and to make his labour in that behalf taken frustrate: they have perverted by false, sinister, and malicious interpretations, the sincerity of his meaning.  
And last of all, he complaineth of the partialities and corruption of the Deputies of provinces, exhorting them to assist his virtuous and royal enterprises.  
He protesteth of his zeal to popery, and good affection to Papists, which he hath testified by sundry benefits most largely bestowed upon them, & by the victories and conquests which he obtained against the heretics, being then but a child, and that now being a man having more experience than ever he had, he hath also more will and courage, which he would have plainly showed in his voyage to Guienne intended, to have been performed in his own person if the League had not let him.  
After these complaints and protestations, he giveth the charge to the assembly, that when they have conferred wisely and advisedly, about their instrutions, they will specially show him the means how to reform and repress swearing, and blasphemies, and corruptions, in bestowing ecclesiastical livings; which he called simony, selling of offices, of justice, which things he was about to reform, when the League rose up in armour. Anno 1585.  
He promiseth them, that hereafter he will make a better choice of men, in providing them of dignities and offices.  
He commendeth to them the careful provision for the advancement of learning, crafts, and traffic, to seek for the means to cut off excess and waste, and to pull down the excessive price of things.  
He commendeth unto them the royal authority, and the ancient laws, for the preservation of the same.  
As for the fear which they have conceived to fall hereafter, in the government of an heretic Prince, as he hath provided therefore already by his Edict of preunion, so he pretendeth to make it in the next Session a fundamental law of the Realm.  
He willeth them to provide for the ease of his subjects, for the reformation of his revenues, tributes and treasury, so that consideration be had to the entertaining of the royal dignity and public charges: promiseth for his part to reform himself and his house, exhorteth them to go faithfully about their business.  
And calling heaven and earth to witness, protesteth the faith of God and men, that the fault shall not remain in him if the realm be not reform, but in them if they do abandon their lawful King in such an holy & laudable action.  
Last of all, citeth them to appear before the righteous judge, who shall make open their craft, hipocrisyes, and dissimulations, and punish their treachery and unfaithfulness, in case they do not their duty in this matter.  
The King having ended his speech, the Lord keeper of the Seals began, by the King's commandment, to open the matter, to be entreated of in that assembly more at large: and having spoken of the original, Ordinance, Power, Authority, and of the benefits thereof.  
First, he exhorteth the Priests to propound unto the people the word of God, which saith, he is living, full of efficacy, and more piercing than a two edged sword: and confirm the same in their hearts by virtuous life, showing that for lack of doing these things, on their parts had issued out all the corruptions and miseries of the realm: but all these good speeches are aerens verberare, laterem lavare, oleum & operam perdere.  
Secondly, he directeth his speech unto the nobility, showing them what their duty was, how they should excel in all justice, goodness and godliness, and specially to assist the king in obeying him in the execution of justice, tantundem efficit.  
He showeth them the great & execrable swearing and blasphemies, to be much used among them: willeth them to follow the ancient manner of the nobility of France, which was to swear in the word and faith of a gentleman, and that with great reverence and circumspection: showeth them the great mischiefs which do proceed out of duels, frays, or privy combats, abhorred in all ages of all good christians, and that they should show themselves valiant in commanding over their own affections.  
Thirdly, he spoke unto the third estate, whereof the judges and ministers of justice did hold the first room, and upon which all Monarchies, sovereignties and powers are grounded and established. showeth the overthrow of the distributive justice done by the delays, subtiltyes, disguising of the truth, and malicious interpretation of the law, which things commonly are done every where, attributing all these faults partly unto particular covetousness of the ministers of justice, partly to their ignorance and wicked life, partly to the multiplicity of offices in the realm.  
He showeth the horrible faults committed in not observing the laws for the punishment of swearers, blasphemers, players, unthrifts, usurers, unjust purchassars, deceivers in selling, unclean persons, & such as do resort to brothel houses, and such like vic●s. Willeth them to consider the maintenance of royal dignity, his charges and debts: and last of all, to be careful to preserve the Catholic religion.  
The Priests, Nobility (for the most part) Deputies, Commissioners, and Assigns of the Provinces appointed for that assembly, did hearken to that doubtful, yet wise and grave orations of the King, and Lord keeper, with a merry countenance, as it seemed, but with a dissembling and treacherous hart. So that they, who for his undoing and overthrow, were assembled and sworn, fed him with fancies.  
And first the Archbishop of Bourges doth closely cover all the dissimulations and traitorous thoughts of the Priests, with a low courtesy and great grammarcy: and we heartily thank you for your great pains, in so opening the way to the assembly, praiseth his great eloquence and wisdom, compareth him with Ulysses, and Nestor: both he and the rest of his fellows do show themselves ready, not only to kiss his foot, but also to run into his tail with their noses, if it please him to give them leave gratia sit auribus.  
He exhorteth him to execute his charge, which (saith he) is to persecute the heretics, as he termeth them, to establish popery, and with tooth and nail to defend the holy Mother the church: (by holy Church, he meaneth the swarms of Masmonging Priests, and the legions of the Friary and Monkery) which thing if he doth, he doth not only promise him the long life of Argantonius and Nestor, but also everlasting life: because belike the more blood of the Saints he shall spill, (for that is to defend the church) the more he shall merit to win heaven.  
When the Archbishop had ended his flattering Oration, the Baron of Sevecy in the name of the Nobility doth awake the King of his sleep, bloweth the Trumpet, soundeth the alarm, crying out upon heretics, set upon heretics, down with heretics, strike, kill, murder, spoil, roo● out heretics, restore the church, ease the people, establish the realm in the first dignity and brightness, proffereth to the King in that respect, and in the name of the nobility, to expose all unto the last drop of their blood.  
This being ended, the Provost of Paris, lest he should seem to have neither said nor done any thing, began in that kind of rhetoric which he was wont to use among the seditious of Paris, when he sharpened them against the King, at the last rebellion in May of the same year only, altering the name of King, into the name of heretics. So that as there was that day many good words cast away, without doing any good, so there was many cruel, bitter and seditious words uttered in the King's presence, to provoke him to cruelty and slaughter, by it to lull him asleep, to cast him into security, to take away from him all mistrust the more easily, and at some convenient to oppress him.  
The 18. of October, the King came into the hall with the body of the States, for the second session, where he began to say as followeth.  
Sirs, I have testified unto you, on Sunday last, the desire which I have always to see, during my reign, all my faithful subjects reunited in the true Catholic Romish religion, under that authority which it hath pleased God to give me over you: and having to the same effect made my edict of july last passed, that it might be holden for a fundamental law of this realm, to bind both you and your posterity, to the intent that now the same may be confirmed before me, as made by the common consent of you all, and that no man may pretend ignorance of the nature and offspring of it, and that it may have the mark of a fundamental law of the realm for ever; I will that this edict be now read with a loud voice, and be known of all, and after that, sworn unto by all the States, to the which thing, I will swear first of all, that my holy intent may be known both of God and men.  
The King having ended his speech, commanded Ruze, one of his Secretaries of estate, to read with a loud voice, the declaration which he had made the same day, upon his edict of reunion.  
Wherein he first showeth his great and fervent desire, which he hath had from his youth, and the noble acts which he hath done, for the rooting out of heresy: also how he hath used all gentle ways, to call the heretics to the holy Church again.  
But considering that all this would not serve, but only to make them more obstinate, he doth declare himself, to have made the edict of reunion, for an irrevocable law of the realm, condemning already by this his declaration, all such as will not swear nor obey the same, as guilty of high treason.  
This declaration being read, than followed the edict of reunion by the same Secretary, which being done, the Arshbishop of Bourges made a long exhortation to the States, upon the solemn oath to be taken by the King, and required also to be taken by his subjects, for the observing of the said edict.  
This fair and learned sermon, about a naughty matter, and to cover their dissembling heart.  
First, did speak of the truth, and of lying, then showed the use of an oath, the necessity, the form and qualities thereof.  
Secondly, he speaketh of the Church, which he saith in some respect to be visible, and in some respects invisible, and that it is gathered of divers nations and degrees of men, without acceptation and distinction of persons.  
He saith that it is called the Church of Rome, in none other sense, then that it embraceth the word of God, and true doctrine, which S. Peter there taught, to the which all other Churches have united themselves, by a general and universal consent: he saith that the triumphant and militant Church, is but one in effect. And that this Church is grounded only upon the stone, which is Christ, the true foundation and head corner stone thereof, and that it hath sustained many assaults, which have not prevailed. He saith also, that out of that Church, there is nothing but death, and that he who will not hold the same for his mother, cannot have God for his Father.  
Out upon the heretic, ●●e upon fowl heretics, so many words concerning 
Note.  the Church, so many heresies, or else they make great injury to the Huguenots, whose death they do conspire here in this assembly, for holding so much in a manner, as this saucy Bishop d●re speak here, before one of the greatest Potentates of the world. I lictor, colliga manus, caput obnubi●o, quadrupedem constringito, etc. Lo, the omnipotent power that shavelings have, they can make heresy good doctrine, and true doctrine heresy, when they list. These things being spoken by an Archbishop, are no heresy: being spoken by another man, as Theodorus Beza, or some other which they do not fancy, there will be picked out nineteen heresies, a quarter and a half.  
Thirdly, he showeth what a great matter union is, but specially in the Church, therefore he exhorteth them, being of one faith, law, and belief, under one Saviour, in one and the same Church of one nation and tongue, to unite themselves for the defence of the same holy Church.  
Fourthly, he preventeth by an objection, that whereof they may be charged, saying, we (meaning the Priests) do not proclaim wa●re: no, no, (saith he) the Church doth not thirst after blood, but we do desire them who are out of the way, to return into the right way, and if they be obstinate, we do desire that they may be cut off, as gangr●ned and putrefied members.  
See here godly Christian reader, what hypocrisy goeth about to do: this Bishop would feign see the King's horses to swim in the blood of them 
Note.  of the reformed religion, and bloweth the trumpet, giveth the watch word to the onset, under the colour of reuniting the Catholics, yet he would not for all the goods in the world, that men should think that it were done by his approbation, consent and counsel, and therefore he saith, that the holy Church seeketh not to spill blood, but that they that are in error may be converted into the right way.  
Now my Lord, shall I be so bold to speak one word to your Lordship: what way will you follow to convert them from their error, as you say they are in? my Lord Bishop will answer, that he will first show them their error, and then teach them the certitude of his doctrine.  
Then my good Lord (I pray you be not angry) why have you denied this way to the King of Navarre, & to the reformed Churches of France, which only thing they have desired?  
When once you have followed that way, and have converted them of error, and taught them a better way, if they show themselves obstinate, cut them off as rotten and gangrened members in deed.  
But belike this is the method which you will follow against them, you will draw a form of a●iuration, in the first part you will make them to abjure and renounce that form of doctrine, which they say is grounded upon God's word, the infallible rule of verity; than you will lay down your fantasies & traditions, flowing out of the dark illumination of your own brain, and that you will make them believe for an undoubted truth upon your single asseveration, and all the reasons which you bring for the confirmation of these your fantasies, you lay down sic volo, sic jubeo. I pray you (my good Lord) tell me whose voices be these?  
But what if they will not take your sic volo, sic jubeo, for reasons which may induce them to subscribe to your abjuration, and will not suffer themselves to be cut off neither, being not convincted of error, but stand to defend themselves against an universal contumely, injury and violence? What will you do?  
My Lord Bishop hearing this news: what, will they neither believe us, neither suffer themselves to be burned for our pleasures? Now all my Lords religion is turned into madness; his zeal to rage; his authority to tyranny, and his mildness (that holy Church doth not covet after blood) is turned to murder.  
Then my Lord in his fury and in the trance of his hart he crieth: Open the King's Arsevall, bring forth his Ordinance, gather together his men of arms and footmen, and if need be the whole Realm, set upon them, kill them, slash them, cut them, spoil them, murder them, and worse if you can. This is not to war (quoth my Lord) no, no, holy Church thirsteth not after blood.  
But here is good play which I do offer you, seeing that you must needs to war, there is in France many legions of devils of your hair, put on your carnal armour, (for the spiritual armour you have lost long ago) let your Mitre serve you for an Helmet, your Rochets for Corslets, your surplice for shirts of male, your Crosses for pikes, your Crosier staves for Lances, your red roundaches which the Cardinals do wear upon their heads, for Targets; your Holy water tassels for Clubs; put on your Spectacles too, that you may the better aim at your enemy; call upon all the he Saints and she Saints, which the Popes have deified with thousands of Ora pro nobis; set you all in battle array, be five against one, meet the heretics if you dare in the plain open field. I advise you, though you be desperate enough, not to come within their reach, lest that with bastinadoes the pocks and the gouts be wrong out of your rotten bones against your wills.  
But to return to the purpose, he exhorteth the States to unite themselves, and to swear the foresaid edict: which speeches being ended, the King took the word thus.  
Sir, you have heard the contents of mine edict, and understand the quality of the same, the greatness and worthiness of the oath which you be about now to swear. And seeing that I perceive your just desires to agree with mine, I will swear, and do swear before God in a good conscience, the observing of this mine edict as long as God shall continue my life here, and will, & do ordain that it may be kept for ever, as a fundamental law of this realm, and in witness of the correspondence and universal consent of all the States of my Realm, you shall now swear the observation of mine edict of union all with one voice, you Churchmen laying your hand upon your breast, and the rest lifting up their hands to heaven: which thing was done with great rejoicing and acclamation of all men, crying, God save the King.  
Now by this, he in his own person and his subjects have sworn an immortal war in his Realm, of which thing he commandeth an act to be made in writing to serve for a perpetual remembrance of the fact. The act is such as followeth.  
This day the 18. of October 1588. the King sitting at Bloys in the assembly of his general states of his Realm, hath sworn in his faith and word of a King, to observe this present law in all that shall concern his Majesty. Also the Lords, Cardinals of Bourbon, Vendosme, Princes of Soyssons and Monpensier, Cardinals of Guise, Levoncourt and Gundy, Dukes of Guise, Nemours, Nevers and Retes, the Lord Keeper, and many other Lords, aswell of his Counsel as Commissioners of the three estates of his Realm, have sworn to keep and entertain inviolable the said law, as well in their proper names, as in the names of the Provinces which have sent them to the said assembly of the States.  
This thing being done, the King testified the great desire which he had to make an end of this assembly, and to provide for all his subjects upon their just complaints and grieves: and for that end promised not to departed out of Bloys, until the final end of the said estates: commanding likewise them of that assembly, not to departed by any means: whereof they gave him most humble thanks.  
The assembly dismissed, the King, the Queens, Princes and Princesses, Cardinals, Prelates, and other Lords, with all the deputies of the States went to the Church S. Saviour, there to sing te Deum, where they were always accompanied with a general voice of the people, crying, God save the King; showing an extreme joy and gladness for their own calamities and miseries which they had sworn.  
Now (good Christian Reader) consider well three things in this history, to see God's wrath, justice and mercy; the thing which they have done; the miseries which have followed; and the gracious goodness of God in upholding the ruins and miserable fall of that kingdom.  
For first in this session, God's wrath drawing them to work, to swear, and to rejoice in their own dreadful destruction, they have degraded and disherited the Princes of the most noble and ancientest family of the world, from that inheritance and pre-eminence, which God, Nature, and Law had appointed unto them: whose ancestors have governed that kingdom with justice and equity, above thirteen hundred years: And now without cause, contrary to God's ordinance, Law, and Nature, to plant another family unknown in France, within these threescore and ten years, & the performance of this most unjust exheredation and degradation, they have sworn to execute an oath more damnable than witchcraft, joining to that injury the persecution of the true church of God. But O thou most highest, raise up thyself, bruise them like a Potter's vessel. What hath followed that execrable oath? First, the most wretched and infamous death of the chiefest authors of this conjuring and witchcraft. Secondly, an universal rebellion against him, who swore first and ministered the oath to others.  
I am not a Prophet, nor the son of a Prophet, yet thus much I dare affirm, grounded upon the nature of God's justice, who saith, that who shall do those abominations shall die the death. That peace shall never be restored to France, as long as there is one left alive of that damnable and accursed company, who with that abomination have polluted the land, either in their mind have given approbation unto that accursed execration and until the Lord hath washed away the pollution of their execrable deed with their own blood.  
Last of all, here we have to consider the lords providence, in relieving of the afflicted States and tottering kingdoms, that he whom they had sworn should not reign over them, him I say the Lord hath set up, and annoyuted him with the oil of grace and wisdom, and said that he shall reign over them, that it may appear that his Sceptre is of God. And whereas likewise they have sworn the rooting out of God's truth, the Lord will make it flourish under their noses, & under the authority of him whom they have rejected.  
Here also is another thing worthy to be noted, that the Lord in all ages, for to restore peace, judgement, justice, and religion, in any decayed state, hath raised up Princes, endued with heroical gifts and graces, called by the ancients, Nemesis, & by the Prophet Psal. 51. the principal spirit of force, constancy, justice, wisdom, counsel, and godliness, by the which crooked things are made strait, and all things reduced to their order. For as fortitude in an hot and unwise nature is transformed into a barbarous cruelty & rage, so the same being in a wise nature, governeth the victory with mercy and mildness, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad benficentiam. The experience teacheth us, that if God had not given his principal spirit to this King now there reigning, to direct the valiantness of his courage and the prosperous success of his victories, with clemency and mildness, one fourth part of France by this day had been reduced into a miserable wilderness.  
But thou O great King, issued out of Noble race, gird thy loins with force and might, go on still and follow the Lord, who goeth before thee, and leadeth thee by the hand, to restore the decayed ruins, brought into that kingdom by the obstinate and unwise counsels of the Valois, and the accursed snares of Sycophants, whom they have fostered and nourished in their bosoms, by the blood of their subjects, and the fatness of their people.  
It is said before, how immediately after the making of the edict of reunion, the Duke Mercure out of Britain, with certain companies invaded the low Poytow, intending to lay the siege before Montagne, and how he was defeated and overthrown by the King of Navarre: after which overthrow the said K. being strengthened with new forces of the Lords Trimoville and Boulay, intended to have rescued the Lord Espernon, who stood in great danger in Engolesme by a conspiracy of the Leaguers: but understanding that the tumult there was pacified, went to Rochel, where he appointed an assembly of the reformed Churches of France, there to take advice by a general meeting, what they had to do against the cruel (and never heard of) conspiracy of the King and the Leaguers, who had sworn the utter subversion and undoing of the King of Navarre and reform churches: he sendeth therefore in the month of September his messengers into all Provinces of France, willing them to send their commissioners and deputies to Rochel in November next.  
The King of Navarre having done all necessary dispatches for that thing in the latter end of September, departed from Rochel, intending to lay the siege before the castle of Beawoyre, lying upon the Sea in the low Poytow, and passing not far from Niort, some of his company advanced very nigh, upon them that issued out of the town, not much further than their Suburbs. The Lord Valette great provost of France, who always had followed the King of Navarre, and a gentleman named Peray, set upon them and gave them a hot skirmish, wherein the said Lord and gentleman were slain, fight most valiantly.  
The Lieutenant of the town being a most seditions Leaguer, with other of his fellows, showed themselves no less than insolent in committing great indignities upon their dead bodies, whom they caused to be drawn through the streets of Niort, by the common people.  
From thence he took his journey toward the said Beawoyre, as is said, a Town and Castle upon the Sea, a place of great importance as well for the situation as for the commodities thereof, because it holdeth the Isles about in subjection: out of the which great revenues are received by reason of the salt and other commodities. The King lodged his footmen in the Suburbs of Clisson.  
There he received news, that certain regiments of footmen of the enemies had passed Loire at Saumure: which thing caused him to dislodge in great haste, to go to charge them, but the enemy being advertised thereof, repassed the Loire before that he could come to them.  
Therefore he took his way toward Nantes, and in the low Goleyn with all his army. There the Lord Trimoville presented him the Captain Bonneveau, whom he had discomfited and taken at Douai a walled town.  
The said King went to lodge at Vretow, a little league from Pilmil suburb of Nantes, and there passed his army upon the caulsies over the river Seure: the other part of his army passed the said river by a Ford at Mounieres, and came to lodge at Tousche Livosiniere.  
The morrow after, the fourth of October, he passed before the Castle of Maschecow, which he viewed, the Marquis Belisle being within, did let fly a shot of Culuerine.  
Passing further with his companies of men of arms, his light horsemen and Harquebuziers compassed the castle of Beawoyre, wherein was in garrison a company of footmen, who at the arriving of the King forsook the Town and retired into the Castle. The Town being delivered to him, he left within the town his arquebusiers, and he with his troops went to lodge at Saint Geruays, within half a league of Beawoyre. There arrived unto him the Lords Montluet and Plessis from Roch●l, with a fair company of nobility. After they had embarked in the haven of Rochel, two canons, two culverins, gabions, and other munition of war, which they had conducted to Saint Gyles haven, distant from Beawoyre about seven leagues. But this furniture could not arrive at Beawoyre in fifteen days after the siege was begun, by reason of contrary winds, and continual rain, with the discommodity of the ways, the country being very moorish.  
The soldiers were in the water to the mid leg, with other great discommities: notwithstanding, they ceased not to make trenches unto the very ditch, out of the which he drew great store of water: so that the platforms being made, the Ordinance brought with much ado, being placed and leveled, he began the 21. of October to batter, and after 30. Canon shot, they who were within seeing the forces prepared against them, did choose rather to prove the clemency of the said King in yielding, then to stay a greater battery and the extremity of an assault, which infallibly would be given them: therefore they would parley and yield. The capitulation was such, that they should render their Colours, should go forth with armour and baggage, but their match out. They went forth about 53. persons, and were safely conducted to the Island Boving, whether they said they would retire.  
The King of Navarre lost at that siege two Gentlemen, to wit, the Lord Drow, one of his house, and one Villebeau, Captain of one of the companies of the Lord Salignak.  
The inhabitants of the Island Boving had promised to the King of Navarre, (who had used them very courteously) that they would suffer none of the enemies to enter their Island: which promise they kept not.  
The Lord of Guise (though very busy at the States at Bloys) yet ceased not, but as he was very busy to supplant the King at home, so was he very diligent to provide for the affairs of war, and for to cross in this siege the King of Navarre, if he could. He sent to the Duke Mercure the regiment of S. Paul, the fairest and most dreadful of all the companies of the League.  
The 22. of October and the morrow after the rendering of the Castle of Beawoyre, the inhabitants of the Island Boving, against their promise, received two of the fairest companies of the said regiment of S. Paul. But they had not so soon entered into the Island, but that immediately they took such dreadful fear, that without any shame they sent a Drum to the said king, to beseech him to give them safe conduct to retire into a place of safety. They had some reason so to do, for the fear of his sword put them in a fearful apprehension. For he had so provided that they were at his mercy, having sent his naval army to a place called Collet, above Bourgneuf of Rhe, which was the place where of force they must needs pass by. But the accustomed clemency of that Prince sustained and eased the fear of these two companies, who trusted that he would be no less favourable to them, than he hath accustomably been unto others, who did submit themselves unto him. Whereof they themselves (among many other examples) are and aught to be hereafter witnesses: for although he might have cut them in pieces, yet of his good will (leaving a mark of heroical humanity unto the posterity) he gave them their lives & armour, with a passport for their safe return, so that they should retire the self same day.  
He forgave also the Island men, who had falsified their faith, and had rendered themselves worthy of sharp punishment. This clemency to them showed did so touch them, that they have remained ever since most faithful, being otherwise most devoted and addicted unto popery.  
The said King being desirous to pass into the Island to see it, could not do it for the contrary winds: he left there for governor the Lord Quergroy, a Gentleman of britain, of great reputation, with a necessary Garrison.  
And upon the advertisements which he received of the great preparation, and marching of the royal army, under the conduct of the Duke of Nevers, who descended into Poytow, he departed thence the 24. of October with all his army, taking his way to Montagne, where he left the regiment of the Lord Preau, ordering all necessary things for the defence of that place, which as was thought should be the first place, where to that army would lay siege, which also he determined to rescue in convenient time: he divided his garrisons in the places, which he judged necessary, and among the rest, he put Garrisons in Mauleon, Ganache, Talmond, Fontenay, and other places.  
That being done, he took his way to Rochel, to be at the assembly of all the reformed Churches of France, which he had called thethere for divers and notable considerations. The deputies of all the Churches of all sorts and qualities, stayed sometime in Rochel for him, where the said King being arrived, received them with great contentation, and according to his natural facility and mildness, to the great rejoicing of all men, which hoped for much fruit of this assembly, for the preservation of the realm, of the King's authority (against whom the Leaguers, under colour of the States at Bloys, did work dangerous conspiracies) and for the just defence of them of the religion, so long time, so cruelly entreated in all parts of the realm.  
The said King being certified of the coming of all the deputies of this assembly, of all degrees and conditions, Lords, Nobles, judges, kings officers, Majors, Aldermen, and other notable men of the Provinces, gave an opening unto the said assembly, by the invocation of the name of God, the 14. of November, in the town house of Rochel, assisted by the Lords of Turenne, his Lieutenant general, in the province of Guienne. Trimoville, Colonel of the light horses, and many other Lords, Barons, viscounts, Gentlemen, and other his counsellors. The same day were called all the deputies for the assembly, & the authority which every one had of the Provinces, for whom they were sent.  
There was almost no Province in France, which had not sent their deputies, to wit, deputies were sent out of Gascoyn, Amignak, Albret, and other places, from beyond the river Garonne, out of the Provinces of Britain, Anjou, Tourene, Berry, Lodunoys, the isle of France, Normandy, Orleans, Picardy, champaign, and others beyond the river Loire, out of the Province of high and low languedoc, Dauphin, Rowergue, Mountalban, and out of the government of Terrides: there were also out of the government of Xainctonge, on this side Charante, out of all the Isles of Xainctonge, other deputed for Rochel, for the Provinces of Limosin, Perigord, Agenoys, for the town of Bergerak: in particular, for the Provinces of Poytow, and Engomoys, for the principality of Orange, and many others, for the bailie weeks, towns, and comunalties, with sufficient show of their charges and commissions.  
The 16. day of November, after public invocation of God's name, the King of Navarre accompanied, as is above said, represented to the whole assembly the chiefest causes of their convocation; the great necessities which should move every man to oppose himself to the enemies, whose intent was too apparent (for they went even against the King and the whole estate) he showed that he had hitherto, in so just and godly a cause, spared neither goods nor life, as his former actions could testify, and that if these mischiefs should grow to the worst, he for his part felt his courage to be increased of God, in the resolution which he had long ago taken, to spend therein, even the last drop of his blood, and the last penny of all his goods, and desired only, that the world would judge in this his resolution of his good intent, as indifferently, and truly, as himself sincerely had walked before God, and determined to do hereafter.  
He showed how the long continuance of war, and licence of arms, had to his great grief, bred and brought in many disorders, to the which he required them, as well it might be, to provide both in respect of the glory of God, of the King, of the realm, and in respect of all private men. Prayed them that were of that assembly, to bring with them clean spirits, void of all passion, endued with the love of the common wealth: which thing if they did, he assured himself that God would bless their counsel, and would make them to reap much fruit to his glory, and the deliverance of his children. He represented unto them, the good and prosperous events, which might ensue upon their firm and fast unity in a cause so just and holy as this, that presently was in question, by establishing of all good order: towards the which●ause, he exhorted all the assembly to continue as well affected as they had done before, and to bring so much the more abundantly, as the novelties and late alterations, happened by the malice of the enemies, did most evidently require.  
Above all things, he willed them to provide for that which imported most of all, the glory and service of God, the good order, policy, and Discipline of the Church. And to avoid the provoking of God's wrath, by swearing, blasphemies, rapes, whoredoms, robberies, forbidden games, and other disorders, who had crept among many, by the unhappiness of war: the required that the laws made, for repressing of such things, might be straightly enjoined, commanded and observed by the Magistrates, without any dissimulation, support or respect of persons: commanding also the Magistrates to assist every one in his behalf, upon great pains, that the Discipline of the Church may have a due authority and execution.  
He willeth them also, that the poor may be assisted, with certain ordinary sums of money, which should be dedicated to the same effect, according to the form of the books, that should be made for that intent, with the authority of certain chief officers, magistrates, consuls, or commissioners appointed for that purpose.  
Also that charges and offices be given to men capable, and sufficient for the due execution of the same, to the ease, & contentation of every one: and as for other orders, it should be ordained as the sessions, and propositions should be made in order.  
All the assembly gave most humble thanks to his Majesty, for the care which it pleased him to have, as well in particular of the said Churches, as true and lawful nurser, protector, and defender of the same, as also in respect of the public peace, welfare, and preservation of all, with proffer of their most humble service, and obeissance for so good, so holy, and so lawful purposes, protesting with a most constant resolution, to employ their persons, their lives, & their goods, to favour so good and rightful a cause, with prayer unto God, to continue in him his blessing and favour, for his honour and glory, for the preservation of his Church, for the good and quietness of the public estate.  
The Sessions, propositions, resolutions, and ordinances, were afterward made, and continued in good order in the presence of the said king, upon the divers arguments which were there to be handled.  
And first they entreated of the glory and service of God, next of justice, of a good counsel, and good ordering of the same: then afterward of the managing of the treasure, gifts, passports, officers, order of war, commissions, bootyes, prisoners of war, protections, staking of towns and places, of the safety of husbandmen, and many other statutes, as every one of the deputies of the Provinces was severally charged by their remembrances and instructions.  
Many such things were there determined, until the dissolution of the said assembly, which was made (the said King sitting accompanied as above, in the presence of all the deputies) on the Lord's day being the 17. day of December, after the preaching of the word, and invocation of God's name, with the unity, consent & voluntary approbation of all men, to the glory of God, and for the kings service, the preservation of the Crown and Realm, restablishment of the State, and for the defence of all faithful Frenchmen, against all enemies leagued, mutinous, and seditious persons, who directly or indirectly, would seek the trouble and eversion of the same.  
Whilst these things did pass, and so contrary assemblies, did take contrary counsels and resolutions, to work so contrary effects, (for at Bloys counsel and deliberation was taken to destroy the K. the Crown, the Realm, the State, the true Church of God. In Rochel they went about to save the King, to defend the Crown, to preserve the Realm, to uphold the state, to maintain the true Religion.) the Duke of Savoy after great preparations of war made, the Duke de main being as then at Liomoys, and about the borders of Dauphin, invaded the Marquiz at of Saluces, and by treason and intelligences of the Captain, surprised Carmagnole, one of the Arsevals of France: he took also Ravel and Chasteaudauphin, with some other holds.  
These news brought to Bloys, did greatly trouble them who could take no pleasure therein: But the Leaguers did greatly rejoice thereat. For they thought that ●his increase of miseries, would further their enterprises, and that the sire being kindled in divers places, that which they did blow in the midst of France, would not be either quickly, or easily put out.  
This enterprise of the Duke of Savoy, was by the practise and counsel of the League, which was that the armies of these two Dukes (of Savoy and main) should respectively favour each other, each keeping his intent several to himself. For the Leaguers and the Duke of Savoy did agree in this: to wit, in hating the true religion and the professors thereof, and in making against them cruel war, to root them out, if they could do it.  
But the particular thoughts of the party were kept incommunicable within the heart of them, both of them reserving to themselves, the means to work their affairs, according to the opportunity and occasion. And in this respect (as it commonly falleth out among them, who do aspire to any Sovereignty) there was neither society nor saith between the Duke of Savoy and the house of Guyze, each of them envying his fellow in that which he wished for himself.  
The Duke of Guise with his partakers, intended to reign and to 'stablish his authority in France, and would not admit any fellow, neither the Duke of Savoy, nor any other.  
The Duke of Savoy on the other side, thought himself so well descended in blood, that he might claim to have a good part, and thought it very convenient for himself to enlarge his dominions, and that being Son to a Daughter of France, he was nigh enough to possess all, and would have been very sorry to have had any companion, either of the house of Guyze, or any other whatsoever.  
These divers drifts did lurk close hidden in the hearts of both parts, being helped and advanced mutually by the common pretence which they took on both sides, to wit, the rooting out of the reformed religion, which termed heresy, and to that end, in open words they agreed together, did help and aid each other, reserving to the craftiest the beguiling of his fellow, or to the strongest to prevail  
Friar Sixtus Vicar, understanding of this invasion of the Duke of Savoy, fearing lest the King should suppose that to have been some of Friar Sixtus tricks, and upon a sudden desire of revengement would have his pennyworth upon the County of Veveses and avignon, which is a part of the de Mains which Saint Peter purchased with his penny, that the Friars might live like kings after him, to wash his hands, and to make the world believe that he saw nothing, first began to chide and brawl with the Duke of Savoy, and findeth great fault in him, reproving him for such an enterprise.  
The Duke of Savoy playing falsehood in good fellowship, feigneth, although that Friar Sixtus had no finger in that pie, goeth about to excuse the matter, and did colour this action specially with Friar Sixtus, saying, that he had done all things for the advantage of the holy church of Rome, because he understood that the K. had determined to put those places which he had taken, into the hands of the Lord des Diguiers and other heretics: which thing would be very dangerous both to him being nigh neighbour, as also in time very domageable to the holy church, and the county of Veves.  
Some of his counsellors also did greatly mislike his enterprise, foreseeing that it would be in time as pernicious unto him, as it had been to his father in times past, for not knowing the measure of his forces.  
Whilst the King of Navarre did hold the assembly of the reformed Churches at Rochel, as is above said, and that the Duke of Savoy invaded the Marquesdome of Saluce, the States did continue at Bloys with strange mistrust, which did spring from hour to hour among the partakers.  
The pretence of Religion did continually roll among the Leaguers and Leagued. Their lives and state, said they, did hang on a rotten thread.  
In December, two great alarms and panic terrors were raised within the castle of Bloys, who did put the whole court in armour, and made them stand upon their guards. The cause of the first was a quarrel, which arose between the pages and lakeys, who did hold with the Bourbons, and them which did hold with the League. The commotion and the fear was such, that the Duke of Guyze took the alarm, ran into his chamber, shut up the door, with Coffers, and other such like things as were at hand.  
The second alarm was given by a soldier hurt, which saved himself in the chamber of the Duke of Guyze, into the which he was pursued by some of the King's guards, who went up with sword in hand, whereupon once again all the court was in an uproar.  
About the same time also there were great enmities and seeds of quarrels in the court (beside the ulcer of ambition & desire to reign) between the Lord of Guyze and many other Lords of the court, by reason of love: for as the Duke of Guyze in the midst of those weighty matters which he went about to compass, was greatly in love with a Lady of the court: there were some Lords also who pretended the like affection to her, whether it were that they did so of purpose to pick a quarrel or otherwise, but so it was, that there passions of love were openly perceived.  
The Duke of Guyze about the middle of December, did show himself a more contemner of the kings authority, than ever he had done before: for there was seen after him in great security following his train, and lodged even in the King's house, a great number of ruffiens and malefactors, condemned in divers places for divers crimes, and executed in picture for contumacy: even many of them which in August before had raised up a sedition in Engolesme against the Lord Espernon, they were in such security under his wing, that no magistrate durst say any thing to them.  
The said Duke also had showed himself more saucy and malapert in his words and behaviour, than ever he did before. For the King having intercepted many of his letters, by the which he did show in open terms the villainous intent which he had purposed in his hart, called his Nobles, willed them to swear to him, that they would never consent nor practise any thing against his person: he most arrogantly and contemptuously denied so to do, even in his presence, saying, he will not do it, and if he did it, there was good laws to punish him: spare him not, let him be punished; bold and arrogant speeches were given daily by him, and his partakers.  
The Duke of Guyze considering, that by these fresh injuries the King could not be much provoked, calling to remembrance his former attempts, and that the stroke which he had long before intended, was made known to the King, began to enter a great fearful apprehension, that the King would not delay his revenge, but will go about to prevent him. And now considering that all his partakers had bend their eyes upon him, and expected some great achievement, which should far exceed the former attempts, seeing also how the K. of Navarre by the edict of reunion, sworn by the assembly of the States, was condemned and disherited, & that there was nothing left in the way to hinder him of his enterprise, and that he himself was now upon the last step of the stayrs, either to be King, or first commander under the name of King of France, so that nothing was wanting, but either quite to dispatch him, or else to take him prisoner. He resolved himself therefore to hasten one of these two executions, lest perhaps he might be prevented, he undertook himself to do that feat, and laid that burden upon his shoulder. And that such disorder might be done orderly, he called the chiefest of the conspiracy to counsel.  
The chiefest of this counsel and conspiracy were Friar Ladovik, cardinal his brother, and Friar I. archbishop of Lions, with few other, to whom he showed in what state his matters stood, and that all things are brought to some good effect, that nothing is obstant to obtain the thing so long, and so greatly desired, but the person of the King: and that their counsels being come to light, he was driven to such extremity, as that ●ither he or the King must needs perish.  
He propounded unto them therefore, whether the King was to be dispatched out of hand, or else to be imprisoned till all things were confirmed, and established for a new government.  
They answer, that this matter is not to be delayed, but that the King was to be made away, and dispatched out of hand: their reasons be these, for (say they) fetters and prisons are altogether unprofitable, that no dungeon (how deep soever) could be able to keep close so great and mighty a Potentate, and that so long as he should live he would cou●t always for revenge.  
If he were kept in prison, it would seem cruel and strange to the common people, and intolerable. That they of late (after the Kings fleeing from Paris) had found and learned by experience, that pity prevaileth more than favour.  
But assoon as he should be dispatched, new devices should be practised, new counsels taken, and that every man would fall again rather to their private, present, and sure commodities, then to attempt dangerous enterprises.  
Grounded upon these reasons, the servants do determine upon the death of their Lord, the anointed of the Lord, and a man reverenced of so many Nations, is condemned to die by the bloody sword of them, who might have said, that whatsoever they have besides their being, they have it of him and his predecessors liberality, whose Grandfather came to beg to the door of his ancestors. Rise up O Lord, defend thine Ordinance, and the powers which thou hast appointed.  
The 24. day of December is appointed for that cruel execution: their desperate parricide is sealed with an oath, so they depart.  
The King ignorant of this sentence of condemnation given against him, yet provoked both by the old and new injuries, proffered him daily by the Duke of Guyze, did meditate how, and watched for the opportunity, as by one blow to rid himself out of that danger and fear wherein he saw himself: and perceiving well by the partialities and partaking of (in a manner) the whole assembly of the States, and that contrary unto his expectation: (for he thought by the consent of the States to have convicted, condemned, and executed both the Duke and few of the chiefest of his partakers) he was in danger that which he pretended would be wrought against him either directly, or undirectly by the said estates, determined to follow an extraordinary way, and to prevent his enemy, knowing the Proverb to be true, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and knowing the cause so to do to be lawful, thought the course taken for the execution, would be diversly judged: yet he thought to follow a just cause some what unlawful (necessity enforcing him so to do) might be well interpreted in a man of his degree and calling: he pronounceth therefore sentence of death against the Duke of Guyze, and few others.  
Here Christian Reader, thou seest the subject and servant to have condemned & appointed to the slaughter his Lord and Prince, only through aspiring unlawfully unto his Sceptre and Throne. Here thou seest the sovereign power ordained of God for to revenge the evil doer, to have condemned his servant for divers crimes committed, the proceeding is extraordinary, but necessary, and not at all to be condemned, considering the circumstances: but it is to be wished that it could have been done otherwise by ordinary course.  
Mark also God's justice upon carnal men destitute of the right knowledge of God, fellows in a manner and companions of one affection, of one mind, of one consent, in persecuting the Son of God, in devouring the innocent, as if they would eat bread: the Lord sent evil Angels among them to scatter them, their counsels and power; the one is possessed with an unclean spirit of ambition; the other (bewitched with a spirit of hatred against the truth of God) is made secure and slack to prevent the evil betunes, until he is enforced to follow that course, which commonly men will condemn upon his companion, his friend and familiar, who went into the Temples of their Gods to take sweet counsel together. O the depth of God's judgements, how deep and unsearchable be they:  
The King's counsel and determination could not be kept so secret, the King having so many Leaguers about him to smell his breath, but the 22 of December, as the Duke of Guise had set down to dinner, he found under his napkin a little bill, wherein was written that he should take heed, for they will play a shrewd play with him. In the same bill he wrote with his own hand a mocking answer thus. They dare not, and so cast it under the table.  
The Leaguers neither could not keep their breath so warily, but that their determination took flight abroad. For the same day the King received divers advertisements of this perilous conspiracy, and determination of the Duke of Guise against his person. But specially the Duke de maine brother to the Duke of Guise, sent Alphonse Corse expressedly to the K. to advertise him to take heed of the Duke of Guise his brother: it was an easy thing (said he) to carry a rope of Beads about his neck, but for certain he knew very well that his brother had a shrewd enterprise in hand against him. He knew not when the execution would be, but he knew very well that it would be shortly, and that he was in doubt lest this warning should come too late: and warned him in these words, that his Majesty should beware of a furious and desperate mind.  
The Duke Aumale likewise sent his wife to Bloys to the King, to advertise him of the same danger and conspiracy against him, and that the conspirators were upon the point of the execution.  
Also one of the conspirators themselves moved in conscience, disclosed unto him the whole conspiracy, the day appointed, the tokens & the names of the conspirators, but in such a short time, that the King had scarce opportunity and time to escape and prevent that imminent danger.  
The King also had intercepted not long before many letters, wherein in plain terms the Leaguers had uttered their determination.  
The King having received so many messengers of death, and reduced to this extremity, doth perceive that he is beaten with his own rod. For calling to remembrance the great injuries which he and his brethren had received of that house even from their infancy, acknowledging now that all the former troubles (as he confesseth in a certain letter of his to the Lord Tageus) in his Realm, have been by their practices and procurement: how that he hath seen all the evident tokens of their aspiring to his estate, their claiming of the Crown by their feigned gevealogies, set forth in the sight of the world. He remembreth also the decay of his authority among all his subjects, to have been their work, by the diffamatory Libels dispersed abroad, with divers slanders and calumnies. He acknowledgeth the practising of the deliberation of Rome, about the rooting out or disheriting the royal blood in France in the houses of Valois and Bourbons, to set up the house of Lorreyne.  
Among other things, he reckoneth the seditious preachers, as jesuits, and other unclean fowls of that colour, hired by them of Guise, and Lorreyne, to stir up sedition, and steal away the people from his obedience, thereby to strengthen their parts. He calleth to remembrance, the taking up of arms against his will, in the year 1585. the raising up of the tumult in Paris against his own person, the letters of Guise intercepted, wherein he discovereth his mind so deeply, that thereby he might see every vein and hole in their brain and hearts: the saucy parts, and manifest attempts, which both he, and his partakers had used toward him in his own presence, both in words and behaviour, the consideration also of these advertisements from so many parts, did cause great passions in his mind. But did not consider from whence these blows did come, neither from whence his slackness, in repressing and punishing by time those offences.  
Specially, when remembering the favours that he and his predecessors had given to that family: but he above all, had more esteemed them, than the Princes of his blood, had made him his fellow and companion, in all the exploits done against them of the reformed religion, whom he had favoured with divers great dignities, pardoned him of so many grievous offences, which he would not have forgiven to his own brother: to be short, he loved and embraced him, as his own soul: this incredible unthankfulness and treachery, did move him to great indignation. But specially, what griefs and sorrows did this ●nhappy King conceive in his heart, not only to 〈◊〉 so unthankfully rewarded of them whom he trusted most, but for that, he in the space of 20 years had seen so many warnings given, both to his Brother Charles the ninth, and to himself, of their aspiring & working, not only by the Princes of the blood, by the King of Navarre, by many Lords, Gentlemen, and learned men in France, but also by the Princes of foreign nations, and specially by the Princes of Germany, who from time to time had proffered their services, and their assistance unto him, for the repressing of their insolent presumptuousness.  
And namely, when he considered how half a year before, when he was in a manner dispossessed of his kingdom & Authority, after his flight from Paris, how his faithful subjects, of all callings and degrees, resorted unto them, both to show him the unsufferable indignities, which he had received of that house, and also to proffer him their service and assistance. When he called to mind, how often and how faithfully, the King of Navarre had proffered him his forces, and that in such sort, that if it had pleased him but to hold up his hand only, and let him alone with them, he with his own forces and charges, would set him at hearts ease from any danger or s●ur of the League. He I say, as a man which is willingly, and wittingly lead to his fatal destruction and fall, had never regarded nor considered all these things until now, when being destitute of all means and deliberation, and scarce knowing whom to trust, he is with too late repentance driven to shift for his own life, as well as he may, which he seethe is most certainly to be taken away, within four and twenty hours, if he doth not prevent the conspirators.  
The King in this agony and heavy sighs, not considering the causes of these blows and terrors of death, full of sorrows and indignation, doth determine with himself as well as he can, to prevent the treasons of his domestical enemies in this wise.  
The keys of the Castle were brought every night unto the Duke of Guise, as being great Master of the King's house, but the said Duke of Guise the 22. of December, the night before his death, provided not so wisely, but that the keys fell into other men's hands, then them of his side. So the King took the keys of his house in his custody, he also caused a rumour to be noised abroad, that the day following he will go on pilgrimage to the Church, called our Lady of Clery, situated between Bloys and Orleans.  
And according to his prudence, he provided that as well in the Castle, as in the town, they of the League might not stir with any force against him; for within the Castle, he doubled his guards. In the town, he took order that night, that the guards of the town gates should not in any wise open the said gates, until they should have express commandment from him to the contrary; so both the Town, castle, and keys thereof are made sure in that night; and all this was done, unknown to the Duke of Guise.  
The Lord grand Prior that night made a match to play at Tennis with the Lord januile, son to the Duke of Guise, to whom he gave his word, that the next day very early, he would take him in his bed for that end. So the King having dispatched many things, but specially provided to make all things sure which he thought needful, to prevent the determination of the Duke of Guise, which was upon the point of execution, retired into his closet, where he was all night, to do many needful dispatches.  
The same night, he wrote to the Duke of Nevers, who was in the army, at the siege of Smache, he wrote to Lions, and to divers other places, where he thought it necessary, for the assuring of his affairs, and the preservation of his person.  
The same night, the Duke of Guise, Friar Lewis, the Cardinal his brother, and the Archbishop of Lions, to take opportunity to commit their parricide, concluded to sit in counsel the next morning early.  
The 23. of December, the Duke of Guise, the Friar, Cardinal his brother, the Archbishop of Lions, the Marshal Haultmont, and others, came to sit in counsel, in a chamber nigh to the King's chamber, being but a narrow alley between them.  
The K. being in his closet with certain Lords and gentlemen, sent for 7. or 8. of those 45. Pensioners or gentlemen, that were daily attendant upon him, very early in the morning, to whom he used some speeches about his affairs so greatly importing him, & so nearly touching his person, & abou● the assured advise & intelligences which he had received of the enterprise against his person & State. They prostered most willingly their ready service, to execute his commandment in such a just cause and defence.  
Within a while after, the Duke of Guise being in the counsel chamber before they began to sit, was called to come to the king. He saw at his first coming the guards more carefully disposed than of custom, so that (as it happeneth oftentimes, that upon the instant of great adventures the mind of every man is to him as a Prophet of the event, or a heavy presage of his mishap) even as he had judged of the enterprise of an other man, by calling to remembrance of that which he had in his own mind, and t●e stroke which he received by that which he intended, he entered into a motion of extraordinary mistrust, & so far that his countenance changing at that calling, his heart waxed cold, as though he had been ready to fall into a swound: whereupon he sent to the L. Pre (one of them who did wait in the K. chamber) to ask some raisins, which were brought him.  
Afore his going out of the counsel chamber, he sent a page to his chamber to fetch him a handkerchief: his secretary had bound fast in one of the corners thereof a small bill written, containing a warning to get him out, or else he was dead. The handkerchief was brought, but it was not delivered, for it was intercepted, with the remembrance when the page came up again with it.  
The Duke of Guyze being about to go unto the king, when he went forth of the counsel chamber into the alley which was between it and the king's chamber, increased his mistrust, and would have gone back; yet nevertheless he did not.  
He had been persuaded long before, that the Lord Loignak had undertaken to kill him, so that of all other he hated him most, and mistrusted him greatly, and entering into the king's chamber, he saw the same Lord Loignak sitting upon a coffer, having his arms a cross, and supposing that he stayed there to set upon him (for he showed that he was touched with a violent apprehension of mistrust) although the said L. Loignak did not stir: yet the Lord Guise notwithstanding did set upon him, & setting his hand to his sword did draw it half, for he had his cloak (as commonly he was wont to have) in scar●e wise, and under the cloak his sword, which was the cause that he could not draw it clean out of the sheath, before that some of them who were there, seeing him to enterprise such a violent fray at the King's chamber door, prevented, and killed him there.  
Behold thou ungracious man, thou hast hidden all thy conspiracies under a cloak of religion, and so hast profaned a profane religion; say then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Thou unthankful slave of ambition, hast thou thought to murder thy natural prince, ordained of God to command thee: Say then, or if thou wilt not, I will, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
It could not be done without some rumour, which was heard out of the counsel chamber: whereupon the Cardinal his brother entered into mistrust, and conceiving a great fear, made haste to get out: but he met one of the skottish guards who had charge to arrest him.  
He took that arrest very strange, and made show to resist: but seeing the rumour and danger, he ceased from his resistance and yielded.  
The Archbishop of Lions at this alarm, went forth furiously, and would know more, and as he said, would secure the Duke of Guyze, but he was arrested by some of the guards, and his fury was so cooled, that from a wolf, he was turned into the form of a lamb, yet retaining still wolvish conditions: so these two Friars (the devils ghostly fathers) remained both prisoners.  
The grand prior was gone very early to awake the Lord januile, to to play the match which they had made the day before, and found him in his bed: and after he had made himself quickly ready (but whether it were that he saw the grand prior followed incontinently with some of the guards, or some other matter) he began suddenly to mistrust, and went about to slip into a door of his chamber, and to make some resistance, seeking to get forth with his sword in hand against some of the guard: but considering the danger he yielded himself to the said guard. The grand prior seeing that by these new events, the match was broken off, went his way.  
At the same instant one Pellicart, secretary unto the Duke of Guyze was taken, with all his papers & writings, by the which many secret counsels of the said Guise were discovered to the King, with the names of the chiefest of the League, as well of the princes and Nobles, as of the priests and towns.  
The king of the Friars, to wit, the Cardinal of Bourbon, who was at bed, was desired by a captain of the guard to rise, and so was his person made sure.  
The marquess d' Albeuf likewise, and many other of the partakers of the Lord of Guise were taken, and put in places of safety.  
That day the king made a fair hand, for he caught a number of cruel beasts and unclean fowls, as Wolves, Foxes, swine, wild Boars, Apes, and such like.  
But the losing of some of them afterward, was the cause of his undoing and death. For either through fear of the Pope's excommunication, or to assuage the displeasure of his subjects, or some other cause ●lse, he did set at liberty the Archbishop of Lions, which was one of the chiefest counsellors, devisers, and procurers of his death.  
These exploits being done at Bloys, a gentleman was speedily sent into Poytow to the Lord of Nevers, with commandment to seize upon the Lord Chastre governor of Berry, who was greatly suspected, by reason of his great familiarity with the Lord of Guise. But the laid Lord Chastre was advertised by his friends of all that which happened at Bloys, before the gentleman (sent by the King) arrived at the camp: whereupon he went to the Duke of Neu●rs, saying, that he was advertised how the Duke of Guyze had been put to death, which thing made him believe, he had enterprised somewhat against the king. He said that he had been always servant to the Duke of Guise, for his particular; but that if he had enterprised against the king, that he was never made privy to it. And forasmuch as the love which the said Duke of Guise had borne unto him, might happily make him to be suspected by the king, he yielded himself willingly into the hands of the said Duke of Nevers for to justify his actions.  
Afterward the Gentleman went from the king to the said Duke of Nevers, who informed him of all that which is above said, and within a while after the Lord Chastre went to the king.  
The King had some speeches with the said Lord Chastre of all that had passed touching the particular of him: the Lord Chastre of long continuance, which he would forget, and upon the promise which the said Chastre made, to remain his faithful servant, commanded him to make sure the towns of his government to his service, and to prepare himself to go to Orleans, against them of the League: which thing the said Lord Chastre promised to do.  
A little while after the death of the Guise, the King went to see the Queen his mother, and showed her what was done that morning, whereof at the first she was greatly moved: yet remembering the just occasions which the said Duke of Guise had given him to seek revenge, she prayed God that it might be well done: and willed the King to advertise the Pope's Legate, that which was done. For a while after, the King sent the Cardinal Gundy, to show to the said Legate, the attempt of the Duke of Guise, against his person and estate; which thing had enforced him to do that execution: he showed that in it, he had followed the Popes his master's counsel, who advised him so to do, if by no other means he could avoid such enterprises. Where it is said, that the King doth aleage to the Pope's Legate, his master's counsel and consent, the matter goeth as the common report gooth.  
It is most certain, that Friar Sixtus, and his Chaplains, with his predecessors before him had been, and were then the chiefest authors, setters on, and maintainers of the League in France, and that by all means, so that it were not with money, (for to meddle with the purses of these ghostly fathers is sacrilege, and to tyrannize the holy Church) did favour, foster, and further all the felovies, treacheries, and treasons of the Duke of Guise. The King having a perfect knowledge of these their doings, yet by policy he obtained Friar Sixtus, and his Priests, both his consent and hands, to justify his actions, which he intended to bring to pass upon the persons of the Duke of Guise, and others his adherents: if the Pope, after the fact; if Soltan Solyman, out of the capital of Rome, would thunder his vain bolts, not excommunication, but of proscription, which this Antichrist most arrogantly do usurp upon Princes.  
He wrote therefore to Friar Sixtus, that he had a number of rebels of all degrees, as well of the nobility as of others, who had conspired against his life and state, whether that he might make such a slaughter of them, by surprise, as he made at Saint Bartholomew, in the year 1571. and kill them by all means possible, seeing that he could not follow against them any extraordinary course. Friar Sixtus and his harpies about him, supposing that the King by rebels, understood the King of Navarre, and others of the nobles with him, and of other degrees, and that he had so fetched in his head, whereby he hoped to draw them into his snare, were as ready to further him to that exploit, as the King was ready to do it. Friar Sixtus answered in his name, and of his janissaries, that he might destroy them by all means possible: for in extraordinary dangers, extraordinary course might be taken. This is that which he al●ageth to the Legate, touching the Pope's counsel and consent.  
The Legate upon this news, was wonderfully amazed, for beside that, he feared his own skin, he had also assured all Italy of clean contrary events, than those which he saw to have fallen out.  
The same day, the Legate was prayed to make intercession with the King, for the Cardinal of Guise; which thing he promised to do. Men cannot by any means prolong the time of their end: many have thought that the saving of the life of the Cardinal of Guise, might have been easily obtained. But as a haughty courage, which thinketh to be nigh to some great and extraordinary prosperous fortune, cannot easily quiet himself, when he seethe himself debased, and carried away far from his expectation. So this man fallen from so high, and moved with his domestical losses, could not quiet himself, but by hot words he threatened, to perform more than ever his brother intended, whose chiefest setter on he was. This his raging mind, wrapped him in the self same punishment with his Brother, being found and judged culpable of the self same crime of treason.  
Here mark Christian reader, a notable example of God's justice: for the King would easily have pardoned him, and spared his life, but God's justice bringing him to judgement, forsook him in the perturbation of his heart, to provoke his Sovereign King, whom he had offended in the highest degree, against his will, to make him drink of the cup of God's wrath.  
So that the King seeing his threatenings, which discovered plainly the damnable thoughts of his heart, caused him the same day to be strangled, as it is reported, with a tippet of silk, which he was wont to wear about his neck, to put a difference between him and the common sort of traitors: for they are strangled with ropes of hemp, but this traiterens' Friar was choked with a holy tippet of silk, in the self same place where he was arrested prisoner. These executions being done upon the conspirators, the King went to go to Mass into the temple of Saint Saviour, which is in the court of the Castle. There the Pope's Legate did walk and talk long with the King, sometime smiling in the sight of a great number of people, which did mark it. Among whom, many seeing the joyful countenance of the Legate, thought that he was not greatly sorry for that which had passed there that morning, although that his great familiarity with the house of Guise, would have given occasion to expect of him the contrary. But all that was but to make fair weather, which the King fearing himself, upon the heat of the King's revenge, to have sustained the same punishment with his companions, which he had no less deserved than they had.  
Now we have to speak somewhat of the conspirators, who were of five sorts. In the evening, all things were as quiet at Bloys, as they had been before, save the close and hidden sorrow, and murmuring of many, who had not foreseen such a sudden tempest to fall upon the house of Guise.  
Brissak and others, to mollify the King's displeasure, which they supposed by the guiltiness of their consciences, the King to have conceived of them, that in time they might escape out of his claws, made an oration gratulatory for his good success, in escaping that conspiracy, but specially did claw him in that place, where he did most itch, to wit, exhorted him to continue the war against them of the reformed religion, using great outrageous words and invectives, leaving them no hope of merry.  
This oration was followed of many such others, not for love to the K. but for three special causes. First, that with such holy water the King being blinded, they might fly out of his hand. Secondly, that by setting the King against the King of Navarre, and the heretics (as they termed them) he should have his forces scattered, and his person being the weaker by it, they might at some opportunity surprise him. Thirdly, they feared lest he would upon this occasion join the King of Navarre, and so to have been able to take revenge upon all the sort of the conspirators: therefore they thought good to blow the coals to let all reconsiliation.  
The same day the King sent to the assembly of the states, to let them understand that it was his pleasure, that the states should continue with a full determination to follow their reasonable counsels in all things.  
The 24. of December, the King dispatched divers messengers into divers Provinces with these instructions following.  
The first troubles raised up by the Lord of Guyze in this realm, in the year 1585. have showed sufficiently an other meaning in him, than the zeal of the Catholic Religion, wherewith he hath covered his actions, to abuse them, who are more ready to embrace novelties, then wise to consider the events.  
For having covered his intents with the cloak of the catholic religion, and the rooting out of heresy, all his exploits have been executed in the catholic towns, and in the best, which he could seize upon, to lay down a steadfast foundation of the drifts long before notoriously forecast for the ●surpation of the crown.  
The King showeth that by the means of the rising of the said Duke, he was enforced to let him have the best part of his forces and means, whereby he hath not been able to oppose himself to them of the religion, as he was willing to do: whereby heresy (saith he) hath taken deeper root in the Realm then ever it had before.  
He showeth, that while his forces were occupied against the heretics in Guienne, Provance, and Dauphin, he and his partakers have practised to withdraw all that ever they could from his obedience.  
He saith also, that notwithstanding the seditious seizing of Paris by them of the League, yet he was desirous to forget all offences passed: and beside, he gratified him with as many graces and favours, as he could require, thinking thereby to mollify the hardness of his hart.  
He advertiseth them, that the ambition of the said Duke of Guyze, was grown to that contempt of his estate, that he would no more depend of any other: and that in stead of thanks, to acknowledge these favours, he had used them to his further enterprises.  
He never ceased to practise the towns which were left under his obedience to his faction, so that the Magistrates could hold no longer the inhabitants in their duty, nor from stirring sedition one against another.  
Many men convicted of capital crimes, were so upholden by his authority, that it was not possible for the Magistrate to do justice upon them.  
He and his did brave, threaten, and put in fear, them which would remain servants unto their King, to make them to forsake him, that so he might the more easily oppress him.  
The Duke of Guyze by his partakers, had practised the Provinces by his factions to render his authority, hateful to his Subjects, suborning them to make uncivil requests, that in obtaining them, they might debase his authority, and in refusing them (which he will persuade the King to do) he might make him hateful to his subjects.  
The King had used all the prudence that ever he could devise, until he perceived himself to be fallen into the contempt of his subjects, which was a way to perform the blow long before hand intended.  
Besides, he showeth, how he hath had divers advertisements even by the next unto the Duke of Guyze to beware of him, by whom he was in danger to lose both his life and crown.  
He notifyeth to them, that considering the evil could not be avoided, but by the death of the author: he was enforced to save himself by slaying the said Duke of Guyze, the 23. of December.  
To prevent therefore all false reports, he was willing to let them understand the truth of the matter, that all occasion of tumult (which might arise by false reports) might be taken away.  
He certifyeth his Subjects that he intendeth to follow the war, for the extirpation of heresy, and the maintaining of the Romish religion.  
He saith also that he declareth to them, that he will have his subjects eased as much as shall be possible, and that he hath sent word unto the deputies assembled in the Town of Bloys, that he would have the states ended with all liberty.  
He warneth them also, that he will have no partialities, leagues, associations, nor intelligences among his subjects, and that they shall not hereafter acknowledge any other than him, who is their King ordained of God.  
He certifyeth them also, that he will suffer no longer the contempt of his authority, but will chastise them who shall offend in that behalf.  
These informations were sent by the King into the Provinces to the governors and Magistrates, to give notice of the same to the people, lest by false rumours, they should have been stirred up to rebellion by the Leaguers, who were dispersed in all parts of the realm. But particularly he writeth to the Lord Tageus his governor in Xainctonge and Engolesme, willing him to execute sharp punishment upon them, who shall stir up any sedition.  
Within few days after these things so passed at Bloys, the QUEEN'S Mother died, who there had fallen sick upon the first assembling of the states: she had lived a long age (and too long for France, if it had been God's will that it should have been otherwise) for she hath been the chiefest worker of all the great miseries, and lamentable alterations which have happened in France: having bewitched with her sorceries (as an other Circe her country woman) her own Children, and many Princes and Nobles of France, whom she transformed not in outward form, but in conditions and qualities of Tigers, Wolves, Foxes, Swine, and all manner of cruel beasts, and unclean fowls, even a number transformed into the nature of unclean spirits and devils. She never ceased from her enchantments, until by Gods just judgement she had destroyed her own children, house & family. To be short, she was a woman of a base birth and ability, bold to work all iniquity and unrighteousness.  
Now we have to describe the conspirators, and how they shifted for themselves.  
The three greatest domestical enemies that ever France or any King had in his bosom, were the Duke of Guise, the Cardinal his brother, and the QUEEN'S Mother, they three are smitten down by the finger of God, as if it had been with a thunderboult.  
The second sort of the conspirators (most dangerous and cruel beasts) were in hold, as the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Marquis Albeuf, the Guizes son, and Friar Archbishop of Lions, as is before said, and more the King might have caught: and if the King had been a careful revenger of God's law, and had feared God more than man, they had drunk of the dregs of God's justice as their fellows did.  
The third sort of conspirators were in the King's sight, and within the Town, as Chastre, Brissak, Boysdaulphin, and others, to whom he forgave the due punishment: and they did speak him fair for a while, until they saw an occasion to work him mischief, as the sequel did verify.  
The fourth sort of the traitors were, some in the Town, and many in the Suburbs, there lurking until the Duke of Guise would have given the watch word, ready to execute or to help him in the execution of his enterprise, there notwithstanding the shutting of the gates, either through the testimony and guiltiness of their consciences, or that the rumour that was spread, flying over the wall gave them the alarm; so that they of the reformed religion did never departed out of S. Germayne suburb on Bartholomew day in the year 1572. as these fellows departed out of Bloys without boats or other furniture.  
These most damnable traitors carrying abroad the rumours of the Duke of Guise, with amplification, and with depraving of the King's fact, did begin and advance the rebellion, which answered afterward against the King.  
The fift sort was of them, who the day before took it to be a point of honour whereupon to challenge to the combat, if any man had called them Royals: now they on a sudden did hate outwardly worse than murder to be called Guiziens: of this sort were the most part of the Priests and Commons there assembled at the States, who by little and little sliding away one after another, caused through the most part of those Provinces which had rooted out the Gospel from among them, an universal rebellion.  
The King forgetting his calling, to wit, to be a public revenger of God's law, and executer of his justice, who commandeth him that his eye shall not take pity upon such abominable contemners of God's ordinance and justice, whose Image his person represented, fearing men more than GOD, and under the colour of clemency consented to their crimes, and through impunity approved their misdeeds; God a righteous judge turned this his pusillanimity to a snare and a block of offence, by the which he wrought his own overthrow and miserable end.  
Now leaving the events which followed this tragedy played at Bloys, we will fetch other matters and exploits which were done in other places, that variety may not only delight the Christian Reader, but also stir him up to fear, tremble, and reverence God's judgements. For not only at Bloys he powered mighty streams of his wrath upon the wicked, but also in other places the Lord at the same time fed his enemies with shame, clothed them with dishonour, and rewarded them with confusion, and in all places delivered his Saints.  
It is said before, how at the making and concluding of the edict of reunion in july last, it was agreed that two mighty Armies should be mustered and made up with as much readiness as it could be done: the one should be conducted by the Duke of Guise into Guienne; and the other under the leading of the Duke de maine into Dauphin, there to root out them of the religion.  
But yet the Duke of Guise advised by his counsel, to wit, the Cardinal his brother, and the Bishop of Lions, altered his purpose for three causes.  
First, the cause of religion which he pretended, was not the mark that he shot at, neither did he greatly care which of the two went backward or forward.  
Secondly, he perceived how he went to cast himself into the hazard of war, which is uncertain, but specially against such a Captain who hitherto had remained invincible, and knew with few how to overcome great multitudes and mighty forces, whom he feared as the slave doth dread his Lord, whom he hath grievously offended. Therefore he thought good not to hazard that way, but to reserve himself to a better opportunity, which would be offered him ere long.  
The third cause was, that if he should absent himself far from Paris it might be that the King would enterprise it there upon, and carry it away from him. Also, if he should absent himself from the Court, he were not able easily to bring to pass his intent, nor give the blow which he had in mind long before.  
Therefore another is to be sent, yet it must not be any suspected person. As for the Princes they are partial in this cause, and being of great authority of themselves, are not to be armed with power, for else they may mar the play.  
The Marshals Byron and Haultmont are good noble men, good French men and valiant, they are Royals, and therefore we will have none of them. For it were not good to arm them with such forces: for if we say they should in the mean time execute our enterprise, whilst they had such an army they might mar all, and begin a new tragedy upon the players of the former.  
Therefore such a General must needs be appointed, as may flatter with both sides, and that will turn to the strongest part, and if he should be lost in the battle it maketh no matter who that should be. The Duke of Nevers, of Nation an Italian, an Atheist by religion, a Spaniard by faction; a Leaguer and a Royal both, by policy and dissimulation; in Nobility nows homo. For here is to be noted, that in Italy there is no ancient Nobility remaining, except it be the Vrsins and Colomuae, and some of the Patrilij in Venice. For all the rest (perhaps some few excepted) are families raised up within these few hundred years, out of Colliers, as the Medicis, Porters and Chimney sweepers, during the universal rebellion of Italy against the Emperors, under the factions of Guelpses and Gibelius: and the Pope's bastards also are the stocks of many families, which now are accounted of the chiefest Nobility there, as the houses of Parma, Urbine's, &c.  
This Duke of Nevers hanging about the skirts of the Q. Mother, married the only heirs of the noble and ancient family of Nevers, whose father was slain at the battle of Dreulx, being of the house of Gonzages, never heard of before these eight score years.  
The noble Princes of the royal blood, the ancient Nobility of France are no men, but set behind the door; they may not lead the king's armies, not for lack of sufficiency: Why then: Because they are suspected by the League, to be true to their king, good lovers of their country, and too natural to their king's subjects and fellow Citizens.  
Whilst therefore the States do continue at Bloys and Rochel, the King's army in November taking their journey into Poytow, with great preparation, intending as well to recover the places occupied by them of the Religion, as also to beat the king of Navarre; in which doing not only they should make an end of the war by rooting out utterly them of the Religion, but also should recover the loss of the honour of the army, which a month before had been buried at Coutras by the King of Navarre.  
This army was great and strong, consisting of Frenchmen, Swissers, and Italians, having a great number of armed men. And as it marched forward, so still it increased. For light horses and Noble men, with other qualities out of all parts, out of the cities and commonalties of the Provinces near about, as well of the one as of the other side of the Loire, did voluntarylie join themselves to it. And among others out of the low Poytow, were the Lords of Roches, Beatault of Bourneveau, bouchery, and Saint Andre, with their companies.  
The Duke of Nevers, as is said before, was general, assisted with the Lord Chastre and Sagonne, two notable traitors Leaguers, and Laverdine, loyal and faithful to his Prince, with other Lords and Captains, Ordinance, munition, and all kind of preparation of war was great. The greatest part of this army as well of the heads and commanders, as of the Nobility and others which did obey, were Leaguers and leagued, who thought that they could never work mischief enough.  
It is an incredible thing to hear the mischiefs, havoc, and oppression which this army did where it passed through, but specially to them of the reformed religion, who were found before them, both in their houses and abroad: the people, men and women, even in divers places the very cattle did fly before this army, as before a thundering tempest, even as a flock of sheep before a heard of wolves, savage beasts, or monsters never seen before.  
Sultan Soliman, Siech, Selymogly, did never carry greater cruelty, savageness, barbarousness and terror, into Ostrich and Slireland, when he came down with three hundred thousand men to the siege of Vienne, than did this r●bble of turkish brood, monstrous Cyclops, God-contemners ' and Gyancs, into their own natural country, yet do not I speak of all generally, but of the most part.  
Rochel, and other towns of safety, round about were quickly replenished of exiled people out of Poytow, Britain, Touraine, Landomoys, and other places nigh the sojourning of this army: Even many Catholics fled into the towns of the reformed religion, abhorring, accursing, & detesting those misbegotten monsters.  
The first place where this flood spewed out of the Dragon's mouth to have drowned the woman which was in travail, I mean this army was stayed, was before Mauleon, which is a small town, feeble, and of no strength at all. There is in the same a Castle, which is of no better defence than the town.  
The king of Navarre (as it is said) after the taking of Beawoyre, lest within the same town, the Lord Viliers Charlemaigne for governor, with a certain number of Soldiers, not for to obstinate themselves upon that naughty place (which was not able to resist a far lesser than a royal army) but for to keep the field, and for to refresh himself. The army descending from Turenne took way to Mauleon, about the 13, of November.  
The forerunners of the army showed themselves: the garrison there would not dislodge for them, but made a show as though they would hold the place. But forces arriving more and more unlooked for, at length the Ordinance was brought before the place. The Lord Viliers seeing that, determined to capitulate by the means of the Lord Laverdine, the captain, and one Croix were appointed to conclude the capitulation.  
The Lord Miraumont sergeant mayor of the battle, was sent for hostage to Mauleon for safety. From Mauleon went forth also for hostage Captain Laudebrix.  
The agreement was made and concluded with small advantage to them who were besieged within the town: for the Lords Brigneulx, and Chastiagueray did draw nigh the walls of the Town, which were already forsaken by the garrison, and not defended: and after they had pulled down few stones by surprising, and contrary unto the agreement, entered into the town, did kill and wound all them whom they found both of the garrison, and also of their own side; notwithstanding the resistance and reproof which the said Lord Miraumont could do, for to let such a treacherous unfaithfulness unworthy of men of war.  
The passion of these leagued Soldiers was showed so disordered and barbarous, that they compelled the said Lord Miraumont to save himself into the castle, with the remainant of the garrison which had escaped, for many had been most villainously slain after they had yielded their armour, some did save themselves by flight, casting themselves over the wall; other were hurt; some taken and spoiled of all that ever they had, contrary to the agreement.  
The Lords Chastre and Laverdine, advertised of this disorder, hasted thither, and caused (although very late) the killing to cease, and conducted the rest of them who had escaped, beyond the river Seure, toward Fonteney.  
After this exploit done, the army marched strait way toward the Town and Castle of Montagne, at the solicitation of them of Nantes, and Nobility of Anjou, and low Poytow, who were not of the religion, who altogether received by it many discommodities: the most part of Gentlemen having retired, some to Nantes and some to Angers: and they all desired to have that thorn out of their heel. Some were yet remaining in Poytow under the protections of the King of Navarre, waiting for the occasion to stir at the coming of that army.  
This town and castle of Montagne pertained to the Prince of Conde, which by the outrages of some of the country and neighbours had been surprised, and the walls so beaten down, that there was no hope left that any war could be made there. Notwithstanding, the Lord Colombieres whom we have said to have brought certain companies unto the King of Navarre out of Normandy, with his youngest son called Lucerne, & some companies with them had seized upon it: the town was very little repaired of the former ruin and decay, which was great; the castle had been better relieved, trenched and made commodious. The Lord Colombieres commanded there; the King of Navarre had sent thither beside to strengthen the said town the Lord Preau, with four companies of his regiment at the approaching of that army: for his two other companies had been sent to Ganache, and other places.  
All that could be in that place of footmen was about three hundred, and besides, there might be about fifty Harquebuziers on horseback.  
There was in that place reasonable store of victuals for the time that they were minded to defend it, as well in wine (whereof there was above four hundred pipes) as in corn, meal, salt, beef, and other necessary munitions for man's life.  
About the 25. of November, the Lord Miramont sergeant mayor of the army, accompanied with the arquebusiers on horseback of the army, lighted at the Barillery, where afterward the Lord Nevers lodged, and from thence went with his company to view the place, and to make his approaches.  
Captain Beawoys, and Beuf, leaders of the company of the Lord Colombieres went out with a certain number of soldiers to receive them. The skirmish endured very hot a good hour and a half, and there were slain of the side of the enemy's Brichanteau, son to the Lord Bigueulx, and many others, for whom there was great moan made in the army.  
Go now truce-breaker Brigueulx, & learn yet once to break the public faith at Mauleon.  
Captain Beuf, who issued forth out of the town, was shot with a pellet in the thigh. After this skirmish ended, every man retired, and the enemy went to lodge at the Barrillery. The two days following, passed away in light skirmishes.  
The 29. the army made approaches on the side of the heath Buor. Then the Lord Preau issued out, so there was a fierce skirmish, in the which were laid on the ground a great many of the enemies, but none of the town that ever came to knowledge. The enemies who had begun their trench●s, were compelled by the said skirmishes to give over their work for that time.  
After that about eight days past, before that the Ordinance could arrive, for the continual rain, floods and foul ways, which were the beginning of the s●ourge of that army of savage robbers.  
The eighth of December the Cannon arrived, and there passed three days before it was occupied.  
But the eleventh of December, the Duke of Nevers saluted the town with certain volies of twelve pieces of ordinance, and at the same instant summoned them to render the town. Whether the Lord Colombieres had been already laboured & won by some friends, whom he might have had in the army or otherwise, so it fell out, that upon the summons he showed unto the garrison, what small appearance there was to obstinate that place against an army, and amplifying the great discommodities and inconveniences which might ensue, concluded to render the place, adding as some afterward have reported, certain discontentments which he said he had received, which did discourage him in the performance of that service, to which the occasions and many other reasons did bind him.  
The Lord Preau on the other side, said, that the place might be reasonably defended, That he was servant to the king of Navarre, to whom he had promised to keep faithfully that place, so long as the skill of war would permit him, and that his credit did restrain him from consenting to the rendering thereof.  
Out of this diversity of affections the division began, which afterward was the cause of the so sudden loss of the place.  
The Lord Colombieres had on his side the arquebusiers on horseback, which had followed him, & were there in garrison. The Lord Preau had on his side his sour companies, some voluntary gentlemen and strangers: between them both were laboured by each party: of the inhabitants there were few or none.  
●●t after long reasoning, Colombieres the governor carried it away, knowing very well that the enemy was not ignorant of that division, and sent to the camp, Captain Courbe his lieutenant, to offer agreement to the L. of Nevers, who took great pleasure in this occasion. For the sojourn of 15. days before that plate, in so fowl weather, in so great scarcity of victuals as was in that army, was a second wound of his dissipation.  
The term of this agreement was so short, that the king of Navarre being upon the point to secure them, was compelled to break his enterprise, although it was agreed that the king of Navarre should have been advertised of it.  
The conditions of the agreement, were that the colours should be rendered, the soldiers should go forth with their match out, and the gentlemen with their furniture, that they should all be conducted by a Herald and a trumpet, as far as Saint Albine, with condition that they should retire within three days.  
The L. Colombieres conducted all the Garrison about half a league, and then he asked if that there were any in the companies that would follow him: but almost all refused. Captain Courbe with six or seven more, as well of his household servants as others, followed him. So he taking his leave, and induced either with discontentment, or with some other affection, he joined himself to that army.  
The rest of the troops were safely conducted nigh as far as Lussen and Saint Gems, and were left there upon the conditions abovesaid, by the Herald and Trumpet. But the Lord Sagonne, Colonel of the light horsemen, did so cut the time prefixed (that desirous as it was supposed to revenge the death of some friend of his in that army, who had been slain before in that place) surprised those companies who were at S. Albine, and charged them so hardly, that scarce they had time to get into a church, and to shut themselves therein. They were without munition of necessary things, so that they were compelled to render themselves yet once again having little resisted. This composition was not like the first, for they had only their lives: they were unarmed and rifled, and some few were slain. With a speedy retire they might have avoided that injury.  
Montagne so surrendered; the town of Ganache was greatly threatened. The marquess of Belisle, who made his abode at Maschecow, desired greatly to be dicharged of such neighbours. And beside, this place was very fit for him, if by the means of that army he could have gotten it. This place pertained to the Lady of Landimoys, of the house of Rohan, who had retired to Nantes, obeying the king's Edict concerning the alteration of religion.  
The King of Navarre had given the government of this place, to the L. Plessis Get, the which divers times, but specially a few days afore the siege, had been greatly laboured by the said Lady, & also by the marquess of Belisle, with fair and large promises, to yield the place into their hands, to whom he would never hearken, but determined to keep it faithfully.  
The town of Ganache, being distant from Montagne but seven leagues, the Lord Plessis fore seeing the siege, dispatched withal diligence to the King of Navarre (who was at Rochel) the Lord Sabloniere and jesserant, to let him understand the small commodities that they had, to hold that place against a royal army. That notwithstanding the said Lord Plessis, with the rest of the Captains with him, had determined to do him good service, so that he would furnish them with means.  
At these news, the King dispatched the Baron Vignoles, with all his companies, to strengthen that place. He sent also by sea, two Captains of the regiment of his guards, under the conduct of the Lords Aubiguy, and Robiniere, who embarked themselves part at Rochel, with powder, pikes, and other munition of war, part at Esande. But the contrary winds caused them to cast anchor at the Island of Rhe, where they stayed eight days for wind: during which time, many being sea sick were found wanting, so that at the embarking again, in stead of two hundred, were found fewer in number.  
The Lord Plessis in the mean time laboured hard in the places where was most need, and caused the victuals, as well for men as for horses, to be brought in out of the villages round about.  
The L. Ruffigny arrived there, with 50. arquebusiers on horseback, by the commandment of the said King, in staying the succour which came by sea.  
Ganache is compounded of a town and Castle, situated in the borders of Poytow and britain, yet holding more of Poytow, it is distant from the sea three leagues, with an open prospect on that side: of the side of Montagne, and Maschecow, it is woody and covered. There is a great pool, which compasseth a great part of the town, upon the Castle side, which with divers brooks, watereth the great meadows about it, that maketh the ways to the town moorish and foul, but specially in winter. The said pool doth compass almost two parts of the town, to wit, from the suburb Saint Leonard, to the suburb of Saint Thomas, which is all the side of the Castle. The town is compassed with an indifferent good ditch, cut out of a rock; the wall is ancient, flanked with small towers, and made with loop holes, after the old fashion; it was found better to resist the cannon, than it was thought it would be, specially on the side where it was battered, the which for being too feeble and naked, (having but an old gate) the Lord Plessis had fortified and covered with a spur, assoon as he had the government of that place, which did him good service during the siege.  
He made two bulwarks more on the other side of the town, toward th●suburb Saint Thomas, the one to cover a tower of the Castle, made after the form of a horseshoo, the other nigh unto the causey, which doth keep the issue of the pool: ten days before the siege, which was the fourth of December, he builded another fort, which doth cover the gate of the town towards Maschecow, without the which, the enemy even the first night of the siege, might have lodged hard to the wall, that place being not flanked with any thing.  
The work began to go forward, after the succour arrived by the sea, with the munitions of war, of whom a part was sent to Beawoyre, by the commandment of the King of Navarre, to wit, they which were of the regiment of Valirant, who had embarked themselves with them, who were sent to Ganache.  
The Baron Vignoles, a Gentleman of Gascoigne, entered into Ganache, as also the Lord Saint George, by the King of Navarre his commandment, with his company of 50. arquebusiers on horseback. There was then none of all the forts of sufficient defence, upon which occasion, they divided the quarters, as well for the defence, as for to labour about the fortifications, every one in his quarter, with such diligence as necessity required.  
The Baron Vignoles, with his captains Pive, and Solas, took on him the keeping of the fort of the causy, right against a broken chapel of Saint Thomas suburbs. This fort was commanded by a little hill, covered with fruitful trees, and also by the suburb, for which cause they covered themselves with barricadoes and Gabions.  
The two companies of the King's guards, which were commanded by the Lords Aubiguy and Robiniere, undertook the keeping of the fort of the tower, which we have said to have the form of a horseshooe.  
The Lord Ruffigny with his company, undertook to keep the fort of the suburb Saint Leonard, which was the best, having the ditches full of water of the height of 9 foot.  
Captain Beauregard, who commanded over the company of the arquebusiers on horseback, of the ordinary garrison: undertook to make a fort at one of the corners of the town, but it was a work of long time, and served but a little, and cost much to keep, and was not begun, but in hope that Montagne, which was already besieged, would debate longer than it did, notwithstanding, they laboured about it continually: and whereas the Captain Beauregard had not above 18. arquebusiers of his own, half of the company of the Lord Saint George was given him. The two captains of the two companies of footmen, ordained for the ordinary gar ion, did draw the lots to whom should remain the fort which was begun at the gate; so it fell to the lot of Captain Ferriere, who laboured so hard, that even in ten days during the siege, it was made defensible, and served to good effect.  
The other company of the garrison, under the commandment of the Lord Forestiere, a noble man of Britain, was appointed for the guard of the Castle, and the Dove house which was in the garden.  
The charges so divided, every man doth labour; some do pull down the Suburbs; others go about the Country to get men to labour: for there was none of the inhabitants left in the Town, not so much as an artificer, but only a butcher.  
The Lord Plessis advertised of the surrendering of Montagne, sent forth his forerunners to scour the country: they reported the 14. day of December that part of the army was already lodged at Liege. The morrow was discovered a great troop of horsemen, who appeared above the mills of Porrieres to view the Town.  
The Lord Perrine, Lieutenant of the company of the light horses of the Governor, (who had retired before to his own house, supposing there to pass part of the winter) returned into the Town about three days before the siege, and went out with four or five light horses to view them.  
The 16. day of December again very early he went out on horseback, but he had not passed above half a mile when he found the forerunners of the enemy, whereof he advertised the Governor. About 11. of the clock there marched a great number of horsemen, conducted by the Lord Sagonne, followed of many regiments of Chastiagueray, Brigueulx, Leslele, and ohers, who in hast advanced to get the Suburb of S. Leonard.  
These troops discovered by the L. Perrine, he turned face to them to hold them play, & to give time to them of the Town to prepare to receive them: which thing could not be done so timely, but that when the bell began to ring for the alarm, the enemy was at the entering of the Suburb.  
The L. Ruffigny went to meet them with sword in hand, & resolutely followed by the Lord Vignoles and Maretes, sons to the Lord Sabboniere, and some other Soldiers of their companies with them approached nigh them. But the L. Ruffigny, for not having had leisure totake his corselet, entering into a house where he saw the enemies lodge, received a pellet in his stomach, whereof (being carried thence) two hours after he died.  
This his death was occasion that the Suburbs were lost unto the Chapel sooner than otherwise it had been. Captain jahn and fifteen Soldiers (besides them who were wounded) of the enemy's side were slain, aswell within the said house as in the Suburbs, as afterward some of the enemies reported.  
For to rescue them who did fight, came the Baron Vignoles, with Captain Forestiere, and 40. soldiers arquebusiers, who defended all the day that which rested of the Suburb between the Chapel and the town. There was wounded Captain Mote, Standard bearer of the Lord Vignoles, with a pellet in the highest part of the thigh, whereof he died few days after. There was before the town gate beyond an old hollow way, certain houses somewhat ruinous. The Lord S. George (the alarm being given) went to lodge within the same ruinous houses, assisted aswell of his own, as of some armed men of the company of the Governor, to help the arquebusiers if they should be forced. There also the enemy presented all his forces, and sent to begin the skirmish, which was sustained and continued until night; so that the enemy was not able to lodge within the said ruinous houses without great loss: and seeing the obstinacy of them within, lodged in a village upon the way to Maschecow. They of the town lost a soldier, and the Lord Coulee was there wounded.  
The night following, the regiment of Brigneulx and Chastiagueray, who had gotten the Suburb of S. Leonard, lodged in the houses nigh to the Chapel which were pulled down. Notwithstanding, they could not set up any Barricadoes, by reason of the continual shot which did rain out of the Forts and Curtain; so that they could not get out of the houses.  
All the days following, to wit, from the 16. unto the 29. of December, passed away in continual skirmishes, as the enemy made his approaches for to lodge, but specially at the coming of the regiments of the County of Beaupre, who went about to lodge at the Planches: for there commonly began the skirmishes, which never ended but commonly by the death of some of commandment of the side of the enemy.  
Like skirmishes were daily fought on the side of the Pool, against another regiment which was lodged at Guinefole, where certain Gascoynes of the garrison came to hand blows with the enemy. All these skirmishes were so favourable to them of the Town, that beside the first day they lost not one man, only some were hurt; so that the enemy could not (during all these skirmishes) get any advantage upon them, not so much as the hedges within four hundred paces of the Curtain and Forts. Even ten days after they were besieged, they issued forth and pulled down certain houses in the sight of the enemy, and burned others, and among them a house called Escraziere, from whence the enemy who had lodged therein, was driven out with loss of certain men. The horsemen also did issue forth, and took so great number of prisoners, that they were enforced to send back a great many of them that were most unprofitable: they kept a great number to work at the fortifications; others of greater calling were put to their ransom.  
The Lord Chastre, accompanied with ten or twelve hundred horses, passed at the Planches to the place where the Lord of Nevers was; and seeing certain horsemen who were issued out of the Town when he would have gone to view, and advanced somewhat for that purpose, his horse fell in a ditch, and had not been the diligence of them of his company in succouring of him, and that he was covered with a great number of arquebusiers which followed those horsemen, he had been taken by them of the Town.  
As things did so pass there, the Lord Plessis sent divers times to the King for to advertise him of the state of the affairs, and by the same messengers had answer again.  
Whilst these skirmishes and blows were given at Ganache the artillery was brought from Montagne, and took the way of Maschecow for to avoid the foulness of the other way: they were whole fifteen days before they could convey the said ordinance, although they of the Country did show themselves so desirous and ready to conduct the said ordinance, that they omitted nothing of all their means, industry and labour: but specially the Lord Belisle, for the desire which he had to possess that place. There was of that artillery twelve pieces of Ordinance uz. six canons of battery, four great Culverins, and two of a meaner sort.  
This Ordinance being arrived the 21. of December about noon, the Duke of Nevers set his army in battle array, and saluted the town with a volley of all these pieces, from the top of a little hill nigh the place of execution about five hundred paces from the town.  
That being done, he sent an Herald of arms to summon the Lord Plessis, to surrender him the town as unto the King's lieutenant.  
The Lord Plessis, by the advise of all the captains, answered, that he and all his fellows were most humble and faithful servants and subjects to his majesty: but that he did not acknowledge in all Guienne any other lieutenant general for the King, but only the King of Navarre, to whom (& to none other, if it were not by his express commandment) he would surrender that place.  
The Herald was yet sent twice from the Baron Paluan, and the Lord Villeneufue of Anjou, for to find the means to speak to the Lord Plessis, who knowing the importance of such parley, flatly refused it.  
At the self same time that the army did so muster in battle array in the sight of all men, a soldier Wallon of the companies of Picardy, with his sword in hand drawn, began to run overthwart a great meadow right to the Fort of Captain Beauregard, crying vive Navarre: the Duke of Guyze is dead, and Niort is taken: that voice was so high, that it was heard of both sides; they let fly at him divers shot, but not one did hit him, but only in his hat. They of the town were fully advertised by him of the state of the army, and of the strange events which had happened at Bloys. They understood also of the exploit which the King of Navarre had donein igh Poytow since the siege. All these news brought not only great joy to them of the town, but also increased their courage.  
The Duke of Nevers having received answer of the besieged, caused his Ordinance to be planted in certain ruinous houses on the one side of Maschecow, defended with certain Gabions, which caused them besieged to think that they should be battered of that side, where they also began to crench themselves with great labour and diligence.  
But now we will leave the siege of Ganache, whilst the Duke of Nevers doth prepare his battery, to make a breach, and maketh himself ready to give the assault, and also the besieged do prepare themselves to defend the place, and receive the enemy: and we will go to see what exploits the King of Navarre hath performed in high Poytow.  
It is said before, how the King of Navarre after the taking of Beawoyre, set garrisons in the towns of Poytow, to keep the country about, and to make head against that army which was coming with great preparations, might, fury, and threatenings: which thing being done, heretired to Rochel, to gather all his power, and to provide all necessary things, either to cross, or to give battle to that army if occasion might serve.  
And whilst these blows and skirmishes above said, did so pass at the siege of Ganache, and such strange and so unlooked for events did fall out at Bloys, the Lord Saint Gelays had long before hand curiously sought out the means to enterprise upon the town of Niort, as well to do service to them, whose part he followed (the inhabitants having been always of the chiefest of the League, and great enemies to them of the reformed religion) as also for the injuries which they of the said Town proffered unto him, and to his houses thereabouts, doing unto him all the wrongs that ever they could devise.  
The King of Navarre arrived from Rochel into Poytow, understood as well by the said Lord Saint Gelays, and by others of the enterprise upon the said town of Niort, but the execution thereof was oftentimes delayed: at length the said King having with a type judgement weighed all the circumstances, and seen the facility of the means to compass that enterprise, at length ended his counsel, with resolution to try speedily the execution thereof: and for that purpose departed from Rochel to Saint Ihan d'Angely under other colours, about the 21. of December.  
The 24. of December, the Lord Saint Gelays departed from Rachel, accompanied with the Lord Ranques, with ten horsemen of his train only, and arrived at Saint jahn about nine a clock in the night.  
The 26. of December, arrived at S. jahn early (at the first opening of the gates) a Post from Bloys riding with two Horses, who said that voluntarily he had departed from Bloys, to bring news to the King of Navarre, touching the death of the Duke of Guyze.  
These news did not stay the execution of the enterprise, so that the said King having given order to the men of war which should be at the execution, and appointed them who should conduct them, to wit, the Lords Parabiere, Harambure, Preau, and others, the Lord S. Gelays & Ranques, with twelve horsemen only departed from S. jahn, and making toward Villeneufue within a league from Saint jahn, met about 40. Harquebuziers on horse back of the regiment of the King of Navarre his guards, who were conducted by the Lord des Listres: with this troop the said Lords Saint Gelays & Ranques went the way that goeth to the left hand of the Forest.  
Thence (being yet day) the Lord Ranques accompanied with ten or twelve arquebusiers, left the Lord Saint Gelays, and went the way to Foys: he was far gone on his way when he met with ten or twelve horsemen of the enemies, who were thought to be Albaneses: he charged them, and one was slain, the rest saved themselves in the forest of Chizai.  
In the mean time while the Lord Saint Gelays, with the rest of his troop went the cross way nigh to the town Saint Plausive, where the Lords Parabiere, Harambure, & Preau, with others who followed him to the number of 350. men, with six mules, carrying the ladders & other necessary things which met the said Lord S. Gelays: there they stayed awhile for the rest of the troop, all assembled together, which might be in number between three and four hundred men Harquebuziers, and three or four score armed men.  
All this company took their way toward Niort, with as much silence as could be, to the gate Saint Gelays.  
The Lord Ranques separated himself, as is said before, to scour the country, the way which goeth to Saint Jhans' gate of Niort, to see that no man might go into the town, to give advertisement of the things which were done abroad. There were left behind all the companies, two servants of the Lord Saint Gelays, who went on foot, they followed their master the way of County, to Niort. A country man was sent to Niort, by the Lord Ferriere, Lieutenant of the company of the Lord Malicorne, who then was in his house at County. This country man did carry letters from the said Lord Ferriere, to the governor or to the Lieutenant of Niort (a man Leagued turbulent, and at whose beck all the inhabitants did tremble) with advertisement, that already he had warned them twice to take heed, for although the report went, that the Huguenots were going to Coignak, it was feigned, for certainly they had returned back, and went straightly to them. And that he feared least his men had been taken, seeing that he had not received since any news, which thing caused him to send to them the third time that country man, to advertise them carefully to take heed. These servants of the Lord Saint Gelays, asked the country man whether he goeth: He answereth to Niort: and we also say they, but we fear it will be too late to come thither in time, for it was sun setting: care not for that saith the country man, for I can get in and if it were midnight, for I bring letters to the Lord Malicorne. The servants hearing that, and perceiving that the country man had the letters within a ball of earth, which he carried in his hand, forced him, took his letters from him, and lead him with them, and meeting the Lord Ranques at the rendezvous, at the wind mill, took him the letters, with the country man. When he had read them, he showed the same to the Lords Saint Gelays, Parabiere, and others when they came. This had been enough to put them out of heart: but in vain doth the guard of the city watch, when God will surprise it, there is neither safety nor counsel against his power.  
The insolency of the inhabitants of Niort against the King of Navarre, and them of the religion, was come to a full measure. For notwithstanding the great doubt, lest they of the town had been advertised of their enterprise, at the instant request of some, they determined to go through.  
The troops had already lighted a great half league off in the valley, nigh Vovilay, and had left their horses made fast, with certain servants to keep them: they caused the Mules which carried the ladders, and other necessary things, to go through the fields unto a quarry of stone nigh the town, and distant only from the wall a bow shoot: there were the ladders unloaden and distributed to them that should occupy them. There were prepared the petard shy two Gentlemen, named Vilesan and Gentil, who being very industrious in such things, should use them, which were brought within a stones cast of the wall, and the ladders also, and all in the high way that leadeth from Chiçay, to the gate Saint Gelays: all this stir passed without any perceiving of them within the town.  
The Moon was not down, nor went not down four hours after, which increased greatly the fear of them who did enterprise, lest they should be discovered, yet they determined to abide patiently in silence, both the great and extreme cold, and also the going down of the Moon, at whose shining, many lying upon the frozen hard ground, did sleep (being weary of their long journey) more sweet than if they had been in their beds. In the mean while, the lords Ranques, Valieres, Gentil, and others went to view the ditch, and the place where the ladders should be set up, and the gates where the Petards should be applied. When they had viewed all, and saw that nothing did stir in the town, and had made their report, they began to let down the ladders into the dry ditch, by an easy path, and also to set the Petards to their places. The first company ofskaling ladders, was conducted by the Lords Ranques, Valieres, jonquieres and others, guided by a Soldier named Revaudiere.  
At the second companies of ladders, were the Lords Preau, Arambure, and des Listres, followed by the men which they had in their companies.  
The Lord Saint Gelays and Parabiere went to the gate of Saint Gelays, where the Petards should play.  
The scalado was set up at the wall of the town, distant from the said gate of Saint Gelays about thirty or forty paces.  
They who carried the Ladders were not so soon descended into the ditch, but the Sentinel which was upon the wall (far from the place of the scalado about forty paces) demanded furiously: who goeth there: they without held still without answer.  
He which commanded the guard of the town (which was upon the gate of Saint Gelays) came forth and asked the Sentinel: who is there: The Sentinel answered, I heard some noise, but it is nothing. There happened then a great darkness (as commonly doth after the going down of the Moon) which did favour greatly them which were without, to steal away from the eyes of the Sentinel: for without any knowledge of the said Sentinel the Ladders were placed safely. It had been concluded between them that were to give the assault, that they should enter as many as they could by the scalado, and tha● the Petards should not play puntil an extremity: so that surprise was begun by the scalado. The Ladders then linked one within another (for they were made with such an art) were applied to the wall of ten foot in height, distant one from the other three or four paces.  
The Lords jonquieres and Sousonbre being upon the wall, followed with five and twenty or thirty next unto the Sentinel, cast the sais Sentinel over the wall, and as the remnant went up the walls, the said jonquieres, Sousonbre, with the Lords des Listres and Preau, and about fifty with them set upon the guard, where were seven or eight poor labouring men, for the rich men of the town were asleep in their beds: for as they afterward reported, many of them had passed the most part of the night in playing and dancing, to whom no harm was done, considering the silence which they kept.  
A soldier of them which were entered, apprehending the great danger of such a small number in such a mighty and populous Town, cried to set fire to the Petards: so that which was set at the gate of S. Gelays, shot and gave the alarum to the inhabitants, it did open the gate with the shot.  
The other also was fired and broke the drawn bridge, and opened the gate. The Lord S. Gelays and Parabiere, with many other Gentlemen and Soldiers armed entered thereby.  
They who entered by the scalado di● slide close (although few in number) a long street, and went to the market place, where some of the inhabitants running out of their houses, made show of some resistance, & there was hurt the Lord Harambure. At the same instant came to them the Lord Parabicre with his train, they cried to the inhabitants to put lights at the windows, and in the streets, who hearing Vive Navarre, and supposing that it was a surprise, were afraid, and obeyed them, for they durst ●ot disobey being in a maze.  
The other part of them which had got up by the ladders, found resistance in a corner of the street nigh the hospital. For a certain man of the town, nammed prince receiver of the tallages, rising early to write letters to his children, being Scholars at Poy●iers, at the alarm given went out of his house w●th a broad Target in his left hand, and his sword in his right hand. But he forgot to set the scarf of his Target about his neck, which turned to him displeasure. For having resorted to the lieutenant of the town, who was accompanied with some of the inhabitants and soldiers of the governors guard, they with all this company set furiously upon them who had entered, and did advance into the town, and did drive them back. But the said Prince, weary with the weight of his Target, either for that he was hurt or otherwise, gave it over: So that this being done, the rest began to waver. The Lieutenant was hurt, and as despairing of his life, put himself into the hands of some gentlemen, with promise of great ransonie, and thereupon he was hidden, that it could not be known where he was, until after his death.  
The rest of the people which took weapons, did assemble together in the street of the town house: they let flee certain shot, but without effect, for incontinently they lost courage, as it falleth out ordinarily in such sudden surprises, specially where the warnings are neglected, as had been done by this Lieutenant of Niort, disdainfully few days before.  
Some cast themselves over the walls, whereof some were slain; others were let down with cords; many retired into the Castle: others did hide themselves: so that these few companies of the King of Navarre in less space than three quarters of an hour entered, vanquished, and remained masters of the place, without any loss more than of five men. There was slain of the inhabitants of the town, between five and twenty and thirty, & yet the greatest part of them for going indiscreetly to the place of the alarm with links and torches, which served for level to the Soldiers in the dark to shoot at them.  
When the day began to appear, the soldiers wandered about for the spoil which was made in the houses, but so that it was done without any murder, or ravishing of woman or maid. And so much as was done, happened because it was impossible for the leaders wholly to repress it: For it was a town leagued full of them that had their hands yet defiled with the blood of them of the religion, whom they had every way cruelly handled, & were rich by the spoil of their goods, of such as had deserved the just indignation of the King of Navarre, against whom they had behaved themselves no less rashly than presumptuously. To be short, it was a town surprised by them, in whose affections they had kindied the firebrand of tevenge, if the conqueter would have used it: Yet all was done with as much moderatenes, as the circumstance of the action, of the place, and of the persons with whom they had to do could permit.  
The richest sort, and of the greatest calling, enemies to the reformed Religion, were quist, in redeeming their lives and goods by a small sum of money, small in respect of the whole. For such as had ten or fifteen thousand Francs, were quit for two or three hundred crowns.  
The leaders dispatched incontinently a messenger to Saint jahn, to the King of Navarre, to let him understand the news of that execution. About nine a clock in the morning, the Lord Malicorne who was in the Castle, was summoned to yield himself and the place, at the discretion of the King of Navarre. There was no means for him to yield, for all the Ordinance was in the town: Hostages were given on both sides, two Gentlemen, to wit, Despave and Rousiere, went forth of the Castle for the Lord Malicorne, and the Lord Pont of Corle, with two soldiers of the guards of the King of Navarre entered into the Castle, to let the disorder that might rise there.  
The seven and twentieth day, the King of Navarre arrived there with a certain number of horsemen, he received at his coming the said Lord Malicorne very courteously, to whom he permitted to carry out of the Castle all that was his, and granted to the Lady Malicorne to enjoy the Abbey of Saint Ligaire.  
The eight and twentieth, after that the Lord Malicorne had departed out of Niort, the Lieutenant was found dead in a poor house at the gate of Saint Gelays, where he died of the wounds which he had received in the conflict, his body was brought out to be hanged on a Gibbet before the Castle.  
The K. of Navarre (notwithstanding) granted it easily to his friends to be buried, although be had deserved some notable mark of dishonour, even after his death; for he had lived very seditiously, and had sworn to the League, one of the first, he had cruelly defiled his hands with the blood of many innocent persons, under the colour that they were of the religion. And not long before had committed an act, no less odious and cruel, than felonious: for he had caused the dead body of the great Provost of France, to be drawn through the streets of the town, after he had been slain in the fight, nigh the walls of the town, and that a little before his surprise, as is afore said.  
There was one jamart, of the richest sort of the town taken, who being upon the point to be put to his ransom, and to be delivered as the other inhabitants than were, was accused even by many of the romish religion, and of the town, to have been a man of wicked life, who had committed many things punishable by the laws. He was convicted to have been one of the chiefest doers in the sedition of the League, and had unworthley, and outrageously spoken against the principal Princes of the blood, his process was made according to the crimes committed by him. This was the only man, who was judicially executed at the surprise.  
There were found in that town five great pieces of battery, carrying half a foot and an inch in the mouth, two very long Culverins, which the Lieutenant abovesaid had caused to be cast (as he said in derision) to salute the King of Navarre, when he should approach the walls of Niort. There were found also two mean culverins: the five canons were made ready a new by workmen, specially called from Paris for that purpose, for to be brought to the army of the Duke of Nevers, for the siege of Fonteney, which was intended after the winning of Ganache.  
This town was full of rich men and riches, by reason of the spoil of them of the reformed religion, of all the country round about.  
There was sufficient quantity of corn, to maintain an army of twenty thousand men for the space of two years. There was also sound twenty thousand weight of powder, besides a marvelous quantity which every man had in particular. This is a rule of God's justice, he that spoileth, shall be spoiled, he that wasteth shall be wasted.  
The King of Navarre gave the government of that place, and of the country, to the Lord Saint Gelays: the Lord Parabiere was appointed to dwell in the Castle.  
To conclude this book with the year (Christian reader) thou mayst see with thine eye, the judgements of God executed upon his enemies generally for their Idolatry, superstition, and atheism. But specially upon Henry the third, for obstinacy, in refusing (through the hardness of his heart) to hear the Lord Christ speaking unto him, and warning him to be wise, and fear the Lord with reverence, in refusing the counsel of wise & noble Princes Senators, noble men, and faithful friends, and following always the unjust and wicked counsels of his mother, of flatterers, and sycophants, but specially of his domestical enemies, by whose counsels and persuasions he lost his authority, credit, reputation, kingdom and life, as shall be said in the book next following.  
Thou hast seen also, how the Lord out of the heavens, from the habitation of his seat, hath derided & laughed to scorn the pride, arrogancy, and contemptuous presumptiousnes of the King of Spain, hath extended his mighty army upon him and his servants, as he did upon Pharaoh King of Egypt, & clothed him with dishonour, as with a garment, and made him ridiculous, and contemptible in the sight of the Princes, people, and nations of the world.  
We have seen also, how that the Lord, to punish the parricides, murderers of the saints, atheism, & execrable life of the Duke of Guise, of his brethren, father, and uncles, turned him to a spirit of ambition, to work all treasons, treacheries, villainies, commotions, seditions, and rebellions against his natural King, Prince, benefactor and country, covering all these execrable enormities, under the cloak of Catholic religion, and God's glory, by the which he hath wrought his own, his children, house, family, brethren and kindred sudden fall, being beaten down on a sudden and unawares, from the top of high degree, honour, dignity and wealth, as with a sudden tempest: we have seen on the other side, how God (according to his mercy and promise) hath preserved from the suares of the enemies of his truth. First, that great Elizabeth of England, nurse of God's Church, the joy of God's people, hath decked her head with a Crown of glory, hath clothed her with honour, hath established her seat with justice and godliness, hath made her the terror of all enemies of Christ, and the beauty of Europe.  
The same Gods (providence and merciful kindness) hath also preserved Henry of Bourbon King of Navarre, and now of France, from the commotions of the people, and whereas his enemies have set upon him by land, by sea, by force, by policy, poison, and all other means which the angel of darkness hath been able to teach them, to swallow him alone alive; behold the Lord, not only hath established him in his own hereditary kingdom, but also by the means of his enemies (though against their wills) hath made him a way to place him in that throne of Majesty, which appartained unto him by that succession, which God had ordained in that kingdom, being one of the most famous kingdoms of Europe, and hath made him a victorious conqueror of the wicked, and the restorer of that afflicted state.  
But also in this book, we have seen how the Lord, in whose sight is precious the death of his saints, before the coming of those miseries, the Lord hath taken unto himself the most noble, virtuous, and godly Princes, the Princes of Conde and Boillon, and many other noble men, lest they should see evil days, whose names are written in the book of the righteous.  
We have seen also, how the Lord hath turned the most wicked and damnable oath taken, not at the states, but rather conspiracy of Bloys, to an borrible confusion, and dissipation of the wicked: for after that the wicked have gone continually to wrack and confusion, and never prevailed in any action, but in wrapping themselves into miserable treasons, rebellions and commotions, replenishing their streets, with murder and blood.  
The end of the fift Book.   

THE sixth BOOK.  
THis new year bringeth forth new events and strange, full of confusions, the king's death, and an alteration in the succession of the Crown of France, as it shall appear. We have left the royal Army under the conduct of the Duke of Nevers, weakened with hunger, cold, and hard lodging, amazed with the strange accidents happened at Bloys, before the town of Ganache, there preparing all things for the battery. Also we have showed what exploits the King of Navarre did in the mean while. Now we will return from Niort in high Poytow to Ganache, to see what would be done there.  
The first day of january 1589. passed away with light skirmishes, but without any great effect.  
The second day, they within the town perceived that the enemy was removing the Ordinance from the place where it was first pitched, and yet they could not know upon which side of the Town they intended to place it, until the morrow being the third day of january, when it was seen at the Chapel Saint Leonard covered with gabions, and planted within two hundred paces of the wall. They perceived also another battery in preparing on the side of the Pool in a field toward Guinefole, so that the batteries did cross one another.  
The Winter this year was so extreme during this siege, that the ice did carry every where: which thing caused great discommodity to them which were besieged, the earth being so hard, that when they began to trench themselves within, (which was at the arriving of the Canon) they could not in an hour open a foot of earth, although that they had made pickaxes and tools for that purpose. But this also did greatly increase their labour, for at the arriving of the Canon they had saluted the Town on the side of Maschecow, and being lodged within the ruins of certain houses there, had planted gabions, which caused them of the town to believe that they should be battered on that side, where they also had begun their trenches with much and unprofitable labour. For as it is said, the ordinance was removed to another place, now having lost all their former labour, they are set to work night and day at the trenches, and when they went out of the watch, without rest or sleep they must work at the trenches: wine also failed them, so that in time and toil so extreme many fell sick, but specially of the bloody flux.  
The same, to wit, the third day a certain Corporal was sent by them of the Town, to see whether there was any means to enterprise upon that artillery, but he was slain with a pellet in the breast.  
About noon the enemy shot certain volleys of Ordinance against a gate of the Castle which openeth into the garden, where they saw by the moving of the earth, that Pyovers were at work.  
The fourth day, they within the town at the breaking of the day, perceiving the preparations for the battery, found themselves hardly distressed, for that they had no trenches against the batteries, and that it was almost impossible to make any for hardness of the ground, by reason of the frost, and yet they laboured hard about it day and night in that sort as is aforesaid. Whilst the Governor and the Captains were assembled to take advice what was expedient to be done, one of the company proposed, that it were good to send a Drommer to play with his Drum toward the broken Chapel, under colour of making exchange of prisoners, and in the mean time to delay the battery of the enémie. This was concluded, but afterward it was revoked, by reason of the disadvantage which might ensue, lest the enemy upon that occasion should think, that they fearing the trench did seek occasion of parley.  
Then the two batteries began, the one did beat the Fort of Beauregard, and that which was made above an old gate, as is said afore: the other battery did beat at the other said Fort which was under the gate. That which was made out of the old wall resisted the fury of the ordinance far better than it was thought it would: for from half an hour after Sun rising until Sun setting, it never ceased to thunder without any intermission, so that there was let fly that day above eight hundred canon shot.  
The night being so near, they who were besieged saw no appearance that the assault would be given, and had not prepared themselves to receive the enemy that day, considering that the breaches were flanked with two forts, which were first to be forced: notwithstanding all the French footmen and Swissers were seen a far off in battle array about noon, which was the cause that they divided speedily the small number of men which they had to keep the Forts: but specially the two Forts which flanked the breaches on both sides. They provided also a certain number to keep the breaches if the enemy should proffer the assault.  
They were not above two hundred and threescore persons which were of ability to defend the breaches, for the rest were either sick or hurt, or else occupied to keep the five Forts which were without.  
The Governor took upon him to keep the breach which was at the left hand, with a hole to pass to the Forts if they were assaulted, being assisted with twelve men lying in covert, and certain Harquebuziers.  
The Baron Vignoles was appointed to keep the breach, which was above the gate, with five armed men, and fifteen Harquebuziers: and for as much as that number was not sufficient, the Governor appointed the Lord Perrine to assist them with five armed men more.  
When the breaches began to be reasonable, every one having sixteen long paces breadth, the whole army being in battle array, the enemy began to stir, and marching with a swift pace, stooping low, they set on both sides of the Forts which were aside of the breaches.  
The enemy sustained the first onset, wherewith these two Forts received them and passed through, halthough that many remained upon the places, saluted by them of the Forts with shot, and with the force of the pikes, yet in a little space they were masters of the two forts.  
They might have defended the said forts longer, but two causes did let them, the one was the small number of the defendants, the other was the death of the Lord Marestes youngest son to the Lord Sabloniere, and brother to the Lord Vignoles, who after the death of the Lord Ruffigny, commanded over his company and one of the forts which had befollen him: his was slain with the shot of a Culverin. This his death did greatly hast the forsaking of that fort: his brother the Lord Vignoles made great moan for him.  
The Forts being won, it was high time for them which kept the breaches to bestir and defend themselves: and as they were assaulted furiously by the enemies, so they received them courageously. There was all manner of defence used, shot, pikes, pomgarnads, fiery hoops, stones, and all other manner of defence were thrown upon the enemy.  
Many of the enemies having the night favourable, retired under the shadow thereof, they who did obstinate themselves either were wounded, or else remained dead in the place: in this assault happened a thing worthy to be noted. The Baron Vignoles had a friend in the army named Poysson, a man of charge in that service. This man was greatly careful for the preservation of the said Baron, and desirous to save him, prayed a Captain of the regiment of Chastiagueray (whose Standard bearer was very sick) to give him his ensign for that day only, determined to enter one of the first to save his friend, the said Baron Vignoles: the Captain delivered him his ensign according to his request. Poysson at the assault given, was one of the first which went up to the same breach, which the said Baron Vignoles kept, intending to have saved him, but the said Poysson being not known by his friend Vignoles, was received by two arqebus shot, which did bear him down to the ground, so that he was carried away.  
The heat of the fight dured a long hour, and after that time the enemies began to faint, but on the contrary their courage was doubled that were on the breaches. Even some of the soldiers who were gone towards the Castle to take breath, after they had retired within the forts, joined themselves again to the defenders of the breaches. Then went they apace to work upon the enemy.  
There was great disorder in the retire of the enemy, for most part of them did cast away their weapons, and lost them in the ditch, and in the forts which they forsook. Many were drowned in the ditch, casting themselves down from the forts upon the ice, which (by reason of that) broke under them.  
The ditches were incontinently lighted with a number of torches and links out of the Town and Forts, for it was very dark.  
The besieged in the town spoilt the dead that evening, some went out of the Forts unto the brook, which doth separat the town from the suburb to get armour. Notwithstanding, a point of humanity was showed toward the enemy worthy to be remembered, for they did not hurt so much as to take any thing from the enemies, who were left hurt upon the breaches, and in the ditches, but rather they were had into the town, their wounds dressed, and courteously used, even to the day that the town was surrendered.  
This victory is the more memorable, because about fifty men defended the breaches against such a multitude: for all the regiments of the Swissers also assaulted the same, in witness thereof many of them remained in the ditch.  
It is also to be noted, that during the assault, when they within the town had set fire into a pomgarnad for to cast it into the ditch, it fell again between the legs of the Governor, and did burst without doing any hurt.  
Upon this prosperous issue of that assault, the Lord Plessis governor, called all the captains and Gentlemen to render thanks to God for his gracious favour showed unto them.  
On the side of the Town the Lord Perrine was killed with a shot in the head, whereof he died within a while after. Captain Forest, and the Lord of Saint Cosmio were hurt in both arms.  
Of the enemy's side there were found the fifth day of january above fifty dead within the ditch, besides them who were drowned, and many which died afterward in the side of the Town: i● is certain that there were found missing in that day of the army above three hundred, and that one Captain only had lost above six score.  
Beside them which were wounded in great number, was the Lord Brigneulx master of the camp, this man lost his Son at Montagne; now he hath a blow; let him learn then, not treacherously to violate the right of Nations, as he did at Mauleon.  
The night after the assault was bestowed in fortifying and continuing the trenches.  
This day was bestowed of the enemy in the burying of the dead. The same day in the evening, a drum of the enemy brought letters to the Lord Plessis, governor of the place, from the Lord Palneau. When he had received them, he assembled all the counsel to open the said letters in their presence.  
The letters in substance did import, that the said L. Palneau had great desire to speak with him about a thing which would bring him much contentation, which he said he could not write. In the same letters he prayed the Lord Plessis to give him means and safe conduct to speak with him.  
All the Captains gave their advise, that he could not refuse that parley, because that the Lord Palneau, second son to the Earl of Caravas, was a faithful servant to the King, and great friend to the house of Bourbon, and deadly enemy to the League, and that by him they might also understand news of the King of Navarre, whereof they were in great care.  
The 6▪ day of january, the Lord Palneau accompanied with the Captain Grange, who was of the regiment of County Gra●pre, went to the fort of the tower of the Castle, made after the form of a horseshooe.  
During this parley, they began the battery with two pieces at the break of the day: about noon they increased with three pieces more, and continued till night. There were bestowed that day above eight score Cannon shot. There were two soldiers slain, whereof the one was named Bourg, of the company of the Lord. Vignoles: there was great m●ane made for that man for his great valour, for he was a rare pattern of godliness and virtue.  
The Lord Plessis going forth to that parley, accompanied with the Lord Ayomont, upon return, reported to the counsel, that the Lord Palneau had notified unto them, that the Duke of Nevers had determined not to unbit nor to departed from that siege before he had salved his honour, and to that end he would spare no friend, no means, nor authority. That his stay there in that siege did hinder the affairs of the king of Navarre more than they did think.  
That the King did besiege Orleans, by the citadel, where was the Marshal Haumont, and that the king would use the forces of the King of Navarre against the leagued.  
To be short, the Lord Plessis, and all others which had assisted him, had gotten honour enough in the defence of such a naughty place, and that there was no more means to stand obstinate in defence of the said place, the said L. of Nevers being sufficiently informed of the necessities, wherein they were as well of men who were greatly weary, as of victuals.  
That if they would hearken to render that place into his hands, he offered unto the governor & gentlemen, arms, horses and baggage, and to the soldiers, arms and baggage, and for the safe conduct, the County Granprè, the Baron Poluan and Bastenay, Captain of an hundred light horses, should conduct them safely whither soever they would go.  
He gave them beside, eight days space to advertise the King of Navarre, of the capitulation, and in case that the said King should not give any succour within the said eight days by any means, he in his person, or his Lieutenant, the said L. Plessis and his should surrender him the place, and they to enjoy the benefit of the agreement.  
There were many gaings and come upon this proposition, and at length the affairs being propounded to the counsel, they did stick much upon the voluntary proffers of the Duke of Nevers, to give eight days to advertise the King of Navarre: which made them believe that the said king was neither ready to help them, nor had sufficient power so to do, which notwithstanding was the only hope of them that were besieged, who otherwise could not withstand if they should be pressed.  
All things being well considered, they determined to hearken to so advantageous proffers, with hope thereby to make the K. of Navarre privy to their affairs, and for that intent to send Captain Robiniere with a passport, that was concluded and sealed on both sides the sixth day at night.  
The seventh day the truce was agreed, and hostages were given on both parts, and all acts of hostility ceased.  
The same day the Lord Robiniere departed with a trumpet of the D. of Nevers to go to the King of Navarre. The governor in the mean while was greatly careful, to take heed that no man should go forth to visit or frequent with them of the army, and also that none of the enemies should enter into the town. To prevent all inconveniences, he made a diligent watch both day and night upon the breaches, so that he himself took his meals, and did lie thereon, notwithstanding the hardness of the winter.  
The eleventh day of januarie, the Lord Robiniere returned from the king of of Navarre, and brought with him the Lord Rinuile to the Lord of Nevers, who after he returned to the king of Navarre, obtained leave to enter into the town with the Lord Robiniere.  
By them, they within the town were informed, how the king of Navarre had marched forward very nigh, intending to secure them, and to venture a battle for that end, but that he fell sick with a dangerous disease; which had hindered the execution of his enterprise.  
They reported also how that the said King of Navarre had sent the Lords Chastilion, Rochefocault, Trimoville, & Plassak, with the greatest parts of his army, to try how they might enterprise upon the enemy: but considering that nothing could be attempted without great disadvantage, they were feign to return back. For the Lord of Nevers had lodged and trenched himself in so advantageous a place, that the town could not sail but fall into his hands, except it were rescued by the winning of a battle, which thing the time prefixed could not permit, being already almost expired.  
Notwithstanding, the twelfth day at night the Lords Chastilion, Plassak, & Trimoville, went to view the army so nigh that in the dark night some shot of Ordinance was given out for a token of the alarm toward the Porrieres.  
The Duke of Nevers upon this alarm, feared greatly, lest the Lord Plessis seeing that help nigh, would have received some succours within the town, interpreting the terms of the agreement to his advantage. But the said Lord Plessis would have done nothing of dangerous consequence, much less against his promise.  
The 14. of januarie, the Lord of Nevers perceived that they within the town, went faithfully to work, for every man disposed himself to departed: also he used much courtesy toward them who were besieged, providing carts for them, whereof they had need to carry as well their baggage, as then which were wounded, & caused them to issue forth out of the sight of the army, lest they should be molested by any man. The said Lord of Nevers was in his own at their coming forth with a small company, he commanded their matches to be kindled, saluting very courteously every man. There were some soldiers hurt, whom they could not carry away, he commanded them to stay, with assurance to be dressed, and otherwise courteously used.  
All the companies were safely conducted unto the Abbey Brilleybant, the companies of the King of Navarre being lodged at Palneau, half a league thence, to whom they joined themselves easily: the regiment of the County of Beaupre was left there in Garrison.  
So then the said Duke of Nevers having received the town of Ganache, as is above said, on a sudden that great and furious army was broken to pieces, as smitten with the finger of God. Many there died, many were hurt: they of the League living in great mistrust, either did dissemble their actions, or retired to such places of safety, as they thought most fit: the artillery returned into the places from whence it was taken. The Lord of Nevers went to Bloys; withal the rest of the army as remained with him, whereof a part was sent to the Marshal Haulmont, who in the Citadel fought with the inhabitants of Orleans: within a few days after, the Lord of Nevers went from the court, to his house of Nevers.  
So all the low Poytow, which had been terribly threatened with that tempest, was delivered by this sudden and unexpected alteration. For the execution which was done at Bloys upon the person of the Duke of Guise, was as an horrible thunderclap, not only unto the leagued, which were in the army of the L. of Nevers, of whom the most part did consist, and to others who were in multitudes in most parts of the realm, but also unto all others of that confederacy which were out of the realm. For the news fleeing as far as Lorreyne, the forces of the Duke of Lorreyne, which had blocked jamets' in the sovereignty of Boillon, ever since the month of April before, were so amazed by the unexpected loss, and surprise of that support, that they taking suddenly bag and baggage, as men frighted out of their wits, broke the siege, and retired away: so that God there delivered his Church after a long and dangerous trial, which shall induce the posterity, to fear and admire the just judgements of God, who within a moment, and by events, not foreseen by man's wisdom, doth turn upside down the counsels of the wicked, to the joyful deliverance and comfort of his saints. Righteous O Lord are thy judgements, all thy ways are righteousness and truth.  
The army of the King of Navarre returned to Niort and Fontenay.  
It is said before, how after the surprising of Niort, the King of Navarre repaired to the said town, the 27. of December, and sojourning there a while, there he gathered the greatest part of his forces, and about the 6. day of januarie, in this year 1589. the said King departed, with such forces as he had from Niort, toward the town of Ganach, intending to secure them, who were besieged therein, or else to fight with the Duke of Nevers, if he would have let him. But God who governed all things, with an unsearchable wisdom, disappointed that enterprise by that dangerous sickness, which fell upon him.  
The cold was very extreme, and as he is a most laborious Prince, after he had been long on horseback all armed, a great cold came upon him, so that he was enforced to light down of his horse, and go on foot with a swift pace and violent motion to get him some heat: and a little after he had eaten, a strange extraordinary cold took him, with a great fever.  
About the 9 day of january it was incontinently perceived that it was a pleurisy. This happened at a little village called S. Pere: there he was enforced to stay, without any means to transport him to any other place, (by reason of the sharpness of the sickness) but to a little Castle nigh that village, where being, the sickness did so increase that many doubted of his life. He also resolved himself constantly to abide the good will of GOD, ready willingly to end his life (if Gods will was such): the thing that only grieved him (as that good King Ezechias) was the need which the Church of God might have of his presence in France, (if he should fall) and also the want of his fidelity in that kingdom, if in the midst of so many great troubles and confusions he should be taken out of this world. Notwithstanding, he ceased not (as much as the disease which was sharp and violent did permit him) to provide & ordain for the affairs of his army, according as the occasions did fall out. He was let blood, and worthily served and succoured by them who were about him, as much as the discommodity of the place could permit them.  
He sent to all the Churches round about to make prayers and supplications for him, which was done with much fervency and sorrow.  
The news of his dangerous disease were brought to Rochel in the evening being the 13. day of january. The congregation was called speedily with the ringing of the bell to repair to the Temples. This was about seven of the clock at night, (an hour not used to such meetings) the necessity notwithstanding requiring the same. The people advertised of the cause, ran with such multitudes to the places of prayers, so that the like was never seen in that town. All manner of men indifferently, even children and apprentices forsook the houses to repair to the Temples; the multitude was such, that many being not able to go in, went home again heavy & sad, answering by their private prayers to those that were made in public, with much lamentation and tears. For all men knew well the greatness of the affliction throughout all France generally, if God at that time (so troublesome and confused) had taken out of this life that first Prince of the blood, whom he had endued wi●h so many graces. The said extraordinary prayers were continued for the space of many days, until that the recovering of his health was certainly known.  
The rumour of his death was spread into divers places of the Realm, even at the King's Court, for the which reports all good and true men did greatly mourn. The great contentation which the leagued received thereof dured not long; for the King received news shortly after of his recovery.  
It is said before, how that after the execution done upon the person of the Duke of Guise, the King sent into the Provinces to advertise the Governors, Magistrates and people, of the just causes and necessity that enforced him to do that execution. And interrupting the continuance of the events which followed that execution, we descended into the low Poytow, there to see what exploits the great royal army (conducted by the Duke of Nevers) had done there, and also what the King of Navarre did all that while. Now having seen that army to have made shipwreck and vanished out of sight, we will leave the King of Navarre being in bed sick of a dangerous pleurisy, expecting health of the Lord which giveth salvation unto Kings, and to restore him to his health and strength, and will come to the matter again, and consider the horrible accidents which followed the death of the Duke of Guise, and of the bouncing Priest the Cardinal his brother.  
After this execution done upon the boldest authors of the conspiracy, and the rest of the heads of the same being in hold, there was great hope that the burning fire of all civil dissensions should be on a sudden quenched, the flaming torches of tumults being put out. But the news of the said execution of the Duke of Guyze being brought into all parts of the Realm, by them that fled without boots and spurs out of the suburbs of Bloys: the report came also to the Duke de maine, being then with an army in Liomoys, he taking with him such as would follow him, went out of the Country for two causes. First, fearing (upon these news) the neighbourhood of them of Dauphin, Vienoys, and Vivarets, who might have doubled their courage upon that occasion, being there most of the reformed religion.  
Secondly, that because of the death of his brother (the hope for the which he and his brother the Duke of Guyze did greatly envy and malice one an other) with mutual ha●red, doth now proffer itself unto him, without any manifest competitor.  
This Duke de maine therefore now swallowing down the crown of France in one morsel by imagination, with as many as would follow him, made haste into Burgundy, and champaign, and there made sure to himself in those Provinces as many places as he could, preparing all things to war against the King.  
Here it might be thought strange, how the Duke de maine doth so cruelly move war and rebellion against the King, seeing that it was he himself and his cousin, the Duke d'Aumale, who gave advertisement to the King of the conspiracy, and intent of his brother the Duke of Guyze, as is aforesaid.  
The question is easily resolved: there is no faith nor fidelity among them, who do aspire to the same one kingdom, there is no society, be it never so sworn and holy. These three, to wit, the Duke of Guyze, maine, and Aumale, did affect the Kingdom: but because the Duke of Guyze was more favoured of the partakers than the other two, he was carried thereto, as if it were upon the shoulders by all the partakers, who attaining unto it, would have established the same to himself and to his Son already in man's estate, and to his posterity.  
The Dukes of maine and Aumale (no doubt) did love more the Duke of Guyze, and would have had the Crown rather upon his head, then whe●e it was: yet according to the rules of the Divinity of Sorboun, that charity beginneth at itself, they would have worn the Crown of France every one upon his own head, rather than that any other should have had the occupying of it howsoever great and dear friend he might have been. This emulation about the affectation of the Crown, was the cause that these two, to wit, the Dukes de maine, and Aumale, each of them in respect of himself discovered the conspiracy to the King, to the end that he being made away, they might march a plain way in the same steps which he had traced before them, reserving to the craftiest or mightiest hereafter to oppress his cousin: for it is not to be thought that there would have been more union and love between the Dukes of maine and Aumale, being but cousins, than there was between the Dukes of Gnyze and maine, being brothers.  
Thus we see what ambition did work in these new men by affectation of that royal dignity, which doth not touch them at all, and without any likelihood ever to approach near unto, namely rebellion against their Sovereign and benefactor, and parricide among brethren, one to prevent another.  
The news of the death of Guyze being brought into the Provinces, the most part of Towns and Cities from the river of Loire, West, North and East, being already surprised aforehand, and seduced from the King's obedience by the Leaguers, upon the rumour of that execution were so greatly moved (the Duke of Guyze being accounted the only pillar of Popish religion, by the persuasion which the Catholics had conceived of him) that they began every where to waver, and kindle to a manifest rebellion, by the setting on of the Leaguers, who were the greatest part in number every where. They did greatly by their invectives make heinous and odious that execution upon the persons of Guyze, and the Romish Priest his brother, terming it the Massacre committed at Bloys.  
And thus the just judgement of God, justly taking vengeance for so many murders, shedding of innocent blood, and innumerable villainies committed upon the saints of God, and for stopping their ears at the clear and loud voice of the Son of God, who so lovingly hath called them by his word & promises, by his threatenings and plagues ofpestilence, famine and war, gave them over to a reprobat sense, with a senseless rage to fall to commit such cruelties among themselves, that no enemy would or could have desired or devised greater; their towns and citiesbeeing every where replenished with massacres, robberies, banishments and proscriptions, not committed against them of the religion, but even of popish Catholics against popish Catholics, of Idolaters against Idolaters, of murderers against murderers: so the Lord hath sent evil Angels among them.  
Paris the capital city of the kingdom, as they more hoped upon the Duke of Guyze then any other did, so they show themselves most offended. There were firebrands which kindled the sedition to the uttermost, to wit, the Duchess' of Guyze and Nemours, who with their outcries and lamentations did animate the people to a raging madness. Thereunto also added the jesuits and Friars (set on by the aforenamed) all their invectives insolent and unreverent words in their ordinary tragical outcries, in their Pulpits, and philippicall sermons to make the people obstinate, desperate, and untractable, to be hereafter reduced to any obedience.  
Other Cities followed the example of Paris, as Orleans, Roen, Anieus, Abeville, Reymes, and Tholose, whereby the conspiracy and setting on of the Bishop of the place, in most cruel manner they took the first precedent of the court of Parliament, there hanged him upon a Gibbet, and afterward dragged his dead body about the streets, being one of the most zealous romish Catholics which then could live in this world; the only cause was that he would not allow their rebellion.  
The King understanding the great stirs, perilous flames of rebellion, in most part of the towns and cities of his realm, supposing by impunity, which he calleth clemency and gentleness, to quench that fire, which was already too far kindled, writeth his declarations, emporting an oblivion of all injuries to be published in all his Parliaments, and other courts in Provinces.  
First, he showeth how oftentimes he hath borne with the perturbers of his realm, not only in forgiving them their offences, whom he might have justly punished, but also by winning them by all favours possible to be showed, only thereby, seeking the preservation of the peace of his subjects, and of the Catholic religion, until that he was certainly informed, that they had conspired against his person, life, and estate, so far as he was enforced to make that execution extraordinarily.  
Secondly, he showeth, that although many had been of that conspiracy, whom he might have justly punished, yet for the love which he beareth unto all Catholics, he hath stayed the punishment upon the two chiefest authors of the evil.  
Thirdly, he protesteth that he will have the edict of reunion observed in all points, burying all the former offences in perpetual forgetfulness, commandeth his judges and officers in all his courts, to make no inquisition of the former offences, willing all men to live in peace under his obedience, and if not, he chargeth his officers to make exemplary justice of the offenders.  
The King having assembled his estates, as is said before, supposing by their help and assistance, to have repressed the outrageous attempts of the house of Guise, saw himself in the midst of them, compassed with a company of mortal enemies to his person, life, and state. Whereupon destitute of authority, counsel and help, through pusillanimity, was feign to spare the lives of them who were in his power, and of others whom he might easily have apprehended, who had their hands as deeply in the trespass, as the chief authors themselves. This was the work of the Lord, to bring him to the consideration of his great errors, in refusing so often the wholesome and brotherlike advertisements of the good K. of Navarre, and other Princes, both within and without the realm, his loving and faithful friends.  
The more therefore he goeth about with impunity, of most grievous offences, which in his declaration, he termeth clemency, to bring that people of Paris (seduced from his obedience) to their duty, the more that miserable people condemned of God, and in his wrath, appointed to havoc and thraldom, for multiplying rebellion, murders, and confusions upon their former murders Idolatries, and abominations, doth rage, and like mad dogs, as out of their wits, do run headlong, to work the full measure of their desperate rebellions, accounting the King's clemency, cowardliness (which they might have called pusillanimity in deed) as though he feared, either to have them his enemies, or else to lose them from being his subjects.  
Therefore having committed grievous crimes all manner of ways, even with greediness, at length having concluded to withdraw themselves from their sovereigns' obedience, the chiefest players in this tragedy of rebellion, to colour their devilish passions, with the authority of God's law, as though they would have asked Gods will out of his own mouth, addressed them themselves to the faculty of Theology, there commonly called the College of Sorboune. For that purpose they sent one urban, one of the Magistrates of Paris, to the said Sorboune, having framed in manner of supplication two questions, to be resolved by them.  
First, an populus regni Galliae possit solui & liberari à sacramento fidelitatis & obedientiae Henrico tertio praestito.  
Whether the people of France, may not be discharged and setfree from the oath of allegiance and obedience made unto Henry the third.  
Secondly, an tuta conscientia possit, idem populus armari, uniri & pecnnias colligere, & contribuere ad defensionem, & conseruationem Religionis Catholicae, & Romanae, in hoc regno adversus nefaria conscilia, & conatus praedicti regis, & quorum libet aliorum illi adherentium, & contra publica fidei violationem ab eo Blaesis factum in praeiuditium praedictae religionis Catholicae, & edicti sanctae unionis, & naturalis libertatis conuo●ationis trium ordium huius regni.  
Whether the people may with a safe conscience take arm●s unto themselves, and make collections and contributions, for the defence and preservation of the Catholic Romish religion, against the heinous practises and attempts of the aforesaid king, and all other his adherents, and against the breach of public faith, committed by him at Bloys, in the prejudice of the aforesaid Catholic religion, and of the edict of holy union, and of the natural liberty of the assembly of the three Estates of the Realm.  
The seventh day these priests of Apollo, after a general procession of all the orders of the said faculty, and a Mass of the holy Ghost (adsit reverentia auribus) sung in the said college of Sorboune, at the request of the Provost, Eschevins, Consuls, & Catholic citizens of the City of Paris: the masters of the said faculty assembled to the number of threescore and ten, having debated these questions (as they say) by the holy scripture, but specially by the Cannons and decrees of the Popes, all with one consent (either extremely wicked, or else most perniciously ignorant, or both) rendered this oracle out of the bewitching hell of Apollo: to wit, The people of France may do all things which are propounded in the questions against their lawful king and his adherents: only they required that this their oracle of rebellion, might be sent to Rome, there to be sealed by the pope, and be burned with the mark of the spirit of devils, and bear the Image and print of Antichrist.  
The eight of january, the said urban came to know the answer of the oracle, which he brought to the counsel of the city, and after they had perused it, taking it for an answer of urim and Thumim, and a voice of God, by whose authority they were put at liberty to do what they would, with armed hand brought it to the Senate of Paris, which was the second Majesty of France, and with drawn sword required of the same to approve the said oracle.  
The Senate flatly denied such a wicked, unnatural, and devilish act to be lawful and worthy of the ancient loyalty of France, requiring to take some deliberation upon it; and whilst they sat upon it, the mutinous rebels (impatient of delay) broke open the gates of the Palace, and seizing upon the whole bench, casting them into prisons: so now the Senate being carried away in a triumph, all reverence of Magistracy being trodden down, the Temple of justice is polluted, forsaken, and usurped by robbers.  
The ninth day of january, the seditious do in haste choose a new counsel, to the number of seven and forty (who should administer the State in stead of the kings prime counsel) of the most vilest and factious persons in the city, as Rowland Compan, the villainous and incestuous Pichevard, Louchard, Rue Clerk, Oliver Sevault, & others of such like sorts, men neither of ability, authority, wisdom nor counsel, but only because they had sold themselves to the League, to work all manner of villainy, and showed themselves bitter enemies unto the King.  
This new Senate of conspirators, firebrands of Hell, to replenish the City with confusion and mischief, considering ●●at to preserve an unity among their company of robbers, they must needs have a head, and rather than they should have none, they will make one of an old block: they advised themselves whom they might make that would uphold their misdeeds.  
To take some of the Princes of the blood, they knew well them to be wise enough from leaving their lawful vocations, to become heads and leaders of thieves, murderers, and traitors.  
Therefore they concluded to continue the rebellion in the house and family where the conspiracy (the mother of this rebellion) sprang out, was nourished and entertained these 40. or 50. years continually.  
The Duke de maine was thought to be most fit, as one who in so vile an enterprise should succeed his brother, considering that he was brought up and nourished in the same school, learned the same books, and had proceeded in the same degrees as his brother had done, was well acquainted with such matters from his infancy, will, and ambition, boiling in him as hot as ever it did in his brother; after his brother's death, not much inferior in favours of partakers to his brother, though not equal in haugtines of mind.  
He therefore by the earnest suit and solicitation of his agent and partakers, is made the head of the rebellion, and invested in his absence of that proud and new title of Lieutenant General of that state and Crown of France, which is a Periphrase of this word King.  
The Duke de maine now being made manipulus furum, must play the King: for he doth assemble all the Captains of the sedition, as namely the aforesaid counsel newly established with the Duke's Aumale, and Nemours, with other seditious persons, few in number, nothing in countenance nor authority, to hold the States of the Realm as they did term them: assembled of the Princes, Nobility, and Commons, when as there was not one Prince, nor any communality, but few seditious persons.  
The Duke's Aumale, and Nemours, and Chevalier, Aumale, were made governors of Paris, to lead the seditious people to do such outrages, and robberies, as never were done yet in any town or City in this world.  
These three Captains of robbers and murderers, daily went to the houses of them which were known to be the King's friends, deprived them of their authorities, if they had any, put them in Prisons, ransacked their goods, lodged their robbers (whom they called garrisons) in their houses, whereof many by a wise and provident mind, foreseeing the horrible tempest and thunderclaps which would fall from heaven, upon that sink of traitors, fled out of their houses, carrying their lives for a pray.  
The Lady of Monpensier, sister to the Duke de maine, the Ladies of maine, Aumale, 〈◊〉 Nemours, being then in Paris, caused a book of the rich men to be given them, so that there was no day but they sent some of these captains to raunsake and carry away the goods of some rich Merchant, or other, under colour that they were royals, heretics, or favourers of them.  
After many robberies and murders committed in Paris, the seditious people were lead by their captains unto the Louvre the royal house, where they committed such outrages upon the goods movable which did pertain to the King, that the posterity will scarce believe it. They violated the seal of France, the sacred instruments of Sovereign justice, broke it to pieces, & trampled it under foot: they did break and dragged in the streets, in a most spiteful sort, the arms of France, Valois, and Bourbons.  
The tenth day, whilst these things were doing at Paris, the King caused an express commandment to be published at Bloys, that all the partakers of the house of Guyze, should departed and retire to their houses with pardon of their offences, so that they would remain faithful servants unto him.  
He sent Cotteblanch, Provost of Paris, and the precedent Nevilly to Paris, to see whether they could reduce that seduced people to their duty: the Lords Vilaguier, and D'Abin did the like, but neither of them could do any good.  
About the fifteenth day, these strange alterations being done in Paris, under colour of the authority of the States there called, and holden by few seditious persons, letters were sent from they said assembly of rebels there unto all cities of their confederacy, to go forward in the like outrages and fury as they had done. And first to authorize their seditious proceedings with great & honourable titles, they call their letters a declaration of the Princes Catholics, united with the three estates of France, touching the Massacre committed upon the persons of the Duke of Guyze, and the Cardinal his brother.  
First, they do warn their fellows to beware of any manner of instructions given unto them by the King himself, or any others, containing any excuse of the execution committed at Bloys upon the Duke and Cardinal his brother.  
Secondly, they do advertise them that they have as yet of that brood, the Dukes de maine, Aumale, Mercure, and Nemours, and that the Duke de maine hath a great army in readiness to defend them.  
Thirdly, they go about to clear the Duke of Guise of the crime of treason, saying, that it is but calumnies of heretics, denised against that house the space of 25. years.  
So, with them to spy from time to time, the traitorous attempts and 
Note.  secrecies of the house of Guise, is heresy, and a work of heretics.  
Fourthly, they accuse the King of violating the public faith, and profaning their corpus Domini, as they term it, upon the which he had sworn the edict of reunion.  
But in deed the King swore the edict, and not to suffer himself to be murdered by the Duke of Guise. 
Note.   
At length they do aggravate the death of the Cardinal of Guise, and the imprisonment of the Cardinal of Bourbon, and Archbishop of Lions, and exhort their companies to unite themselves and to follow their example.  
In the first page of this letter was this mark, in the other side the Image of the Duke of Guise.  
Now we will leave these confusions of Rebels, assembled under the colour and name of the States of France, to proceed further, to fill the measure of their trespass, and will go to see what the King doth at Bloys, and elsewhere.  
Immediately after the death of Guise, the King thought good to make Orleans sure of his side. The Citadel in the midst of all these tumults and rebellions of Cities, was and did hold for the King. And the Lord Antragues (who a little before had given over the League) did all that ever he could do to hold the City in the King's obedience. But the inhabitants being seduced afore hand by the Leaguers, partakers of the Duke de maine, encouraged by the conduct of Captain Breton, and others, who did promise to the inhabitants ready succour from the Duke de maine, took weapons, and by the confidence which they had in their riches and strength of their walls, did openly revolt.  
It is commonly said, that the City of Orleans is the Citadel of France, as well for the commodious situation of the same upon the river Loire, as for the fortifications thereof. These reasons among others, caused the King to try by gracious and fair means, to bring them back to their duty. But reason not prevailing, (with a people carried away with passion, and seduced by the lovers of alteration from the obedience of their King) he was compelled to try by force the mean of the Citadel. He therefore sendeth the Marshal Haumont with forces as well of footmen as of horsemen, with him he sendeth part of his guards and the Swissers.  
The inhabitants on their side go about by all means possible to rid themselves of the Citadel as of a heavy burden, they do besiege it within the town side, do trench themselves, and cover themselves with horsemen and platforms, do undermine it to blow up that Fort, (which nothing else but only one of the gates commonly called Porte-bamere) they make issues out and even upon the Swissers with some success, they do thunder and raze that Fort with shot of Ordinance on the inside thereof. They of the King's side do what they can, there is a great number slain on both sides. The Lord Antragues promiseth (notwithstanding) to the King to keep (during the space of a month) the out side: (although it were but broken walls and ruins) during the which time, he might call back the army which was in Poytow at the siege of Ganache, under the conduct of the Lord of Nevers. The inhabitants made two Mines under the Citadel, but they were vented by them within.  
About the 17. of januarie, there went forth out of Paris three thousand men, well furnished, but young soldiers, and not trained up in war, to go to succour Orleans; but they were discomfited by the Lord Montigny, and other Gentlemen, who charged them between Estampes and Orleans: many of them were slain, the remnant were turned home naked.  
The Duke d'Mayne about the last day of januarie, sending some supply of succour to Orleans, stayed so their estate, which did seem to hang a side, that they took courage, partly by ruins, partly with shot of ordinance, and other means so wrought, that they of the King's side were enforced to give over the ruins that rested of that, which was called the citadel. By these means, Orleans remained hardened at the devotion of the League.  
So (good Christian reader) thou seest how the right of God and man is turned upside down: their popish religion, which they would seem so much to honour, reverence, and defend, they have most wickedly profaned, using it for a covering of their rebellion: thou seest how the reverence of all sovereign power and authority, is blotted out of the minds of them, the respect of all laws trodden underfoot, the sanctuary of justice violated and polluted: thou seest here a damnable and devilish anarchy, the seeds and foundation of a barbarous and intolerable servitude, laid down in France by the Duke d'Mayne and his partakers, in a manner in like sort as Mahomet began his rebellion against the empire of the Romans. Therefore ye O Noble Princes, and Nobles of all the Kingdoms of Europe, all men who are the lovers of virtue and civility, desirous to resign to the posterity, good laws, christian liberty and discipline: up, make haste to run upon these accursed enemies of all mankind; put out by time that fire which doth threaten all authorities and powers of an horrible combustion.  
Now there remaineth but three things for the League to bring to pass, to set up and dedicate their Idol which they have made, to wit, the Duke d'Mayne, and to finish that piece of work, which his brother the Duke of Guise had brought almost to an end, if he had not been overthrown by the way.  
They follow on their accustomed course and method, used by them these 14. or 15. years, to wit, to seduce the people more and more, to make the King hateful to his subjects, that he may be forsaken of all men if it be possible, and to render the King of Navarre, aborted of all men, in hope, that if they could bring to pass, any thing upon the King's person, by these means the said King of Navarre may be excluded from his right of succession.  
The first point to perform, was left to the assembly of the pretended states, as it shall appear hereafter: the other two pieces of work were committed to the jesuits, Friars, and other of like sort: de bacchandi & calomniandiperitissimis, for their dignity runneth most of all upon these two common places.  
Whether the King (considering the great necessities which he should have of money, to maintain a dangerous and long war against the rebels and traitors) had sent his commissions unto his threasurors, and receivers of his impost, to continue the receiving and gathering of tallages and impost, as they had done the year before, or else that the rebels in Paris, usurping the name of the three estates of France, had forged such a thing, I am uncertain. But so it is, that if they did not devise, yet they did use his action, to steal away the hearts of the people from his obedience, and thereby to make their part stronger, to a●ure the King's subjects to join hand with them in their rebellion. For immediately after the Duke d' maine came to Paris, they set forth a declaration, bearing the name of the Prince's Cities and commonalties united, with the three estates of the realm, where in deed there was not one Prince, only the Dukes d' maine, Aumale, Nemours, and certain other seditious persons of Paris, Anious, Roen, Orleans, and Abevile, with their general counsel, which consisted of seven and forty persons most vile; and for their wickedness, picked out of the sink of that rebellion, whereof we have spoken before.  
First, they do still hide their damnable rebellion, under the old ragged gaberdine of defending the popish religion: and because the poor people had been of long time oppressed with divers payments, and greatly impoverished by long continuance of war; unto the defence of popery, they join this plausible snare, to wit, to ease the people of the former accustomed payments.  
Secondly, usurping the royal authority, they forbidden all manner of officers to gather any payments, money, toll, impost, or tallage for the King, but to pay unto their officers the tallages, according unto the rate of the year 1576.  
Thirdly, they command, that in case they have paid the said somms unto their commissioners, and the King's officers should come to demand the said sums, or should go about to compel them to pay the same sommes, they to apprehend them, and to bring them unto the next prisons, and there process to be made as upon public extortioners.  
Last of all, they command all officers, and receivers of the King's demaynes, woods, grains, farmers of salt garners, receivers of tenths, and others whatsoever, to bring, pay and deliver the same to none other, then to them or their officers, and that upon pain of death.  
It is said before, that after the Oracle given out by the faculty of Theology, in the college of Sorboun, the seditious brought it to the Senate of Paris, to be allowed, enregistered, and published, who upon the refusing of such a disloyal treachery, were all brought to prison, and there as malefactors detained. Now upon the Duke's coming to Paris, they were called, and offered either to remain still in prison, or else to do two things: First to allow and approve the resolution of Sorboune: Secondly, to swear to the new union, which was a confederacy of the rebels.  
This Senate, in ol●e time so famous and honourable, for fear of this dangerous conspiraty of the Leaguers, and rage of the people, against their allegiance and loyalty, do fall to this composition, with the general counsel of the city above said, and the pretended states, to wit, the Senate shall join with the rebels, and swear with them to persecute their King by all means, without any respect of person or dignity, for the execution done by him upon the persons of the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal his brother, the 23. and 24. of December, which they do term with an odious name of massacre. This excerable rebellion now hath gotten credit, by that so famous and reverent Senate, the second Majesty of France, in old time so renowned.  
The 30. day of januarie, all the chambers of the Senate, with all the officers appertaining to that court, to the number of 326. gathered together, in the presence of the Duke d' maine; the general counsel above said, and the pretended states did swear, and subscribe, some with their own blood (as Catelina in ol●e time, in like case) that form of union, which they had concluded the day before, whereof the some followeth.  
First, they do swear and promise to God, to his mother, to the Angels, to all the he saints and she saints of Paradise, to employ their lives, their goods, and all their means to the defence of the Catholic religion, and do protest, that all that which they do in this union, is for the setting forth of God's glory, and for the defence of the holy Church.  
Secondly, they swear to defend the city of Paris, with the state there established, & also other cities of their association, which then were, or might be hereafter.  
Thirdly, they swear to defend the Princes, to wit, the Dukes d' maine and Aumale, (for so they love well to be called) the Priests, Lords, and Gentlemen, united with them, both in their persons and goods, with the liberty of the states of the realm.  
Last of all, they swear to pursue by all means possible them that have violated the public faith, broken the union, franchises and liberties of the states (meaning the King) in committing the massacre (so they call the just punishment) of the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal his brother, without any respect of persons, dignity or prerogative whatsoever, and also all them who shall favour and assist the King by any means, with promise never to forsake one another.  
As this rebellious people did rage in the Senate house, in the counsel of the city, and in their pretended states; so the people are set at liberty to commit all outrages & violences; the poorer sort are against the rich, the vile person against the honourable, the wicked against the virtuous, the ignorant and blind against the learned: to be short, there is nothing but an infernal horror.  
The jesuits, Friars, & other unclean fowls of like feathers, do rage no less in the places and charges appointed unto them, to wit, in railing most villainously against the King, and slandering the King of Navarre, and them of the reformed religion, for the causes above said, making their pulpits the trumpets of murder, treason, and rebellion: for beside that, they did invaigh against the King in all manner of vile terms, and interpreting all his actions maliciously to the worst: they also forbade the people, upon pains of spiritual and bodily punishment (for if they did, it was a capital crime) to pray for the King.  
Also the inhabitants of the city of Rheims in champaign published an infamous libel, coming forth out of the jesuits forge, bearing this title. A grievous lamentation of the inhabitants of the city of Rehmes, upon the death of the Cardinal, Archbishop of Rehmes, peer of France, and what may he not be if they would. That libel was sauced with infamous invectives, unworthy and outrageous speeches against the king, by their language: the authors thereof did testify sufficiently their consent in the rebellion of other towns and cities. And seeing that the priests, jesuits and Friars, did say such a mass at the funeral of their Bishop, it was no marvel if the ignorant people who believed them, answered Amen.  
And for as much as among those rebellious countries and cities, there were none of the reformed religion, upon whom they might spew their gall, they called their own Priests, Parsons, Vicars and Curates, for to subscribe unto their rebellion, charging them upon pain of death, not to pray (in their massing) for the King. But such as kept an upright heart to their Prince, and would not conient to their prohibition, but in their prayers or otherwise did wish well to the King, were executed as male factors: and great favour was showed them, upon great entreaty of friends, if they might escape with deprivation of their livings, or imprisonment, and carry away their lives for a pray. And by such injuries showed unto their own priests, they placed such as were fit to serve their turns, in kindling more and more the fire of sedition.  
The third task appointed to the Friars and jesuits, was to render the King of Navarre and them of his part, execrable in the ears of all men, that by the consent and general misliking of all men (if it were possible) he might be excluded from his right of succession. The occasion was thus.  
The 26. of December, the King of Navarre had surprised the town of Niort in Poytow, of the taking it, & of the said Kings gracious goodness and clemency showed unto the inhabitants his deadly enemies, which had committed great outrages upon them of the reformed Religion, against his own person, against the Princes of the blood, and of late against the Lord Valette, an officer of the Crown of France, as it is sufficiently spoken of before.  
These writers of lies (to testify to the world whose Children they are) did set forth such ridiculous falsehoods, and execrable calumnies, and that with as much assurance, as they tell us of their lies and lying miracles, which they did work with their holy-water among the savage people of Giapane, whether they be sure that no man will send to inquire about the truth of the matter, with so bold and impudent faces they did aver most manifest lies, which out of any part of France might be disproved within four days.  
The shambles pamphlet went abroad with this inscription: The execrable cruelties committed by the heretics against the Catholics of the town of Niort in Poytow.  
The fable saith, that they of the religion would never have taken that town, without the intelligences of the politics (that is to say, of them which favour the king) which were within the said town.  
It is said in the Pamphlet, that the kings officers of justice were slain, that the Mayor and the Aldermen of the town were hanged.  
That many were hanged, only for that they would not deny their religion: also, that all the Priests and Monks were hanged for company.  
Also a Priest was opened alive before his fellows (by terror to make him deny God) and his noble parts were pulled out, but they remained as constant as rocks for all those cruelties, and valiantly suffered martyrdom.  
That there were innocent persons killed in such great number through the town, even between two or three hundred persons, so that the streets flowed with blood and dead bodies.  
That the heretics (as the fable saith) took a woman which reproved them of their cruelties, whom they would have enforced to deny the Mass; which thing she refusing, they filled her belly with powder, and then set fire to it to make her burst: so that (saith the liar) there is nigh three hundred martyrs there put to death which are now in heaven. These holy Martyrs may be called in one word, holy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
All this lying libel is easily confuted, even by the inhabitants themselves, by the Magistrates, by the Priests, who there do live in liberty of their Religion, and by all the people, who will testify that there was no such thing, nor otherwise then is recited in the discourse of the surprise of their town, but will testify of the Christian mildness, clemency, and moderatnes of the King of Navarre and surprisers, to have been far greater than ever they could have expected, or had deserved at his hands.  
But this gross kind of lying was spread abroad to hasten the rebellion of the Cities, and to render the people untamed and hard hearted, against true and dutiful obedience whatsoever might fall hereafter: as if to fall into the hands of the King of Navarre, and of them of the Religion, were to fall among savage beasts, mad Tigers and cruel Lions.  
The King considering that the more he endeavoured himself to win the rebels by gentleness, clemency, and promising of impunity; the more hardened, obstivate, insolent and bold they became.  
Seeing that he must be driven by force to chastise their rebellions, first he proceedeth against them by order of law. And for as much as the Dukes de maine, Aumale, and Chevalier Aumale, he as if it were subroged in the places of the Duke of Guyze and the Cardinal his brother: the King doth first and chief proceed judicially against them three by proscription, as attainted of felony, rebellion, and high treason.  
First, the King doth show himself to be a King ordained and given of God, having received of God that sword and power which he had not by usurpation, but by lawful and natural right of succession.  
Secondly, he doth show the great benefits, which he and the Kings his predecessors had bestowed upon them, and namely, that he hath spared their lives (whom he might justly have punished for their divers attempts, felonies, and disobedience) for the love which he had unto them and their house.  
He showeth also, how he had since this their last rebellion, sent unto them divers of his faithful servants with letters, and even Heralds of arms, to let them understand his good will and readiness to put up all injuries & offences, and to receive them to his favour. But that in stead of humbling themselves, and of accepting his gracious favour, they became more insolent: which they have showed in surprising his towns, fortresses, and in rebelling against him, his Officers and Magistrates, covering their treasons under the name of Catholic religion.  
Therefore he doth declare the said Dukes the Main and Aumale, to have forfeited all estates, and offices, honours, power, goverments, charges, dignities, and prerogatives, which they have received of his predecessors, and himself: he doth declare them attainted of felony, rebellion, and high treason, commandeth his Officers to proceed against them by any manner of way, and against their posterity, as against such as he hath declared them, if they do not submit themselves by the first day of March next following. This proscription was declared the first day of February. The same day also the King pronounced the like proscriptions against the rebellious and traitorous Cities of Paris, Orleans, Anjous, Roen, Abevile, and others, declaring them convicted of felony, rebellion, and treason in the highest degree, willing all his officers to proceed against them, and against all them that do, or shall assist them by any means, and against their posterity, as against such as they be declared, if they do not return under his obedience by the 14. day of march next following.  
The King intending by these thunderclaps to call them to their duty, purposing yet to have forgotten all offences, for the love which he had to popish religion, common to the rebels with him, and for hatred of the reformed religion, gave them (as is aforesaid) a certain day prefixed, by the which time if they did not return to their duty, he determined to chastise them by force: and therefore the sixth day of February, he sent forth his commissions to all Nobles, Gentlemen, and Captains, to prepare themselves with all furniture necessary, to repair to him the 12. of March following. Neither is the sentence of the King an idle threatening, but is (as if it were) a condemnation of God's law, pronounced by the sovereign Magistrate, whose punishments God hath partly executed, and partly hath reserved to execute hereafter in the fullness of time.  
About the middle of February, the King understanding what had passed in Paris, how the rebels had enforced the Senate to swear an union against him, his life, person and estate, did transport the exercise of justice, and of all his courts, and chambers of Parliament from Paris: and also all other courts of justice in the aforesaid towns of Orleans, Aujous, Abevile, Roen, and others, to his city of Tours upon Loire, depraving the said traitorous cities of all offices, dignities, charges, and privileges, commanding all his judges, Counsellors, & officers of all his courts in the said cities, to repair to the city of Tours upon Loire by the fifteenth of April next following, there to execute their charges, upon pain of deprivation of their wages & offices: forbiddeth also, that no appearance be given by any officer unto any suitor, and also no parties to appear in any other place save in Tours only before his judges there, upon pain to be declared rebels.  
It is said before, how we have left the King of Navarre sick in bed of a dangerous pleurisy, whilst the League have nigh filled the measure of their execrable treasons and rebellion. Now the Lord reserving that noble Prince, if not to restablish the flourishing estate of that Realm, yet he hath raised him as it were out of his grave, to prolong the utter dissipation of it, and in the midst of the horrible confusions thereof, to reunite the hearts and minds of the godly and virtuous, to save some corner of the said Realm, for a place of refuge for the remnant of the Israel of God. Behold therefore O great King, the Lord hath restored thee to health, strengthened thine arms to war, and thy hands to fight; he hath girded thee with force, constancy, wisdom and justice; the Lord of Armies doth call thee to restore true religion, justice, judgement, Discipline and peace, utterly decayed through the malice of thine enemies; be strong and faint not, for the Lord will put a great work in thine hand to execute. Follow the vocation of God, and the Lord will be a shadow at thy right hand to keep thee from evil: do good things with good means, and thou shall see thine enemies to fall before thy face, thou shalt pity them and do them good.  
Whilst the King doth so thunder the threatenings of God's law, and the claps of his justice against those Rebels, forsaken and rejected of God (as is afore said); the King of Navarre perceiving the King to be in distress, persecuted and dispossessed out of his Towns and Cities, even out of his own houses by his enemies abroad, and to live in great mistrust of his domestical enemies, who did daily eat bread at his own table; did greatly lament his case, keepeth himself quiet beyond Loire, ceaseth from all acts of hostility and exploits of war, lest he should increase his affliction and heaviness. And desirous greatly to make a proof of his fidelity towards the King, and to cross the actions of the leagued rebels, proffereth peace to the King, and watcheth diligently that his enemies might not set foot in any place where he had means to make sure for the king's service, as for the ease of them of the religion. So that after the taking of Niort, (as is afore said) in the latter end of january the inhabitants of S. Meixant and Maillezay, two Towns nigh neighbours of Niort, yielded themselves unto him. The Lord Aubiguy was appointed Governor of that Island.  
About the 14. of February, the King of Navarre having recovered his perfect health and strength, with part of his forces took the field marching toward the river of Loire. The inhabitants of Lodune, Lisle, Bouchard, Mirabean, Chastelerault, Vinonne, and other places and Castles of the country of Turenne and Poytow, offered to open the gates of their towns unto him, and also proffered unto him their services. He received them very courteously, and without innovation of any thing; he suffered them of the Romish religion to live with all liberty with their ordinary exercises: only he commanded them of the reformed religion, with the exercise of the same, there to be established, commanding them of both religions to live in amity and peace.  
About the same time many Towns and places in divers parts of the Realm (which before did seem to be at the devotion of the Leaguers) were made sure for the King's service, as well in Bourgondy as in other Provinces, and among others, the Town and Castle of Sancerre in Berry was seized for the King. That Town had been greatly defaced in the former wars: for the walls of the Town had been razed by the Lord Chastre, Governor of Berry, who did put a Captain within the Castle for the keeping of the same, and to bridle the inhabitants there who were all of the religion. But after the death of the Duke of Guise, the Lord of Requien of the house of Montigny, Captain of the King's guards, seized both upon the Town and Castle, (the which Town notwithstanding it was without walls, yet being situated on high and in a strong place by nature) he undertook to fortify the same, by the help of them of the religion, who did so resort thither from every where daily, that the said Lord Requien waxed strong there (as he is a valiant man) employed himself with them of the religion, to make war against the rebelled Leaguers for the King's service.  
About the 23. of February, the King of Navarre being at Chastelerault, took occasion to seize upon the Castle and the Town of Argenton in Berry by the means which follow. That place doth pertain to the Lord▪ Monpensier, but it was granted to the Lady Dwager of Monpensier, sister to the last Duke of Guise, by her contract of marriage, having that honour showed her, to have married the Duke of Monpensier, Prince of the blood, and father to this Duke yet living.  
In the beginning of this last war of the League, the castle of Argenton strong and well furnished, was made sure for the League, the town remained at liberty as being not strong, and commanded by the Castle. But after the death of the Duke of Guise, the garrison of the Castle was increased double, intending thereby to assure the town: also the garrison understanding of the taking of Chastelerault, (which is not far of) by the King of Navarre, fearing that which afterward happened unto them, they sent to the Duke d'Mayne for succour, who sent certain Captains with their companies from Orleans. They of the town refusing the association of the rebellion of the Leaguers, and willing to remain faithful to the King, do advertise him of all their estate and good will towards him, do require succour of him, as well against them of the Castle as others, which did approach to seize upon their town. The dispatch could not be in so short space, but that in the mean time, they of the town and of the Castle fell at variance upon the matter, each party trusting in the succour which they hoped for.  
The King of Navarre advertised of all this, and of the succour sent, they there by the Leaguers nigh advanced, with certain troops of horsemen, determined to make them agree; and using his accustomed celerity, it fell out with him so happily, that he prevented them in a moment who were sent from Orleans, sending before some of his guards, who entered on a sudden into the town, to the great amaze of the garrison of the Castle. At the arriving of the guards of the king of Navarre, there was a hot skirmish, and some were killed on both sides: few of the King of Navarre his guards, but many more of the garrison; but when the Leaguers of the Castle saw the companies of the King of Navarre, first they were amazed, and shortly after, conceiving a great terror yielded the place.  
After that the King of Navarre had taken possession of that place, he appointed the Lord Beaupre governor there, where he established the exercise of the reformed religion with liberty and safety, in stead of the romish religion, as in other places.  
The King of Navarre returned to Chastelerault, where considering how the King was in great danger, both abroad and at home, how he had evil counsel given him, pitying his estate, and considering that he could not be moved, neither to make, nor to accept of his service for his defence: considering also that the Leagued rebels waxed strong, and the King weak, he putteth forth a protestation, bearing date the fourth of March; wherein he showeth, that notwithstanding his affairs, and estate of them of the reformed religion was never stronger, who within three years, hath borne the fury of ten mighty armies, whereof some had been beaten to clouts, the others have been scattered as dust in the air; he doubteth not, but the same God will strengthen him with the same force, and will defend always hereafter his just cause and innocency: yet he doth proffer them, that if the King will hearken unto peace, he was never so willing to embrace it. Furthermore, he proffereth himself to hear reason, and to be taught by a conference and a counsel, promising that if he be convicted by the word of God to be in any error, he will revoke it, and bring all them of the reformed religion to do the like. But to bring him out of that religion, wherein he hath been borne and brought up, even from his cradle; with the dint of the sword, he warneth them, that therein they have taken a contrary course, by which they will never prevail.  
Last, he doth adjure all the states by the name of God, by the ashes of their ancestors, by the love of their native country, to counsel the King to this ordinary course, or else to devise some better if they can, by the which they may stop the subversion of their country.  
About this time came the excommunication rolling from the capital, and thundering, like unto a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the old Comedy, pronounced against the King, for the execution done at Bloys, upon the persons of the Duke of Guise, the Pope's champion, and the Cardinal the said Pope's Chapline, and the imprisonmént of the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Archbishop of Lions, shot out of the belly of Friar Sixtus, at the suit of rebels. With the stink of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Friar Sixtus, came forth out of the bottomless pit of hell a number of jesuits and Friars, and such misbegotten monsters, to rail, to accurse, & defame their lawful and natural King and Prince ordained of God, without any remorse of conscience.  
Many of the Leaguers, who after the death of their Captain had hanged down their heads, had retired to such places as they thought sure far them: some other who had forsaken their faith, their promise, and oath given to the League, now considering four accidents which had happened, and seen to favour the affairs of the rebels, do rebel a new, do forsake their King, whom God, nature, thankfulness, and nobility commanded to die at his feet.  
First, the unseasonable lenity, or rather pusillanimity of the King, who had stated the execution of justice for such notorious and heinous treasons committed, not against him, but against GOD in his person, whom God had consecrated to that high dignity, upon the heads only of Guise and the Cardinal his brother, and in the imprisonment of six of the chiefest, without proceeding any further.  
Secondly, Friar Sixtus his excommunication, by the which they supposed (though not in conscience but in passion only) themselves to be set at liberty to do whatsoever without any grudge of conscience.  
Thirdly, the beating away of the king's garrisons and forces out of the citadel of Orleans by the Duke de main, therein supposing in a manner (for so is the blindness of man's passion) to have conquered all France.  
Lastly, the evil counsel of leagued dissemblers and dissembling traitors, whom they knew to be about the King's person in great number, waiting for opportunity to deliver him prisoner to his enemies, or else to dispatch him out of his life with one blow; knowing that by their counsels, his forces diminished, his cities and strong holds were surprised, his enemies waxed strong. But specially they feared greatly the plays and tricks which they had taught Charles the ninth his brother and him, which they had played many times with them of the religion, they I say feared at length to be snared in the like springs. Therefore all these things well considered, they begin every where to strike the alarm, and prepare themselves to the battle, against God, their King, their country, their li●erties, and the graves of their fathers.  
So that the Lords Brissak, Chastre, and Boysdauphin, to whom a little before the king had forgiven great treasons, who a little before had promised with an oath, obedience to the king, who did show a semblant of great joy, for the execution done at Bloys, they privily do steal away and breaking their faith, promise and allegiance to their king, revolted again to the enemy.  
Brissak went to Angers, where he thought to cause that City to rebel against the king: for some of the city of Angers, had hitherto dissembled their affection and good wills, which they had to the league and rebellion, as well because they had the king at Bloys and Tours, who looked to them nearly and narrowly, as for not having the means to execute their enterprise. But now at the revolcing of Brissak, they made him head of their enterprise, for to seize upon the Castle (one of the strongest places in all France). And for to bring their counsel to a good pass with speed, fearing least by delay they might be prevanted by the king, being so nigh them; therefore they follow a short course: for first they try what corruption may do. They do promise to the Lord Pichery, governor of the Castle, an hundred thousand crowns, and to entertain four thousand footmen, so that he would keep it for the league.  
The Lord Pichery (as a faith full servant to his Prince) refused all those proffers: whereupon the Lord Brissak with the rest of the rebels within the town did assault the castle, and fortified themselves by all means, with trenches and barricadoes upon the ditch of the said Castle.  
Whereupon the Lord Pichery advertised the King of the state of his affairs and attempts of the Lord Brissak, and inhabitants of the town.  
The King sent the Marshal Haumont with the regiment of Picardy, and part of his guards, who were admitted into the Castle by the Lord Pichery, who opened unto them the great bridge of the said Castle.  
Assoon as the Marshal Haumont entered into the castle, although the rebels were in far greater number, yet the skirmish began: then was it time for the enemy to pack away in haste, many of the rebels were slain. There they were taken prisoners to the Kings use so many as yielded one hundred throusand crowns for ransom. Some were executed in the town, and chief some jesuits and Friars, who had been the firebrands to kindle the combustion, and the trumpets of the rebellion.  
The Lord Brissak (head of the rebellion) there saved himself by flight with few of his company, and seizing upon the towns of Man's, Alencon, and Faleze, caused the inhabitants there to rebel against the King.  
About the same time (the Duke Mercure desirous to get the favour of the towns and people, to assure better the duchy of Britain to himself) took upon him the name of protector of the Romish Church in that province of Brittany, by the help of the Bishops, and other rabble of that synagogue, who prescribed certain forms unto the jesuits and Friars, whereby in their sermons, to bring the people to that devotion.  
Although Christian Reader, thou mayst easily perceive by the whole course of this his history, how from time to time the house of Guyze, who were not so much by nature as to be admitted into the society of the Nobility of France, at the first made a fair wether, after that preferred them selves before the Princes of the blood. And when through too much lenity of the house of Valois toward them, they had obtained that, they have practised to steal away the hearts of subjects from their natural Prince, & at length have enterprised upon his life. And when by a singular providence, God had delivered the King out of their snares and claws, and see they are not able to deprive him of his life, they do deprive him of his Crown ad dignity. First by the judgement of Sorboune. Secondly, by the assotiatiation with they have sworn to present him to death by all means possible. Thirdly, by taking away from him the name of King, though not in plain terms, yet by paraphrase: as when one taketh upon him to be the protector of the Crown of France, the other protector of the Church, and give the same to themselves, which proper●y is and hath been the office of the king of France. For the Kings in France have had always that honour (as due unto them by right) to be Protectors of the Crown, Dignity, State, Kingdom, Church and people of their dominions, and never yielded that title to any man, neither durst ever any man usurp that title, until this year 1589. by these two companions, to wit, the Dukes de maine and Mercure.  
But it may be objected, that the same title hath been given and taken to the King of Navarre, as protector of the reformed churches of France, and therefore they do that which the heretics have taught them.  
To this it may be answered, that the case is not alike, for the reformed churches were forsaken of the King without any cause, at the solicitation of flatterrs, sycophants, and clawbacks, who to bring the King to that confusion that he is come v●to, did hold his kingdom into troubles and civil wars, by little and little to entrench upon his authority, & at length to tread him down under feet. That part therefore of the King's subjects, which was the best, though not the greater in number, being wrongfully put from the King's protection, and assaulted every where, have recourse, not to a stranger, nor strange blood, the first Peer and Prince of France, who after the King hath most interest to the Crown, him they have requested to protect them under the King's authority, against the violences of them, who did so counsel the King to forsake the protection of his people.  
But these companions, what hath moved them to usurp these titles: The King did never forsake the Crown, nor the Romish Church in godlives that way, in zeal, in integrity, and austericy of life, in wisdom, prudence and fortitude, to defend the romish Church: he hath passed all the Kings of all ages, he hath bestowed his forces, hath spent his goods, hath ventured his life divers times, hath made shipwreck of his honour for the defence of the Romish Church. What need therefore had that church of any other protector than their own King, whose bountifulness and liberality they so oftentimes have tried:  
Whilst these things did so pass at Angers, the city of Nantes upon Loire began to haut, by the secret practices and treacheries of the seditious Leaguers, who were within the city. But when the news came of the taking of Angers, and of the execution done upon some seditious jesuits, and other Friars, the rebels at Nantes took the alarm in this wise: for the ladies Martignes, & Mercure, wife to the Duke of Mercure, governor of Britain, took occasion thereupon to hasten the rebellion: for being advertised that many of the chiefest officers of justice in that city, as also other good Citizens faithful to the King, seeing the practices which were wrought in their city by the Leaguers, did dissuade their fellow citizens to give ear to such seditious persons, and advised them rather to remain faithful unto the King, then to draw upon themselves the King's wrath with a cruel and mortal war.  
For to break the good purpose and intents of these men, and to chastise them for their too great fidelity to their King: These Ladies sent for two Captains of the town, well known for their seditious practices & great affection to the traitors; they showed unto these two Captains their passions, with great amplifications of the things passed at Angers.  
They began by many invectives and spiteful speeches against the K. to show how the King had put to death a great number of Priests and Friars, who were taken at the winning of Angers, how he had taken the chalices and relics, and wholly became an heretic: then with much lying they fell to talk of them whom they would have to be taken prisoners in the city, charging them that they sought to bring into their city the K. of Navarre, with all his troops, with determination to have the city ransacked, to take away their goods, lives, and religion, and that therefore it was needful they raise the people to rebellion out of hand, to seize upon them which were faithful to the King, and make the city sure for the League.  
The chiefest Captain appointed for this execution, was one Gassion a Gascoine, brought up in the house of Martignes, and greatly affected to the League.  
An order before that time was, that the said Gassion for one half year commanded in the castle, and the Lord Crambok, who was faithful to the King, the other half year; this man no authority then at all. The counsel of these two accursed women was quickly executed by the said Gassion, having for that time the rule of the castle. The people upon these furmises were armed, the streets were fortify to with Baricadoes.  
The first execution of this rebellion, was the apprehending of four score of the most notable men and richest families in all the City; and among the rest were the Lord Miron the King's threasurer in Britain, the Lord Bourin a great Lawyer, and one Doctor Rogues Dean of the faculty of Physic, and many other faithful servants of the King, who were put in strait prison in the Castle, their houses were spoiled and goods rifled.  
The City being thus made sure for the League by the Rebels, the country about was not free from that tempest; light horses are sent into places most suspected; many gentlemen are taken prisoners abroad, without respect of age, quality or religion: such as did escape with the loss of their goods, thought to have sped well.  
In like manner, the City of Rheims, head City of the low Britain, (which had behaved themselves modeslie enough hitherto) might greatly have favoured & advanced the treasons of the Duke Mercure, if he could have got it to his devotion. But for that purpose, first it was needful to have the help of the Bishop of the place, named Emare Hannekin, son to a citizen of Paris; for the stage play could not be well seazoned with mirth, except a Priest might play the devils part. Sir Hannekin therefore bestirreth himself all that ever he can to bring his treason to pass; but his credit being there yet under age and small account, he taketh the Bishop of Dole of the noble of Espinay, to countenance the play, being also assisted by a citizen named Botelier, who was much beholding to the said Sir Hannekin, because he was such a loving ghostly father to his wife: he had also some other citizens, & some of the court of Parliament there, men of faction, who secretly set their shoulders to that work. All this blessed company, by the counsel of these two seditious Priests, devisers of rebellion against their natural and lawful Prince, do raise up the people in arms, giving to understand (though most falsely) that the Lord Hwanday, Lieutenant general for the K. in that country, the Lord Moubarot governor of the Town, and the Lord Asserake who accompanied them, would have oppressed the liberty of the Town, and brought in garrisons to sack it. Upon this false rumour spread abroad by those two lying Priests, the people armed did seize upon the Market place, and fortified the streets with Barricadoes.  
The Duke Mercure (who then was a petty King at Nantes) advertised of these things so passing at Rheims, and desirous to enlarge his newly swallowed up kingdom of little Britain, doth gather forces as great as he can, and feigning to go to Vaunes to the States of the country, taketh his way to Rhedon, and turned up short to Rheims, where he arriving was receaue● with great joy of them of the League, he put garrisons within the tower of the Fuller, within the gate of S. George, & in the white gate.  
It was time then for the Lords Hwanday, Montbarot, and Asserak, to keep themselves close within their houses, being sought out for no less matter than for the price of their lives. The Lord Montbarot had seized upon the tower of the gate Mordelese: he was summoned by the Duke Mercure to yield the said tower into his hands, which thing he refused to do, saying that there he was placed for the King and for his service. Upon this refusal the Canon was brought before the Tower, and many houses pierced, to make it ready to the battery. There was no appearance to sustain a battery, much less to hope for any succour: which things being considered, the Lord Montbarot agreed and yielded the place with honourable conditions both for himself and his fellows.  
By these means Mercure remained master of the place, whereof he changed the whole estate and government, placing therein men at his devotion: there he caused a jesuit most bitterly, seditiously, and unworthy to inveigh and rail against the King: he dispatched a Captain Spaniard named john with his company to scour the country, he did execrable oppressions, robbing and sacking all indifferently, he took many gentlmens' houses, which he rob, & many men whom he cruelly entreated, and put to great ransoms, sparing neither Nobles nor others of the romish religion, for that only they were faithful to the King.  
This exploit done, Mercure gathered as great forces of men of war as he could, and from thence took his journey toward Fongeres in the low Britain, a town which he had gone about long before to seduce, and had the chiefest of the inhabitants at his devotion, they received him very willingly: and having the town he agreed with the Captain of the castle, who sold him the place with all the movable goods and furniture therein belonging to his master the marquess Roche, for the sum of fifteen thousand crowns which he received.  
In April the Lord Bordage and other Gentlemen of the religion, accompanied with few men, took the town of Vitre, belonging to the young Lord Laval: which thing when Merceur (who was then at Fongers) understood, he sent a Gentleman of Britain named Tailowet, with certain companies of men of war, and the commons of the country, whom he raised up in arms to the number of six thousands: they besieged Vitre the space of five weeks, but the place was valiantly defended by the said Gentlemen and their small company.  
During this siege in the month of May, they of Roen (having received letters from the King, by the help of some honest and faithful men) came again to their right wits, and returned to the kings obedience, with whom they agreed for the impunity of that offence which was passed. They took prisoner the Lord Charroniere, whom Merceur at his departing to Fongeres, had left there governor: they took also the Spanish Moor, to wit, Captain john, and many other of that faction and behaviour, if the Lord Merceur had been there, it had been an easy thing to have taken him also.  
Whilst these things were a doing on both sides, the Lord Morlak entered into the Castle josselin, the strongest place of all Britain, for the King's service. The Lord Saint Layers, a Captain of the Leaguers, with certain companies, enterprised to surprise the Town, and so to kill Morlak therein, choosing for the execution of his purpose, the day which they call holy Friday, a day of great devotion among the Papists, lest of all suspected, and so to have taken it when they should have been busy about their ceremonies and enchaunting: so he surprised the town, but not the Lord Morlak, who did hold the Castle.  
Whilst these broils did so pass in britain, in other places also (as if it were at a day appointed) the traitorous Leaguers took Molins in Borbonnoys, situated upon the river Allier, which rising out of the Mountains of Anuergne, falleth into Loire at the town charity. That place was well defended by the Lord Rostayn: but being set on when the Garrison was absent, for lack of men the town was carried away to the Leaguers.  
About the self same time, the faction of the League in the city of Bourdeaux showed themselves, and attempted to surprise the town against the King. They had conspired an accursed practice, both against the Marshal Matignon (the King's governor there) and also against the town, and good inhabitants, who were known to be faithful to the King: their intent was to stab the said Marshal Matignon, to seize upon the city and Castles, and to kill all them that should not be of their side. The traitors had made a great preparation of ships at Browage, had stayed many ships which were bound to Newland for fishing, to favour the enterprise upon Bourdeaux.  
Upon Easter even, therebels there upon the watch word, rose up in arms, part of them did seize upon the gate of Saint julien; and part of them had encamped themselves at another side without the city.  
The Magistrates of the city seeing this commotion, with strong hand went toward them, who had stayed upon the gate Saint julien, the rebels did resist the Magistrates, and beat them back. The Marshal Matignon taking part of the Garrisons out of the castles, with the assistance of the inhabitants, faithful to the King, doth march with some forces a foot through the streets of the town, toward the gate that they had seized upon. The rebels seeing this power coming against them, without any fight began to faint, and in a while after to run away, and shift for themselves, yet could they not so speedily avoid, but there was five slain upon the place, & many of that conspiracy were apprehended. There were two executed, one a captain of the city, and the other was of the ga●des of the Marshal, who declared the whole conspiracy, and accused a great number, and of the chiefest of the city. They who had remained within the town, fearing to be detected, by reason of a guilty conscience; the night following left behind them their maker, whom they should have swallowed down whole and alive the next day following being Easter day. They leapt over the walls: for on the morrow, a great number of ropes were found hanging at the walls, by which they slided down: the greatest part of them retired to Browage, and shortly after the King sent eight hundred Launceknights, there to be in Garrison to keep the rest in their duty.  
Whilst these rebellions were a working in Britain, and other places and Provinces of the realm, the King understanding the greatest part of his realm to be revolted from his obedience, and how a great many Noblemen and Gentlemen whom he hath forgiven at Bloys, and let scape unpunished, abusing his lenity, or rather accounting it (as it was in truth) pusillanimity, had turned again to his enemies, began to fall in great mistrust, and to despair both of himself and of his estate. The Leaguers who were about his person, to increase this his amaze, advertised him (though falsely for the most part) that the Spaniard, the Princes, and States of Italy, the Dukes of Savoy and Lorreyne, had sworn the revengement of the death of the Duke of Guise. Also they persuaded him, that he was not in safety at Bloys, and therefore advised him to retire to Tours: this counsel they gave him, not for any care which they had of his safety, although that God turned it to the best, but for that they thought to have more assistance there, to perform their wicked intent purposed against him, that city being great and populous, and where were many of the chiefest Leagued, who had promised their help to the traitors.  
They told him also how the King of Navarre with great power approached, and was already at Saumour to pass over Loire for to invade the Realm.  
The king not knowing what to do, nor whom to trust, and perceiving them that were at Bloys for the most part to be his secret enemies, & to have intelligences with the rebels, in the latter end of March departed from Bloys, and removed to Tours, being well assured, that at all extremities he should have the King of Navarre (whose fidelity and valour he knew well, howsoever the Leaguers of his counsel did terrify him of his forces) there nigh at hand and ready to secure him, although that so oftentimes he had been deaf at his most reasonable counsels.  
The king being at Tours, the first thing which he did was in the beginning of April, there he deprived the Duke Mercure of his government, of lands, dignities, offices and prerogatives to him granted by him, for his treasons committed against his Majesty in his government.  
In the beginning of April the king being at Tours, and perceiving the great dangers which compassed him about on every side, having many Leaguers of his counsel and about his person, the City for the most part leagued, bend against him: by the means of some of his faithful counsellors, as of the Marshals Byron and Hautmont and others, and considering more deeply the reasonable and modest protestation of the K. of Navarre, who in his great prosperity (yet of late craveth for peace) desireth to be taught proffereth his service to the king, willeth them to devise some good ways to remedy the horrible confusions which do overflow France, began to hearken to some good and moderate counsel, as to take some truces with the said king of Navarre, & to use his counsel and forces for his just and lawful defence.  
In the month of March following, after the taking of the Citadel of Orleans by the rebels, and the ennovatious which they had made in Paris, in the changing of the State, and treading down under foot the kings royal authority: The Dukes of maine and Aumale began to show such jealousies and suspicions, which ambition did work in their hearts, as it did before in the two brethren, to wit, the Dukes of Guise and main. For the Duke de maine was carried to the usurpation of the Monarchy after his brother's death, as if it were upon the shoulders o. rebels, and would have had been sorry, if his cousin (the Duke de Aumale) should have had either the whole or else any part thereof in superiority, but rather desirous that he should depend of his commandments, and therefore did hold him short, with secret practises and factions.  
The Duke d' Aumale would have been glad to have had all to himself rather than his cousin, and if not all, yet he thought to get as good part in the cake as he might; but the factious were not so favourable unto him as to the other. Fearing therefore some Guizien trick (such as he was well acquainted with) to be played against him by the help of the mutinous parisians, he putteth on a good countenance, and after infinite sackings, rifle, and manifold robberies committed upon the rich Merchants and others in Paris (for in those days all rich men were either royals or heretics) he departed out of the City into Picardy, where he thought his part might be stronger, and he mought be in greater safety.  
Mercure on the other side, for his part, was content if he might make sure unto himself the Duchy of Britain, supposing that the throat of his ambition was not so wide as that he might swallow down the whole kingdom & Crown of France, yet between them 3. the glorious name of the League, and holy union, holy Church, and holy Catholic Religion did roll among them, and were patched by the Friars and jesuits, for an old gaberdine to hide under all their treacheries against the king, and robberies against his subjects. All these things did fly abroad under the authority of the new great general Protector of the Crown of France, to wit, the Duke de maine, to whom that title was given by conspirators assembled at Paris, under the name of States, as it is afore said.  
All these three did well agree together in resisting the king's authority, and oppressing the king's subjects every where, every man reserving to himself his own thoughts: yet would they not be kept so secret, but that their envies, jealousies and enimities, sometime would flame out, so that they could be evidently spied by other men.  
The Duke d'Aumale absented himself from Paris, and in the isle of France, Picardy, Brie, Tartenoys, and Vermandoys, went about to do his business as well as he could, & his part as strong as strong might be, made with those great sums of money which for his share he had made of the spoil of the rich men of Paris. The City of Paris is one of the greatest Cities in the world, but doubtless the greatest in Europe. It is divided into three parts. The one and the greatest part lieth in Belgik, on the bank of the river Seyne, in a low, fair and plain situation: That part is called the town. Among other edifices on the lower end by the river nigh Newgate, is the king's house called the Louvre, and right over against it on the other side of the street, is the ancient house called L'hostel de Bourbon: about a mile and a half upon the same side of the river is the town house, called by a temple nigh to it, Saint jahn en grieve. There is a long street from the pont anchange directly to Saint Denis ward, called Saint Martin's street; which divideth that part of the City well nigh through the midst.  
The other part lying in the celtic: on the south side of the river is the University, lesser than the former part, it is full of Monkeries, Friaries, and Nunneries, of all feathers and colours under the heavens. So that a man coming out of a strange country, and seeing so great diversity of fantasies, would think himself to wander into a country of monsters, or a City of mad men: but if he consider well he shall find himself in the midst of Sodom, so clean is their conversation. Beside these infernal Locusts, there is a great number of colleges and houses of learning, for the which cause it is called the University, wherein are chief two colldges, to wit, Sorboune and Navarre: Sorboune is a college where Divines and students of Divinity chiefly have allowance: and beside, it is an association of Divines wheresoever they have taken degrees; it is more famous than Navarre by reason of their ignorance, but Navarre is greater in living and multitude of students.  
This University was founded, (or rather reform I fear me from better to worse) by Charles the great, by the help of his schoolmaster, one Alboinus an Englishman, sometime scholar of the learned Beda, who as it seemeth changed the former order of study, and fashioned them to the form of doctrine laid down by the learned S. Augustine. This form there continued until that time that a vision was seen in the air, to wit, a man naked, hairy and deformed, carrying a wallet full of stones, & gnawing on a stone which he had in his hand. Immediately after, that form of study was changed, and divinity reduced to vain speculations, carnal Philosophy, and frivolous questions, without edifying or breeding any knowledge or wisdoms in the students. Then began Aristotle to bear sway in the Divinity schools, and to fit in the chair of Moses. The Bishop of Paris called Lombard, went about to amend the fault, and to have pulled him down out of that sacred chair, propounding to the students a book of common places (such as it was) called commonly Magister sententiarum. Then came the begging Friars with their wallets full of stones, and among them Scotus, and Thomas Aquinus, they laid down a form of their dreams & questions, they turn the bread of life into stones wholly. There came after them worse than these, & more ignorant: these harpies defile both the word of God, & this book of sentences (though not pure before) with unnecessary questions and unlearned gloss: to be short, as many writing Friars, so many Alcorans they conceive and bring forth: they did revoke the study of Divines from God's word, & the reading of the learned antiquity, whose monuments they buried in dust in their libraries, to the descanting of Scotus, Thomas, & the book of Sentenices with their corrupted dreams, pro & contra. After that, these frogs (rising out of the infernal gulfebeing) stricken with giddiness, as they of Sodom at the doors of Lot by the angel of the Lord, were divided among themselves, and to show that they were no more of Christ's people, took other names, and would be called by the names of their master, some Scotists, some Thomists, some Simmonists: but rather they should be called by their qualities, Soccist, Momists, and Foolists.  
This palpable darkness of Egypt was had in admiration, as the only wisdom of the world, fed and entertained by these seducing Friars and Monks, until the wasting of that noble, and in old time famous Greece, by Amorith the prince of the Turks. For then many learned men being the keepers of pure learning, flying from that barbarous and cruel tyranny, repaired some into Italy, some into Germany, some into France, who were entertained by the liberality of Princes, and common wealths, by whose exile we were delivered from the dark bondage of ignorance, which the legions of Friars had brought into the world.  
About the same time, the most noble art of Printing was revealed of God unto a noble man of Germany, whose name shall be blessed for ever in the generation of the righteous, wi●h facility to perform the work which he had determined.  
Francis of Valois, first of that name (a prince whose fame no age to come shall blot out of men's remembrance) with his princelike liberality restored in this University a purer learning, and an easier traditine, by calling thither famous men of all parts of the world. This his liberality, the Leaguers for the space of this twenty years, have used to the supplanting of the state of his posterity.  
The third part of that City, is an Island between the Town and the University, called commonly the City; that Island is of the form of an Egg. It is beautified with three special things: first, the palace of judgement, which heretofore had been a Sanctuary of justice. Secondly, a most sumptuous and rich Hospital, the like whereof is not in the world. Thirdly, the Temple of our Lady, much like unto Diana of Ephesus Temple, the Bishop's seat, and a sink of Idolatry.  
The Suburbs be of a wonderful greatness, and may be compared with a great and sumptuous City.  
As this is great and large, so is it populous to admiration, surpassing the report which may be made thereof. The most sort of the inhabitants is a rascal people of all sorts of handicrafts, and of servile nature. The people generally is of small stature, swarthy of complexion, of countenance like Spaniards or Italians, few like one to another, as it is commonly seen among them that are a mingled sink of divers Nations, not like Frenchmen; they are crafty and deceitful, great babblers and prattlers; suspicious, mutinous and factious; cruel, cowardly and effeminate, lewd of life and behaviour, desperately superstitious and idolatrous, foolish and sottish so generally, that through all France they are proverbially and reproachfully called badins de Paris, that is, a malapert sot of Paris; of niceness and purposed folly, disguising and corrupting their tongue and going.  
The Duke de maine perceiving the King almost destitute and forsaken of his subjects, compassed about with enemies, at home with domestical foes, in the City with unfaithful subjects, abroad in the field with seditious and rebellious robbers; thought to have a fit opportunity to oppress the King. Therefore in a great heat he doth gather and muster a great and mighty army of the basest sort of this people, but specially of such as were desperate and had nothing to lose, and had conceived good hope to do well their business with gain and advantage, caused the City to provide for them: they were lodged in the suburbs and small Towns about Paris.  
The Duke having this great army, doth from week to week, from day to day so delay his journey, representing to himself continually the valiantness, victories, faithfulness and celerity of the King of Navarre, who was not a days journey from Tours, who would not suffer the King to be oppressed, nor easily surprised. These mutinous and rebellious companies did commit such intolierable insolences, that the people both in Paris and about did cry out and complain with great discontented minds, both of these oppressions, and also of the scarceness of victuals which did grow in the City, by reason of the long sojourning of that army about Paris.  
To pacify therefore the uproar, about the middle of April he did venture to go forth, and taketh the field, making great boast that now within few days he trusted to reduce all France to the obeisance of the League; and the least of his promises was, that he would bring the King to that pass that the most mutinous fellows in Paris desired to have him. Taketh order for the safety of the City: and whereas in the alteration of the state of Paris done in january last, they had made eighteen Colonels and Captains of so many wards as the City was divided into: every Colonel should have twelve hundred horsemen and footmen to walk about the City and to the Boys of Vicennes, lest that Castle should be surprised by the enemies: the Lord of Mayneville being left governor of the City with a strong garrison beside, to see well that in the absence of the great Protector of the Crown of France, the malcontent people of Paris should not enterprise against him, and exclude him from their City, if at any time for fear of the King of Navarre he should run away.  
So the Duke de maine bringeth this holy and invincible army (for so it was commonly called) into Beausse, where was some good store of victuals, which above all things his holy army desired. So that as well to ease the country about Paris, as to hast his wicked intent, he bringeth his army as far as Vendosme, wherein he entered by the help of them who were of his confederacy. There he took the King's great counsel prisoners, so that none could escape but one; he seized also upon many other weak Towns in that champain country, where he stayed very long doubtful of mind what to do, whether he should go nearer to Tours or go back. To go further, he feared the King of Navarre being so nigh a neighbour: to go back, shame (his great brags and promises made to the rebels of Paris) would not suffer him. Concluded therefore to stay in Beausse, where lodging and victuals for the taking were to be had without money, living in hope, and watching still for some convenient occasion to execute his damnable purpose upon the King's person, by the intelligences which he had with the Leaguers of the Court, and of the City of Tours.  
During his sojourn in Beausse, he made the like brags and promises to the Nobility and people, as he had done in Paris. The Walloons which were in his army considering that nothing was done, and lacking money, determined to retire home: but with much ado were stayed, upon promise that great forces were expected from the Duke Aumale out of Picardy, and that shortly they would go about their business handsomely like good fellows, and that one hour would make them men for ever.  
In the latter end of April, the Leaguers of poitiers began to stir against the King, and to make that great and large City sure for the League, & holy v●ion: upon the news thereof the king sent the greatest part of such forces as he had to rescue that piece which was of great importance. The Leaguers advertised the Duke de maine (who was about Vendosme) of the state of the affairs, and how the King was left destitute of the greatest part of his forces, now employed about the revolt of Poitiers, how that he might come easily (and without finding any resistance) to lodge in the Suburbs of Tours, or the Abbey of Marmonstier near by: and that they would so provide within the city, that by the help of his friends the King might be dispatched, or delivered into his hands alive.  
The Duke de maine upon these intelligences, setteth order for the safe keeping of Vendosme, and marched toward Chasteaurenault, the town & Ca●tell he battered: he layeth also the siege before Saint Oine, nigh Amboyse, where the County Brienne was appointed by the King for the keeping of that place, intending the night following by stealth to have resorted to Tours, to execute the enterprise of the Leaguers (which were in the court, and the City) upon the King's person. And that he might be sure to work safely, he had sent into Picardy to the Duke of Aumale his cousin, praying him to send him such forces out of Picardy as he might, putting him in hope by some new supply of succour, to bring to pass the thing which they had most desired: but the town of Gaulis, which by the means of the Lord of Thore, was reduced to the kings obedience, hindered that this new supply could neither be so great, as was expected, nor could come in any time to do him service. Of these forces of Picardy, it shall be spoken hereafter: but for this time we will leave this great Duke to batter Chasteaurenault, and Saint Oine, and will show what was done in other places at the same time.  
The King considering that the enemy with a puissant army was on his arms, and stayed for nothing but to know what assistance he might have of the Leaguers, of the court and of the city to work his feat: knowing also the infidelity of his subjects and servants both in the court and in the city, and on every side, and almost dispossessed of his Crown and Kingdom, is enforced for the safety of his person, to cast himself into the arms of his mortal enemy (as he was made believe by the Sycophants, who always had been most in credig with him) but in very deed, his most profitable and necessary friend, if long before he had used him. Truce therefore at length is concluded between the two Kings: and among other things it was agreed that the King of Navarre should have the Pont de Sel, a Town upon the river of Loire, between Saumour and Nantes, tied against Angers, for the safety of his passage. But some difficulty being made at the surrendering of the said Pont de Sel, by the Captain: the King granted him the town of Saumour upon Loire. The said town was received for the King of Navarre, by the Lord Plessis Marlin, to whom the said King gave the government thereof.  
But now before we proceed further to show the accidents which happened after this unexpected reconsiliation of these two Kings, we will search out what hath happened in other countries.  
After the death of the Guyze, the Duke de maine sent into the Provinces, but specially into Normandy, to persuade the people that the Country men might arm themselves without any leave or consent of the Nobility, who were not of their side, for the defence of the Catholic religion, & their liberty, he hired specially in Normany the priests, monks, Friars, jesuits, & such rabble of wolves with sums of money, in their Sermons to stir the people to rise against their sovereign, and to take counsel against the nobility.  
The means or arguments (which these Atheists both for money will rise against God his ordinance, and set the world in an uproar, to pollute the earth with blood) were these. The King (said they) with great vehemency and amplifications hath murdered the Cardinal of Guyze, imprisoned the Primate of Lions, and having touched two of the Lords anointed, and laid hands upon two chief. Pillars and rulers of holy Church, over whom neither he, nor any of his had any power or jurisdiction against faith and promise, and having violated the public faith at the States at Bloys, the King was no more child of the Church, was excommunicate, banished out of the Church, and cast out of the communion of Catholics: and therefore the people were not bound to obey him any more, but that it was lawful to persecute him by all means possible, as the holy faculty of theology had also of late determined; but rather that it was lawful to murder and to destroy the King, and persecute them by all means possible that will not league themselves and bear arms against the King. They daily preached also that the King was a protector of heretics, and had intelligences with them, and that he sought nothing more than to 'stablish heresy in his kingdom.  
And for as much as examples do both move and encourage to do, or discouraging from doing, they encourage the simple and ignorant; first declared themselves enemies to the King, renounced his obedience, gave forth villainous, unworthy and traitorous speeches of him, so as nothing more vile may be named and spoken. These were the devout prayers of such despisers of God and all godliness in their Pulpits, to the which the People said Amen.  
But after the truce was taken between the two Kings, than they had a large argument to walk in, they cried out that he served himself of the forces of heretics: & no marvel if they cry out now when they see a whip prepared for their backs, and that now they are further from bringing to pass their wicked thoughts th●● ever they were.  
By these execrable, outrageous, and seditious inve ctives of these damnable jesuits and Friars, hired to sound the trumpet of rebellion in a manner throughout all France, but specially from the river of Loire, north, west, and east, and among other Provinces, Normandy was so infected with their poisoned and detestable rebellions, that there was not so much as a village to be found, where there was not some of all qualities drunken with their cup of abominations.  
It is said before, how the King had pardoned Brissak, Boysdaulphine, and Chastre, with many others, who within a while abusing the kings facility, and ascribing their impunity to the King's pusillanimity, fled and revolted to the League again. After this revolt, Brissak and Boysdaulphine went to Angers (as it is said) and procured that great City to rebel: but after the reducing of the said City to the King's obedience by the Marshal Haumont, the said Brissak and Boysdaulphin fled, and in their flight caused by the means of their partakers the City of Man's (which was already wavering) to rebel against the King. To these 2. manipuli furum resorted the Lords la Mot, Serrant, Touchet, Angeruile and Normandiere, who by their treacherous solicitation procured almost all the towns of Normandy to rebel and to open their gates to them, as Rouen, which was revolted long before, Luseulx, Falaize, Newhaven, Seas, Bayeux, Argenton, and afterward Alcencon: all these opened their gates to the rebels, who afterward a most in a little space consumed them. There remained Caen, Constances', & few other towns in base Normandy in the king's obedience, by the good and provident counsel of the Lord de la Veave, Bewron, the Precedents Aulbiguy, and Lizeres, and some other loyal and Noble men.  
We see how the cities of Normandy for the most part, at the solicitation of Brissak, Boysdaulphine and others, whose names shall be known hereafter, and by the preaching of the furious and frantic jesuits and Friars, are brought from the King's obedience, to a damnable rebellion. The country men also and peasants, were induced by the self same means to rebellion, under colour of the defending the Catholic religion, and hope of liberty.  
There is in high Normandy, a certain place called la Chapelle Gantier: thereupon the persuasions of the desperate jesuits and Friars to country men, were stirred up to rebellion, both against the King and the Nobility, and began to commit horrible excess and cruelties: by reason of this beginning, all the rebels in Normandy were called Gantiers: these Peasants joined to themselves a number of Priests, but specially the Priests of Sees, and a great number of bedlam Friars, furious jesuits, Parsons, and among others, the Parson of Vimonstier, the most pestiferous, desperate, and seditious firebrand of all Normandy.  
About the 19 the King understanding of this rebellion in Normandy, and foreseeing the mischief which might ensue, if this evil were not in time remedied, thought good with all speed, to send the Prince Montpensier, general Lieutenant for his Majesty into that Province, to reduce them into the true way of their duty and obedience: and commanded the Lord Saint Cire, one of his counsellors, and Master of the requests of his house, to accompany and assist him.  
The King to bring this seduced people in the right way of just obedience, gave charge to the said Prince, to offer pardon and impunity unto the rebels, in case they would live quietly and peaceably under his government. Secondly, he discharged them of the third part of all taxes due unto him, hoping to have a better opportunity, and more happy season would come when he might gratify them in some greater matter.  
Thirdly, he gave a form of an oath to the said Prince, to command all men to live peaceably under his Gracious government, and to forsake all Leaguers, and associations whatsoever: and in case they would refuse either to return under his protection, or else to take that oath, he gave him authority to chastise them with strong hand, as traitors and rebels.  
About the 30. the said Prince departed from Tours, accompanied with the Lords of Backevile and Archant, and came to Luce, where he understood that Boysdaulphin, and la Mot, Serrant, and other rebels, had surprised the town of Man's, and purposed to meet with him to stop his way.  
The 31. day, this noble Prince of the house of Bourbon, passed hard by the nose of the enemies, and came as far as Alencon, where he found the inhabitants amazed, for the surprising of the town of Man's by the enemy, whom the rebels also had inveigled to enter into their rebellon, and confirmed them in their obedience and duty toward his Majesty. There this noble Prince, with great devotion and solemnity kept his Easter: and having taken order for the safety of the town, appointed the Lord Reuty governor of the said place, with two companies of shot on horseback, to keep the town and Castle; and to make roads in the villages about, to repulse the rebels when they should come to forage, and constrain the inhabitants to pay them taxes, and other tributes due to the King.  
The 4. day, the Prince understanding that the city of Sees, were minded to join to the rebels, and had refused to take the oath, according to the prescribed form of the King, purposed to pass that way, and sent word before to the Bishop and inhabitants, that they should open the gates for him: who upon a short consultation, answered that they were ready to receive him: and being met by the citizens a great way out of the town, he accompanied with the Lords of Bakquevile & Archand, and their troops passed through without any stay. The said Prince showed unto the Bishop and the inhabitants, that he came from the King, to offer pardon unto the rebels, and that the King meant to deal favourably with his subjects, to make account of them, according to their duty and obedience towards him, to chastise the rebels & obstinate. The inhabitants protested (though with feigned lips) of their loyalty, affection and obedience toward his Majesty.  
The departing from Sees, met with the Lords de Hallot, and Creveceur his brother, with a good and honourable tronpe of nobility, to whom they proffered with many protections faithfully to serve the King, as long as breath was in their bodies.  
The 5. of April, the Prince departed from Escouche, had intelligences that the Lords Touschet, Angeruile, Normandiere, Captains of the rebels, with many La●nciers, and a good number of footmen, have come forth out of Falaize, and marched on to stop the Prince's way, and went as far as a village called Perrefit, distant two miles from Falaize, where they being met by the Lords Bakquevile, Archand, & Creveceur, were so charged, that they stood little to the fight: for the Prince (leading the main Battle beginning to appear, they fled and left behind them) Touschet, Angeruile, and Normandiere, their chiefest leaders who were taken prisoners, and brought before the Duke, who were redelivered into the hands of those that had taken them, till such time as he should call for them again. All the companies of these rebels were hewn in pieces, the Prince lost not one man, there was none hurt of his side but only the Lord Chammont in the head, and in a short space after cecovered.  
That same day, the Prince Montpencier came to Falaize, where the enemies made a show, as though they would have set open the gates for him, intending some surprise against him. The Prince having no Ordinance to force them, took his way to Caen, where he entered about the seventh day of April; all the faithful Citizens welcoming him with these salutations often reiterated, God save the King, and my Lord the D. Montpencier; & in token of an unfeigned joy, they kept that day holy day. The Lord Bewron accompanied him to his lodging, which was the house of the precedent Aubigny: thither came the L. Verune to do reverence to the Prince, who received him courteously, and highly commended him for his loyal service to the King, in keeping the town within his obedience.  
The said Prince sojourned in Caen about ten days to set all things in a readiness, as well for the safety and defence of the City, as for to assault the enemy, and to scour the country. During the Princes sojourn, there arrived the County Thorigny, and af●er him the Lord Longannay, with a great troop of Gentlemen, who were courteously received and embraced, with great thanks for their good affection toward his Majesty, promising to advertise the King of their dutiful service, and to requi●e it in particular, as occasion would serve.  
About the 15. of April, the Prince Montpencier having done all things that were there to be done, and gathered such forces as he might: and by the advise of the Lord Saint Cere, he concluded to war upon the rebels, and to make them to leave that which they hold so fast in the country, and because they had the chiefest towns, he resolved to carry a long some pieces of artillery, to force them if possible he might. Therefore he sent away before Monsieur de Hallot, Batrevile, Archand, with the regiment of Monsieur Tracy, the companies of the captains Saint Denis, Maillot, Radier, Chawaine, Dauphin, Roquevile, Glaize, and other voluntary Captains to attempt upon Falaize.  
The Sunday, to wit, the 16. of April, he like a good Catholic, caused a procession to be made, and a sermon, and a certain form of prayers to be daily said for the safeguard of the King, and the good success of his affairs against the rebels.  
The 17. the Prince having appointed officers over his treasure, money, victual, and artillery, departed with two Canons, and one bastard Culuerine, hoping at the least to draw the enemy to the field, arriving at Falaize: he lodged at the Abbey Saint jahn. On the other side, the ringleaders of the rebels, as Brissak, the Lords of long Champ, the Barons of Eschaufour and Tubeuf, assembled the flower of their rebel forces, within the town of Falaize.  
The 18. of April, they laid their Artillery to batter, and having beaten down three towers, they sent a Sergeant and ten Soldiers to view the breach: but seeing that they would have enticed them to enter into the town, to have entrapped them, and considering that the wall was yet too deep, the Prince sounded the retreat.  
And understanding that the rebels had taken from about Aigle, Orbeck, Sees, Argenton, Vimonstier, and other places near thereabout, a company of more than six thousand Gantiers, well appointed for Muskets and Harquebuses as might be among these peasants, they intermingled some seven or eight hundred good Soldiers, such as they could come by; some also of the Nobility of the weaker sort: to these companies of rebellious robbers, resorted a great number of Priests, Canons, Monks, Friars, jesuits, and such stinking poisoned vermin: the Lord Brissak accompanied with the Barons of Eschaufour, the Lords Vieupont, Roquewal, Beaulieu, and Annay, and other Captains received them, and conducted them the right way to Falaize: to them repaired the Baron Vernier with his forces from Damfront. The Lord Pierrecourt also came with such forces, as he could make out of Ponteau de mer, and Ange, and Houfleur, supposing to have enclosed the Prince, between the Town of Falaize and these great forces, and so to have surprised him and his power.  
The Prince having intelligences of the enterprise provided for them, removed his artillery from the trenches, and sent away his cannon to Courcy, and with the Culuerine resolved to encounter the enemy in the plain field.  
The enemies had lodged in three several villages, not far distant a sunder between Argenton and Falayze, to wit, Pierrefit, villiers and Commeaux: The Prince Montpencier appointed the County of Thoriguy and Longaunay, and the Lord Vickes' the elder brother, to lodge between the said villages and Argenton, there to stay them if they should seem to recoil back.  
He sent also the Lords of Bakquevile, Archand, and Benuron, with their companies, to environ them on the other side.  
The 20. day the prince himself, aided with the L. Hallot, & Creveceure his brother with the whole army, and being on the top of a hill, commanded the Lords of Emery and Surene, Marshals of the field, to advance the infantry which was on the left hand, with the Culuerine, which they did: these footmen were lead by the Lords of Saint Denis, Maillot, Radier, Roquevile, Chawayn, Dauphin, Glayze and others, all so well resolute to encounter with that rabble of rebels, that they made no delay, but skitmished strait with a hot on set on both sides: but assoon as the culverin had begun to play in their faces, they began to be amazed, and Brissak himself caused his Cornet to turn bridle, and retired from the danger with a number of horsemen as hardy as himself. The rebels notwithstanding stood to the fight, but when the Culuerine roared once again, and they s●w the Lord Vaumart, one of their chiefest leaders with fifteen others carried away with the shot, they began to quaver. Then the prince commanded a fresh charge: he marching foremost of all his companies, which was given so hot and fierce, that all the rebels were put to the chase, to yield, and to fall down before them, whom God had armed with authority and force, to revenge that most damnable rebellion. This first encounter was upon two thousand, who were lodged at Pierrefit; they were all slain or take● prisoners, few only excepted.  
The prince having assembled his troops again, immediately set upon the third village named Viliers, where were another company of rebels conducted by the Baron Tubeuf: they were all put to the sword, save the Baron Tubeuf, and a few others who were taken prisoners.  
And because the night drew near apace, the Prince thought good with all speed to assault the other companies of rebels who were at Commeaux, who were about a thousand or twelve hundred men, conducted by the Lord Beaulieu.  
This company had trenched and fortified themselves, and therefore the most part of them were the cannons, priests, monks, friars, & jesuits, of the City of Sees, and many persons of the country round about, who would show some proof of their valour, and how they could fight better with a Caliver then with their Portisse: but at length it was found that they had more skill in juggling a Mass and making of Gods, then in handling their weapons: among them was the Parson of Vimonstier, a desperate and seditious Priest. The Lord Beaulieu was their captain, who at the first onset the said Lord Beaulieu was taken among the first in the forcing of the Fort, who being carried away by the Captain Chawayne before the Prince, said, that there were within that Fort at the least seven hundred well armed and appointed.  
The Prince understanding that, commanded the Lords Bakquevile & Archand to get into the Fort, and for that purpose he left them the Culvering, and went that night to Escouche, where he arrived about eleven of the clock in the night. And assoon as he was gone, the rebels of Comeaux understanding how their fellows had sped, yielded, with their lives only saved, who were immediately disarmed and brought to Escouche to the Prince.  
There the Duke sojourned all the next day being the 21. of April, to take the view of the prisoners, who were in great number of all qualities of persons.  
The same day the Lords Hallot, Bakquevile, Bevil, Bellefontayn, and Archand, went abroad with their companies, to see if they could meet with any ranging Rebels, where they missed not much to have taken the Baron Vernier.  
The said Baron and Brissake with the rest of their complices, retired in great speed to Argenton, fearing to be as kindly hit on the hips, as their fellows had been.  
The 22. day the Prince leaving the Lords of Harcourt, of Saint Mary, Venoix and Sassay at Escouche, went to Courcy, where he understood that the Lord Pierrecourt was lodged with some Launciers not far of, he mounted strait on horseback and went to find them out, but he had dislodged a little before they came to the place.  
Here (Christian Reader) mark the presence of God in the assisting of a good cause, and handled by persons of lawful calling.  
First, thou seest how the King heretofore in the wars against the K. of Navarre had not prospered, but all things have fallen to his own charges, dishonour and shame, because he persecuted him without a cause, and such persons were put in trust of his affairs, and advanced themselves forward, intending under that colour to supplant their master. Now, when the King hath a just cause in hand, and put men in trust that are lawfully called, bearing a true and unfeigned heart to the King, kingdom, Crown and Country, such as be the Princes of his blood, and other of the true Nobility of France, the Lord also is of his side and fighteth for him, maketh him victorious, and restoreth to him his authority by steps, as it shall appear hereafter.  
Secondly, here is a notable thing happened, which never did happen unto any Captain that ever I have read, save unto that noble Athenian Conon, that a Captain had obtained three noble victories in one day, but unto this noble Prince of ancient and noble race.  
Thus the Prince Montpencier by these victories, gave a taste unto the rebels of the cup of their treasons, and so did drive them into Towns and Holds, that afterward it was rare to see any rebels abroad, except it were when they had need privily to steal out to rob their nigh neighbours of their goods. Having done this exploit, he purposed to bring the artillery from Courcy, and return to the City of Caen, intending shortly after to be in the field again, and to carry by it until he had subdued the country to the King's obedience again.  
By a pertinent digression I have showed what noble and profitable exploits the Prince Montpencier hath done in Normandy against the Rebels, now we will return to continuance of the narration interrupted.  
It is said before, how the King seeing himself in extreme danger, made truces with the King of Navarre, and delivered him the Town of Saumour, for his safe passage and repassage over the river of Loire, which he committed to the Lord of Plessis Marline.  
Few days being expired, after the delivering of the town of Saumour, the King of Navarre went thither to the great contentation and rejoicing of all the inhabitants, and of all the Nobility round about well affected to the King's service, and good of the realm. Liberty was given by the K. of Navarre to all the inhabitants concerning religion indifferently, as he had done in other places.  
The King of Navarre having ordered all things at Saumour, about the 17. day of April went forth and besieged the Castle of Brissak (the Lord thereof being a traitor, and a rebellious Leaguer) and took it by composition.  
The 18. the King of Navarre passed all his Forces beyond the river of Loire over the bridge of Saumour, and within few days joined with other forces which stayed for him, gathered out of Normandy, maine, Anjou, perch, Beausse, and other countries being between Loire, and Seyne, intending shortly to see face to face the army of the rebels, conducted by the Duke de maine.  
Thus the King of Navarre, greatly injuried and offended so often, and at the request, and for the pleasure of the Duke of Guyze assaulted, now cometh to rescue out of danger captivity and death, him that had persecuted him so long with all the forces of a mighty kingdom, he cometh (I say) with a chosen army, not only great in number, but also in valour: so that every common soldier might have supplied the room of an Officer.  
Go on O great King, put on the armour of God, & follow his calling, this day thou hast obtained a greater and more famous victory, then at the day of Coutras, in overcoming the desire of revengement, which upon divers occasions might have risen by the frailty of man's nature.  
The 21▪ the King of Navarre having passed over the river Loire, and joined with his forces, gathered out of the countries abovesaid, setteth forth a declaration, showing the causes of this passage.  
First, he showeth that he is called to enter into this action by God, by nature, by the law, and by the just approbation of his Prince, which causes do move him to determine to employ his life, his means & power, for the re-establishing of the Kings authority, restoring of the realm, and for the defence of good Subjects within the same decayed, and oppressed by the treasons of the Leaguers, under the colour of godliness and justice.  
Secondly, he protesteth to hold for enemies only them, who have declared themselves enemies of the realm by their rebellion, and outrageous insolences committed against the sovereign magistrate and justice: promising notwithstanding to receive to mercy them, which (deceived by the enticements of the rebels, or fear) rather then by their own malice have associate themselves to the said rebels.  
Denounceth therefore to all Provinces, Cities, Commonalties, Churchmen, Nobles, Magistrates, Captains, Soldiers, Borgeses, Citizens, and all other of any degree whatsoever, to retire speedily from the society of those traitors and rebels, and to return under the obedience of their natural and lawful Prince and King: but specially willeth the Church men (whereof some have rendered themselves instruments of the former treacheries and rebellions) to love peace, and to keep themselves within their bounds, returning and abiding under the obedience of their King.  
Thirdly, he protesteth that this his passing the river of Loire (by the commandment of the King) is for their defence, and therefore taketh all the Kings faithful subjects under his protection, but specially the Church men, forbidding upon pain of death all his Captains and soldiers not to proffer any injury unto any of them, their goods or places of exercises, willing also all the aforesaid persons to repair unto the king, or unto him, to have and receive passport, and protections, that the faithful may be discerned from the Rebel.  
Fourthly, he turneth his speech to the foresaid persons, admonishing them to consider the horrible evils which have already and shall rise out of that damnable rebellion. To the Clergy he speaketh, to consider how godliness is every where choked in the midst of those tumults, the name of God blasphemed, and religion despised.  
The Noble men he prayeth to consider how their order must needs fall, with the ruin of the King, Crown, and Estate.  
The Magistrates he warneth to represent before their eyes what execrable violating of justice will follow, by the examples of the Parliaments of Paris and Tholouse, carried away Prisoners as in a triumph by rascals, and villainous persons.  
The commons he advertiseth to think how they are eased by these tumults, where their goods are exposed to the pray of the vilest sort, their traffic interrupted, their husbandry altogether turned into waist, and desolation.  
Last of all, he exhorteth all men to endeavour themselves to bring what they can to remedy these evils, which the rebels have procured to the realm, which cannot be done without a good peace, neither can that be obtained, but by the returning under the King's obedience, restoring his royal authority, and re-establishing of justice: he assureth himself that God who giveth salvation unto Kings, will assist him in this enterprise and just cause.  
Awergne is a Province in France, full of hills and mountains, wherein there be three Cities, situated in form of a triangle, and not distant far one from another, to wit, Rion, Clermont, and Monferrant: the Kings long before had established at Rion, beside other courts, a sovereign court of his treasurers, & receivers. This City had received the League, and had committed rebellion against him, in shaking off the yoke of obedience. Therefore the King about the 24. of April, seeing their obstinacy in their rebellion, do revoke from the said Town of Rion all his courts, and doth transport the same to the City of Clermont, commanding all his officers of all his courts in that city, to repair to the said Clermont, and there to execute their charge.  
About the same time also the King doth adjudge all the goods of the Dukes of maine, Aumale, and of the Chevalier Aumale, and of the voluntary inhabitants of the cities of Paris, Roen, Amiens, Abevile, Rheims, Orleans, Chartres, Man's, Lions, Tholouse, to be forfeited to his crown for their treasons and perseverance in the same, above the time prefixed unto them, which was the 15. day of March last passed, and ordained commissioners to sell the said goods and lands to his use.  
The King of Navarre in the mean time scoureth the country, and prepareth himself to receive the King's commandment: and understanding that the Duke de maine was lodged at Vendosme, and Montoyre, the 28. of April he determined to surprise some of the enemies, and about four a clock in the morning, taking eight hundred horsemen, and one thousand shot on horseback, went to bait at Chaulx in Anjou, ten long leagues from Saumour: departing thence, & having already gone forward three leagues, he received news how the Duke of maine had brought his forces to Chasteaurenault, and had sent part of them to besiege the County of Brienne, who was at Saint Oyne, nigh Amboyse.  
The King hearing of the siege of Chasteaurenault, and Saint Oyne, by the enemy, having him so nigh neighbour: and fearing that he would come to lodge in the Suburbs of Tours, being in danger to be delivered into the hands of them, by the intelligences which they had wi●h the leagued of his Court, and of the City: he did dispatch divers Posts both to Saumour, & also to other places to the King of Navarre. And about three leagues from Chaulx toward Vendosme, he was advertyzed by three Posts, that the King sent for him: whereupon the said King of Navarre turned bridle, and came that night to lodge at Maille upon Loire, within two leagues of Tours, after he had been 24. hours on horseback, and immediately sent word of his coming to the King. The King understanding of his being so nigh him, did greatly rejoice, knowing that the enemy neither would nor durst enterprise any thing whilst he was so nigh his person.  
The enemy sent certain companies in the evening with a great bravade, and took a Suburb of Tours, where they deflowered a Maid, who had fled into the Church before the high altar, & in the arms of a Priest: but hearing that the King of Navarre was at hand (without any leisure to take breath) they retired presently.  
The King of Navarre rested himself and his troops the next day, but the 30. of April (being the Lord's day) in the morning, the said King of Navarre judging that it were necessary for them both to see one another, thereupon to take some certain resolution of their affairs, being also requested by the King (although his counsel had divers opinions of that interview) he sent to the King by the Lord of Mignowile, that he was gone to set all his troops in battle array at the Pont la Mot, a quarterr of a league from Tours, and thatif it should please his Majesty to come to the Suburbs, he would kiss his majesties hands, and would receive his commandments to execute the● according to the necessity of the affairs.  
After the said King of Navarre, with all his troops had stayed about two hours, the Marshal Hautmont came to him from the King, to pray him that he would pass over the river, to come to him to Pless●s les Tours, where the King with all the court stayed for him. That thing he immediately determined to do, leaving of all suspicions, and despising the counsel of many, who would have him to differ that interuiewe until another time: considering also, that there was no appearance of danger, he passed over the river at the bridge of Saint Saphorine, & went to meet the King, accompanied with the Marshal Hautmont, and many of his nobility, and his guards, leaving the rest of his forces to stay for him at the passage.  
He found the King staying for him, in the alley of the Park of Plessis: there was so great throng, as well of Courtiers as of the inhabitants of the City, who ran thither from every where, that the two Kings stayed the space of half a quarter of an hour, stretching their arms one toward another, before they could touch one another: so great was the press; for the place (though very spacious) would not receive the multitude, so that the trees were loaded with men to behold that blessed meeting. The embracings, the salutations, were reiterated divers times of both Kings, with a show of mutual joy and contentation.  
The rejoicing of all the Court, and of the people was incredible: for all men did cry by the space of half an hour, God save the King, a voice that had not been hard either at Tours, or in any place else where the King had been in more than four months before. Another acclamation followed the first; God save the Kings, God save the King, and the King of Navarre: all men praised God, and blessed that happy and long desired reconsiliation.  
The two Kings parting then●e, entered into counsel, where they were the space of two hours: and after the counsel, they took their horses and road together, accompanied with the Court unto Saint Anne, which is half the way to the Suburb called Roches, the streets were so full of people, that it was hard for them to pass: all the way sounded with acclamatio●s and voice of joy, for the hope which every one had conceived, that these two Kings being so united, would overcome their enemies, and restablish the state of the kingdom, and would end the miseries which had vexed France so long.  
The said King of Navarre, departed from the King at Saint Anne, repassed Loire, where his troops stayed for him, & lodged at the Suburbs of Saint Saphorin, nigh the bridges end.  
The morrow after, being the first day of May, about six a clock in the morning, the King of Navarre entered into the town, to go to salute the King. All that morning was employed in counsel, until ten a clock, that the King would go to Mass; where he was accompanied by the said King of Navarre unto the Church door: from thence he went to salute the Princess of Condy and County, staying for the King's return from Mass. Afterward the said King of Navarre, as long as he made his abode there, oftentimes visited the King, and took counsel together for the common benefit of the realm.  
The same day, the said King of Navarre obtained of the King, for them of Sedan ten thousand Crowns for to help them in their affairs, with letters written unto the Duke of Lorreyne, commanding him to make war no longer upon Sedan, declaring that they were under his protection.  
Whilst these things were a doing at Tours, the Duke d' maine did batter Chasteaurenault; but understanding of the interview of the two Kings, at the self same hour of the interview he broke the siege, and in haste retired to Vendosme. The King as is before said, stood in great danger, to be either murdered or else delivered to the enemy, by the intelligence which the Duke d' maine had with some traitors which were of his counsel in the Court and in the City. Now by this blessed reconsiliation, here is a great change to be seen on a sudden; for by this, the King is put out of fear, liveth out of danger of the rebels, is fortified by arrival of this mighty Prince and army unlooked for; the hearts of all good subjects are herewith encouraged, and the conspirators are terrified: for the Duke of maine being at Vendosme, and in the territory there about, with a mighty army of traitors, had committed such insolences upon the people of their own League and union, that the country was replenished with outcries, curses, and imprecations. Fear therefore of the King of Navarre, and of some insurrection of the people of the country, constrained him first to place part of his army in garrisons, in the towns of Beausse, Anjou, maine, and Perch, to make havoc of all that he left behind, and afterward to return to Paris.  
The Duke d' maine having so divided his army, with one part of the same, giveth to himself many alarm in that retire to Paris.  
It is said before, how about the beginning of April, the King considering the reasonable proffers of the King of Navarre, who in his great prosperity, and when he might have enlarged his authority far and wide throughout all France, proffered peace and aid unto the King, to his great disadvantage: at length necessity enforced the said King to conclude a truce with the King of Navarre for a whole year, beginning at the 3. day of April 1589. and ending the same day of the same month, in the year 1590. inclusively.  
The conditions of the said truce were agreed upon, and promised to be observed by the two Kings, the 26. of April.  
First, in publication of the same truce, the King with a long discourse doth protest of his consiancy in the Catholic religion, and opposeth the proofs which he hath showed from his youth up, as well in his private profession and exercises, as in pursuing the contrary religion by all means, and restablishing the said romish religion, in places where it had been abolished, against the calumnies, false reports, and slanders of the Leaguers.  
On the contrary, showeth how his enemies have taken the pretence of religion, and discharging the people of sundry exactions, to make associations to strengthen themselves, to replenish the realm with tumults and confusions: whereby they have given opportunity to the heretics, to abolish the Catholic religion, and to enlarge theirs, and they themselves have by sundry cruelties and extortions, oppressed his subjects of the Catholic religion: he complaineth that the Leaguers having attempted against his person, and proclaimed an open war against him and his authority, who through their injuries, have enforced him to call the King of Navarre to his natural and lawful defence, against their rebellions and treasons.  
Secondly, he declareth how the King of Navarre, acknowledging his duty toward his Majesty, and pitying the miserable state of the realm, subverted & brought to a lamentable confusion by the Leaguers, hath instantly required peace of him. Whereupon by the advise of the Princes of the blood, officers of the Crown, and Lords of his Counsel, he hath concluded a truce; and ceasing from all hostility throughout the whole tralme, therein comprehending the County of Venisse, and state of avignon, belonging to the Pope, the said truce to begin the third day of April, and to continue a whole year.  
The conditions of the said truce are as followeth.  
First, that the King of Navarre shall not, during the time of the said truce, employ his forces within, nor without the realm, but for his service, and at his commandment and direction.  
Secondly, that wheresoever the King of Navarre shall come, he shall alter, change, nor innovat, nor interrupt the exercise of the romish religion, nor show any displeasure to the Priests, nor to the places of their devotions.  
Thirdly, that whatsoever place, Town, City, Castle or Fortress, he shall take by any mean whatsoever, immediately deliver the same to the King's pleasure.  
Last of all, the King granteth to them of the reformed religion, the liberty of their consciences wheresoever, within his dominions, and the exercise of the same in places were it was exercised at the time of the concluding of this truce: also that they all shall enjoy their goods wheresoever, so that likewise they shall suffer the Catholics to enjoy the freedom of their religion and goods, in places which are in their power.  
This was proclaimed and recorded in Parliament the thirty day of April at Tours the day of their interuiewe.  
About the same time in like manner, the king of Navarre did set forth a declaration of the causes of these truces: wherein first he doth protest, that in all these civil wars, he hath armed himself and his friends against his will, nature and necessity enforcing him so to do, and showeth that his war of the League began under a pretence and shadow of religion, but in very deed is found a war of estate. Protesteth that his great desire hath been always to do some good and acceptable service to the king. Complaineth of the malice of his enemies, disguised and coloured with favourable pretences to overthrow the State. Commendeth the king, who at length hath with a good judgement discerned his innocency from their malice, through so great and thick mist of colours and calomnies of his enemies.  
Secondly, he showeth that the Leaguers making the world believe to war against the reformed religion, whom they do call heretics, never went to seek them out where they were, but abusing of the king's authority and power, which they had ●●il in hand, & to that end have by the said forces, surprised the towns and fortresses which were furthest and least suspected of religion.  
Thirdly, he showeth that they have not used their preachers and jesitites to convert the pretended heretics as they should have done, but in all places where they have borne the sway, have made them serve for trumpets of sedition and firebrands, to sound the alarm, and to set the whole Realm on a fire, and miserable combustion, to raise the subjects against their prince, to seduce them from the obedience of their magistrates, to dispose them to tumults, alteration and noveities, whereby they have procured an horrible deformity in the Realm, a general and incredible rebellion, by the which they have banished all piety and justice out of all Cities and places which are under their tyranny.  
Fourthly, he showeth the causes of this their reconsiliation and interview, to have been no respect of religion at all: But that he for his part pitying the miserable state whereunto the enemies had reduced the realm, when he mought have used the public calamities of the said state for to do well and assure his affairs, forgiving all injuries and discourtesies received unto the realm, hath offered to the king his life, and means to assist him to restablish his authority: which proffers the king of his clementy and goodness accepted. And upon that acceptation (that he might the better have means to do him good service) the said King bathe conciuded a general truce throughout all his Dominions for a whole year, including therein the County of Venisse and state of avignon.  
Last of all, he chargeth and commandeth all them of his side and religion, to keep the conditions of this truth inviolable, forbidding them to enterprise, innovate, or alter any thing either in religion or policy, in any place of the King's dominions.  
And as the King of his gracious goodness had given liberty to them of the reformed religion, to enjoy the freedom of their consciences & goods, he willeth also the like liberty to be given to the Catholics, who are in the Provinces, Towns or Cities, holden by them of the reformed religion, so long as this truce shall endure.  
Among all other Provinces, which through rebellion had forsaken the King's obedience, Picardy and the isle of France had waded most deeply in that rebellion, having generally revolted, Calis and Boulogne excepted. In the isle of France there is a small Town named Seulis, in the way bewéene champaign and Paris, that Town also had rebelled and joined to the union of the League, a Town of no strength, neither in fortifications nor situation.  
About the beginning of April, the Lord Thore of the house of Mommorency, went up and down in the Town of Seulis, conferring with the good and faithful inhabitants of the said Town, who with his good and grave reasons reduced them to the King's obedience.  
About the beginning of May, the said Lord Thore within the space of three days, made a choice and muster of able men out of the villages of the Duchy of Mommorency, so that as well of his companies as of the inhabitants of the Town, he made a sufficient number of resolute men to the number of two thousand, able to stand against any forces that should seek to assault the Town, furnishing the same abundantly with victual and munition, and all necessary things for the keeping and defence thereof. This he did, not that the place was of any such strength, but reposing his trust in God, who is a defender of a just cause, and in the courage & faithfulness of the inhabitants and soldiers there. The parisians amazed to see the sudden reducing of the said Town to the King's obedience, did all their diligence to put out that fire kindled so near them.  
The Lord of Maynevile (whom we have said the Duke de maine had left governor of Paris) in great haste with a company of parisians well armed, came to besiege the said Town of Seulis. The Duke d'Aumale with a brave company of horsemen and a sort of footmen, arrived incontinently there after the Lord Maynevile; so that on a sudden they besieged the Town, being at the dash to the number of four thousand men.  
The fourth day, the parisians and other partakers and fellows of the union, came posting from many places, being well horsed and furnished, and found themselves that day before that Town to the number of six thousand men.  
The fift day they sent to Paris for Ordinance, whereof three were sent them, to wit, two Canons and one Culuerine: and because none would enterprise to conduct the said Ordinance, this way was devised.  
In the alteration which was made in the City in january last, they had appointed a Captain for every ward of the City, which be eighteen, which by turns should have out of his ward twelve hundred men, to march to the Boys of Vicennes nigh Paris, to keep that Castle from surprising by the King's friends. Captain Aubret his regiment was appointed that day to that charge, to wit, to conduct the Ordinance, to whom was added the company of Captain Compan; they (leaving for that day the keeping of the Castle Vicennes, their baggage, apparel, and provision of victual, which was gone before through the gate S. Anthony) went through S. Martin's gate, where the Ordinance was gone before, under the charge of one Brigard, Procurator of the townhouse. They arrived with these three p●eces at Seulis the sixth day of May in the evening. At their arriving they saluted the Town with a peal of that Ordinance.  
At the noise thereof, they of the Town on a sudden came to the Town walls, and offered to make as great a breach in the wall as they would demand, and so to ease them from taking so much pains as to use the Canon shot.  
The Duke d'Aumale presently sent to summon them to yield unto composition: they within promised to make an answer the morrow following.  
Upon this answer, a Post of the Town went to Paris to bring them good news, which increased greatly by the way, as the manner is: there the report went that Seulis had proffered threescore thousand Crowns, some multiplied that to one hundred thousand, for their ransom.  
The 7. day, they of the Town gave their answer both by portraiture and by mouth: for they all night had portrayed on a cloth the Dukes de Main & Aumale hanged on gibbets, & the Duchess Montpensier kneeling at the feet of them with her head all uncovered, weeping and wailing and tearing her hair, which they caused to be set on the morrow (being the 7. of May) to be spread upon the walls, the people crying with vile and reproachful speeches, that the same was the portraiture of the composition that they demanded.  
Upon the sight of this picture, and words spoken out of the wall: they sent again to Paris for more Ordinance, to beat the Town to dust, for they had sworn so to do.  
The parisians made excuse, that they lacked Bullets, and such Pieces as they demanded.  
The cause of this excuse was not lack of will to do so much mischief as the other intended to have done: but for fear of the jealousies between the Duke de maine and Aumale: for the Duke Aumale had been greatly, and oftentimes desired (after his departure from thence) to return to Paris, which he denied to do. The parisians therefore fearing that Aumale having such forces as he had at Seulis, and expected daily from the Lord Balagny, and having store of Ordinance and munition, either might turn all these forces against them, or keep them short from having any victuals out of Picardy, or to make a third faction, and to strive with the Duke de maine about the state, and so weaken their party, to expose them to be a pray for the King.  
The Duke d' Aumale, seeing that there was little succour to be expected from Paris, sent to Peronne, where he had six pieces of Ordinance, and out of Anjous one, which were conducted to Seulis by the Lord Balagny, governor of Cambray.  
About the 13. day of May they of Seulis made a sally out of the Town with a hundred horsemen, whereat they that besieged the town were so amazed, that they thought best to flee: so the parisians casting away their armour, fled, and hid themselves in bushes on every side.  
Of these hundred horsemen, fifty returned into the town, and the other fifty kept the field, for to aid any that might come to secure them.  
About the 15. of May, the Lord Balagny with his companies of Walloons, Cambresines and Picardines, came and joined to the D. Aumale, with six pieces of Ordinance, which he had taken at Peronne and Anjous, as is aforesaid.  
The 12. day of May, they began to batter Seulis, with ten pieces of battery, and within a while having made a great breach, the enemy confusedly gave the assault, who was repulsed with some loss.  
The same day about noon, word came to the enemy that the Duke of Longueville, accompanied with the Lords of Humieres, Bonnivet, lafoy Now, Giury, Mesuiller, and Tour, and other nobles of Picardy were at hand to the number of a thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen to rescue the town of Seulis.  
Whereupon the Lord Balagny pitched in camp the best power of his men, and being then accompanied with the Lords of Mainuile, of Saisseval, Mezieres, and Congee, with others, approached somewhat near to the Duke of Longueville, in good hope to discomfit him. The horsemen of Cambray, and the Walloons also first charged the footmen of the Duke of Longueville. The said footmen departed themselves in the middle, & gave room for the ordinance to shoot: which at the first volye made a great slaughter of the Cambresines and Walloons, who liking not that play, recyred back with greater haste than they went to it: but afterward they came all to a set battle, fought stoutly on both sides, and with great courage: but the Ordinance of the Duke of Longueville made still so great spoite of the enemy, that conceiving a great dread they began to waver, neither could the Duke d' Aumale, nor the Lord Balagny by any persuasions encourage them, nor bring them to good order again: so the confusion and terror increasing, the whole army which besieged the town, fled away presently.  
The Duke of Longueville his power, with the power which was in the Town, issuing forth, did so follow the chase, that with handy blows they killed as many as they could overtake. There remained slain of the rebels upon the place between fifteen hundred and two thousand, as many were slain in the chase, besides them who were slain in the Villages by the country people. All the Ordinance and munition of war, bag & baggage was left behind. The Duke d' Aumale had a blow which did him no good, the Lord Balagny had an other which did him no great hurt: both of them fled to Paris in lesser company than when they went to Seulis.  
The Duke d' Aumale the 19 of May went out of Paris, fearing there to be welome, and mistrusting the snares of the Main, mutiny and factions of the parisians, he retired to Saint Denis.  
Balagny remained in Paris, feigning there that he would take order for the gathering of the Soldiers, breathing out cruel threatening what he would do, and promising to the parisians, that a new supply of Walloons would come out of the low Country: he cheereth the people of Paris, who were smitten with the dread of jericho. The self same day, the rebels of Rion in Awergne, had an overthrow no less than this, but the particularityes are not known unto me for lack of instructions.  
We have inserted by digression the judgements which God hath executed upon the rebels, before Seulis. First, how they were convicted of treason and felony upon the walls of Seulis, and there their chiefest Captains hanged. Neither was that a play of boys, but the work of God, which by that fearful picture would have admonished both the headlings and underlings of that rebellion, of their offence, of his judgements executed upon rebels in all ages, and put them in remembrance of their duty.  
Secondly, we have seen a blow given of God) unto such unfaithful Traitors, despisers of God's Ordinance) in earnest of heavier plagues, if through repentance they do not return to their dutiful obedience.  
Now we will return to show the effects of the meeting, and interview of the two Kings at Tours the 30. of April.  
It is said, how the Duke de maine took a fright as soon as he heard of this interview, returned to Vendosme, where sojourning a few days, he ordered his army, placed part of them in garrisons in divers towns and holds, as is said.  
It is said also, how he had sent to the Duke Aumale, to send him some supply of horsemen out of Picardy, that he might be the better able to give the blow so long intended.  
The King of Navarre taking for some days counsel with the King, about the public affairs, made some light roads in the Country about which was leagued, expecting to have all his forces in a readiness to do some exploit. At length the said King of Navarre understanding how that the Duke de maine fled with part of his army: about the thirteenth day of May followed him so near upon the heels, that he put all stragglers which were left behind to the sword, and did so scour the country of Beausse, that not one of the enemies durst show themselves abroad out of their holds.  
Whilst the King expected certain regiments of Suissers, and other forces, which did daily prepare to come to hi●, th● King of Navarre sojourning in Beausse, about Boysgency, had sent the Lord Lorges to scour the country toward Chasteaudune and Bonaval, and retired to his house of Lorges nigh Marchesnoyre.  
The Duke d' Aumale had sent the Lord Saveinze with some companies of Picardy, but specially the Lords of Brosses, with six or seven score gentlemen, all the choice of the Nobility in Picardy, that were favouring that side, and sojourned at Chartres.  
This Saveinze took with him his companies of Picardy, and Arcleinuile: for the Duke de maine governor at Chartres, accompanied with fifty horses, intending to have surprised the Lord Lorges, Arcleinuile went before to view the country, and to know who stirred in the fields.  
The 18. of May, the King of Navarre sent the Lord Chastilion, accompanied with the Lords Fouqueroles, Charboniere, Harambure, Money, Resny, Saint Sere, Fresillon, and Chambalame, and other gentlemen to make war with two hundred horsemen, and as many harquebuziers, and by Boysgency understood that these troops of Picary, sent by the Duke d' Aumale, came that way to have met the Lord Lorg●s: the Lord Chastilion therefore with his companies directed his way toward Bonaval, and took with him the Lord Fonquerantes, with twenty of his gentlemen for scout, they met Arcleinuile with fifty horses with him. The Lord Chastilion maketh towards him to charge him, and so used the matter that they killed six men of the enemy. Arcleinuile having no great liking of that play, retired and gave the alarm to the rest of the troops, a quarter of a mile coming orderly under the leading of Saveinze: he had 30. Harquebuziers of the Lord Forceville, and many other Gentlemen of name, making in all the number of six hundred men.  
The Lord Chastilion changed his pace with a trot, for to entertain them. Charboniere and Harambure, with their companies of light horsemen were on his left wing on the other side.  
Saveuze setting forth before his Harquebuziers, set his company of Launciers in ranks, and cometh a great pace without breaking rank for the space of a quarter of a mile. The trumpets sound the charge on both sides.  
The Lord Chastilion casteth about a little to stay for his Harquebuziers, he divideth his horsemen into two companies, and having placed his footmen, goeth to the skirmish.  
Saveuze cometh forth very bravely and courageously, galloping for thirty paces, his Harquebuziers on horseback gave the onset near enough.  
The Lord Chastilion his footmen received them, who after the first Harquebuziers were discharged, even during the fight rushed in among the horsemen, killed many horses with their swords: of the Lord Chastilion his men were slain one that had been of the King of Navarre his guards, and two soldiers of the garrison of Boysgency and no more.  
Saveuze, who on a sudden had bend himself against the light horsemen, charged so furiously the Lord Chastilion, that the first ranks were broken, which he unhorsed and laid along, and eight or ten of his gentlemen incurred the like misfortune, among whom was the Lord Money, Rosny, Saint Sere, Freslon, Chamberlan, and among them three were hurt with Lances & twenty or thirty of their horses slain. The Brosses set upon the rearward of the Lord Chastilion which were greatly distressed.  
At length the Lord Chastilion, and others that were overthrown, recovered themselves, and fell a fight with their sword on foot, and he advanced so far that he was hurt in the face.  
In the mean while the Lords Harambure, Charboniere, and Fonquerules with their companies, set upon Saveuze and his troops so furiously, that they entered and broke a ray, put the enemies to flight in such sort, that they could not gather together again. There were slain some of their captains, all the gentlemen of Picardy, and above threescore in the flight, so that there were above two hundred of the enemies slain: but specially all the Harquebuziers, two cornets were taken, and the bearers slain, forty Gentlemen were taken, and among them Saveuze and Forcevile: Many of account were hurt. The Lord Chastilion lost but three men, as is aforesaid: this execution was done nigh Bonaval about four a clock in the after noon.  
Here (Christian Reader) may we see the great goodness and mercy of God, which calleth sinners and transgressors to repentance, sending them messengers and tokens of his wrath, & denouncing them assured destruction: for first at Seulis the Lord represented unto the heads of the league. the greatness of their trespass by the painted punishment deserved.  
Secondly, the Lord prospered the King's armies with three noble victories in two days, in the sighed in a manner and hearing of three great and mighty rebeiled citiyes, to wit, at Seulis, nigh Paris, and at Rions in Awergne, and at Bonaval, not far from Orleans. Furthermore the Lord hath executed yet most terrible judgements since, because they despised these gracious warnings, by consuming them with a long and continual disease, as if it were with a physic, carrying with them the worm of the conscience, oppressed with famine, pestilence, sword, and with intolerable bondage under the Leaguers.  
The King of Navarre after this overthrow of Saveinze and his companies nigh Bonaval, about the 22. of May being at Boysgency upon Loire veneath Orleans five leagues, writeth a loving letter to the rebels of Orleans, to prove what reason and fair offers might do with them, wherein he showeth to them.  
First, that he hath foreseen and forewarned France of the evils which this last civil Wars would bring, and protesteth of the disliking of it at all times. And although his protestations and warnings have been little regarded, notwithstanding the injuries which he hath received, yet will he not fail in his duty toward his country, but will seek the means to cure her disease, or die wi●h it both in general, and particular.  
Secondly, adviseth them to consider the causes of their rebellion to be in themselves, and not in other men: for it cannot be for any religion, or any violence, or necessity which hath enforced them thereunto; but a wicked and rash mind, which maketh them pretend a fear of some evil that may come hereafter: and so doing they make themselves unfortunate, and cast themselves in a miserable state. And in preventing a fault that may be hereafter, they do commit a manifest and heinous crime: in going about to stop an evil, which they do imagine to see a far of, they do procure to themselves innumerable evils: to assure a liberty to their children, which no man will hinder, they do throw themselves into a present bondage: To make sure (as they say) their state and goods, they yield themselves to be spoiled and rob.  
Put them in remembrance of the calamities which will accompany their rebellion and their obstinacy in the same, as that they do draw a cruel war to their gates, whereby they shall be continually in fear and alarum; by it they shall have need continually of an army to guard them; by it they shall see their houses, their fields, their vines set on a fire, their wives and children spoiled, their traffic stopped, their husbandry wasted: and all this they are like to suffer for going about to revenge another man's naughty quarrel, and for to make their backs to be footsteps for other men to get up unto the scaffold of their ambition: which if it doth fall (as it cannot stand) it will quail, stifle and undo them.  
Thirdly, admonisheth them to call to remembrance the fidelity and loyalty of their ancestors to Charles the 7. whom they defended against England and the most part of France, which had conspired against him, and exhorteth them also to remember their oath naturally given, to keep their fidelity, loyalty and duty inviolable to their naturally Prince.  
Last of all, he assureth them of the King's clemency and gracious favour, and proffereth them his means to further the same, if they will return under his obedience.  
Afterward the King of Navarre scoured all the country of Beausse, having enforced the rebels to keep in their Holds.  
At length the King having received certain regiments of Swissers, and encouraged with these good beginnings against the rebels, (knowing the God of battles to be of his side) in the latter end of june gatheres all his forces together, and came in person to his Camp▪ Help cometh to him from all parts of the Realm, his army increaseth daily in number, fame and power. The state of the King thus suddenly, many Cities begin to entreat upon peace.  
Thus the King having recovered part of his authority, and in good hope to recover the whole, and more than ever he had, by refusing the counsel of strangers, and following the good, wise, sage, and discreet counsel of the Princes of his blood, and other his noble and faithful counsellors, subjects and friends; he marcheth directly toward Paris to begin the punishment, where this unthankfulness, treachery and rebellion had begun. He taketh Pontoys, S. Clow, seizeth upon Poissy, S. Germayne, Charanton, and other Towns round about Paris. Meloune and Corbeil he had fortified and holden ever since the beginning of the rebellion.  
The Princes of Germany and Italy sent Ambassadors unto him, do wish him well, do proffer him money and men to repress that barbarous treachery of his enemies. Some of the first conspirators also through despair, flee unto his mercy. Finally, all things now fall contrary to their expectation and traitorous desires, without any hope to look any more (so long as the King liveth) for any condition of agreement or surety of life. To be short, the case is altered.  
For the King leading his power nigh Paris, to compass it round about, and having all the Towns about, beginneth so to distress it, that either none or small store of victuals could be brought into the City.  
The conspirators begin to tremble at this new and sudden change: therefore the heads of the traitors seeing themselves so hardly beset, do enter into counsel to determine upon the extremity of their affairs. One among the rest declared the danger wherein they lived; he showed that the minds of the Nobility were mutable and inconstant, fawning always on Fortune's side. He showed also that the fearful Cities could not be kept faithful unto them, and that upon the sight of any imminent danger, they would be ready to revolt again to the King.  
Also he discoursed how the Clergy were covetous, and never gave but very little of their own to their Kings, and therefore there was small hope that they would give to them who might but entreat for it. And thus stood their case at home.  
From abroad (said he) less hope was to be looked for: for the Spaniard was old and careful for the quietness of his own family, unto whom it was more security that France should be troubled, then usurped by any other than himself.  
The Italian Princes are circumspect and wise.  
The Germans are covetous and misers.  
The Pope is subtle, crafty and inconstant, greedy for his own gain, and turning with every blast of fortune: therefore he concluded, that there was none other remedy remaining for them but to die or run away, except one thing could be brought to pass, to wit, the death of the King, which (if they would avoid their assured undoing) was to be laboured by all means possible, and that there was no other remedy for redress of their distressed estate.  
In this counsel sat the Duke de maine (as a King in hope) Aumale, Nemours, the treacherous Bishop of Lions, whom the King a little before had pardoned and set at liberty, the Lords Rosne, Boysdaulphin, Brissak, Sagonne, the 47. chosen for the counsel of the City, as above said, the seventeen Colonels appointed over the eighteen wards of the City.  
All this blessed company having heard the discourse above said, and seeing with their eyes vengeance to be at the door, concluded the condemnation and execution of the King speedily to be dispatched and murdered, but the means are found very difficult to bring such a famous act to pass. Now therefore they must search out some way to bring such a bold and dangerous enterprise to possibility: he that shall happily undertake that feat, aught to be willing, bold, sturdy and quick handed, and a man so qualified, that without any suspicion may have a speedy and sure access to the King's person. Many offered themselves to be the executioners of that villainous act. But it was considered that they could not pass through so many guards and doors without suspicion, which if they should be taken, by torments they would be made coufesse the matter, and that would be a caveat to him to look more diligently to himself, which would bring the matter to impossibility.  
Many are solicited thereunto by great and fair promises, and lacked no good will, but only courage. But advising themselves of the Kings more than superstitious heart, concluded to make choice of some saucy desperate wretch, who covered with the cloak of hypocrisy, might pierce through all the guards of the King's house without any suspicion or examination.  
To spy out such a one as would undertake to achieve such a desperate parricide, was committed specially to one Pichnard an incestuous & most villainous person. This Pichnard therefore to give some good grace to this tragedy, brought in a Friar to play the devils part, & such a one as might at all times assure himself of free access. And for as much as among all other sects of idolatrous Friars, the Dominicans were most welcome to the King, he made his choice of one of that order for the determined execution, as shall hereafter be declared.  
But we will by a digression show the holiness of that order of Dominican Friars and others, that it may appear that it is not new nor contrary unto Friary and Monkery to be hold, ready and strong to commit all villainy.  
All about one time out of the bottomless pit of hell (by a just judgement of God to revenge the unthankfulness and idolatries of the world, and to fill the measure of iniquity of the spiritual Sodom by Antichrist) there issued two frogs with lying spirits to seduce utterly the world, to wit, Francis in Italy, and Dominick in Spain, two misbegotten monsters in all respects one like to another, save only in their hair and king of francie.  
These two seducers like in hypocrisy, ignorance, superstition, idolatry and rage, were possessed with divers spirits of francie. For Francis was a frantic sot, ignorance itself, made only to make the world laugh with his follies, and yet by his follies (such was that accursed age) he got himself a great fame and reputation of holiness, and drew after him an infinite number of disciples of the like humour to his.  
Dominick in Spain was of a hotter francie, so that it may be said of him as of Caligula, urceus conflatus ex luto & sanguine, immanitate oppletus. For his own Friars do write of him, that whilst he was in his mother's womb, she dreamt that she was delivered of a Dog that held a burning Torch, wherewith he kindled a fire in the world and set it to combustion. What this mad Dog did in France, the horrible murders which he caused to be committed upon the Albigeoys, who (after the cruel conflicts of the Waldenses with Antichrist) had restored the Gospel in Guien, Gascoigne and languedoc, but specially in the territory of the City Alby, as also the raging follies which was committed at Tholouse were incredible to report, except his own disciples had written them in his legend.  
His disciples after him have showed no less fury and rage in divers respects, but specially upon the most noble Emperor Henry the 7. of the noble house of Bavierne, who did poison him with the powder of beaten Diamonds mingled in his chalice, when they did minister to him such a communion as they had devised of their own. For that cause only that the good Emperor wished, & had some speeches about the reforming of the Church.  
But the accursed rage of the Inquisition (which doth consist most of Dominican Friars) hath so far surpassed all the tyrants that ever were, that O ye Busiris, Perillus, Phalaris, Nero, Caligula, Domitian, Heliogabalus, and thou unnatural house of Otheman, and ye that are famous for any notorious wickedness, rejoice, for your infamy is justified by the raging cruelty of these Atheists, Sorcerers, necromancers, Idolaters, Enchanters and Parricides, the accursed Dominican Friars, and the whole rabble of Friary and Monkery, against the Church and Christian Princes.  
I leave off the hypocrisy, enchantments and sorceries, which these companions played at Berna and Orleans: no marvel therefore if we hear never a pleasant tale, but of the deeds of Friars: we never laugh but at their follies; we never wonder but at their impudence; we are never astonished but at their fury; we never tremble but at their rage; we never see a merry play, but a Friar playeth the devils part. Pichnard therefore considering all things, as is aforesaid, thought good to pick out such a one as was brought up in Dominiks' school, well practised and exercised in the affairs of their order. Whereupon he solicited one james Clement, another S. Dominicke in all respects, in ignorance exceeding, so that he knew no more than his Portiforia, such a one as for his lewdness, and for being taken often times in stews and whorehouses, had been by the order of their discipline diversly punished.  
This Friar james was in great favour before with the lady Montpencier, sister to the late Duke of Guyze, being her confessor, not for any good quality in him, but because he was a lusty sturdy ghostly father among Ladies of her religion, & could give her such good counsel as could please her well.  
Pichnard perceived this companion to be a fit instrument to execute their damnable and devilish sentence, made motion of the matter to him. The Friar, although very desirous of the King's death, yet willing that it should be done rather by another then by himself, feared to thrust himself into that assured danger of a present death, was unwilling to hear any more of that.  
Friar james is called in. There were the Dukes de maine, Aumale, Nemours, the Lords Rosne, Sagonne, Brissak, Boysdaulphin, Villeroy, and such good Catholics, and to fill the mess there was Pagarola, Friar Sixtus his Chaplain, a very loving Priest, and one that can write very loving letters to the Courtesans of Rome, to give them such spiritual counsel as he can skill. They had (poor silly Friar) james Clement under benedicite: there they showed to this accursed parricide what a good deed he might do to deliver holy Church from the tyranny of Henry the third, who was become an heretic, and that with one blow he might procure peace to the whole realm, and a blessed quietness to the holy Church.  
They showed unto him, how his order had done many times such good service to holy Church, as in ridding away the Emperor Henry the 7. who intended to persecute holy Church.  
They let him understand, how among all other order of Friars, his had deserved the greatest praise in spilling daily the blood of heretics as water in the towns, and cities of Spain, and Italy, and all for the honour of God and exaltation of holy Church. But this pinch would be the noblest act that ever was done by any man: the remembrance thereof should remain for ever, and his name should be made immortal thereby, and if he should die, he should die a glorious Martyr, as Thomas Becket did in England.  
Afterwad he was brought to the Ladies, catholic and chaste women, the Duchess' of Montpencier, Guyze, Aumale, Nemours, Foyeuse, the mother and the holy Virgin the Lady Saint Beufue, who as a special favour had bestowed the pocks of late upon the Duke de maine, and beside divers of the principal leaguers in the time of her Virginity. This Lady is of such holiness, that she is neither a maid, nor wife, nor widow: in this company were Thais, Lais and Bacchis of Corinthus, all holy Catholic women. They began to shrive the Friar, if they were men, or if they could be so transformed into men, that they might have access to the tyrant, they could find in their hearts to stab him: that is a special point of honour which they do proffer him to do such a famous deed. It is hereditary to his order to exalt the Church, and to deliver it, he is a man endued with strength, they have been his good Ladies, they have favoured him greatly and pleasured him in any thing that ever he requested. What, will he not do so much at their request: they must die all, and all the city of Paris; what a good deed it is to save the lives of Princesses, Ladies, good Citizens, devout Priests and religious men of so many innocents, whose death the tyrant had sworn, with the razing of the city. If he refuseth to do that good deed, they think him not to be that man that they took him for.  
They showed him how easy it was to perform it: for there were many Leaguers, and their partakers in his counsel, in his court, in his chamber, in his camp, in his guards, who would assist him: and if any danger should stir, they would defend him and rescue him, and that none would be so hardy, as to proffer him a blow: for else Friar Pagarola would foam like a boar and thunder like a devil against them.  
What and if it should happen, that he should die for holy Church, than he should be happy to deserve the name of Martyr, & that his brother Friar Sixtus would make him a Saint.  
But if he return safe (as he shall no doubt) God forbidden else) he shall be well rewarded in money, he shall have a Bishopric for his pains: Friar Paugarola will procure Friar Sixtus to make him a Cardinal, for a Friar will do for a Friar, and who knows not that by these means he may be made Pope, after Friar Sixtus is weary of his room.  
To be short, if he will not do it, he shall see with his eyes his good Ladies, all his order, all the good Catholics of the whole city of Paris put to the sword, the city razed (for the tyrant hath sworn both he shall die himself an assured death ere it be long) the holy Mass, the holy Saints, Images and relics, the Churches shall all be destroyed, and the heretics shall have all things: all these mischiefs cannot be avoided but by his death.  
By these persuasions, the accursed Friar (otherwise ready enough to all mischief) is induced to commit one of the most villainous parts which ever was committed in France. So Satan having possessed his hart, the Friar persuadeth himself, that an Angel hath appeared unto him, and commanded him to kill the King: he opened this to another Friar which was greatly esteemed in Paris, by reason of a good opinion of great holiness which the people had of him. The other Friar doth encourage him, promiseth him, that by doing such a holy deed, he shall deliver the Church, and set the whole realm at quiet, banish war, and restore a most assured and perpetual peace, as judith did deliver Betulia by the death of Holofern●s.  
Behold (Christian reader) the King condemned to die, the executioner to commit the parricide sought out by Pichenard, persuaded by the heads of the League, and some Ladies belonging to them, deluded by Satan, confirmed in this delusion by another Friar as good as himself, with assured promise of a most sure and constant peace. Friar Clement desireth to know how he may do it surely and safely.  
The Leaguers therefore enter into deliberation about three things, to wit, the access to the King's person, the stroke and secrecy. As for the first point to convey him to the King's person, they considered his coat, which for the reverence and love which the King did bear to it, would prepare him the way.  
Secondly, whereas the rebels in seizing upon Paris after the death of the Duke of Guise, had taken the Senate prisoner, and did as yet hold a great many prisoners, and among other the first Precedent of the Senate named the Precedent Harlay. They had also in like sort many of the chiefest Citizens for bearing good will to the King, or because they were rich, (as is aforesaid) whom they detained in like manner prisoners. The said Lord President and some of the said Citizens, procured to write letters unto the King, which should be delivered to Friar james Clement. They taught him also a lesson containing matters of importance, with commandment that they should not be disclosed unto any man but unto the King only, and that in secret.  
As for the stroke, it must needs be deadly too; for else it would but increase their misery, and such a blow could not be given but by a secret weapon that might be hidden easily about him: for otherwise if it could be perceived, it would make the King more wary hereafter and careful of himself. But what could be more fit than a knife, which might be easily conveyed in the friars sleeve, and whose noise might not detect the treachery. But yet there was another mischance to be prevented, for the wound of a knife might light upon such a place as could not be deadly, they find the means to work surely, that if he cannot kill him out of hand, yet that at length it may be his death.  
Therefore Friar Paugarola (Friar Sixtus his Chaplain) must bless the knife with some poulderdoribus of Rome, which such men as he is do commonly carry in store for great holiness among other holy relics of Rome, having greater force than their Agnus dei, or any other agios: others they have to work miracles, and such as the master Friar in Rome doth use to give in a drench to his friends, when he is weary of their company to make them give room.  
But because such weighty matters cannot be kept so close very long, but will vent out: therefore lest the smoke of this execrable intended parricide should flee over the walls of Paris, and so by giving intelligences, their heinous unnatural and hellish treason and murder might be prevented, it was diligently provided that no man should go out of Paris before the exploit were done. Therefore the gates were shut up and carefully kept, and all the issues at the Suburbs end straightly and narrowly watched, that no man could go to tell tales out of the school.  
Now the Friar hath on his hypocritical coat, his letters in his hand, his lesson in his head, his poisoned knife in his sleeve, order is taken that no intelligences may be given, the way is made plain before this devilish murderer, even as far as to the King's gate, the doors are made open to him by these means, the execution is to be performed speedily, least delay should disappoint his enterprise. This murderer accompanied with the other Friar, who had confirmed him in his revelation or illusion, wherewith Satan had deluded him: (as is aforesaid) the 21. of july, which by the new heaven of the Pope's making, is the first of August, out of Paris taking his way to S. Clow, which is a Town upon Seyne beneath Paris two small leagues, and coming to the Camp, he told them whom he met first, that he had letters from the first Precedent and certain other parisians well affected to the king, which contained matters of great importance, and beside that, he had great and weighty things to disclose to the King.  
The King being scarce ready, and advertised of this accursed Friars coming, commanded that he should attend, and that speedily he should be admitted to his speech: the Friar did attend with his letter in his hand, which he said was from the first precedent detained prisoner.  
The King being made ready, and at such an hour as he was wont to enter into his oratory, and when it was not lawful not for the Princes of the blood to have access unto him, caused that savage murderer to be called to him.  
The Friar came before the King with a bold countenance, the King looking merrily upon him, said these words; amice ad quid venisti? The Friar making a low and humble reverence, even to the ground, gave the King the letter, which he said came from the first precedent of Paris: which letters when the King had read, asked the Friar what news he brought from Paris: the Friar answered that he had matters of great importance to declare unto him. Whereupon the King commanded two Gentlemen, who waited and served him at his uprising, to go forth out of the chamber, and sat down in a chair, to hear what the Friar would say.  
The Friar drew nigh to the King, and falling upon his knees, began to tell a tale: the King stooping somewhat low, to hear what the Friar was about to say, gave more attendance to his words than to his fingers. The Friar drawing softly his knife out of his sleeve, stabbed the King there with in the lower part of the belly, and made haste to get away.  
The King amazed at the sudden and unexpected stroke, cried out, and laying hand upon a dagger that lay near him, stroke the Friar, who partly for the blow, & partly for fear, fell presently down. Upon this noise, the Lords came running into the King's chamber, and after many wounds slew that cursed Friar.  
Some do report that the King commanded that he should not be slain, but taken up and examined, which declared who set him on, and the author's names of so vile treachery: the wound was presently dressed, and as the report went, seven stitches made in it: at length the wound being dressed, he was laid on his bed, and slept a little upon his pain and grief.  
After his sleep, he made his prayers unto God, and with a loud voice, made a confession of his faith, and of the feeling which he had of his redemption, adding there unto this fervent prayer.  
IF it be to thy glory O God, and the commodity of thy people, grant me, I most humbly desire, first pardon of my sins, and then some longer days of life. But if it be otherwise, I thank thee most highly O Father, that thou dost bar me hence forth from the thraledome of sin, whereby we most oftentimes procure thy wrath against us, and therefore I am ready, most willingly to come where thou callest me.  
The King having made an end of his prayers, sendeth for his brother the King of Navarre, and for the chiefest Lords of his court, governors and captains, but specially for the heads of the strangers, to the intent that if it were God's will that he should die, they might know his last will.  
First, speaking to the King of Navarre, commended unto him the charge of his Realm, the government of his subjects, the laws of France.  
Often times he repeated words, whereby he charged the said King of Navarre, to have a special care to keep Christ's flock in unity and concord, and to preserve the godly and ancient institutions of the realm, requested him that by all means he would pacify the matter of religion in France, and not to alter any thing therein, but by the advise of a general or natural counsel lawfully called: which things the King of Navarre promised to do.  
To the rest of Princes, Lords and Noblemen he signified, that the lawful succession of the royal state of France, fell not to any other then to the person of Bourbon, and declared at that time the King of Navarre first successor: he prayed and exhorted the whole company to acknowledge him, and to be faithful unto him, willed them also to protest in his presence, all with one voice the acknowledging of him, and to promise true obedience unto him, as to the true, lawful and natural heir of the Crown: willed them also to cause the like promise and acknowledgement to be made in the Camp, by all true and faithful Captains and Soldiers, that could not be present at that assembly, consisting as well of Frenchmen as strangers. In all these speeches he showed himself of a good cheer, which caused all men to hope that he stood in no danger of death.  
The said King sent presently letters to all Provinces and Cities, to advertise them how things had passed at S. Clow, and of his will and last Testament, requiring all his faithful Subjects to protest the fulfilling thereof.  
The second day toward the evening, there appeared in the King accidents, prognosticating an assured danger, not so much through the nature of the wound, as through the poisoned contagiousness of the weapon wherewith the wound was made; so that all remedies being used by the Physicians and chirurgeons, to prevent the danger, and nothing prevailing, the King called again to him the King of Navarre, and other Princes and Lords, before whom he greatly bewailed the accursed civil wars which had been the undoing of his house, his nobility and realm, and the breeders of so many treacheries and treasons, whereof he feeleth the smart, imputing the causes thereof unto himself, in that he had always preferred the bad and violent counsel of his secret enemies, before the good, wise & moderate admonitions and warnings of the Princes of his blood, and many other Princes, strangers and faithful friends: willeth him to make a just revenge (for example sake) upon the authors of such a vile act.  
The King of Navarre, with the rest of the Princes and Nobility departing very sorrowful and dismayed, the King called for his Confessor, to whose ear he confessed his sins, and having craved pardon for his offences, said, that he had a sensible feeling that they were forgiven him through Christ. The Mediator desired to communicate of his sacred body, and that all might hear that he had received freely of God the forgiveness of sins, in like casehe not only forgave the conspirators, but also the very murderer and procurers of the murder: so the poison prevailing and scattering itself through, did infect the noble parts, whereby the night following the 22. of july he yielded his soul unto God.  
Here Christian Reader thou mayest see with the eye notable examples both of God's justice and mercy, showed upon this noble King of a noble kingdom, issued out of noble Kings.  
First, how this King having obstinately persecuted the Gospel, partly for hatred, partly at the pleasure and solicitation of Priests, and Friars, and other sycophants, and clawbacks, who were continually about him, and set him on still, that under the colour of catholic Church, and rooting out of heresy, they might weaken him, spoil him of his authority, of his Kingdom, and at length of his life. For they never gave over, nor left him at rest until they had snatehed his forces out of his hand, and kept his armies always in their hands, or of their friends and partakers, then by calumnies, slanders, libels, seditious preachings had procured the contempt and hatred of his subieets against him. Moreover upon opportunity they seized upon his Towns and fortresses, expelled him out of his own house, seat, city, of his kingdom, and of his realm, condemned him twice to die: and at last executed that condemnation with hypocrisy and treachery, which thing they could not bring to pass by force.  
Who did all these unnatural injuries unto their natural King: They whom he had so far favoured, as to expose his goods, his state, his credit, his honour & his life, for the defence of their jugglings, filthy pleasures, pride, ambition and atheism, to wit, of the Priests, Monks, Friars, and Guyzes, in whose love, fidelity, and force he trusted more than in God. But behold with trembling the judgements of the Lord, which are all righteous and pure. This King had not hearkened unto God's wisdom which-cryed in the streets of the City; O ye foolish how long will ye love foolishness: God's wisdom therefore forsook him in the day of calamity, and so his table was made an occasion of fall unto him: so that his familiar friends with whom he took sweet counsel together in the temple of their Gods, have lifted up their heels against him.  
This second judgement of God is also to be considered with fear and trembling. The famous Gaspar Coligny Admiral of France, with a great number of the chiefest Nobility of the Realm, were most unjustly and cruelly murdered in the year 1572. the 24. of August. This King being then King Charles the 9 his brother and Duke of Anjou, who issued out of noble race, not regarding his degree, debased himself so far as to become the chiefest Captain of an accursed sedition, and procurer of such a murder as hated both of God and man, the fame thereof shall be execrable and stinking in the ears of men for ever. And after the murder most cruel indignities were showed upon the dead bodies of the said Admiral and his fellows, who after were carried to be hanged at the place where men executed for exemplary justice are hanged in chains, called Mon●faucon, which lieth right against the place where the King was murdered on the North side of the river Seyne: so that even as Pompey after the polluting of the Temple of jerusalem, did never prosper; but after many calamities suffered, came to Alexandria, where in the haven, as a man should say, in the sight of the Temple, he was villainously murdered by them whom he trusted. Even so this King after that murder (thereby having polluted the Temple of justice) never prospered, and from the Lord delivered into the hands of vile and base men whom he trusted, was brought to receive the punishment for that murder, nigh to that place where they had executed the uttermost point of infamy, upon the bodies of the said Admiral and other noble men.  
Thirdly, whereas S. Peter in his second Epistle and second Chapter, doth forewarn the Saints both of false Prophets and errors which they shall bring forth with them, among others maketh mention that they shall not only contemn, but also shall speak evil of authorities. Behold, thou (Christian reader) hast seen in the former books of this history, all the pranks which this holy League hath played for the space of these twelve years, all the horrible villainies, poisonings and murders by them committed, and having in their mouths nothing else but holy League, holy Union, holy Church, holy Catholic faith, even holy murders, and all that is profane, wicked and damnable is holy with them, so that it be for holy Church: God through justice and mercy in this perverse age & dangerous times, when men will not discern the truth from lying by the word, but by their affection, according to the doctrine of S. Paul, 1. Tim. 4. hath marked by these their abominations, as with a hot burning iron, their idolatries, hypocrisy and false religion, that men looking upon the fruits, may judge of the goodness of the tree which beareth them. So in his grace and favour he hath preserved his Saints (professors of his word) from such abominable deeds, that his truth being justified may be loving and amiable unto men, carrying the stamp and graven image of the son of God, which is innocency, mildness, and perfect Christian love.  
Herein also is noted the mercifulness of God, who will lose none of his children. This king died not presently of that wound, but God prolonged his life, both to give him time of repentance, and to lay the foundation of the restablishing of that afflicted estate.  
For first, as concerning his repentance, it doth appear that he entered deeply into he consideration of his sins, and by that foundation of faith which remained in him, confessed in the symbol touching the death of Christ, the forgiveness of sins through him, made him as if it were forget the most part of the idolatrous fantasies and tromperies, in the which he had been brought up and delighted all the days of his life, and necessity and feeling of his sins enforced him to repose himself on the only sacrifice of the Son of God. So the Lord knoweth who are his.  
Herein also appeareth evidently the mercifulness of God, who worketh all things to the best and comfort of his children. For when as the Rebels and murderers supposed, that by the King's death they might easily make an alteration of the state, and transfer the Crown upon the head of the Duke de maine, and so disappoint the Princes of Bourbon of their right of succession, the Lord turned all their counsels upside down. For the Lord moved the King lying on his death bed, when he was in perfect memory, and farthest (as the manner in such a case) from all manner of affection and parciality, to pronounce his sentence and decree, or rather supplying the person of God, to proclaim the King of Navarre, right heir and successor of the crown, and by the invocation of the glorious name of GOD, b●und the Princes, peers, Nobles, Captains and Soldiers, to yield him dutiful obedience: so that God himself, hath been the judge of his cause, giving sentence on his side, by him whom he appointed his officer in that behalf. It will stand.  
Thus much of the unworthy death of so great a King, in whom ended the issue of the noble house of Engolesme, according unto the fatal period of great, Noble and mighty families which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein we have to note the whole family excepted only Francis the first, as Henry the second, Francis the second, Charles the ninth, Francis Duke of Anjou, and this last King Henry the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per sanguinem ruit, and have died of an untimely or violent death, because they were polluted with that accursed woman Catherine Medicis, Pope Clement his sister's brother's daughter.  
And so making an end of the Epitasis of this unnaturalltragedie played by leaguers, we will make an end likewise of this 6. Book.  
Here endeth the 6. Book.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK.  
NOw we will follow the Catastrophe and last act: which although it be full of Calamities, yet it is like to be ended with a joyful and happy success.  
The King being dead, great heaviness and sorrow seized upon men of all degrees, the Camp was full of sorrow and lamentation: the wise saw this to be new seeds of a world of evils, which will work the utter subversion of France.  
On the other side, great rejoicing was seen among the rebels and traitors, authors and procurers of the murder, their joy they showed divers ways, but specially with contumelies and sarcasms, demanding one of another, whether the friars knife was sharp enough or not.  
The rebels in Paris certified of the assured death of the King, and supposing that the army had been greatly dismayed, replenished with tears and lamentation, conceived a good hope to do some great and notable exploit: and imagining that it were easy in this mourning of all men to defeat the King's forces: all that night the Duke de maine did muster and prepare a mighty army, and early in the morning issuing out of the Suburbs, was so received by the King's forces, that he was enforced to retire within the City with blows and dishonour.  
That morning, being the third of August (but by the right calendar the 23. of july) the King of Navarre, who was appointed the King's General lieutenant by the King, after that he had received the wound, assembled the Princes, Lords, Nobility and Captains to deliberat how to remedy those great evils, and to put out that combustion which the rebels had kindled in all parts of the realm.  
First, there was a capitulation made and concluded between theKing and the said Princes and Nobles, Lords, gentlemen and soldiers, that there should be no innovation made in the Romish religion, but the same should stand and be exercised peaceably without any interruption. And that the reformed religion should be contained with all liberty in the exercise thereof within the places, where it was then at that present time established: provided that the Romish religion should be there exercised also without any disturbance. And that men professing these two religions, living peaceably like good subjects, should be protected by the King's authority, in their lives, goods, liberties and franchises, until that by a national Council some good and peaceable order should be taken for some reconsiliation or uniformity touching religion. Which thing the King promised by the faith of a Prince to keep inviolably, and with as much speed as might be to provide that a Council and meeting of the learned might be assembled.  
This order being concluded, and the observation thereof promised by the King, all his Princes, Nobles, Lords, Gentlemen and Captains, promised upon their oaths all dutiful fidelity and obedience unto the K. and to assist him with their lives, goods and means, as well in the defence of his royal authority against all traitors, rebels and Leaguers, which go about to usurp the state; as in the execution of the exemplary punishment upon them, who have procured or committed that heinous disloyalty, felony and treason upon the King's person last deceased, and all others who shall be known consenting, knowing, or accessary to the same.  
This order being taken as the readiest and most expedient to unite the subjects with the King, being promised and sworn, the King of Navarre was saluted, declared, proclaimed, and crowned King of France and Navarre, by the name of King Henry the 4. And whereas in this history he had been discerned from the King of France, by the title of King of Navarre; now in the course of this history following, he shall be simply named King, without any other addition or title.  
This noble King being proclaimed King, is crowned and put in the possession of the Crown of France, due unto him by right, not with trifling, childish, and Monkish ceremonies, with holy oil, holy water, holy toys, and holy trashes; but after the ancient manner of the Emperors of the Romans, in the Camp by the whole army, Princes, Peers, Nobles and Captains of the kingdom.  
Here (Christian Reader) is to be noted Gods most gracious favour toward France, and providence toward this great King: for except the Lord had prepared this heroical Prince to restablish this decayed state, which was cast down headlong into such a depth of miseries by the Leaguers, as in man's judgement it was impossible that it could ever have been united again, but rather reduced into a lamentable desolation. But the Lord in his mercy beholding from heaven his holy habitation, with his lightfull countenance after so many tempests, hath raised up, lead by the hand, and placed by his own authority and power, this great Prince on the Throan of that state, whom he hath endued with wisdom, prudence, fortitude, moderatnes, modesty, justice and piety, to be able to heal the deadly wounds of that sickly state, to pacify the controversies of religion, to lodge therein justice and judgement, so long exiled out of that common wealth, and to restore peace, so long wished and desired.  
Again, we may with admiration, celebrate the providence of God, that clean contrary unto the expectation of all men, the Lord hath given him to France, for her good. For first, the Leaguers in the beginning of their insurrection, made him a party. Then they used for the space of four years, all the power of France to oppress him: when force would not serve, they procured poisoners, to try what might be done that way. But that taking no place, they degraded & debarred him from his right of succession, by a fundamental law of the realm, which they sweared, sealed and decreed, that it should be unchangeable, and should remain for ever: they made him hateful, and abhorred of the common people throughout all France. After they had miss of their purpose intended against the King▪ they so urged their attempts, that the King was enforced to yield himself into the King of Navarre his hands for his safety: at length they murdered the King. Then I will ask them what have you gotten by it? They answered that they have gotten the Crown, either part or the whole. Why? Because there is no successor.  
Demand. What are the Bourbons then.  
Answer. They are excluded by a fundamental law of the realm, sworn by the union at Bloys.  
Dem. What saith God to that.  
Ans. Behold the Lord saith, that he will have the King of Navarre head of the house of Bourbon to succeed, because it is his right, for it is not reason, that a confederacy of conspirators should make a law contrary unto the fundamental law of the realm, confirmed by the consent and custom of so many nations, by the space of twelve hundred years, not contrary unto God's word.  
Dem. But where doth God speak it.  
Ans. By the mouth of a Sovereign Magistrate, ordained by him, to be the interpreter of all judicial laws.  
Therefore behold the means which the rebels have sought, to exclude the King of Navarre from his right of succession, the Lord hath used to the stablishing of the said King, and hath united the Princes, Peers, and chiefest Lords, Gentlemen, Captains and Soldiers of the realm, to assist, place and defend him in that room; so the arm of flesh shall not prevail against the power of God, and the hand of the Lord shall be upon him.  
The Prince Montpencier, governor, and General for the King in Normandy, then being at Audely, a town upon the river of Seyne, above Pont de Carche, caused all his army to take that oath, exhorting them to defend constantly the Kings will, according to their oath.  
About the 26. day of july, there was an assembly holden at Caen in Normandy, of the court of Parliament (whereto the late deceased King had transported the said court from the City of Roen, after the rebellion thereof) of the Nobility and Gentlemen of the country, and of the body of the town and University, and of the Citizens and inhabitants of the said town: where the Lord Lizores, Lord Precedent of the said court, did sit as head of the said meeting, in whose presence, the said Precedent having declared the heinous deed, committed upon the person of the King late deceased, and showed the equity of the King's testament and last will, on his own behalf protested perfect loyalty to the King, right and lawful successor of the Crown of France, & after the publication of the Kings, and of the Prince Montpencier his letters, all uniformally with one consent, did swear their acknowledgement and fidelity, unto the lawful successor of the Crown of France, and to maintain all things contained in the will of Henry d'Valoys, lately deceased.  
The like declarations and promises were made, and oaths of fidelity and loyalty taken, publicly in many towns and cities in France, even on the North side of Loire, to the same effect.  
The rebels understanding in Paris, what the late deceased King had done, and how the King of Navarre was proclaimed King of France, contrary to their expectation, & that they were worse hampered now then before, like to have him to be their master, whom they had refused and disdained, thought good to try what might be done by treachery, upon the person of the King.  
And because that a friars coat could not beguile this King, as it did the other, by reason of the little acquaintance and credit which he giveth them, they suborned a murderer, who under the colour of a Gentleman, should shoot him through with a Piece: but the Lord watching for his anointed, brought the murderer to confusion.  
All things falling out so confusedly in France by the death of the last King, and the news thereof fleeing abroad into foreign countries, replenished men's hearts with admiration of God's secret judgements with a maze, indignation and fear.  
The King taking counsel what was best to be done in these extremities, for to save the remnant of the realm from utter subversion, did resolve upon these three points which will follow this miserable murder.  
First, the King considering how his enemies long time aforehand had rendered him by slanderous libels and seditious sermons, of jesuits and Friars, by these means to make him abhorred of the commonalty, and thereby to make them unwilling to acknowledge him for their King, and to render him fidelity, loyalty and obedience, which long practised malice of his enemies would procure him much labour, and long continuance of war between him and his subjects.  
Secondly, he knew that in the Camp, under the banner of his predecessor, and also in his counsel were many devoted & sworn to the League, whom he durst not trust, and knowing that they would not do him faithful service no more than they did to his predecessor, he determined to licence them to departed so many as would, and to live peaceably in their houses under his obedience: whereupon many disbanded themselves, and retired some home, and some to the enemy.  
Last of all, the K. foreseeing that the heads of the League upon this prosperous exploit done upon the person of the King lately murdered, will double their rage, and with great forces (which they could quickly set up in such a mighty and populous city) would set upon him, and with multitude might greatly distress him, determined to send part of his forces into Picardy, under the conduct of the duke of Longuevile, & the Lord la Nouë, there to minister play to the enemy, and with the greatest part of his army to retire into Normandy, there to gather greater forces: and if need should require, to be nigh and ready upon the coast, there to receive supply of forces from the mighty Princess the Queen of England, which might be done upon short warning, considering the small distance which is from Coast to Coast.  
As for the Swissers and other Germans, who served the King his predecessor, he sent their Heads and Captains unto their Princes and Signories, to understand their pleasure, whether they would call their men home, or give them leave to serve him. The said Germans & Swissers (according to the Kings will and promise made unto him) proffered unto him their faithful service.  
Thus the present estate and sum of affairs being managed, he retired into Normandy, having not with him above eight thousand men of all sorts, and stayed there a while beholding what the enemy would enterprise.  
Now we will leave the King about the Sea coast in Normandy, where we have brought him with eight thousand men of all sorts, and will go to see what is done in other places, what preparations the Leaguers do: and after we will pass over the Alps, to see how doth Friar Sixtus, and what jolly divinity is with him and his Chaplains.  
About the 31. of july, which to the Papists is the 21. of August, the D. of Lorreine thought good to blow the fire of rebellion to make it burn more furiously. There is Langres a noble City in that part of Bourgondy, which commonly is called Bassigny: the citizens had ever remained faithful to the King, and could never be brought to associate themselves to the League, smelling the breath of the Lorreins, as nigh Neighbours to Nancie. This noble City the Duke of Lorreine desired greatly to be of the association of the rebellion, knowing the importance of that place, by reason of the strong situation thereof, to make much for the affairs of the rebellion.  
First, he showeth his sorrow for the King's death to be so great, that he cannot keep himself from weeping. This weeping and tears are to be supposed to proceed from joy, he himself being one of the procurers of the murder.  
Secondly, he feigneth a great fear, lest the Gospel (which he calleth heresy, entering into their City) should break the neck of Popery, and so rid their City of that deceitful guest, which by all means possible he would have courteously entertained.  
Thirdly, he exhorteth them to admit none of the King's favourers within their walls, and in so doing promiseth them all aid and favour.  
The noble City of Langres, after courteous thanks given him for an answer the third of August, doth first protest of their zeal, goodwill and constancy in the Catholic faith.  
Secondly, doth protest of their great sorrow conceived for the death of their late King of blessed memory, proffering themselves, their lives, their goods, and whatsoever is dear unto them for the just and due revengement of that most villainous and execrable deed.  
Last of all, doth protest of their dutiful obedience to their King, promising all assistance, with all their means todefend him, and nobility joined with him, both in the defence of the Crown and State, and also in pursuing the authors of that murder, until that a sufficient revengement be taken of them.  
The Citizens of the Noble City of Langres, perceiving by these letters of the Duke of Lorreine, that further matters might be attempted to procure a rebellion within their City, to prevent all that might happen the third day of August, and in their Popish calendar. The twelfth, they assembled all the Magistrates, Officers, Citizens, and Inhabitants of their City in the townhouse, after ripe consideration of the evils procured by the Leaguers and rebels, and of their duties, of their lawful obedience, did all with accord and mind promise and swear.  
First, the keeping of the Catholic faith.  
Secondly, they do swear never to admit any confederacy, society, faction or conspiracy, neither with the Lorreyne, nor any other foreign, nor within the Realm, without the express commandment of their King.  
Thirdly, do acknowledge Henry of Bourbon the 4. to be their lawful King and natural heir, and successor to the Crown of France, and swear never to departed from his obedience, but to obey him, and to defend him and the fundamental laws of the right succession of the Crown, proffering all their lives, goods and means to preserve his person, his state, Crown and kingdom, and not to admit any sedition or conspiracy against him.  
Last of all, do swear to assist him with all their power and means to revenge the unworthy death of Henry de Valois lately deceased. Many other Towns on the North side of Loire, as in Gastinoys, Hurepoys, Auxerroys, Bourgundie, Bassigny and champaign, being wavering, encouraged with the example of the noble City of Langres, did resolve themselves in rejecting the enticing persuasions of Rebels, to remain in the King's obedience, and took the like oath voluntarily as the said City of Langres had done.  
As the Rebels in the rest of Towns and Cities, took occasion by the proclaiming of the King, to stir the people to their society of union, that is, to rebellion, crying still the Catholic, the Catholic religion, heresy, heresy, heretics, heretics: so in like manner the heads of the rebellion do prepare all the forces that ever they can: for the Duke of Lorreyne gathered a great power of horsemen and footmen, which he sent to the Duke de maine to Paris, conducted by his eldest son the marquess du Pont. The Duke de maine also sent to the Duke of Parma for succour, supposing that with the great forces which he was able to make within Paris, the succour which was expected from Lorreyne, and some companies of horsemen of Walloons and Germans, he would easily make an end of the war. The Duke of Parma therefore sent lusty companies of horsemen and Walloons, under the conduct of the Duke of Brounswicke and County Egmond, who did arrive about the beginning of September.  
Now let us leap over the Alps to see Friar Sixtus, and pray to God that the pocks may never departed from him, nor from that holy sea, seeing that his predecessor julius the great warrior, being either the first or one of the first in all Italy, which was infected with it (if Ihuigo doth not lie) and of a special grace and Apostolical favour, left it to all the legions of Friars and massmongers, for a token of their honest and chaste life.  
The Rebels having committed that savage murder upon the person of their Sovereign King and Prince, whom God commanded them to obey, serve and reverence, and such as in Catholicism did surpass the best Catholic in the world: and to be short, with one blow having executed the secret counsel of Rome, for the rooting out the race of Valois, and put out the Lamp of France, (as for the Bourbons they had made their account to have destroyed them all ere now) they sent in post to Rome to congratulate Friar Sixtus for their good success, and also to have his Friar-like counsel to bring their work to perfection, according to the sacred counsel of Rome, as is aforesaid. In this message (as it appeared in Friar Sixtus oration) they had certified him, how miraculously the Friar went out of Paris in great danger to be searched out, and afterward miraculously passed through the Camp of the heretics, and through the King's guards, not perceived of any man, (but as if the devil should convey him invisible in a cloud) until he came into the King's presence: so that no man had no power to examine him, nor to ask him Domine quo vadis?  
The news of this exploit so happily brought to pass, arriving at Rome, filled the City with Gaudeamus, the Churches with Te Deum, and the court of Rome with Courtesans.  
Thereupon, that Friar Sixtus may fill the measure of iniquity, and that he may leave a testimony to the world to be known whose Vicar he is, he called together all his Chaplains into the Consistory, and telleth them the happiest news that ever came to Rome, since the day that it was taken and ransacked by Charles of Bourbon, to wit, that Henry the third K. of France, was slain by the hands of a Friar: and that he may give some ground to his oration, flourished with Monkish eloquence he taketh a text out of A bacuck. I have wrought a work in your days, and no man would believe it though it be told them.  
Upon these words the lewd lying Friar taketh upon him to make the articles of our Faith, as touching the incarnation and resurrection of Christ, and the execrable parricide of this accursed murdering Friar to be equally miraculous, and wrought by the will, counsel, finger and power of God, and by the inspiration of the self same Spirit which guided the Prophets and Apostles, and wrought in them the measure of all wisdom, righteousness and holiness, conducted this Friar through all the difficulties of the way, and directed him and his hand in committing such a damnable Parricide. The Lord reprove the lying spirit of blasphemy.  
Thus may we see the hellish divinity which Friar Sixtus (which sitting in his Consistory in his Pontificalibus cannot err) spueth out by the inspiration of Satan.  
This impudent Friar, the other day being Son to a Swineherd, & lying in Ovens for lack of better lodging, though he be neither Prophet (a spudeup-prophet let him be) nor the son of a Prophet, yet telleth to his chaplains, that he prophesied to the redcap Priests, called the Caroinals Joyeuse, Levencourt and Paris, how the King should be the last of his name, and should die an infortunate and violent death. By this prophecy every man may see how deeply this murdering Friar Sixtus had his fingers in the conspiracy of the King's death.  
Thirdly, because the King would not yield himself to be slain by the Leaguers, according to the secret counsel of Rome. Also by reason that he suffered the execrable murderer to be slain, and willed the King of Navarre, and the Princes with him to make exemplary justice upon the authors and accessaries of his death. Friar Swineherd, (otherwise Sixtus) sweareth by his cornered cap, that as when it is upon his head, there lieth under it the four quarters of a false Friar: so the King shall have no Mass of Requiem of him, but shall souse, burn and broil in purgatory until he be as cold as a Frog.  
So Friar Sixtus having taken so great pains for the holy Church, as he did that day, his belly began to call him to another work. And all the red cap Priests making their abashio upon their knees, began to whistle with his mouth, and with his two forfingers and his thumb, hunting flies over their heads, blessed them, voto milesorum nemo vestrum frugi esto, get you to dinner, edite bibite, cras moriemini.  
Not long after, at the solicitation of the rebels, who had promised (in case Friar Clement should be slain in such good service to the holy Church) to make him a Saint. Friar Sixtus (for why should not a Friar do for a Friar, even a greater thing than that) made him a holy martyr, who suffered for the Catholic faith, and Deum tutelarem of the City of Paris. Then his Image was set up in every Church, Massing, sensing, offering, kissing, kneeling, and ducking, is daily done to the Idol: there was never so much a do about the Idol of Molok, there was never so much crying about the Altar of Baal, as there is ora pro nobis about this new Saint: there was never so many flies about Beelzebub, as there is Idolaters in Paris about this new Idol.  
Now before we do enter into the narration of King Henry the fourth, we will represent an image of the miserable confusions which are in the realm, by a comparison.  
Henry the fourth, Emperor of the Romans by the mother's side, was of the royal blood of France▪ a man of great wisdom and integrity. The holy Empire was set on a fire of sedition, by the Bishops, Priests and Monks, by the procurement of the Popes which then lived: seditious rebellions, and commotions were raised up by the Shavelings throughout all Germany, about the bestowing of bishoprics and Benefices.  
First, they stirred up Saxony: after Suobland they set up an usurper, to wit, Radolph, but to his great harm. Then they set up his own Son against him, to wit, Henry the fift.  
Last of all, the Bishops, Priests and Monks, by treason oppressed him: this noble Emperor could never be overcome by force, but had always the victory against the Shavelings and their partakers: his age was blinded with gross ignorance, and a vain fear of the Pope's vain craking excommunication.  
Henry of Bourbon the fourth, all one in name, in number, in virtue, and force, and prosperous success is all one, with that noble Emperor, issued out (if we should well consider the histories) of the same family as the other was by the mother's side, his Kingdom is all set on a fire of rebellion: the Priests and Friars have blown and kindled it, religion is pretended, but in very deed, ambition is the procurer of all these evils. This age is not so blind, if they would, but men are more malicious, they use now the old rusty sword of the Pope's excommunication, as they did then, not that they do pass for it, but to serve their own turn, to be the trumpet of all rebellion: he hath sustained the fury of the Priests and Friars, and of their partakers for the space of these 14. years, and had never any foil, but hath had always the victory on his side.  
The Emperor Henry the fourth, was oppressed by the treasons of popelings: this I hope will beware of such Chaplains; Popery than did prevail, but now the Gospel shall flourish, maugre all the religions of idolatrous Friars, and all the rout of Antichrist.  
We have left the King on the sea coast of Normandy, there to view the preparations and attempts of the Leaguers: where understanding that the Leaguers did insult, by the good success which they had, in executing their traitorous felony upon the King's person, and that they had prepared a mighty army of such rabblement of rebels, as Paris could afford them, and had received certain swart Rut●ers, under the conduct of the Duke of Brunswick. He was advertised also, that the Duke of Lorreyne had sent his son the Marquis d'Pont, with certain companies of Horsemen: and that they had received certain Walloons out of the Low Country, conducted by the County Egmond. The King I say, advertised of these things, sent from Deep to the Queen of England for some succour, who (as her Majesty never faileth to help them who are unjustly distressed) sent him forces, according to his request. All the King's forces at Deep, were not about nine thousand men, before the Englishmen arrived to him.  
The Duke d'Mayne having a mighty army of five and twenty thousand men, set forth out of Paris about the beginning of September, giving forth, that he went to a certain victory, and vaunting that he would bri●g to Paris the King dead or a live, or else he would drive him into the Sea, approached toward Deep. But the God of battles, turned as easily with few as with multitude, all these brags to vanity and shame.  
For the King hearing that the enemy approached very fast, encamped himself at Arques, about two miles from the town of Deep, by the prudent counsel of the Marshal of Byron. The King viewing the place, judged by and by what the enemy was able to do against him: whereupon he caused trenches to be made on the top of the hill, in most substantial manner, as far from Arques as a Canon can shoot, so that all the army for a need, might be covered therewith out of all danger.  
Upon the same trenches, he caused four pieces of ordinance to be placed, right against a great plain, where he supposed the enemy would come to fight, whether also he might come without any danger: the king's companies were quartered in the Villages round about.  
Whilst these things are a doing at Arques, the enemy approached more and more very fast, and on the 15. of September, lodged his vanguard, within three miles of Deep.  
The King that morning, perceived that they intended to spoil the subburb Paulet, before he enterprised upon any thing at Arques. Therefore with speed, he fortified the said Suburb, but specially the mills which steed most open to the enemy.  
This thing being done, the King determined as near as could be, and with small company, to view how the enemy was lodged, and perceiving by occasion of some that they were too forward, commanded five or six of his company to give them the charge, in the which seven of the enemy remained upon the place: which thing being done, the king returned to lodge at Arques.  
The 16. before day, many issued out of Deep, who made hot skirmishes upon the enemy, where the Lord Chastilion commanding over the footmen, showed himself a most skilful warrior. The King had placed certain horsemen between his footmen and the enemy, to repress the Leaguers of the Soldiers, least rashly they might have bred some confusion. The skirmish was such, that the arquebusiers did never discharge a bullet that day in vain.  
That day the King permitted certain English gentlemen to skirmish with the enemy, who employed themselves so valiantly, and with such a noble courage, that in less than the turning of one hand they overthrew, slew, or took prisoners all that encountered them.  
The same day, about 25. of the enemies had passed the brook, which did run between the King's army and the enemy, and were already in the meadow to have assaulted a Village named Boteille, where the King's Cornet was lodged: great troops of horsemen came down the hill, to pass in like manner the brook to have assisted them: but there came out of the Village six gentlemen well armed to meet the enemy, among whom were the Lord's Saint Mark and Slurbe, with two Harquebuziers on foot, charged the enemy so hard, that they were feign to retire with swift flight, fear and sorrowful countenance.  
All this day there continued hot skirmishes at the mills, which are at the end of the Suburb named Paulet, and whereas the King advanced still to view the enemies doings, an arqebus shot struck his horse in the thigh.  
The same day the King sent the company of the Prince County, conducted by the Lord Armilie his Lieutenant to the Marshal Byron, who was at Arques, which immediately commanded them to go and spy the lodgings of the enemy, who did lie in a Village called Martinglize, where were the Duke's Aumale, Nemours, and the Lord Sagonne: this company of light horses coming to the place, and forgetting to bring word to the said Lord Byron of that which they had seen, ran so fiercely upon the enemy, that they killed above an hundred and fifty, and among them the Marquis of Meneiay, they took many Captains and other prisoners, and overthrew their rampires and Barricadoes being still on horseback. The rest being four regiments of footmen fled with great terror, Aumale, Nemours and Sagonne, showing to these companies the way to flee, and striving among themselves who should flee the swiftest. The Lord Armilie was dangerously wounded through the body with a sword. The King from deep understanding the skirmish, made haste thither with three hundred horses: but the enemy was already chased before he came.  
The 17. of September the King caused a Canon to be discharged against the enemy on the side of Arques, whilst the Lord Chastilion did valiantly skirmish with the enemy at the end of the Suburb Paulet, where he slew many of the enemies, and took many prisoners, without the loss of any one man, save only few of his were wounded.  
Another company of the King's Camp at the same time went to view another Village on another side, where they surprised the enemies, slew thirty of them, and put the rest to flight.  
During these skirmishes, a great number of Gentlemen and Soldiers came to the King, and of their own voluntary motion and goodwill, yielded themselves and their service. They were part of the troops of the Lord Rabempré, who a little before was taken by the enemy at Gournay, a Town situated in Beawoysin, between the Cities of Beawoys & Roen, who had followed the enemies for their safeguard.  
The enemy trusting in his great multitude, determined to pass over the little river which ran between them and the King: and having made certain bridges of wood to be cast over, the 19 day of September about five of the clock in the morning, the enemy marched from Martinglize in battle array, well ordered, strong and thick. Their footmen well placed at their wings, their faces set toward Arques, & the quarter of the Swissers  
The Lord Billing with two thousand shot was appointed to give the onset. The Duke de maine stood behind with great strength in battle array, ready to give succour where need should be.  
The King had watched all night before on horseback, to give order in every place, which he did so diligently and circumspectly, that the enemy could do him no hurt, without great disadvantage and loss to themselves.  
But in the morning having seen the order of their battle array, incontinently he sent forth his light horsemen, and the company of the Prince County, lead by the Lord Montater: he sent also his Cornet, wherein were the Lords grand Prior, the great Squire, the County Rochefocault, and the County of Rossie his brother, with the County of Rochefort, with divers Gentlemen who were nearest to his person: all them he set about his footmen, dividing the Swissers into two parts. The enemies were 25. thousand, and he had not above nine thousand and that to the uttermost.  
With this small number the King (knowing that God would consider justice of the cause, and was able to vanquish as well with few as with a great number) having earnestly desired Gods aid in his private prayers, commanded public prayers: which being ended, marched against his enemies with such resolved and princelike courage, that at the first encounter, as it were with one blow, the enemy left upon the place five hundred men, beside a number of prisoners and wounded soldiers: but the rest fled with great fear and disorder.  
In the same meeting the enemy lost, as is above said, at the first encounter five hundred men, among whom were the chiefest Sague, Colonel of the light horsemen: the Lord S. Vidal chief Marshal of the Ordinance, the Lord S. Andrew, brother to the County of Saulx, the Lord Vienuille, eldest son to the Marshal Vienel, who were carried to Roen and there buried, with many more of great account.  
The County Billing Marshal of the Camp, Temblecourt, the County of Lorreyne, who had the first regiment, and the Lord Savelak, with divers other Captains were taken prisoners.  
Of the King's side died but 26. among whom were the County Rossie, brother to the Lord Rochefocault, and also the Lord Bakquevile, whose virtues were commendable among all men, for whom the King was greatly grieved.  
There was among the enemies, one Lord Sagonne, a proud man, greatly boasting of his valiantness, who with feeling, escaped from the slaughter at Seulis, the Lord Grand Prior provoked him to fight, who joining together, the said Lord Grand Prior gave him such a blow, that in retiring and lighting down of his horse, he fell down and broke his neck.  
Thus the enemy having retired with shame and loss, the King commanded all his forces to refresh themselves, which thing being done, fifteen hundred Launceknights, presented themselves to a little trench, which was kept by some of the King's Launceknights, and lifting up their hands, protested and desired to yield unto the King, so that the King's servants as well as they would put up their weapons. This caused great joy in the army, and every man putting up their weapons, the King's men scattered themselves among them: without any suspicion of treason, shaking hands like good fellows, two of the Captains went to meet the King, and being examined suddenly, faltering in their speech, as knowing not what they said, as men troubled in mind, named themselves servants to the Duke d' maine: in the mean while, they fed the King's Soldiers with fair words, to delay the time, till their troops of horsemen should draw near, to assist them, desiring very much to see the King.  
The King having no liking of them, commanded his forces to march down the meadows from them, and whilst these villainous dissembling traitors passed toward the Suissers, as though in deed they would yield themselves to the King, seeing no more the king's horsemen before them, and their horsemen approaching still, than they seized upon the County Rochefort, and began to set upon the King's troops with all their might, whilst fifteen hundred horsemen came marching a long the meadows to assist them.  
The enemies by these means, being three thousand, and the kings forces there, being not above three hundred Horsemen, put this small company in great fear, and began to retire toward the Swissers.  
The Swissers never shrunk for all that multitude, but stood still firmly, showing such a manly countenance, that the enemy suspected the retire of the King's horsemen, to have been a policy to draw them into the danger of the Swissers.  
At the same instant that the treason was discovered, the Lord Chastilion brought out of Deep five hundred Calivers. Thus all these troops were divided into two parts: the arquebusiers of the King's side were so fitly placed, that the enemy durst not venture to set upon them. The Canons in the mean time played upon them, and killed many.  
The King in this extremity, and sudden discovering of this unlooked treason, having ordered all things, set upon the enemies, and showed himself both King, Captain and Soldier, and by his princely courage, did encourage all men to play their parts valiantly. The King received a shot in his boete, and his horse being hurt, accompanied with the Marshal Byron, fought on foot, until he was revenged of his enemies.  
The enemy retired with shame and loss, leaving their dead on the place, and hid himself at Martinglize. The King remained on the field, and commanded certain pieces of Ordinance to be discharged against Martinglize: which thing being done, he gave thanks to God, with earnest prayers for his gracious goodness, succour and presence, in defending them and his just cause. This being done, he greatly commended the good and faithful service of the Swissers, in presence of their Captains, and drunk to them for their valiant exploits done that day.  
The 23. of September, the Lord Staphord, Ambassador for the most Noble Queen of England, arrived at deep, bringing both money and munition, but he saw not the King, until the next day following. About midnight following, the same day the King perceived that the enemy had changed his opinion, and that he would raise up his army.  
The 24. of September very early in the morning the enemy raised up his Camp, without any sound of Drum or Trumpet in the sight of the King and of his army. This their removing was done with such great fear, and so cowardly, that they left their wounded in the Villages behind them, and without giving warning to their Sentinels to retire and save themselves: they left their victual and munition of war in the way as they went. They took their journey as though they went to the town of Hew, and at length they turned to Saint Vax, Quinquevile, and Bures, and camped themselves on the other side of deep, entrenching themselves in the nearest Villages, januile, Boutiles and Apevile.  
The King who was on the other side of the hill in battle array, seeing their departing to be like a fearful flight, while he received the Lord Ambassador of England, sent certain companies to purive them, who also took many prisoner's ofthem.  
These Prisoners being demanded the cause of the sudden retire, answered diversly: for some said, it was by reason of the coming of the English ships, which lately arrived, wherein they doubted great aid to be sent to the King. But some gave another answer, to wit, that upon the death of those Noble men who had been slain, great strife had grown among them, for placing other in their room: some allowing one, & some choosing another: so that it seemeth that these two causes troubled the enemy.  
The King seeing the enemy encamped in another side, caused his battle to be pitched in the plain of Arques, and afterward in the evening brought his army into deep, and the Suburbs of the same, and all night caused great and large Trenches to be made in a place called the hill of Cats: and by the Morning the Trenches being strong, he placed part of his footmen under the government of the Lord Chastilion, with thirteen Ensigns of Swissers: upon the Fort of the side of Januile he pitched two double Canons, which did greatly endamage the enemy, because they were all on an heap, and their horsemen could not retire into their quarter without the danger of the Canon: so that it never shot in vain.  
The King sent the Regiment of the Lord guard, into the Castle of Arques.  
The first day of October, the enemy planted six pieces of Ordinance upon the top of the hill by januile, and shot five or six voleys of shot into the Town, wherewith was slain one of the King's Cooks, a Woman, a Maiden and a Boy, and great hurt done to two Ships which lay at Anchor in the Haven.  
The Lord Staphord Ambassador of England, had presented a Canonier to the King, who being very skilful, with a shot killed the master Gunner, and dismounted two pieces of the enemy's Ordinance, which caused them to remove their Canon: during this time the King's troops daily did set upon them, and drew them from their Trenches with blows and deadly wounds, who being weary of that continual play, the fourth day of October they broke their Rampires and Gabions, & upon intelligences of the coming of the Prince of Soisson, the Duke of Longuevile, & Martial Aumont retired with shame and loss of men, and in the King's sight raised their camp, and dislodged on a sudden, taking their journey toward Picardy, and in the way showed all cruelties that could be.  
The King seeing the sudden and unexpected departure of the Enemy, supposed that he went to fight against the power which was broughtto him by the said Prince of Soissons, Duke of Longuevile, and Marshal Aumont, afore they should join with him: which thing he mistrusted the more, because the enemies shifted into three several places, and never frarre from him. But the King knowing that these helps were come within seven or eight leagues, took between three or four hundred horsemen to go to meet with them about the sixth day of October, leaving the Marshal Byron in deep, with all the rest of the army. The same day he took the town and Castle Samache in the sight of the enemy.  
The 8. day, he took the town of Hue, giving great occasions to the Duke d'Mayne to fight.  
Whilst these things were passing at deep, and sometime before there was a meeting of the deputies of the Duke's d'Mayne and Parma, in the town of Aras, where the Duke d'Mayne bound himself to the Spaniards, to deliver all the towns of Picardy into their han●s, so that they would come to aid him: but the Spaniards would not stir out of their places, before he had performed what he was bound to do.  
The Duke d'Mayne therefore, to colour his cowardliness, shameful flight and disgrace received at deep, and for that he durst never hazard the battle: he bruited abroad, that he went into Picardy, to take possession of the towns of that Province, to pledge them to the Spaniards: and so having passed the river of Some, he took away with him, all hope from the King to come to any battle.  
The King knowing well the nature of the French men, who though sometime in their heat and natural hastiness they do fall to sedition, yet are unpatient of a strange government, assured himself that they would never admit the government of that nation, whom they of all most hated, neither would they yield unto the Flemings whom they hated also, for the natural injuries which they do proffer one to another in time of war, as it falleth out commonly among Borderers. Therefore he stayed yet a while in deep, as well for the affairs of Normandy, where he left the Prince Montpencier for Governor, as for to receive four thousand Englishmen sent unto him by the renowned Queen of England.  
And the 21. of October he departed from Deep, and with small journeys coasted the enemy between the two Rivers of Seyne and Some, until he came to Meulan, a Town situated a little above Pontoys distant from Paris ten leagues, and there upon that bridge passing on the South side of Seyne, with all speed went to Paris for two causes. First, for to draw him to fight: for although he would not venture a battle for the winning of Deep, (notwithstanding he had so promised to his partakers) yet the King was in good hope that he would fight for Paris. The other cause was to withdraw him from Picardy, where he had taken the town of Fere, and some other small Towns, the most part of the Nobility and Gentlemen of the country being with the King.  
About the 28. of October, the King lodged his army a mile from Paris in the villages about. The morrow after, the king in his own person went all about to view the Trenches along the Suburbs.  
The last day of October, the king having prepared all things by the advise of the Princes, Marshals and expert Captains, determined to assault the said Suburbs the next morning by break of the day in three sundry places, and to that purpose divided his forces into three several companies.  
In the one were the four thousand Englishmen, under the government of the Lord Willoughby their General, with two regiments of Frenchmen, and one regiment of Swissers, with the Marshal Byron, and the Baron Byron his son, the Lord Guittry, & divers other Noblemen, who had commandment to assault the Suburbs S. Victor & S. Marcel.  
The second troop was of four Regiments of Frenchmen, two Regiments of Swissers, and four companies of adventurers with the Marshal of Aumont, accompanied with the Lord great Esquire, and the Lord Rieulx Martial of the field, with a great number of Nobles and Gentlemen, who had charge to assault the Suburbs of Saint james, and Saint Michael.  
The third company with ten Regiments of French men, and one Regiment of Launceknights conducted by the Lords de la Nouë and Chastilion, should assault the Subutbs' Saint German, Bucy and Nille.  
Every troop had a good number of Gentlemen well armed to assist the footmen, if any great resistance should be made. The King also commanded two Canons and two Culverins to be planted in the rearward of every troop.  
He separated also all his horsemen in three companies, he himself commanded over the first, the Prince of Soissons over the second, & the Duke of Longuevile over the third, each of them appointed to strengthen the companies which were set to assault the Suburbs, thus divided as is aforesaid.  
The first day of November by break of the day, being a very thick mist, in this order the Suburbs were assaulted, and so shaken by the King's power, that in less than an hour they were all taken with the loss of fifteen hundred men of the enemy. There were also fourteen Ensigns taken, and thirteen pieces of Ordinance. The chase was followed with such a fury, that the King's men mingled among the enemies followed even within the gates of the City, and if the kings Ordinance had come, as it was appointed, the Gates had been beaten down before they could any way have fortified them.  
So the King came into the Suburbs of Saint james, about seven or eight a Clock in the Morning, the people crying in the Streets with a loud voice, Vive le Roy, with more show of joy then of any fear at al.  
About a hundred and fifty Harquebuziers of the enemies took for their defence the Abbey of Saint Germayn, making a show as though they would hold it perforce, which thing they might well have done, by reason of the strength thereof: but about midnight being charged to render the place, they gave it over. Then was the King master of all the Suburbs, which do lie on the side of the University, which are as big as the City of London within the walls.  
The King being master of the Suburbs, in the space of two hours (save the Abbey as is above said) took such good order that none started from his company for any pillage, until the Quarters were appointed unto the Soldiers where they should have their prey. That day was employed about entrenching before the Gates of the City, and watch and ward set in convenient places.  
About midnight following the said 1. of October, the King was advertised that the Duke de maine came into the City of Paris with his Forces, whereof the King was exceeding glad for two causes: first because the enemy was new retired from Picardy. Secondly, because that he was in good hope that he would be drawn to a battle for the defence of that City, by which means he should not be enforced to execute his justice against the walls of the City, and his own subjects, who were greatly seduced by the bad persuasions of the enemy.  
The second day of October the King stayed all the day to see what the enemy durst attempt, and whether he would venture to come forth to fight, but seeing they showed no feeling of their losses received the day before.  
The third day, the King determined to yield them the Suburbs, to see whether that would provoke and encourage them to attempt any thing. Therefore leaving the Suburbs set himself in battle array, staying in the field from eight until a eleven a clock, and seeing that no man appeared, he marched thence quite for two causes.  
First, for very compassion which he had of an infinite number of people seduced from their duty and obedience, supposing that time and this peril which came to their doors, would make them wiser, and call their duties to remembrance. But if not, that it was the just and heavy judgement of God, who hardeneth their hearts as he did the Egyptians in old time, that he might revenge the idolatries, whoredoms, contempt and hatred of his Gospel, and the blood of his Saints, which they had powered in their Streets like water, and that such a great City (when their iniquity and rebellion had come to a full measure) might be assaulted at any other tyme.  
Secondly, he thought good to reduce into his obedience the Countries which did lie between the rivers Loire and Seyne, which their enemies had seduced for two causes, that he might have a sure way for munition and victuals out of those countries which are very fruitful.  
Secondly, to procure a safety unto the countries, which are under his obedience, but specially to the City of Tours, which by his predecessor was made the seat of the Realm, and was in a manner all compassed (but specially on the North side) with towns, castles and holds, rebelled and furnished with garrisons of rebels.  
The Duke de maine playing the night crow, fearing the day light, arrived in the night at Paris, neither proffered any issue nor skirmish unto the King, nor showed any token of his being there, no more than if they had been fallen on a sudden into a lethargy.  
The King being retired from Paris, the said Duke fell to a safer and more profitable kind of war: for his money being spent in erecting so many Trophies in Normandy with that mighty Army, as he did after he had received so many stripes and bastonadoes, as he said, that he will no more of that play: he determined to search the Coffers of his friends the parisians, whom he loved well, yet their money better.  
And as it is said commonly, that the man who desireth to kill his dog, maketh himself believe that he is mad: so this valiant Duke, to pick a quarrel, doth easily make himself and the parisians believe that they had procured the King to come to Paris, and that which the King had done by valour, was done by winking of them, and was enterprised upon intelligences which they had with him, and that if he had not come with speed they would have delivered the city to the King. No man could deny this, for there was within the city witnesses, who were returned from Picardy, to the number of twenty thousand, who had the Fortresses of the City in their hands; all these would bear witness against them. And who will not believe such a multitude of witnesses: But yet if it had not been so, their goods were sufficient witnesses of the crimes above said: so that whosoever was rich or so accounted, was sufficiently convicted to have practised against the association and holy union. Whosoever had goods was quickly convicted to be an heretic and betrayer of the Catholic religion. Therefore hot skirmishes were within the City, deadly war is proclaimed against the Coffers, Closets and Counting houses of rich men. Rich Merchants are sent for, pulled out of their houses with their wives and children, their goods taken to the holy use of the holy League, they are made fast to a pair of gallows and there hanged: for the very zeal and devotion which the Leaguers have to their Catholic faith, and holy mother the Church, they did throw into the water the wives and children of many rich citizens, lest they should claim any part of their goods. All parts of the City were full foe horrible executions, weeping, mourning and heavy lamentation.  
The King did never show the hundred part of that extremity unto his enemies, as the heads of the League did unto their friends, whom they should have defended from being executed by others. So that the heads of the traitors having obtained a profitable and gainful victory against the Counting houses and Coffers of their friends: and having that which they most desired, do rest themselves, take their case after so many skirmishes fought in Normandy, but specially in Paris: for now they have money to spend.  
The King being at the Village Livars under Mount berry, remained there a whole day to try whether the enemies (having rested and refreshed themselves three days in Paris) would have gathered stomach and pursued him. But understanding of their kind of war and victories which they had against the Coffers of the citizens of Paris, he determined to leave those wicked rebels to destroy one another, and to take the Town of Estampes upon this occasion.  
The Lord Clermont of Lodeshe in Languedocke, had thrust himself into the said Town with fifty or threescore Gentlemen, through the assurance which the Duke de maine had given them, and confirmed the same by many of his letters, which were intercepted, that he would come to relieve them with his army. The King by these letters knowing that the Duke de maine stood bound upon his faith & honour to rescue Estampes, with all his army the fift of November having sent part of his forces to compass the said town, which was done the same day early, he followed and arrived at Estampes with the rest of his army when it was dark night, and at his coming he won the Suburbs, which the enemies had made show to have defended. The same night also the Town was taken, the Soldiers retiring into the Castle.  
The sixth day of November the Castle was environed, approaches made, and two Culuerines placed in battery. The stout Soldiers with the Lord Clermont, who did look so bog first, seeing that the army which should rescue them did not appear, and that they had no news of it, demanded parley, and yielded themselves the same day, with condition that eight of them should remain prisoners, until such time as they should give eight others (who were named to them) to be delivered.  
After that agreement, the King did show that favour to the Lord Clermont, and unto five others, that should have remained prisoners, to send them away upon their oaths: so there departed out of the Castle, about forty Gentlemen, and two hundred Soldiers, who were safely conducted half the way to Paris.  
The King considering that poor Town of Estampes, to have been taken three times in four months, and thought it had been necessary for him, to have kept a good Garrison in it: yet notwithstanding, being of his own nature, as easy to be overcome with ●lemency, as he is invincible to his enemies, by force was centent to take no other assurance of the town, than the oath of the inhabitants, wherein he reposed his trust. And that the Castle should not be a mean of their rigorous usage, hereafter he determined to raze it, and to commit the keeping of the Town to the townsmen, only persuading himself, that they comparing the usage which they have at his hands, and of his enemies together, it will be the surest Garrison to keep them in obedience.  
About the eight of November, the King remaining yet there, arrived a Gentleman from the Queen Dowager to the King, bringing a request, which she presented unto the King, veséeching him to do her justice, for the detestable murder committed upon the person of the late King her Husband: the King deferred the answer until such time, as he sat in counsel.  
The ninth day of November, the Gentleman was called before the King and his counsel, who after he had delivered his message, the request was read aloud in the presence of all the Princes, Marshals of France, and other Lords and Gentlemen, who were then in great number about the King: by the which request, besides the desiring of the King, she did adjure, not only the Princes and Nobility of France, but also all Christian Princes, to be assisters in this cause.  
The King making answer, himself declared, that he highly commended her vehemency in following this suit, and sent the said supplication unto his court of Parliament, transported to Tours, commanding his general attorney, with the attorney of the said Lady; to make information against the offenders, to the end the matter might be determined afterward in his presence, in manner and form convenient. And for his own part, he would not cease to prosecute the matter, but vowed in presence of all the company, to employ his travails and arms, until such time as he had dove the justice that God had appointed him to do. So that as the pitiful terms of the request of the said Lady, had filled the eyes of all with tears, so the princelike answer of the King, had quickly dried them up, and replenished their hearts with just indignation, and burning desire of revenge. At that time, all with a loud voice, renewed the oath of not laying down arms, until such time as they had revenged the hateful death of the late King their master.  
The King seeing that there was no hope to bring the enemy to a battle, but by extreme necessity, sent back the Duke of Longevile, and the Lord la Nouë, with such forces as they had brought out of Picardy, to refresh themselves in that Province: he did the like also, by the Lord of Gyury, who met him with a good troop at his departure from Paris, and sent him again into the Country of Brie.  
The King with the rest of his army, determined to make a voyage to the river of Loire, in the mean time, whilst his strange forces that were coming, would be further in their way.  
Therefore the tenth of November he departed from Estampes, and marched through the Country of Beausse, and being advertised that the town of januile, stopped all the passages, he desired to win it in passing by the way.  
The 11. of November, the King arriving, the Captain that was within it, made a show as though he would defend it: but when he saw the Canon approach, he yielded it up, and departing with two hundred arquebusiers, the King entered therein, and there stayed the day after. They of the Town received no displeasure, nor discommodity, no more than if they never had rejected his obedience.  
The King leaving a good Garrison in the Castle, which is a good strong place, departed thence the thirteenth of November, to the Town of Chasteaudunne, where as soon as he was arrived, he sent to summon the Town of Vendosme, which was his ancient patrimony, and the ancient title of his predecessors, and because that thereby they were his double subjects, they were the more culpable in taking his enemy's part: yet the King having more care to keep them from further offending, then to punish them for their double treasons, he stayed three days at Chausteaudunne, to give them time to advise themselves.  
Whilst the King lodged at Chasteaudune, the Captains of the Suissers arrived, who were sent immediately after the death of the late King, by their C●lonels of the four Regiments, to know the pleasure of their superiors, whether they should continue in service, or ask leave to return home.  
The said messengers reported unto the King, that they had express charge from their Seignories, to give his Majesty to understand, that they not only do command the Colonels and Captains of the said regiments, to continue in doing his Majesty good and faithful service: but also that they did offer him all such other succour, as they shall be able to make, and as he shall need, holding from that hour the same ali●unce and good friendship, confirmed with his Majesty, as they have had with his predecessors.  
The Lord Malbenehard, some days before, understanding of the kings coming into Beausse, had called unto him certain Gentlemen being his friends, and with them had four hundred Soldiers in Garrison there beside the inhabitants, which came to eight hundred able men, and knowing that there he should be besieged, whilst the King was yet at Chausteaudune, desired to parley with the Lord Richlieu, great provost of France, with whom he was familiarly acquainted: and when the said Provost came to him, he desired of him, that without yielding of the place the army might retire.  
The 16. of November, the King departed from Chausteaudune, having sent part of his army before, who the same day environed the Town of Vendosme.  
The same day, the King arriving at M●lay, before he lighted, went to view the town and castle, which are both of a good reasonable strength. The Town is compassed with a great ditch, well watered, and a strong wall well flanked, and in many places rampered within: the Castle is much stronger, being situated upon an hill, environed with a deep ditch toward the field, and it is of a great height over the town, it is defended with a strong wall, with many Towers. The same day, the King caused the Suburbs to be won, and parted the Lords, Marshals of Byron and Aumont, the one of the one side of the river Loire, the other on the other side, and having well considered of the form of the siege, he determined first to deal with the Castle, which being won, the Town could not hold long, which thing would have happened, if he had begun with the Town.  
The Town of Vendosme being besieged, the Lord Malbevehard sent again for the Lord Richlieu, who had no wiser answer than the first: wherein appeared, that God would make him feel the recompense of his deserts, not permitting him to help himself with resolution, but GOD left him in the damp of his rebellious conscience, as a man troubled with giddiness of the head, not knowing what he did.  
The seaventéene and eighteen days, the King bestowed in viewing where he should place his battery, putting all things in readiness, and being present at the works all day long, and part of the night. And the night following, the eighteenth day, he passed in a manner, in conducting and placing the ordinance to the battery.  
The 19 of November at the dawning of the day, he began to beat two towers of the Castle, and to take away the defences of the breach which he purposed to make, and after the bestowing of six score Canon shot, having made a hole in one of the said towers, where only 2. men could pass in front, certain Soldiers were commanded to see if they could lodge in the said tower: they gate up, and in a fury entered the retrenchment, and being followed by some, conducted by the Baron of Byron and others, and others by the Lord Chastilion: they made those within so dismayed, that after they had offered to fight, they fled, and abandoning the Castle, ran into the town, where they were followed so nearly, that part of the kings soldiers entered confusedly with them, and made themselves within less than half an hour masters both of the town and castle.  
The said Malbevehard and his soldiers being retired into an house, did yield incontinently unto the Baron of Byron, none otherwise, then at the King's mercy.  
In this assault there was none of the King's side slain, and very few of the town. All the inhabitants were pardoned, save the Lord Benehard and a seditious Franciscan Friar (whom the Inhabitants accused to have been the Author of the mischiefs happened among them) they too were executed, he gave the town to the pillage, causing the Churches carefully to be kept.  
The 20. day he commanded all his army to departed out of the Town, permitting no man any longer to be pillaged or ransomed. He restored the ecclesiastical persons unto their several charges, much more peaceably than they were, when the town was in the occupying of the League.  
The King being at Vendosme, finding himself so near Tours, purposed to make a journey thither, to determine with the Lords of his Parliament there of certain special business, leaving in the mean time the army to be conducted by the Marshal Byron.  
The 21. of November he departed from Melay by Vendosme, and arrived at Tours the same day two hours within night, where he was attended with so great joy and gladness of all the people of the City, that such store of lights there was prepared in the Streets at his arrival, that it was as light as the noon day.  
That night the Prince, Cardinal of Vendosme, came to the King to do him reverence, who received entertainment and countenance agreeable unto his nearness of blood with the King.  
The 22. of November all the chambers of the Parliament came personally to salute and acknowledge the King the first precedent, making the relation with such substance and eloquence as caused a great contentation to the King.  
After them came the Mayor and jurats of the City, who were most eurteously accepted by the King.  
Last of all came the ecclesiastical persons of the Town, all with great show of joy and hope of an happy and quiet government: therein they were confirmed by the answers which they received of the King in most excellent terms and Princelike eloquence.  
The same day the Ambassador also of the state of Venice had audience, where first he presented the letters of the signory unto the King, and afterward declared the joy they had of his happy succession unto the Crown, beseeching him to accept the offer of the friendship of the said feignory unto his Majesty, and to promise and assure them of his, and to maintain the good intercourse between his crown and the said signory: whereunto the King answered to their contentation.  
The King was determined to have stayed at Tours but one day, but the people were so desirous to see him, that he was feign to stay there four days.  
During which time of his abode there, the terror of his arms, the love of his clemency, which he showed wheresoever he came, the opinion of his justice, and the admiration of his wisdom and modesty did so move the people, that the Towns of Laverdine, Chasteaudeloyre, Montovert, situated upon the river Loire, and Montrichard situated upon the river Cheer in Toureyne, voluntarily yielded themselves. So the 25. of November the King departed from Tours, and with one journey went unto his army at Chasteaudeloyre, ten leagues of.  
The King having great desire to besiege the Town of Man's, from Chandeloir, sent to the Lord Farges to compass the said Town, and to common it. The Lord Boysdaulphin, which commanded in it for the League, made answer as though he had been resolved to bury himself therein, and all those that were with him, rather than to departed out of it: and the 27. of November the sai● Boysdaulphin went out of the town, to burn a great part of the Suburb named lafoy Construe: but the Lord Farges coming upon him with his troops, reseved a great part of the said Suburb from burning.  
The 28. of November the King departing from Chasteaudeloyre, the second day arrived at juray Levesine, distant from Man's one League.  
The 30. of November the Baron of Byron, and the Lord Chastilion arrived with the greatest part of the French infantry, by whom the same night the trenches which the enemy had made in the Suburbs was won in some twenty foot high, and might easily have attended the Canon, after that it was supposed that they were easier to be dealt withal then it was looked for, considering the high lofty speeches of Boysdaulphine, Captain of the Rebels.  
The 29. of November the King came and lodged in the Suburbs, which are fair, and in a manner more commodious to lodge in then the Town. The same day the King caused all the rest of the Suburbs to be won, except the Suburb Saint Jahn, situated on the other side of the river Sarthre, which was won the day after. The said Boysdaulphin had burned more than half, but specially that part which was next the bridge being the fairest houses: so that their valour appeared in nothing else but only in burning the houses and goods of their own friends.  
The King bestowed three days and nights traveling himself almost the whole night in making Gabions and other preparatives necessary for the battery, and to see the pieces brought to their places.  
All things being in a readiness, the second of December the King began to batter certain defences of the wall of the Town, and after certain vol●is of Canon, Boysdaulphin perceiving that within three hours he should have had an assault given him, and (his hart failing) not willing to abide it (for he was a man experienced n●t in feats of arms, but only in feats of sedition among a mutinous company of robbers, as it did appear in his dealing in Paris.) After few voleys of Canon shot, his high words were turned to vanity, he demanded parley, and in fine by two a clock in the after noon the said Town of Man's was yielded unto the K. which without great ●are of the King had been sacked by the Soldiers, but he caused the gates to be kept shut, and to take away all occasion of annoyance to the City, he would not lodge in it himself, but kept in the suburbs where he was first lodged.  
There was within the Town more than two hundred gentlemen, and twenty ensigns of footmen, who du●ing the time of parley did publicly scold and outrageously revile one another. For the gentlemen said, that the Soldiers would not fight; the Soldiers said that against their wills the gentlemen would compound: but in very deed being but a rabble of seditious persons when they came to the p●nch every one did fear his skin. For whereas they had caused the town to bestow above two thousand crowns in fortifications, they had burned above one hundred thousand crowns in housing in the suburbs, they had ruined the country six times as much more, and yet would they not abide above three volleys of Canon.  
Whilst the King battered Man's, Brissak another busy Captain of rebellious robbers heard the thundering of the Cannon, being at la Fort Bernhard with two regiments, who were coming to secure the town of Man's, being put in great fear gave to himself the alarm and fled back again twelve leagues, and in retiring, fell unawares into the Rutters quarter that served the King, who took from him thirty or forty horses & chariots without the loss of any man.  
The King restored into the Town the Bishop and the Lord Largesse his brother, to his office of Governor there, as he had been before, and pardoned the inhabitants, who came as well Ecclesiastical as other to give him thanks, with protestation of fidelity and true obedience.  
The King abode there after the taking of it five days, during the which time the greatest part of Gentlemen who were in the Town of Man, and had been seduced by the League, and by them induced to this rebellion, put themselves into the King's service.  
About the second day of December, the Castles of Beaumond and Towoy yielded unto the King: and about the same time in the country of Laval, the Towns of Sabliee, Laval, Chasteaugontier, towns of importance, and many other of lesser name were brought under the King's obedience.  
About the 9 of December, the King sent his army to Alencon, under the conduct of the Marshal Byron and the Baron his son Martial of the Camp, whilst he himself made a voyage into the country of Laval, to the intent by his presence to comfort the Nobility and people of that country, who were newly redeemed from the slavery of the Rebels and reduced to his obedience: but specially to cause the Prince D'ombes to repair unto him out of Britain that he might see him. So taking his journey the eight of December, arrived at Laval the ninth day. There as well the Ecclesiastical as Cannons, and other sorts of popish priests with their ornaments, wherewith they had accustomed to go to procession, met him a great way out of the town, and having by the mouth of one made their submission and protestation of their fidelity and obedience, they accompanied the King marching before him until he entered into the town, singing with great melody all the way along, Vive le Roy.  
There came out likewise the Magistrates of the said Town to meet him, and the people saluted him as he passed through the streets with this acclamation, vive le Roy. The King abode there ten days, and in the mean time the Prince D'ombes arrived with a great company of Nobility out of Britain, who was most courteously received of the King.  
In his way from the Man to Laval, certain of his company departed from him, and took in their way Chasteaubriault in Anjou, and brought with them the Captain to the King being at Laval, with many other prisoners.  
The King having spent certain days with the Prince D'ombes, and taken order for the affairs of that Province, sent him again to his charge of Britain, and dispatched the Marshal Aumont to gather his strange forces together: so that the 20. of December the King departing from Laval went to Mayennelafahes, where he was very well received, assured himself of the Castle: and withoutleaving any other garrisons in the Town, passing through a most foul country, arrived at Alencon the 23. of December.  
Now the Marshal Byron departing from the Town of Man with the army the ninth of December, could not reach to Alencon, until the 15. day of the same month, by reason of the foul way which hindered the carriage of the Ordinance: but having sent the Lord Artray certain days before, he had compassed the Town, and at his first coming took the Suburbs, and drew them of the Town to composition.  
Captain Lago Governor of the Town, retired into the Castle with four hundred and fifty Soldiers, making show as though he would defend it. The place was very strong, environed with water and strong walls, well flanked and good towers.  
The Marshal of Byron being entered the town, kept so good order in it, that it was not seen that it had been besieged, the shops being kept open that day as if it had been in time of peace: and presently caused the artillery to be brought before the Castle, and shot at the defences, found means to take away their water.  
The 23. of December the King being arrived at Alencon, and viewing what was done at the siege of the said Castle, said that the siege would not be long.  
The same day the King caused the said Lago, who was within the Castle, to be advertised that he was come, and to be summoned: at which news he began to be astonished, and the morrow after he required parley, and the same day yielded the place with promise of safety of lives, arms and baggage.  
The King having provided for the assurance of the place, left there for Governor the Lord Artrey with a good garrison in the town and castle, and departing here-hence, the 27. of December went and lodged at Sees, where the Bishop and his Priests, with the Magistrates of the City, came to meet him, and received him so well, that he trusted unto the inhabitants of the place, without leaving therein any other garrison.  
The 28. of December the King departed from thence to Argenton, which is a good town in Normandy, wherein is a Castle of good strength. There was in the same Castle three Ensigns of footmen, whom the Lord Brissak had left there, who with Captain Picart and his regiment were come from Paris to Man, and had promised to show himself at all the sieges which the King would take in hand, and he would impeach him from the taking of any town in the countries of Main and base Normandy. But this great warrior was as old in courage as he was hot in words: for he never showed his face at any siege.  
The inhabitants of the town of Argenton having determined to yield to the King, came forth and met him, most humbly desiring his Majesty to receive them to his favour: which thing he did willingly.  
The Soldiers seeing that, retired into the Castle, beseeching the K. to suffer them to departed with their lives and baggage: which thing the K. granted unto them.  
The 29. of December, the garrison of Damfront understanding that he had summoned the town, and that the inhabitants had determined to acknowledge and admit the King, entered in consultation what they should do, and being divided into contrary factions, put themselves in arms one against another. It happened that they who would submit themselves to the King, although they were not half so many in number as the other, were encouraged and assisted of God; for the justice of the cause had the victory. The Baron of Verny Governor of the Castle was slain, and certain other: whereupon as well they of the Castle as of the Town sent to the King to crave his favour and clemency, which they obtained.  
The 30. of December the King sent to the town, to be assured of both parts, which thing was done without force or violence.  
The Lord, Brissak, and his companions rebels being beaten away out of all towns of Anjou, maine and perch, had put himself with the regiment of Captain Picart, into Falaize, a Town situated between Argenton and Caen: where is a Castle very strong, and esteemed to be the best place of base Normandy, the Castle of Caen only excepted. Thither Brissak had enticed many Gentlemen and Soldiers of the Country, men of his own humour, whose heart did boil with rebellion and treachery, and also the remnant of the Gantiers, who had escaped the slaughter done upon them before, by the Prince Montpencier: vaunting that they would repair the honour of their companions, who had yielded and lost all other towns, and that at this place all the spoil which the King had gotten, should be surrendered.  
The night following, the 30. of December the King sent the Baron of Byron to environ it, with certain troops of men of war, who came thither the morning following so happily, that he found the Lord Brissak, coming out of the Town, purposing to have burned the Town of Gybray, which is as if it were a Subb●b of Falaize. The said Lord Brissak perceiving the troops of the Baron of Byron, returned back into the Town in haste, and with great terror, so that by the coming of the said Byron, the Town of Gybray was kept from burning, seized upon, and the enemies there enforced to retire into Falaize.  
The 31. of December the King arrived, and went presently, accompanied with the Marshal Byron, to view the Town and Castle, which are both strong. The Town is compassed with a great pool, whose water cannot be drawn away: the wall is good, and flanked with good Towers, and hard to approach for the battery of the Ordinance. The castle is much stronger fortified with great and strong towers, and very good walls, with a dungeon, separated and compassed with great & deep ditches. Besides this, the Lord Brissak was within, well accompanied with Gentlemen, Captains and Soldiers, and made a great show that he would defend that place effectually, with intent to get honour.  
The first day of Ianua●●e, the King sent to summon the Town, to the which the Lord Brissak made answer, with a great bragging of resolution, that he had vowed unto God, never to speak of any composition for that Town.  
Upon this answer, the King caused with great diligence and expedition, gabions to be made, gabs to be filled with earth, and all things necessary for the battery to be done: which thing was so dil gently followed, that the third day of january all was in a readiness, and had begun to batter that day, but he stayed for three Canons, which the Prince Montpencier did bring to him out of the Castle of Caen, which arrived at the si●ge that same day.  
That s●me day the Prince Montpencier came to the King, having with him, about twelve or fifteen hundred Soldiers, a good troop of Gentlemen of the Country, and certain companies of men of a●ms, with the three Canons aforesaid. They which were within the Town, did never all these four days sally out, but with great braggings, showed a resolute mind, supposing therewith to fear away the King.  
The King having put all things in a readiness for the battery determined to make one work of two: for knowing that the Castle being won, the Town could not hold out long he concluded to place three batteries, whereof two from sundry parts should batter at one breath of the Castle The third being placed upon a rock, should scour certain ways along behind the breach of the side of the Castle.  
Therefore the fift day of january, at eight of the clock in the morning, his Ordinance began to beat two great towers, which flanked from the one to the other, whereof the one served for a defence to the breach, which he supposed to make.  
And after the bestowing of four hundred Canon shot, the top of one Tower being fallen, and a hole being made in the other Tower that defended the creach, the King caused it to be battered speedily, for there needed but the beating of a little piece of a Wall. This done, the King commanded certain companies of Soldiers to go and view if they could lodge in the said Tower: at whose commandment, certain of them entering the hole which was made through, went into the Castle, and finding no resistance, called their fellows, who entering one after another, in a shortspace they became Masters of the Castle and Town.  
They within, being sore dismayed, without any fight retired into the dungeon, out of the which they sent three Gentlemen, to beseech the King to receive them upon any composition.  
The King answered, that he would not receive them, but at his pleasure, and that they should prove his clemency, without binding him else unto any condition.  
The sixth of january, the King suffered the Lord Brissak to come and submit himself unto him, and being overcome with pity, which he had upon the young Gentlem●n, granted their ●iues, in choosing fifteen of the best sort of them, whom he would keep prisoners as warlike enemies, and fifteen more, such as he should think good, should be at his majesties disposition. Thus God did so beat down these proud and insolent rebels, roaring and breathing a little before, nothing but fire and blood, that none of them did proffer, or seemed to make head otherwise then by words.  
The Town being taken by assault, could not be preserved from pillaging and sackaging, that there might be a difference between them that fled to the King's clemency, and those who obstinately did prove the force of his army, the one being wholly desolate, the other rejoicing in a full quietness and perfect peace.  
The 15. whom the King took for warlike Enemies were put to their ransom; the town was given to the Soldiers: of the other fifteen, who were at the King's disposition, the Lord Brissak (as consenting and accessary to the King's death) was condemned to die. But whereas after the King's death and when the towns of Picardy did revolt, the rebels had taken the Duchess of Longeville, mother to the Duke now living prisoner, for abhorring their rebellion, and detained her in captivity in the City of Amiens. The Duke of Longueville greatly desirous to deliver his mother, begged the said Brissak to set his mother at liberty and in place of safety by exchange with the said Brissak, which thing the king granted, supposing that it would not be long afore he would come again into his hands, to receive the reward of his rebellion and parricide.  
Hitherto Christian Reader thou hast seen into what miserable and woeful state the whole Realm was thrown in by the Leaguers, by their Friars, Monks, and desperate jesuits, and by their venomous seditions and ungodly sermons preached to the people, to stir them to all manner of damnable licence. And how that kingdom sunk and drowned in a most confused rebellion was left by the king Henry the third, and last of the noble family of Valois, and delivered to Henry the 4. now king of France and Navarre, named, declared and inthronised by his predecessor, approved, accepted, and proclaimed lawful and natural heir and king of the crown of France, after the manner of the Emperors of the Romans, by the Princes, Nobility, Officers of the Crown, not among few Priests, Bishops, and Monks, with a trash of ceremonies, but in the middle of an army, by the Marshals, Colonels, captains & Soldiers acknowledged, & obedience sworn unto by the best and soundest part of the realm, towns, cities, Commonalties & people, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, resisted only by few rebels and robbers, who having surprised some Towns and Cities, do exercise an intolerable (and more than Turkish) tyranny over the Citizens otherwise well disposed.  
Thou hast seen also, how God hath guided his hands to battle, and his fingers to fight, hath blessed his arms before, and now in the beginning of his reign with prosperous success of victories, and reduced Towns, Cities and whole Provinces, seduced by the Leaguers, to their dutiful obedience, and hath so restored to them, which will be quiet under his government, peace, justice and judgement, that they may say, that the Lord after a long continual stormy tempest, hath given them as a calm weather to restore in that afflicted state saturnia regna, wherein godliness and justice ought to reign.  
Now before we make an end of this year, and this seventh book together, we will lay down other exploits of war done in other parts of France, but specially in the Province of Dauphin: and having no ample informations nor observation of time and other circumstances necessary to the perspicuity of the history, we will put down only the events bare and naked as it were private memories, in such sort as they were sent to the noble Princess of Orange out of her sovereignty of Orange by some of her seruant● there, desirous only to advertise her excellency simply of the accidents which had passed there.  
It said before how the Guizes (head of the League) took for party the king of Navarre, and with him the professors of the reformed religion as only hinderers of their drifts. And afterwards they proclaimed open war against the Lords Espernon and valet his brother, who with their faithful service and wise counsel were stumbling blocks in the way of the said Guizes and Leaguers, disappointing them of their purposes. The L. valet being in Provance and Dauphin, and understanding of the execution done at Bloys upon the persons of the Duke of Guyze, and the Cardinal his brother, by a prudent wisdom foresaw how some new tumults would rise thereupon, and how the king would turn his forces against the Leaguers, & upon that occasion would reconcile the king of Navarre to him, and use his service, and of them of the reformed Religion.  
And thereupon, to avoid all inconveniences which might ensue this strange and unexpected accident: thought good to make peace with the Lord des Diguieres, a noble man of great valour, who had constantly and valiantly defended the cause of the religion, and brought many Towns, Cities and Fortresses, from the tyranny and slavery of the Leaguers, to the King's obedience. And when after the death of the Duke of Guise, many Towns and holds had rebelled, partly induced by the outcries of the Leaguers, and partly surprised by them, but specially in Provance.  
Peace upon these occasions was made between them, that their forces being joined together, they might the better be able to prevent the traitorous attempts, and resist the practises of the said Leaguers. After which agreement, the said Lords des Diguieres and valet came together, and oftentimes sat in counsel, to take advise for the safe keeping of the country of Dauphin and Provance in the King's obedience, they together entered Valence, Romans, Tullet, and other places.  
After these two Noble men by this new reconsiliation had been some days together, they determined to separate themselves and their forces: the Lord des Diguieres remained in Dauphin, and the Lord Valette went with his forces into Provance, there to stop the attempts of the Rebels.  
After the separation of these two Noble men, the Lord des Diguieres first laid the siege before the fortress of Auxonne, right against Montlimart, which had been surprised by the Rebels, and took it by assault the fift day of january, the Captain of the said Fort and all his men were put to the sword.  
Shortly after the taking of Auxonne, the Lord Eschambault, who had constantly defended the reformed religion in Vivaretes, joined his forces with the Lord des Diguieres, which thing before he could not well do. From Auxonne the Lord des Diguieres, strengthened with the forces of the Lord Eschambault, laid the siege before the Hold of Colonseles in the county of Griguan, which he took by assault. The Governor of that Hold was hanged, and all his company put to the sword, one only saved upon condition that he should pay all the expenses that the whole army had been at that siege.  
The said Lord des Diguieres departing from Colonseles, took his way strait to the County of Veyascin, and assoon as he was entered the country, the Holds of Bawyes, Taussie, le Bousch●l, Racheringes and Rochegardes yielded unto him, never expecting the Canon. These Forts being surrendered, he went to lay the siege before Camaret, a place well fortified, distant from Orange about two miles. The said town yielded at the sight of the Canon with safety of lives, as well of Soldiers as inhabitants. From Camaret he went to the siege of Vacquiras: he took also by composition Aubiguan, where he rested the whole army to refresh his Soldiers ten days. Thither came the Deputies of the country to demand a truce.  
From Aubiguan the Lord des Diguieres went to besiege an Hold called Cayranne, which was taken by assault, the governor thereof being an Italian was hanged in the worship of Nuestra donna de Loretta, and all his Soldiers for company with him, or else put to the sword.  
After this execution done, the Governors of all places and Towns thereabouts, as Rakesell, S. Romans, Villedieu, Boysson, Mirebel, Paymerat, S. Romanet and others, came to him and offered him their keys.  
From Cayranne the Lord des Diguieres went forth to besiege Molans, a place well fortified, where are Castles very strong. There he bestowed three hundred shot of canon, and at length a breach being made the assault was given, and after two hundred and fifty men of the enemies had been stain the Town was taken. The Lord of the said place had his life saved, in paying ten thousand Crowns for his ransom, and besides his house sacked.  
There was during the time that these affairs did so pass in Dauphin, a certain meeting of Deputies of Grenoble, and other Towns & Cities of that Province, making suit for to have a truce for four years: upon whose suit the Lord des Diguieres drew near to Grenoble, and lodged his army thereabout in the Country: but he himself went to Nions. There the Deputies me●, and requested to have truces and ceasing from war during the space of four years. But when as they could not agree upon the conditions, the Lord des Diguieres appointed another meeting at Bogency within two miles of Grenoble, and at length a truce was concluded between them about the latter end of March, which was signed, sealed and confirmed with great solemnity in the Suburbs of Grenoble.  
It was agreed that the principality of Orange should be comprised in it, and that they of the League, who w●re returned to the King's obedience, should pay to the Lord des Diguieres, for the entertainment of his companies, eyghtéene thousand Crowns, and the one half of all toll, which was thought to amount to fifty Crowns a day. Moreover, they agreed to pay him eight thousand Crowns, for the entertaining of certain Ministers, and works of piety in Dauphin.  
Also that the Fort of Bogencie, and divers other holds kept by the Leaguers, should be beaten down, and razed to the geound. This truce was proclaimed in Grenoble on Easter day.  
About the same time, there was an assembly of the Province of languedoc, holden in Nismes and Lunel, about the like truce.  
It is said before, how the Lord des Diguieres and la valet, had joined themselves in amity for the King's service, and how the Lord valet after having sojourned with the said des Diguieres, to take counsel ●og●ther about the King's affairs in Dauphin and Provance: the Lord valet with his forces went into his government of Provance, where finding that Country full of confusions and factions, by the means of the Court of Parliament at Aix, and the Lord of Vins, which not only were rebels, but also had solicited the Country to the like rebellion; the said Lord Velete had caused an assembly of the states of Provance, to be holden after his arriving there: and being very strong, and having the greatest part of the holds in the Country, they agreed in the said assembly, to make war against the said court of Parliament and Lord of Vins, and for that purpose the States there delivered him ten thousand Crowns.  
The Lord Monbrune joined himself with the Lord valet, and surprised some strong places in that Province.  
The King had called the Lord Mommorency from the government of languedoc, and had given that charge to the Lord joyeuse, but at length the King perceiving, that the said joyeuse by the persuasions of his mother, inclined to the rebellion of the Leaguers, he took that government again from him, & restored the Lord Mommorencie to that charge, with commandment to remove the Parliament of Tholouze to the City of Narbonne, because that Tholouze had rebelled against the King as is aforesaid.  
The City of Narbonne, understanding of the restablishment of the Lord Mommorencie by the King, shut up their gates against joyeuse, & sent for the said Mommorency, being then in avignon, proffering to receive him, saeing that it was the king's pleasure to have reestablished him in that government. The said Mommorency departed from Orange the 28. of March to Narbonne ward.  
The Towns of languedoc, which were in the power of them of the Religion, refused to have his authority published among them, without the express commandment of the King of Navarre.  
The Lord des Diguieres having concluded a truce as is aforesaid, in Dauphin, and set that Province in some good stay, with his camp marched toward Provance, to join with the Lord valet, to reduce that country to the King's obedience.  
It is said before, how the King during the deep winter, did great exploits, with prosperous success, in subduing the Countries of Beausse, Anjou, Toureyne, maine, Lavall, perch, and most part of Normandy, in reducing them to their duty of allegiance, restored them peace, justice and judgement, utterly subverted and trodden under foot by the Leaguers, and how having continued few days at the siege of Falaize, took it by assault.  
Now we will return again to few matters, which were done in the end of this year. It is said how the Duke de main after the King's departure from Paris, gave himself to fight with the Coffers and counting houses of the parisians. But for recreation sake also he put on the armour of Venus to fight with the Courtesans of Paris, so that being melted in all filthy pleasures, the Lady Saint Beufue, or some other such Virgin did so dress him, that his name shortly after was written in the Chirurgeons hall, among them that had the pocks: and lying in Paris about two months with his army about the City, without doing any thing for the advancement of the holy Union, only that it might appear that he was a King of Friars, he was first anointed King of Friars by the Chirurgeons of Paris, with that holy Oil and extreme unction, wherewith the Pope's Priests, Monks, Friars and jesuits are oftentimes anointed, and after that crowned with such a crown, as the Friars themselves are crowned with: and about the time that he had somewhat recovered his strength, and teeth began to be somewhat fast in his head, and his drabbling had left him, Friar Sixtus (who somewhat afore the King's death had called home his Legate, who was a Venetian Bishop of Brixia, for that he was thought in Rome to favour very much the king's affairs) understanding the king's affairs to have better success than he would wish or had expected, sent a new Legate into France to comfort, assist and further the affairs of the Rebels: he sent I say Friar Henrique, Cardinal Caietan his brother, Canuillo Caietan, patriarch of Alexandria, when he can have it, Friar Philip Siga Bishop of Placentia, Friar Francis Pavigarola Bishop of Aste, Hieronimo Mocevigo Bishop of Ceveda, Laurence Bauchet judge de Rota, and Secretary of this Legacy, all whelps of one litter, and by one ye may know all the rest, who were sent in company with their train to rid Rome of so many Caterpillars. These routs of filthy Friars with their Mouchachos arrived in Paris about the middle of December, with loads of such blessings and holy relics of Rome, as the Mules of Friar Campegius did overthrow and scatter in Cheapside, when he came into England about the divorcement of King Henry the eight, and Queen Catharine of Spain his first wife.  
This Friar Henrique called the heads of the League to counsel, keepeth a stir with them, chid them, that they were lurking in taking their pleasures, without doing any thing for holy Church and holy union: but now they must go about their business handsomely, wherefore comprehendeth the whole affairs in four principal points, whereof three of them he would perform himself.  
And first after the manner of Friars, which is always in their Sermons to remember their convent to begin with the Devil, he proclaimed a jubilee through all France, to prove yet whether he might with that old patched net of robbery, called indulgences, fish any money, to help his master (who had sent him to fish) to maintain in their bravery the holy Mochachos and Courtesans in Rome.  
During the time of this jubilee, which began at the feast of the nativity of Christ, Friar Henrique do replenish the minds of the parisians with superstitions, the streets of Paris with processions, the Churches with sottish Idolaters, his belly with the best meat he could get, and his purse with as much money as he could.  
This Fisher with his ragged net was not so much superstitiously received in Paris, as he was despised and laughed to scorue even by the catholics generally through all France, marveling that this Saint Peter fisher had no better tools to go about his business: and so as the Proverb is, seldom do speed the fowler, never the fisher: for beside what he did in Paris, in any where else he get not a poor penny to bless himself.  
Secondly, he goeth about to weaken the King: for he wrote letters to the Cardinals, Bishops, and Nobility of the Catholic religion, wherewith he warned them of the great danger of their souls, in following, aiding, & assisting a King heretic, showing them the great harm which this schism would do in time to the Catholic Church: by which word he meant the Legioss of Locusts, of Priests, Monks, Friars and jesuits. He wrote this, supposing that his bare letter would have caused the Catholics by heaps, to forsake the King's defence, and to join with the rebels.  
This letter of Friar Henryque had three divers effects: for first some Bishops thought good to repair to the King, to see whether they could make him a Catholic: to whom the King answered, as he had once before answered a Cardinal, that he was able sooner to make a Cardinal a Huguenot, than a Cardinal would make him a Catholic.  
Others, as the Cardinals of Vendosme and Levoncourt, with divers other Bishops were of opinion, that it was most expedient to call a national counsel, according to the which the king had promised to reform himself. But unto this Friar Henrique the Legate would not hearken by any means, fearing both the light and the pinch.  
The nobility answered, that they did hold him for the true heir and successor of the Crown, whom they would establish in the full possession thereof: and when the king had pacified the Realm, they will think on that matter.  
The third thing was to encourage the rebels to set upon the king two manner of ways, by counsel and money.  
First, he showed unto them, that it was shame for them, that while the king and heretics had made great conquests, they had done nothing but lurk and take their pleasures. That Friar Sixtus, his Master's pleasure was, to set upon the king with all their forces, before he were strengthened and confirmed in the kingdom, the longer they should delay and linger, the harder it would be for them to prevail against him. Now they ought to beat the iron while it is hot, and follow the matter while the rebellion is universal, the number of partakers great, the hearts of them animated, while there is great store of money gotten out of the coffers of the inhabitants of Paris, out of the confiscations and pro●criptions of the royals, they had received great store of the Catholic K. of Spain, and he had also charge from Fire Sixtus to deliver to them fifty thousand Ducats. On the contrary, he showed unto them how the King was destitute of men and means, there were a great number against few, their furniture and munition was far passing that of the King, they had the country favourable, and enemy unto him. They were strong, ●usty, & rested long, but the K. with his forces was weary, weather beaten and weak, by reason of his long toiling and moiling all the deep of winter. They had Friar Sixtus blessings, but the king had the accurle: therefore he concluded, that they should make no difficulty of the victory, it was too sure on their side, and in a manner, if GOD himself would fight for him (for the friars former speeches imported but little less) he could not prevail. He showed also, that there were already in the way, forces out of Flanders coming to them, by the procurement of Bernardino Mendoza, and Friar Cardinal Damnj, the King therefore was to be set on, before he had any leisure to employ forten Princes to assist him: and to show the great good affection which Friar Sixtus had to this work of mercy, he had sent them fifty thousand Ducats.  
The Duke d' maine, with the heads of the League, received this holy money, with as great devotion as the jubilee and pardons, or rather greater. And if Friar Sixtus had sent all Saint Peter's treasures, it had been yet more devoutly accepted, and spent as merrily in Paris, inter bonas socias, as in Rome, but they were content to receive that in hoping for more.  
Now we see the state of the Leaguers and rebels very strong and rich: for they had set and gathered an excessive impost, and some of money upon Paris: they had made above a million of Gold, of the robbing and confiscations and ransoms of the royals in the City. They had received three hundred thousand crowns of the Spaniard. They received fifty thousand Crowns from Rome: now they are very lusty, they deck themselves all with gold and jewels: and persuaded by Friar Henryque, they prepare themselves to go forth out of Paris, soon after the holy days, and to go to seek the King, until they had found a mishap.  
Here endeth the 7. Book.   

THE EIGHT BOOK.  
WE have seen what the Legacy of Friar Henrique hath done in Paris, how he hath heated the rebels, set them on horseback, and sent them packing to seek ventures. Now in this eight book we will see how they have sped after their departing from Paris.  
Kind Henry the third, intending to besiege Paris, sent Captain Saint Martin, with a strong Garrison, to seize upon and keep the Castle Vicennes nigh Paris, which the rebels had forsaken after their loss at Seulis, from whence he did so molest the parisians with continual roads and courses, that no man could venture that way.  
The Duke d' maine, to pluck that thorn out of the heel of the parisians, and to set them at liberty, that way had practised by all means, the said Captain to render the place, and to join himself with the Leaguers, which he would never do: therefore about the beginning of january, after they had made their 
* This is a drunken banquet upon twelve tide, as wasselliss in England.  Roy boy in Paris, he went forth to besiege that Castle, and battered it with four pieces of Ordinance. The said Saint Martin, seeing that the King was far of, and he not able to defend the place, yielded it, with condition for him and his to go forth with bag and baggage, and to be suffered safely to repair to Seulis, which was performed.  
It is said also, how the said King Henry the third, in his way to the siege of Paris, had taken Pontoyse, and set a strong garrison there, to intercept all manner of victuals, provisions, or merchandise, which were carried up by the river Seyne to Paris, which did greatly annoy and distress the City.  
The Duke d'Mayne having taken Vicennes, mustered all his forces, and found them all lusty, and more glistering with gold, then valiant in courage, and found his forces to arise to three thousand horses, and thirteen thousand footmen, with whom, whilst his succour of Flanders should draw near, about the latter end of januarie he lead his forces against Pontoyse, which he besieged, in hope to ease the Parisians of that heavy burden, and when he had battered the same, they within considering that they were not able to defend it, yielded the place upon the same conditions, that the Leaguers had yielded it to the King not long before, to wit, with their armies, whereof part went to the King, to continue in the King's service, and part joined with the Leaguers.  
The Duke d'Mayne having taken Pontoyse, more full of money and hope, than courage, determined to descend into Normandy. And in his journey, with his great army was stayed at Meulan, a Town situated upon Seyne between Mante and Pontoyse, distant from Paris ten leagues, and from Homfleur where the king was, thirty leagues. There he boasted and threatened that he would go to make the king to raise the siege, or else fetch him out of Homfleur: but he protracted so the time, that the king had time both to seize upon the said Town of Homfleur, and to rest and refresh his army there some days.  
The causes of the Duke's delay were two: First, the mistrust of his cause, which did still abate his courage, which otherwise was never great: Secondly, for that he expected great forces out of Flanders, who were already coming unto him, under the conduct of the County Egmond, and the Lord la Mote governor of graveling.  
Whereupon he took occasion to excuse the baseness of his heart, who durst never see the king face to face, except they were three to one, or very nigh: yet to ease his stomach, he casteth forth these vain, boastings and threatenings above said, but he durst not come nigh the king, afore he had joined with this new supply, for fear of the bastonado.  
The king on the other side, having taken the Town of Homfleur, and rested there his forces for certain days, said nothing, but about the midst of February, took his journey to high Normandy, to cause the Duke to raise the siege from before Meulan, and having travailed threescore miles in the deep of winter, proffered battle to the enemy.  
But the Duke's heart failing him, and having advertisement that the forces of the Low Country were entered into France, after that he had battered Meulan divers days, he went to meet the Flemings and to muster them.  
The Duke de maine received in Picardy between four and five thousand Walloons, conducted by the Lord Mot Governor of graveling, and a little after arrived the horsemen, conducted by the County Egmond, with thirteen companies of soldiers taken out of the garrisons of Fl●nders: three companies of Lances of Spaniards, conducted by Don ivan Moreo, Don Pedro Moreo his brother, Don ivan de Cordova, and a great company of arquebusiers on horseback, led by Captain Colin, rising all to two thousand men all old Soldiers.  
The Duke being flided away, and the King seeing the opportunity of battle gone with him, determined to do his business and to take Dreux, guarded by Captain Falande with a strong garrison, that if he had it in his obedience, he might overlook and bridle the City of Chartres, until that conveniently he might have opportunity to enterprise upon it.  
The King in going to the siege of Dreux took Noveyncourt, and being at Dreux, and the breach being ready to give the assault, the King understood that the Duke was returning toward Seyne, for to pass over the bridge at the Town of Nante, which then did hold for the Leaguers, full of confidence and trust in that proud and mighty army which consisted of three and twenty thousand men of all sorts. The King considered well that the Duke's forces were but borrowed, and that now out of hand he must hazard, or else his companies in a small time would disband themselves and retire home, and that with delaying with him he might dissipate his forces. He knew well also that they who do proffer injury, are commonly more desperate than they who do withstand it. He weighed well his small number in comparison of the great multitude, and that there were forces coming to him out of champaign, as good as these which his enemy had received out of the Low Country, which he might in protracting the time receive shortly. He saw well that the country was favourable to the enemy; which reasons might have persuaded a great warrior, by policy to have weakened the enemy, as Fabius did Hannibal.  
But the King had more sufficient and substantial reasons, which did bid him to encounter the enemy, as the assured confidence whereby he reposed himself in God's goodness and protection, and casted himself in his arms; the equity of his cause, his lawful vocation against mutinous traitors and parricides: so that each of these reasons was stronger to him then so many hundred thousand men: which made him to conclude, that considering these causes God could and would dissipate his enemies, notwithstanding their great forces, as well with few as with many. Being also confirmed by the experience which he had at Arques, and in the Suburbs of Paris.  
In the mean time while the King was at Dreux, the Duke de maine having received the forces which came out of the low Country, thought himself sure of a prosperous success: and promising an assured victory to his partakers, passed his forces over the bridge of Many, and marched toward Dammartin, which was but four miles off.  
The King upon the reasons aforesaid, resolute to encounter with few that huge multitude, on a sudden from before the breach raised up the siege from Dreux, and departed the second day of March: the besieged with great rejoicing, beholding and wondering at the cause of such a sudden departing.  
The same day the King went back the way that he was come, and lodged in the Town of Noveyncourt, to cut the passage to the enemy of a little river which runneth by. Assoon as he came thither, he caused warning to be given, that on the next morning every man should be in a readiness.  
The night following that day, the King set in order the manner of the battle, which in the morning early the third day of March, he showed to the Prince Montpensier, to the Marshals Byron and Aumont, to the Baron Byron Marshal of the field, and to other Princes and Captains of the army, who with one voice having considered of it according to the skill of war, they approved, and would change nothing of it.  
That day he gave charge to the Baron of Byron, to set every man in his place and order, and did choose that morning the Lord Vieques sergeant Mayor of the battle, who was one of the ancient masters of the footmen in France.  
This thing being done, the King willing to begin this great work with prayer, with great vehemency and confidence he made his prayers unto God in the hearing of all men: wherein he called God to witness, that he knew the purpose of his hart, and well understood whether it were for desire of glory, or for ambition, or for desire of blood, or longing for revenge, which made him resolute to this battle, that he was his judge and witness unreprovable, that nothing moved him thereto, but the tender love that he did bear to his poor people, whose peaceable and quiet estate he esteemed more than the safety of his own life: he besought God so to direct his will as he should best see to be good for the benefit of Christendom. And as for himself he prayed God to save and help him, as he knew to be good and profitable to the weal and quiet of the state, and not otherwise.  
This prayer eloquent in words, but more passing pure and devout in sense, did so ravish all those that were nigh, that every man after his example did the like. And after that, all that after noon was seen in Noneyncourt the Church's full of Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and Soldiers of all Nations hearing Mass, communicating and playing the good Catholics. They of the reformed religion made their humble prayers and supplications to God.  
The court of Parliament at Tours being advertised of the things which were like to pass between the King and his enemies, commanded general processions and prayers to be made the third and fourth of March, for the King and for his good and prosperous success. Like commandment was sent unto the reformed Churches about to do the like in their congregations, though not in the like form: so that at Tours the Catholics did almost nothing else these two days men women and children, but pray after their manner.  
This devotion being done at the Camp, the whole army did show such countenances, as though every man had received a several answers of God, concerning the happy success which each of them should obtain.  
The King had caused summons to be given to the Town of Saint Andrew, being from Noveincourt eight miles in the way going to jury, where he supposed the enemy and his army had been lodged.  
The King's companies came to a great plain nigh the town Saint Andrew. About the same plain there are certain villages, and a little wood called lafoy hay de Pres, that is the meadows border, or hedge. There the King with the Marshals Byron, Aumont, and the Baron of Byron marshal of the field, began to set the battle in order, following the plot agreed upon before.  
The King having tried in battles and skirmishes before, that it is more advantage to make horsemen fight in squadrons then in rings, specially his that have no lances, divided all his horsemen in seven squadrons, and all the footmen placed at the flanks of the said squadrons, and every squadron had a company of forlorn footmen.  
The front of the battle was in a right line, bending somewhat at the 2. ends.  
The first Squadron on the left side was that of the Marshal Aumont, consisting of three hundred good horsemen, having on his two sides 12. regiments of French footmen.  
The second, was the squadron of the Prince Montpensier consisting of three hundred Horses, and on his left hand four or five hundred Lanceknights, and on the right hand a regiment of Swissers, every company of the stranger's forces being lined with footmen.  
The third Squadron was of light horsemen divided into two companies, the one, whereof the great Prior Colonel was the Leader, and the other company of the light horsemen was conducted by the Lord Gyurye, Martial of the field of the said light horses, he was able to make four hundred horses. These two companies of light horses were placed a little before the foresaid squadrons, and at the left hand of them was the artillery, to wit, four cannons and two culverins.  
The fourth squadron was that of the Baron of Byron, which might be of two hundred and fifty horses, and in the same rank and order at the left hand towards the Prince Montpensier was a company of light Horsemen.  
The fifth squadron was the Kings, which made five ranks, and in every rank six score horses: he had on the left side two regiments of Swissers, of the Canton of Glaris, and of the Grisons, and on his right hand a great Battailon of two other regiments of Swissers, the one of the Cantons of Solethurne, and the other of the Colonel Balthazare, which amount in the whole eighteen ensigns.  
The Battailon on the right hand had the regiment of Brigueulx, and on the left wing the regiments of Vignoles and S. john.  
The sixth Squadron was of the Marshal Byron, who had two hundred and fifty good horses, with two regiments of French footmen.  
The seventh Squadron was of the Rutters, who had joined with them French footmen like as other companies had.  
Things were so ordered by the King, and Lord Marshals and Baron of Byron plied the matter so, that in less than an hour all was so fitly disposed, that it could not be devised better. And while the King did thus set in order his battle, the night before and that morning there arrived unto him six hundred horses unlooked for, to wit, the companies of the Prince County both horsemen and footmen, there came also the Lord Guiche great master of the Ordinance, and the Lord Plessis Morney with their companies, to whom upon deliberation was granted place in the King's Squadron.  
The same day also while the King stayed in battle array, came companies from the garrisons of Deep and Arques, and other companies and Lords out of Normandy, to the number of two hundred horse and more, who were placed some under the government of the Prince Montpencier, some with the King, and some with the Baron Byron.  
In the mean time the King sent light horsemen for Spies on the left side of the battle, supposing that the enemy did lie at jury, which is a great town, having a bridge over the river Eure, thinking there to set upon the enemy. But when they had scarce passed half a mile, they understood that the enemy was aware of the matter more than they thought, and that the enemy had passed the river Eure, and that they began to show themselves in battle array.  
The enemy had passed that river, not thinking to have the King's army so nigh. But the king hearing of their going to Verneville, thought to meet them there: and arriving thither, found that the enemy had sent his Harbingers for to take up lodgings, even near the place where the king's army lay.  
When these news came to the Camp, there was an exceeding joy among all men of all degrees. Between the two armies there was a Village, in the plain which was holden by the enemy, which the King made strait way yield to him: but for all this occasion given the enemy did not stir. But the King seeing that it was nigh Sun setting, and having not yet descried the manner of the lodging of their Camp, and considering they might be at some advantage, was advised not to march for that time any further: whereupon there he stayed his army for that night. All that day the two armies were in sight one of the other. There were only some odd skirmishes between them, in the which prisoners were taken, who reported that the number of the enemy was greater than they were aware off, and that they were given to understand, that the King's companies were come thither rather for a fashion, then minding to bid battle.  
The night drew on, which caused the army to encamp there where they were set in battle array.  
It is reported that the night following the third day two armies were seen in the Sky, and the lesser number put the greater to flight.  
The King would not depart from the army, before he had knowledge of the enemy's lodging, and had set all his watches in order. The Noble men lodged in the villages about the plain, which the enemies thought to have surprised that day: the king was the last at field, and two hours in the night lodged at Foucraynuille, which is a Village at the left hand of the same plain, and there having a little refreshed himself, sent word to his men, every one to be in a readiness against the morning: and after he had rested himself about two hours on a pallet, observing the ancient precept by Homer, given to the Princes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, very early he sent to inquire for news of the enemies: news came that the enemy seemed to have repassed the river Eure: he sent the second time, then word came, that undoubtedly they had not repassed Ewer, but that they lay in the Villages about Ewer, some what further than they were supposed to be. These news cheered the king, who desired greatly to come to hand with the enemy.  
Day light being come, the Princes and Lords Marshals came to the king, and set their men in battle array. The king b●gan in the presence of his household servants and other present, to make a most fervent and devout prayer to God, committing his life, and the lives of his faithful subjects and servants, and the defence of his cause unto him who is the mighty God of battles. The Princes and Lords Catholics, went to hear Mass, and their devotions done, went to refresh themselves. The King sent to them of the reformed Religion in like manner, to commit themselves to Gods most merciful protection by prayers, & went in like manner to refresh themselves. The king liveth so in the presence of God, that he is a spectacle of royal godliness and virtue to men, and to the blessed Angels of God.  
All the king's companies hearing that they should join in battle that day with the enemies, did exceedingly rejoice, and by nine a clock the king came into the field, and upon warning given by two Canon shot, by ten a clock all the companies were in order in their places.  
The placing of the Duke d' maine his battle, was much like to the kings: the Duke d' maine with his Cornet, which might be of two hundred and fifty horses, was in the midst of two Squadrons of Lances, of them that were come out of Flanders, which might be of twelve or thirteen hundred horse.  
The Duke of Nemours with his Squadron of two hundred and fifty horse for his safety, set himself in the middle of these Squadrons of lances.  
The Knight d'Aumale likewise thrust himself into that company, thinking himself there to be safe, so that there was in that huge company about eighteen hundred horsemen marching in a front. On the sides ●t this great huge company, were two regiments of Swissers, lined with French foot men.  
There were two other Squadrons of Lances, the one of light horsemen, French, Italians and Albaneses on the right hand: the other on the left side of Walloons and Spaniards: in the middle between both were French-footemen and Lance-knights.  
The two wings were two great companies of Rutters, which might be on the right wing seven hundred horse, and on the left side five hundred, they had on their left wing two Culverins and two bastard Culverins.  
The king perceiving that the enemy would not come forward, went toward them, and having marched about a hundred and fifty paces, got the advantage of the sun and wind, and perceived that his enemies were in number more than they thought: for the king perceived that they were five thousand horsemen, and eighteen thousand footmen.  
The rebels were glistering with gold, which they had gotten out of the coffers of the Citizens of Paris, Rheims, and other towns by violence and robbery, and out of the king of Spain his coffers, and also out of Saint Peter's treasure.  
The king's army was glistering with iron and steel, there were in the king's army to be seen a terrible sight, of two thousand Gentlemen in complete armour from top to toe, burning in affection to do their king and Country good service, for the conservation of their wives, children, houses and goods.  
The King was in the front of his Squadron, with a great bunch of white feathers on his Helmet, and another bunch on his horse's forehead.  
The Princes, Earls, and knights of the holy Ghost, and other principal Lords, and Gentlemen of the chiefest houses in France, were in the fore rank.  
The king exhorted all his company with great modesty, with their humble prayers, to commit themselves unto God, and to show example to others, began to conceive a fervent prayer: which done, the king walked up and down, willing them to do the like, and encouraging them like valiant men, to stand to the defence of a just cause.  
As soon as he was come to his place, the Lord Marivault brought him news, that certain companies of Picardy, under the conduct of the Lords Humiers and Movoy, with other Lords and Gentlemen, to the number of two hundred horse, were within two miles of him.  
But the king fully resolved to give battle with that power which he had, would not delay any longer, but sent commandment to the Lord Guiche, to cause him to shoot with the Ordinance: which thing he did strait ways, whereby the enemies received great hurt: for the king had discharged nine Canon shot, with great effect, before the enemy could begin.  
After three or four volleys of shot had passed on both sides, the 
1. Onset.  Squadron of their old light horsemen compounded of French men, Italians, & Albaneses, consisting of five or six hundred horses, came to give the charge to the Marshal Aumont, carrying with them the Lanceknights who were on their side.  
But the Marshal Aumont willing to begin, set upon the enemy so hardly, that he enforced them to scatter, and to flee with great confusion and fear, whom he chased to a little wood on the back side, where the said Lord Marshal stayed, attending the Kings coming as he had in charge.  
During this chase, the company of Rutters on the right hand of the 
2. Onset.  battle of the enemies, marched to have seized upon the artillery, but they were met with light horsemen, who made them quickly retire.  
Then the Squadron of Lances, Walloons and Flemings, marched 
3. Onset.  on to have charged with a fresh charge, the said light horsemen fight with the Rutters: but the Baron Byron showed himself in the field, and gave the onset on the rearguard, because he could not set on the forefront, there in the conflict he was hurt in the arm, and in the face, but at length the enemy was deleted and scattered.  
The Lord Montpencier seeing a great army of seven hundred Spanish Launciers, and three hundred arquebusiers on horseback, with corselets and murrions, with three great standards that were under the government of the County Egmond, advanced toward them, and gave them such a charge, as that (albeit he was unhorsed) yet quickly getting up again, broke their array, put them to flight, and abode there Master of the field. There was a frantic Franciscan Friar of Biscay, called Friar Matthew de Aguirre, who run up and down with his GOD, (whom they call Crucifix) in his hand, (all his wit was in his Crucifixes head) and encouraging the rebels, and running against the Huguenots, as though he would have frighted them, and wrought some miracle with his Idol, or played the bulbegger in a cloister, but a shot of Ordinance did beat him down and his God, so that there he ended his frantic fit.  
At the self same time, the great Squadron of the Duke d'Mayne came marching to the battailion, having on the left wing four hundred 
4. Onset.  arquebusiers on horseback, who gave a volley of shot within five and twenty paces of the King's Squadron: the same volley being ended, the head of the enemy's Squadron set on the King's Squadron. The King received the enemy with such a constancy and courage, that after a quarter of an hour of hard fight (having before played the part of a king and great Captain, in commanding and ordering of things) now he playeth the part of a lusty and brave Soldier. So that in such a great and furious assault, he behaved himself so valiantly, that he broke and put in disarray that terrible Forest of Lances, and at length after he had put them to flight with great confusion and terror, he followed the victory, and being lost in the chase, caused a great heaviness in his army, until that within a while they spied him, coming all bewrayed with the blood of his enemies, without any hurt received.  
And as the king was returning from the chase to his company, with fifteen or sixteen horses, he was set on by two battailions of Swissers enemies, and three companies of Walloons, and certain other who did wear red crosses. The king did set upon them with his small number, took away their Cornets, and killed those that carried and guarded them.  
When the King had come to his place again, the whole army in token of thanksgiving to God for his safe return, saluted him with this acclamation, God save the King.  
Two thousand horsemen in all, of Princes, noble men and gentlemen, did defeat all this huge army of five thousand horsemen and eight thousand footmen, the rest of the King's forces never s●irring from their places.  
Thus the Horsemen being scattered, there remained yet Swissers, Lanceknights, and French footmen.  
The Launceknights and French footmen were charged, and about two thousand and four hundred remained on the place, as it were in a moment. The rest were taken prisoners, and some of them fled into the woods, whereof a great number wandering abroad were slain by the Peasants.  
The Swissers notwithstanding they had lost their Horsemen, which were at their wings part being slain, and part fled, set a good countenance on the matter.  
The King once was minded to set the French companies on them to disarray them, and had sent the Baron Byron to that effect: but calling to mind the ancient alliance between that nation and the crown of France, called him back again with his companies, and offered them grace and mercy: so much he did to those companies of Frenchmen, who were with them, who refused not his gracious favour, but coming and passing by him, rendered unto his Majesty their Colonels, Captains, Soldiers and Ensigns.  
The King staying to pardon the Swissers, gave the enemy leisure to avoid by flight. And whilst he stayed to do this Princelike act, judging that he was not called to that high degree of Majesty, ad interitum: but ad beneficentiam generis humani. The Marshal Aumont with a great company which he had assembled from the pursuit, in like manner the grand Prior, and the Marshal Byron, who by reason of his great experience (for that he had been at so many storms of battles and skirmishes) with his horsemen and companies of French footmen, was reserved to the last onset, if need had been relied themselves to the King.  
The companies also of the Lord Humiers, Money, and other gentlemen of Picardy, came in the middle of the battle, and after the victory came to the King.  
The Duke de main seeing that the mishap which he wished to others fell upon him, took his way with great terror toward jury, leaving behind his ordinance, bag and baggage, and as many beside as could not run away so swiftly as he did, the great kill▪ Devils Don Pedro Moreo, and Don ivan de Cordova, two Spanish Moors, with such as could follow them ran after him. Great companies of the enemy had gotten before, some followed after: and as fear made them haste to press over the bridge of jury to run a second course toward Mante, it is reported that he killed some with his own hand to make him a way over, lest he should be the hindermost: and when he had passed over he caused the bridge to be broken, leaving his friends to shift for themselves, and by that occasion many through fear being out of their wits, cast themselves into the river, where were drowned above fifteen hundred persons. Others fearing to be taken by them who followed in the chase, killed their Horses to stop the ways, and many supposing to have saved themselves in the woods, fell into the hands of the Peasants and country people, which used them more cruelly than the Soldiers would have done.  
The Duke de maine having passed jury & broken the bridge, took his way to Mante, there to pass over the bridge, and to retire to Pontoise. The inhabitants once had determined not to let him in: whereupon some do report, that being before Mante, he swore with great oaths that he had discomfited the King's forces, and had killed the King with his own hand: but when they would not be moved therewith, knowing the contrary, he began to entreat them, showing them the danger wherein he was; they moved with his prayers to compassion of his estate, let him in, with condition that his retinue should pass by ten and ten that night over the Bridge.  
The Duke of Nemours, Bassampierre, the Viscount Tavaine, Rosne, and many others fled to Dreux, and the day after to Chartres: many who could not follow them went astray, and knowing not whither they went, were taken prisoners.  
The King having played the great Captain and lusty Soldier in getting the victory, now showeth himself a right General of an army in pursuing the said victory: for which well to do, he divideth his forces as followeth.  
The grand Prior with a great company he sent to chase the enemy on the left hand toward Eureux. The Baron of Byron, and with him the residue of horsemen, who were gathered together, and the companies which were arrived out of Picardy at the instant of the battle, he sent at the right hand toward Dreux.  
The King himself accompanied with the Prince's County and Montpensier, the Marshals of Aumont, and Trimoville, with a great company of other Lords and captains of the same army, followed on the victory, and continued the chase five hours.  
The King understanding how the Duke de maine had entered into Mante, took up his lodging at Rosnye, two miles from Mante, where he was as meanly lodged as the enemy.  
Many were slain in the pursuit, many were taken prisoners.  
The King with two thousand horses killed above two thousand horsemen, and many of them Commanders: fifteen hundred and above were drowned at the river jury in the flight. The most part of the footmen were cut off in pieces, few ran away who were either slain in the chase, or by the people of the country, & above 4. hundred of the enemies were taken prisoners. The Swissers and the Frenchmen joined with them, yielded themselves to the King's clemency: So that of three and twenty thousand of the enemy, there returned never home above eight thousand. Their bag, baggage, artillery and munition was stayed in the King's hand. There were above twenty Cornets of horsemen taken, and among them the white Cornet, and the bearer thereof, to wit, the Lord Boysdaul phine taken prisoner by the King. The great Ensign of the General of the Spaniards and Flemings, the Colonel Cornets of the Rutters were taken, above threescore Ensigns of footmen, as Flemings, French men and Launceknights, and four and twenty of the Swiffers that yielded themselves: all these ●ame into the King's hands.  
Among them that were slain were chiefest of all the County Egmond, the Duke Brunswick, Captain Colin a Spaniard, the Lord Chastaigueray, and many others.  
Of prisoners taken were the Earl Austfrist, who was with the Rutters: many Lords, Spaniards, Italians, Frenchmen and Flemings. Of Frenchmen, the Lord Boysdaulphine, Cigoigne, who bore the white Cornet of the Duke de maine. This is the third time that this Rebel had fallen into the King's hands within four months, and had always found favour at his hands.  
There were also prisoners, Mesdavid, Fouteyne, Martil, Lechant, Lodon, Huguesan, Falandre, Tenisay, Chasteliere, Descweaux, with many others.  
Of the King's side were slain the Lords Clermont, Antragues, & one of the Captains of the King's guards, who deceased nigh the King's person. The Lord Tischombert who had borne great charges in war, and now would needs serve as a soldier in the King's Cornet. The Lord of Longauluay in Normandy of fourscore years of age, the Lord of Crevay Cornet bearer to the Prince Montpencier, the Lord Vienne Lieutenant to the Lord Benuron, the Lords of Manuille, Fequers, Valois, and twenty Gentlemen more at the most.  
There were hurt the marquess of nest, the Earl of Choysy, the Lord d'O, the Earl Lude, the Lords Montluet, Lavergne and Rosny, and about twenty Gentlemen more without any danger of death.  
The King going to chase the enemy, and having divided his companies (as is aforesaid) left the Marshal Byron with the rest of his forces to conduct them and follow after him.  
Here (good Christian Reader) thou hast to note certain fatal periods of things, to wit, the circumstances of the persons, time and place in the execution of God's justice upon his enemies.  
The 23. day of December 1559. claud Duke of Guise, and Charles Cardinal of Lorreyne his brother, in the reign of Francis the second, procured Annas du Borg, one of the chiefest Senators of the Court of Parliament of Paris, to be burned for the Gospel at Saint Ihan in Greves in Paris.  
The 23. of December (as their Calendar is now, which was the day of the nativity of Henry of Bourbon which now reigneth) in the year 1588. the last Duke and Cardinal of Guise were slain at Bloys, when they had concluded to murder the King the next morning following that day.  
The fourth day of March 1561. claud of Guise, father to this last, took arms against the edict of january, and committed the cruel murder of Vassie, by the which breach of the peace were civil wars raised up in France, and ever since have been entertained and nourished by his posterity: which war was his undoing.  
The same day of the same month in the year 1585. the last Duke of Guise, son to the said claud, took arms against the King, which was the beginning of these last civil wars of the League, by the which they have procured their own undoing and of many others.  
The same day of the month, the Duke de maine, brother to the said last Duke of Guise, and heir of the Captainship of the rebellion, made a shipwreck of all his forces at Saint Andrew's plain, without hope ever to recover the like forces.  
claud Duke of Guyze, in December, in the year 1561. fought the first battle that was given in all these civil Wars with Lewis of Bourbon, Prince of Condie, Prince of famous and blessed memory, in the plain of Dreux, with an uncertaives issue, but in equal losses, so that to this day, it is uniudged who had the victory: but well known that the Duke of Guyze had the greatest loss.  
The Duke de main fought against Henry of Bourbon, the fourth of that name, now King of France and Navarre, at the plain of Saint Andrew, next adjoining to the other, and the places not distant passing a mile a sunder, with a reparable loss.  
The Lord Rendan a rebellious Leaguer in Awergne, with such power as he could make in the said country, but specially in the Towns of Rions and Brion, rebelled, and holden in the same rebellion by the jesuits, besieged Isoire, a great and populous town in the said Awergne, because it continued in the King's obedience.  
The Lords Chasseran, and Rochemayne, willing to do some honourable service to the King, and good to their country, gathered such power as they could of the King's subjects to rescue the said town of Isoire, from falling into the hands of the rebels, and with a mean power, trusting in GOD the defender of his Ordinance, and weighing the right of the cause, marched towards Isoire.  
The said Lord Rendan, understanding of their approach, raised up the siege, and went intending to meet the said Lords Chasseran and Rochemayne, and at the same day and time of the battle at Saint Andrew's plain, meeting in a plain field not far from Jsoire, tried the quarrel by the sword.  
There the said Rendan was overthrown, and above fourscore Gentlemen of his were slain on the place, all his footmen cut to pieces, the artillery, bag and baggage, with many prisoners taken: so the Town of Isoyre was delivered from the danger of the enemy, retained and confirmed in the King's dutiful obedience.  
It is said, how after the victory the King divided his army into four parts, three of them were appointed their quarters to follow the chase, and the Marshal Byron to follow after the King with the residue of the army.  
The King having taken this order, followed after the Duke de maine: but finding the bridge broken, was feign to go three miles about, to pass the river afford, and in that way he found many stragglers, whom he took prisoners, which was a good turn for them, or else they had been slain by others: he came so fast after the Duke d' maine that he did miss him but a little: but understanding how he was received in Mant, the king lodged that night at Rosni (as is said) very simple.  
The fift day the Duke d'Mayne very early, fearing to be besieged there, retired from Mante to Pontoyse, where he sojourned few days, to take some sure order for the safety of the Town, and after went to Saint Denis.  
The same day the King sent to summon the Town of Mante, which delivered the keys of their town to his Majesty, received and acknowledged him their king and prince, and continued there until the twenty day of March to refresh his army, wearied with so many labours and hardness of winter, to take counsel of the course which he was to take hereafter, and to expect certain munition of war, which was coming to him from deep.  
The City of Paris first author of this war, had conceived an assured confidence of all prosperous success, by the vain brags which the Duke d'Mayne did cast forth, afore he went out with the army. The Friars & jesuits increased this vain confidence in their pulpits, by assuring them, either of a certain victory, or else of recoiling of the King as far as beyond Loire: so that every day they looked for the King dead or alive, and all his spoils to be brought for a spectacle, and to be sold and bought among them, or else to hear of his flight as far as the river of Loire.  
This great confidence made them to live very secure and careless in providing for the City: beside that they rested much upon the great multitude which is within the said City, there being great babblers and boasters (for the Parisien is as Epimenides speaketh of the Cretayns, a liar, evil beast, and slothful belly)  
The towns also which then did hold round about their City, as Pontoyse, beneath upon the same river, Charonton, Meaux, Laguye, Corbeil, Melun, Montereau, above upon the river, persuaded them that the King whatsoever might happen neither durst come near them, neither was able to let the carriage of the victuals to their city, which was the cause that they lived from hand to mouth, and had provided no more than in time of the greatest peace that can be. But after the rumour of the overthrow of the Leaguers came to Paris, all the City was replenished with terror: many of the Citizens came to the King to plead their innocency, but specially two of the chiefest of the city, to wit, Belieure, who was one of the Kings lately deceased Secretaries of estate, and Brulart Precedent of the Court of Parliament in Paris.  
These two men had been wavering a great while, not faithful to their old master King Henry the third, who had preferred them, neither did greatly trust the Leaguers, and yet lived in some suspicion of this King now reigning. But when they heard of the King's good success, contrary to their expectation, like good Mariners they turned their saile● to the wind, came to the King to make their excuse and submission, and both of them were received courteously of the King. The King said unto Belieure, that he had thought him to be an honest man, until he fell to the QUEEN'S Mother, and joined to the company of Vileroy: but Brulard was received with greater favour, whom the King hath employed since in great affairs, as to be his Ambassador to the Cantons of Switzerland.  
In this consternation, the parisians who had lived in great security began to open their eyes, and see the danger whereto the great brags of the Duke de maine, the promises of the Friars and jesuits, & their vain hope had cast them, and did threaten them at their doors, and caused them to be divided into divers opinions: for some who were of a hot nature, would have a new muster to be made in the City, and on a sudden, afore he had suplyed the room of them which were dead in the battle, to set upon him: but this course was thought rash and dangerous for many eauses. Other gave a wiser counsel, if it could have been followed, to wit, to try his clemency, and that upon reasonable conditions, there was no doubt, but they should find favour and peace: and for the proof thereof, alleged his gentle disposition far from all cruelty, and desire of revenging which he hath always showed in all his actions.  
Some were of a contrary opinion, and gave counsel to take order for the provision and fortifications and policy of the city, they showed that by the multitude and other means which they had they were able to give him a new battle, if he would go about to draw near to their C●tie, and at the worst they were able to abide a siege: they showed, that he was not able with as great forces again as he had to force them, and that he would not hazard his old experienced Soldiers so rashly, knowing that it were hard for him to recover the like again: to be short, great variance rose among them, as the manner is in such a case.  
Whilst this variance was among them, the Duke de maine came to Saint Denis to view the countenance of the parisians, fear and shame warning him not to come into Paris. None or few of the inhabitants of Paris went to salute him, but they only who had sent him to the butchery in the plain of Saint Andrew, to wit, Friar Henrico Caietano, Friar Sixtus his Nuncio, the blind Captain Bernardino Mendoza the Spanish Moor, Ambassador of Spain there, and the incestuous Friar Bishop of Lions, with few more to comfort him, and to go forward in his begun rebellion. Therefore it was thought good to remedy the affairs as well as they could devise, that the said Duke de maine and the Comendador Moreo who was then in Paris, should go with all speed into Picardy to stay the remnant of the forces of Flanders, which were going home through Picardy, after they had lost their guide the County Egmond, and that there the Duke de maine should gather such new forces as he could: the Comendador Moreo should go to the Duke of Parma to bring him the goodnewes of the victory of the County Egmond and his company: but specially great care should be had, lest Paris and Saint Denis should in any case yield to the King.  
In the mean time Friar Henrico and Bernardino would take order to pacify the strife and diversity of opinions.  
They returning to Paris, scattered few Pistolets of Spain, and Ducados Italianos among the Friars and jesuits, to teach them Friar-like Rhetoric. These raving Prophets, and among them one Peter Crestin (such a one as was of my remembrance magister nostor de cornibus, or magister noster Oliver Maillard) stepped up: they fret, they fume, they foam like Boars, they rail, they revile, there is nothing holy before them: they show how the King is an heretic, a relapse, son of an heretic father and mother, they look every day for a new excommunication from Rome, he is out of the bosom of holy Church, incapable of the Crown of France, no obedience is due unto him: they descant upon the praise of his gentle nature, how it is but feigned, and if he were once established, he would show such cruelty upon holy Church, as he did upon Borgoyn, Gessey, and few other Friars, he would root out the Catholic religion, and plant here sie. It were far better to die all, then to admit such an heretic over them: if they die in this quarrel, they go strait way to heaven, they are blessed Martyrs, they shall be Saints, as Friar james Clement was of late: these raging furies of hell do so persuade the people, that as a people destitute of reason, and ●ere●t of their wits are lead to their own destruction by these enchanters: so that afterward if any man should speak of peace with the King, or of any thing besides war, fire and desolation, he was presently murdered by them, or cast into the river: in one day more than twenty persons were so murdered. But fearing to be compassed with a siege afore they had set order in their affairs and policy to daly with the King, they sent from Paris Friar Paniguerola, Bishop of Aste, and in haste, and Vileroy to busy him, and to dilay the siege, which they supposed the K. would have layedd presently, with speeches of truces or peace, that they might fortify themselves in the mean space.  
The King would have no speeches with such companions, but yet of his accustomed clemency, sent Paniguerola to the Marshal Byron to see what he had to say, and what wisdom he had brought with him out of Italy.  
After many salutations and popish blessings, the Friar did wonder much to see (said he) that so great company of Catholics could find in their hearts to follow after an heretical King.  
The Marshal Byron answered the saucy impudent & malapert Friar, that it would not be safe for him nor good for his master to meddle with the King's affairs: we (said the Lord Byron) hold the King for the true and natural heir of the Crown of France. That the King maintained their laws and liberties inviolable, and had none for enemies but few strangers, thrust forward by ambition, who under the pretence of religion sought to overthrow all good laws, to lay down the foundation of their tyranny, to give entrance to the Spanish King, and for religion to bring in all Atheism.  
The Friar protested that his master was free from meddling in any such enterprises. But his doings, his practices, his ministering of money to the Rebels, his conversation and familiarity with Bernardine Mendoza, was so averred to the foolish friars face, that he was proved a lying false flattering Friar.  
Thereupon master Friar (his stomach being not yet satisfied) would have a saucy Friar-like fling against the King, and demanded the Marshal Byron, how they being professors of the Catholic religion, made so light account of his master's holiness and purposes, to carry arms against the Catholics their brethren.  
The Lord Byron answered, that they carried arms against rebels and traitors, and told him again, that it were very wisely done for him & his master to look somewhat nearer to his own estate. For if he so encroached and meddled with them, they would quickly excommunicate him. And that there were divers Bishops in France as good Catholics as his master, who would be glad to be made Patriaches in their several Provinces, and would find as good Scripture to maintain their authority, as his master had any to defend his. Some reasoning being upon this point, Friar Paniguerola was found to be so great a Clerk, that he could answer little or nothing. But at length to conclude the talk, he showed the some of his embassage, to wit, he desired a good peace to be concluded, and some pains to be taken to bring the King to be a Catholic. But he showed not his intent which was to delay the siege of Paris, if the king had intended to besiege it out of hand.  
The other Ambassador, to wit Vileroy, was sent by the King to the Lord Plessis Morney, a noble man of great wisdom and profound learning, who handled the said Vileroy very plainly and roughly, reproaching unto him his unfaithful and treacherous service to his old master Henry the third. And when he had denied these things wherewith he was charged, the Lord Beaulieu both condemned his fair flattering words and promises which he brought now full of dissimulation, and verified his old traitorous practices against his old master: it was thought that justice should have been executed upon him for his treasons, according to the King's edicts.  
The King having sojourned at Mante few days, took his way to Vernon, which lieth between Mante and Pont de larch, which also yielded unto him. From Vernon the Gentlemen of Normandy, to the number of fifteen hundred horses, retired to their home about the eight of March. The Lord Chartres governor of Deep, returned to Deep sick, in whose absence certain Leaguers (inhabitants there) went about to have seized upon the town for the League, who being detected and prevented at his return, were exiled out of the Town to the number of six score, among whom were many of the richest sort of all the town.  
About the same time that the King sojourned at Vernon, the Duke of Longuevile, & the Lord of Tinteville arrived to the King with eight thousand Rutters.  
The King having seized on Vernon and Mante, and stopped the traffic of that river with the City of Paris on that side, and provided for the safety of the said Towns, concluded in his counsel to besiege Paris, the principallest City of the Realm, where it was considered that the City being populous and great, would easily be won by famine, which would eschew slaughter both of his own Soldiers and Citizens, whom he would by all gentle means bring to their duty of obedience: and therefore it was thought good to stop the passages of the rivers Oyse, Marne, and Seyne above Paris. For in stopping Oyse the Town of Pontoyse also should be distressed. Therefore the King divideth his army as followeth. The Duke of Longuevile should have part of his army to besiege Beaumond upon Oyse. He sent the Marshal Byron with another part of the army to scour the river Marne, where he took Cressie, a town situated in Brie between Meaulx and Corbeil, where a Parisien named Peter was Captain, for whose ransom was proffered eight hundred Crowns: but the King for some special causes commanded him to be hanged, and five and twenty of the chiefest of the town with him.  
The said Marshal Byron immediately after the taking of Cressie, laid the siege before Lagnye upon the river Marne right against Corbeil. The Citizens required space of time to send unto the King, which was yet in Normandy, to crave his gracious mercy, which they obtained.  
The King about the 21. of March having received certain munitions from Deep, and taken order for the safety of Normandy, with part of his army coasted between the rivers of Seyne and Ewer, and took the towns of Possie and S. german, and the Pont S. Clow, and marched toward Corbeil, to seize upon the river of Seyne on that side.  
It is said before how the Leaguers had compacted with the King of Spain, upon some conditions of receiving a certain somme of money, to have delivered the City of Marsels, a great & strong City in Provance, upon the Mediterran Sea: but being disappointed of his purpose, as is said in the first Book, that City continued faithful unto the King, until the Duke of Guise his death.  
The King of Spain had corrupted aforehand the chief governor of the City, by giving him pay, to the sum of fifty Crowns a day, he had also drawn to his faction, three score of the chiefest Citizens, paying to some forty crowns, some more, and some less a day. Thus the hearts of a great number of Citizens being disposed, the death of the Duke of Guise was bruited even to the coast of the Mediterrane Sea. The governor and his complices hearing of that, began to inveigh and bring the City to a wau●ring and inconstancy of wills & counsels: some would have the Town to yield to the League, and some would not: so the City remained as neuter, hanging neither to Spain nor to France.  
In the mean time, the Lord valet as is said, having made peace with the Lord Diguieres, and considering the wavering of that City, had prepared a navy of Galeys on the Sea before the said City, to control such Ships or other vessels, as might come or go that way to benefit the said Town, whom he molested as Leaguers.  
The governor and the rest of malcontents, hired by the King of Spain practised, that the said King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, should send Galleys thither, in show to cleanse the Seas: but in deed to bring with them three thousand men, that should upon a luddaine be landed there at the time appointed, and should seize upon the City, to the King of Spain's use. At the time appointed, came the Galeys and Soldiers and took land. The second magistrate of the city being a faithful Citizen, and in that neutrality of the City, suspecting some treason, thought to prevent it by diligence, and as it pleased God, that night took upon him to view the watch, and in his way met with certain Mariners all amazed and frighted, requiring him to provide for the safety of the city, for that there were a great number of Spaniards already landed: whereupon he commanded the townsmen presently to arm themselves. And going a little further accompanied with some good Citizens, did light on the company where the chief governor was, there taking order with the enemy for the entering of the Town.  
This magistrate dnderstanding of these things already, well accompanied with townsmen, commanded the drum to sound the alarm, and with great courage charged upon the Spaniards, whom they slew in great number, he took many of them, and the governor of the City prisoner with them, and such of his complices as were with them: so the City was yet once preserved from the Turkish bondage of the Spaniards. Even as the sheep straying from their shepherds, run into the Wolves danger; so towns and Cities, even whole Provinces, with drawing themselves from the obedience of their Lords, are daily in danger to be made a prey to their enemies.  
It is said how the Duke d'Mayne, after his flight from Saint Andrews plain, went to Saint Denis, to see what entertainment the parisians would show him: and after he with few had concluded to hold Paris, and Saint Denis specially, fast from the King's power, and so he and the Spanish Moor, Commendator Moreo went into Picardy, & thence to Brussels to the Duke of Parma.  
The Duke d'Mayne sojourned at P●ronne, a town in Picardy, situated upon the river Sonie, between Amiens and Saint Quintine, to gather such forces as he could, he craved aid from all parts, but they are as slowly to come to him, as he is earnest to invite them. Balagny Governor of Cambray, did promise him fifteen hundred horses out of Picardy. There the Duke d'Mayne seeing that all things went contrary, yet to ease his stomach, he maketh great brags, how that he will make again an army of thirty thousand men.  
These great brags did proceed of the vain hope which they had already conceived of the King of Spain: for while these things above said were a doing by the King, about the 20. of March they sent four Ambassadors into Spain: first from the Duke d'Mayne, and another from the Duke of Lorreyne, the third from the Duke Merceur, and the last in the name of the whole body of the League. They arrived at Vadolit, in the latter end of April.  
The some of their embassage was to beg, and not much neither, but three Million of Gold, and thirty thousand men, upon that condition that they would make him King of France, if he could get it, yet promising their furtherance. So after much capping and crouching, begging and craving, chopping and changing, what money they obtained, it is not certain, but it is reported that they were promised one Million, and that they had thirty thousand Crowns, which they took, in hope that more would come, and an army out of the Low Countries of Flanders.  
The King of Spain was willing to hearken to these Ambassadors for three causes, ambition, fear, and desire of revenging.  
First, by the proffer of this embassage, he was put in some hope, that considering the great power of these three Dukes, and the great power of the League, that is of the Towns, Cities, and commons rebelled, he might perhaps speed better than he looked for. And if he should not speed in the whole, yet he might in part thereof.  
The second cause was fear, which caused him with all his means to keep the King from growing mighty: for considering his great valour, and the injuries which both his predecessors & he had received at the Spaniards hands, would in time call them to remembrance, and seek the means to recover his own.  
The third cause was desire of revenge, supposing that in working him mischief, he might be revenged of the loss, reproach and dishonour of his Spaniards and Flemings, who had remained to dung the plain of S. Andrew: by reason of these particular affections, & not for any love which he had to the Leaguers or Leagued, he wrote to the Duke of Parma, to pass in person with such Forces as he had and could spare in the low Countries, to secure the rebels in France.  
In the mean while that the King sojourned at Mante, the parisians being hardened by the Devilish and seditious Sermons of the Friars and jesuits, as the Egyptians were by the enchantments of jamnes & jambres: they elected for governor of their city the Duke of Nemours, by whose conduct they began to fortify their walls: men, women and Children, night and day, they pulled down many houses in the Suburbs, they received into the City three thousand Germans, whom they placed part of them in the Arsenal, and others in watch and ward in the most needful places of the city. They gathered corn and wine into the City so much as the could.  
They fortified also Saint Denis, Corbeil, Melun, Montereau fault yonne and Sennes.  
The King passing in the sight of the City of Paris, laid the siege before Corbeil, which shortly after yielded: the King stopped the river of Seine with a chain of Iron, so that no boats being never so little could pass by.  
From Corbeil the King went to lay the siege before Montereau, which is a great town situated upon the fall of the river Yonne into Seine, which yielded without any resisting.  
From Montereau the King returned to Melune, a strong town upon Seine: this town part of it lieth upon the South bank of Seine, and part is in an Island within the said river, there the Rebels had placed a strong garrison: but the Citizens and Soldiers perceiving that they would be forced, and that there was no hope of succour, yielded the place, and put themselves in the King's service.  
The King having placed a strong garrison there, wentbacke again to Sens, compassed it, doth plant six pieces of Ordinance against the wall, sent a T●ompeter to the City to summon them to render the place, promising them all good and gracious favour.  
The Governor called the Lord Chambalon, determined not to receive him, except first he would become a good Catholic. Whereupon the K. began to batter the town in two several places, gave two assaults, where he was repulsed, being within the town one thousand and eight hundred Soldiers, besides the Citizens and Inhabitants, who were able to make two thousand Soldiers more. The king therefore thought good to leave of that enterprise, and to follow the course taken, to wit, the siege of Paris, raised therefore the siege, and marched toward Paris.  
The 25. of April the king laid the siege against Charanton, a town situated upon the fall of Marne into Seine, in the sight of the City of Paris. There was in a Tower ten soldiers of Paris, which did obstinate themselves in the defence of the same, whom he forced and caused their Governor to be hanged.  
Having seized upon Charanton, the king doth present himself before the City, about the 28. of April, took the Villages about, began to lay down the form of the siege, where he determined to send part of his forces on the South side of the City, therewith to compass that side. And with the other part to besiege the North side, and the Town of S. Denis all at once: there he maketh all things ready, maketh his approaches, sitteth still without proffering any force, but only doth stop the entering in of victuals, hoping that scarceness and need would have mollified their hearts, and the present danger of the very famine which did threaten them would have moved them to some moderate counsel.  
Now we will leave the king before this siege, hearkening what the determination of the parisians is, and go to see what is done in other places.  
About the beginning of May, there was in the noble and loyal City of Renes in Britain a savey sot, prating Friar, who in the pulpit to stir up sedition in the city, took it for a point of divinity, and an ornament of Fryerlike Rhetoric to call the king heretic: but the Court of Parliament there so gagged him with a cord about his neck, that when he had preached his last Sermon on the top of a Ladder, he broke his neck with a sore fall: there were also six of the chiefest Citizens hanged with him for company, for having procured this seditious Friar in his Sermons to stir up sedition.  
About the self same time, the Lord Rieux defeated the Duke of Lorreyn nigh M●tes, and took away all his artillery.  
It is said before, how the King sent the Duke of Longueville with part of the army to scour and stop the river Oyse, who accompanied with the L. lafoy Nouë took Beaumond, which was governed by the Lord Pierrencourt: there the Duke of Longueville caused the chiefest men of the Town to be hanged.  
Paris being besieged by the king, as is said, the people do harden their hearts more and more, being persuaded by the Friars and jesuits, and by them whom that sottish and Idolatrous people had in admiration, to wit, the Pope's Legate, the Spanish Ambassador, the Bishops of Paris, Lions, Glasco, Placentia, Aste, Rheims, Sanlis: there were the Duchess' the Nemours, maine, Montpensier.  
The Provost, Eschevins, & other officers, they partly encourage, partly do terrify the people, do yet once again gather a great sum of money upon the inhabitants: they do cast great store of artillery, and prepare all things to withstand the siege.  
They made a search of all the grain and provision of victuals which were within the City. They made also a reckoning of the people, which did amount to two hundred thousand persons: the corn came to that quantity as would suffice the city for a whole month, allowing a pound of bread to every one a day, and besides forty thousand bushels of Oats. They appointed one Anthony L'amy, a rich Merchant of the City, to have the charge of the market, and to appoint Bakers in every quarter of the City, to whom he delivered the corn at four Crowns the bushel, and not above, & after that rate they should sell the pound of bread at half a Spanish royal.  
This order being taken, they went about to assure themselves of the will of the Citizens, for fear that any sedition should arise by reason of the scarceness, which undoubtedly they saw would ensue. They gathered all the chiefest Citizens and Captains in the halls of their quarters, and there they were made swear never to consent to receive any heretical King. They were sworn also to detect and reveal any man whom they knew to dissent from this their union and oath.  
This last part of the oath taken, replenished the city with proscriptions, confiscations, banishments, cruel torments, executions, funerals and lamentations: for a great many were murdered, many judicially executed, many imprisoned, many saved them by flight: but all lost their goods and substance, which was no small prey to the heads of the rebels.  
And that they might molest the King with sallies, they hired the Lord Vitry, Captain of one hundred and fifty horses, with the some of two thousand Ducats, which the Ambassador of Spain did pay.  
Thus having set a Military policy in the City, touching the strength of the City and the sinews thereof, they sometime would set their heads out of the gates to see what weather was about: but fearing some shower of blows, they ran in again.  
The King having distressed Paris already twenty days, or very nigh, and looking that upon some reasonable condition they would have sought means of peace: and seeing them contrary to his expectation hardened, and waxed more obstinate and malicious, with part of his forces set upon the Suburbs of S. Martin, which he took without any great resistance. From that day until the beginning of june, the time passed away without any great exploits, but only certain light skirmishes. For the king would not show any extreme force, having a care of them, hoping still that famine would have moved them to hearken to reason, and to remember their duties. In the mean time the King caused the pieces of artillery, wherewith the Duke of Longueville had battered Beaumond upon Oyse, to be brought to Paris, which being arrived, the King battered the walls with thirteen pieces of double Canon.  
The Duke of Nemours had in the mean time cast great store of Ordinance, whereof he caused threescore and five pieces to be set upon the walls.  
About the 13. of june there came forth out of Paris a strange kind of men of war, which were never seen in the field before▪ Quintus Curtius in the life of Alexander (if I remember well) reported of such a kind of strange warriors. For when Alexander came into India with his victorious army, they perceived on the top of a mountain an army of men, as they thought with pikes and long staves: whereupon that terrible army of Macedonians sounded the alarm. Alexander sent horsemen to view the enemy: when they came near they perceived an army of Apes, which had imitated the army of the Macedonians, whom they had spied out of the trees and mountains. All the courage of the Macedonians was turned to laughter.  
So the Bishop of Sanlis would play the like part, he made himself a Captain, his Soldiers were the Cartusien Friars, the reformed Bernardines and barefoot Friars: the Cartusiens are of the diet of the Otter, for they eat nothing but fish, their cowl is like unto the bag wherewith the Apothecaries do strain their wine hippocras: and by reason of their phlegmatic feeding, they are all rotten, and lepers afore they come to half of their age, they do crawl with louse, and taken with that sickness, which the ancients do call Hydrokephalia, that is a madness procured by rotten phlegm inflamed. The reformed Bernardines are of the diet of the ass, which feedeth upon grass and thistles, for they eat nothing but herbs sod or raw, which thing doth cause them to have dry and scurvy bodies, and that diseaze which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but with all to have asses wits: they go all in black, hereby they do represent to the world their melancholic humour.  
The bare foot Friars do show what humour doth trouble their brain, imitating the frantic mad men, which have delight to go bare foot winter and summer: for we account that man mad that will go bare foot, when he may have shoes to put on.  
All these rakehells armed themselves under their lousy rags, do march in battle array through the City, mumbling their portuses, and when they had given a sight of their prowess unto the Citizens, they would also go to see what weather was out of the Town: and when they had marched a while, the King's guards in the Suburbs took the alarm, supposing to have to deal with men; but when they had the sight of this legion, and perceiving that they were apes imitating men, they turned their fury to ●aughter, hooping & shooting: whereupon the apes returned with great speed into the City, and this was the end of this skirmish. They had for an ensign a Crucifix, and our Lady carried before them to play the bulbegger.  
About this time bread began to be scarce in Paris. whereupon the masters of the City fearing the increasing of famine, sought out all the poor within the City, who came to thirty thousand, and determined to have turned them forth out of the City to take their fortune. But some of the counsel of the City, thought that it could not stand with the greatness and honour of the City, and therefore were stayed in, which thing did greatly hasten the famine, which shortly after followed.  
In the midst of june the famine being very great, there was little or nothing to eat, the Soldiers had no pay, neither was there money to pay them, the Citizens' refused any more to contribute, alleging the great and huge sums of money which they had disboursed: and for fear of some sedition in the City, Friar Henrico Caietano, Friar Goundj Bishop of Paris, and the blind Captain Bernardino Mendoza, consented to rob all the Gods which were in the Temples of Paris, they take the golden cups of their Gods, and all the shrines of gold and silver, which Demetrius his prentices had made to Diana, to Venus, to Belona, and to many Devils of hell: they turn their relics & old rotten bones of old Friars, old dogs and horses, (which they had made the people worship, for the bones of Apostles, Martyrs, and other Saints of God) out of their coats of gold and silver, and make good money to pay the rebels to war against their natural and lawful King, contrary to God's ordinance, to that end that things most wickedly abused, might remain still in the same nature. The blind Captain Don Bernardino, doth promise to bestow every day in alms six score Crowns: Friar Henrico Caietano, said he would do the like: but that devotion waxed as could as the weather was hot, according to the Aphorism of Hypocrates: ventres hyeme calidiores estate frigidiores.  
The King knowing well of the great extremity, wherewith the City was distressed, pitied them, and willed them to take some pity of their distressed estate, promised them mercy and favour: but the Friars Henrico Caietano and Goundi, answered contrary to the meaning of the poor people, that they had determined to die all, rather than to admit an heretical King.  
Upon this answer of the parisians, in the latter end of june, many noble men and gentlemen began to mutter in the King's army, what great imminent danger, was hanging over France; the ruin of the nobility, the decay of so great and noble a City as Paris was: and the desolation of the whole realm, which evils the King could redress, in making himself a Catholic. Of this faction, tending to some enterprise, was chiefest the prince of Soisson, and went so far as to speak openly, that they will serve no longer under an heretical King.  
The King advertised of this muttering, called his nobles and Captains, showed them what he was, what his right and cause was. And whereas they willed him to become a Catholic, he put them out of doubt, that for to purchase many Kingdoms, as great as the realm of France was, he would never so little depart from his religion, which he knew was grounded upon the infallible truth of God.  
As for their service, he made no great account, knowing that it was God who was his strength, force, and defender of his cause, willed them to departed from his army when they would, and that he had rather have their room as their company: he knew that GOD would give him the means and power in time to repress his enemies: he knew that GOD would raise him friends enough to assist him.  
It is said before, how the King all in one work did besiege S. Denis, which is a town walled within four miles of Paris. In this Town in an Abbey where the burials and monuments of the kings were: this town was so gretaly distressed, that they had neither bread nor munition to defend themselves, they had consumed all their provision, Horses, Asses, Dogs, Cats, Rats, Mice, Herbs, Roots, and whatsoever the belly could advise them: Even to have tried to make bread with flower of Oats, husk and all, and dust of old rotten posts, some tried straw ground to dust.  
The said town therefore considering how the famine within, & the sword without did threaten them, proffered parley, and at length concluded to deliver the town to the King, with lives reserved unto all manner of men, the soldiers and all manner of men to retire with all things which they would carry away: who of his great clemency gave them Horses and Cartes for their carriage.  
The same day the King entered into Saint Denis with great rejoicing of all men, who had proved his gracious favour and clemency.  
And being settled in his lodging, he spied in the chamber of presence three men walking in the habit of gentlemen, whom he knew not, but he suspected that they were there for no good. They upon that suspicion were apprehended, and examined by certain noble men appointed by the King: upon a sudden they faultered in their answers, and changing their countenance were sent to prison: but afterward being narrowly examined, they confessed that two of them were Friars of Saint Francis order, and the third to be a Priest, and they three were of the 24. who had conspired, vowed and sworn the king's death. They were hanged without any scraping of the holy greasing which they had of their Bishop. These murderers left a precedent what trust princes may have in the rabble of Friars, Monks and shaveling Priests.  
About the same time the Lord Rubempre, governor for the King in Tourreyne, gave an overthrow to the Lord Chastre in the Country of Berrye.  
About the beginning of july, the Lord Viques a most cruel Leaguer, had besieged Pontarson a town in base Britain, holding for the King against the Leaguers, and after three assaults, in the which he was repulsed, he heard that the county of Thorigni was coming with great forces to raise the siege: whereupon he retired to S. Michael's mount, & wrote letters unto the Duke Merceur, who was then at Nantes for succour, fearing lest he should be forced in the said mount Saint Michael.  
He that carried the letters came with the said letters to the Earl of Thorigny, who having perused the letters, sent the copy of the same to the Prince Dombes, who was between Saint Mal● and Vitre, and forthwith sent the Messenger to the Duke Merceur with his letters: who after he had seen them, sent by and by an answer to the said Lord Viques, praying him to be strong, and that within three days he would come to his aid with three thousand men to rescue him from the Earl Thorigny, and to oppress him, seeing that the said Earl could not have help from the Prince.  
The Messenger came again to the said Earl, and showed him the answer of Merceur: the copy thereof was sent immediately to the Prince, the resolution was so taken between them, that the Prince caused all the horsemen to march speedily, and to get between the said Merceur and Nantes, and the Earl of Thorigny marched towards the said Merceur.  
The Duke perceiving that he was compassed between two armies, ventured to fight with the Prince Dombes, and whilst they were a fight, the Earl came upon him on the other side: he was so beaten between them, that he lost seventeen Ensigns, and twelve hundred of his company were slain on the place: he saved himself by flight into the Castle Josselin, one of the strongest places in all France.  
When the Lord Viques understood of this overthrow, he yielded, and in the conclusion he gave his Daughter in marriage to the younger brother of the Lord Montgomery, who was kept prisoner by him. He was permitted to keep Saint Michael for his safety.  
About the same time the strong Town of Dinan in base Normandy hearing of the said overthrow of Merceur, did beat out of their town their governor, brother of the Duke Merceur, killed many of his Soldiers, and among them the chiefest of his captains named jahn, and so yielded unto the King.  
About this time also the inhabitants of Kilbeuf in Normandy took a galley of the Duke Aumale laden with his goods, as it was going up to Rouen.  
In this month of july, the Franciscan Friars of Sanlis must needs play a Fryerlike part: they were greatly desirous to betray the town, and to deliver the same into the Leaguers hands: which for to bring to pass, they caused many Captains of the rebels to come thither, appareled like Country men, having each of them a basket full of Cherries upon their shoulders, as though they were marketfolks to sell Cherries.  
These Cherie mongers were received by the said Friars into their Friary house, where they had gathered together great provision of armour. But this thing being suspected by some good Citizens, they notified it to the King. Whereupon many were taken, and of the Friars, Massmongers, Chery-mongers and treason-mongers of the Town were hanged, to the number of seven score, and so the play was ended.  
We have left the King at Saint Denis, whilst we went to see what was done in other places of the realm: now we will come to the siege of Paris, and first speak of the state of the City.  
There the famine had so prevailed in the beginning of july, that it far passed the famous famine of Saguntum. Then began they to denounce war against all the lean horses and scurvy jades, against the asses, cats and dogs: these things were more dainty unto them then the dainties of Sibaris little bread, and that of Oats with husk and all was very scant, it was for Princes and great Ladies, and that a small quantity every day.  
In this extremity Friar Henrico Caietano had sold and wasted all his money and plate, and begging was there little regarded: he with the rest of his Massmongers did bury in their stomachs their God, whom they had made with five words, in horse dung, if they could get it: but a strange thing there happened, as had been heard of in any age, to wit, the Asses of Sorboun were enforced to devour their own brother's flesh.  
There were four sorts of men who went about to remedy this extremity, each one following their course.  
Some of the best sort and stoutest stomach pitying themselves & their fellow Citizens, whom they saw perish by heaps for the pleasure of few rebels; by the advise of one Renard Attorney in the Court of Parliament, took counsel how to deliver the City into the King's hands, of whose clemency and gracious favour toward the poor distressed people, they assured themselves. But being discovered, some fled to the King, who were graciously of him received: some were taken prisoners, and the said Renard with some others were executed, but the goods of all were forfeited to the heads of the League.  
The second was the Duke de maine, who fearing greatly the loss of Paris, being abroad where he made shift for good cheer, though it were at other men's charge, as the saying is: Qui satur est pleno laudat jejunia ventre. He writeth letters to the inhabitants of Paris, commending them for their great constancy, promiseth them secure and great provision of victuals within a certain time prefixed in the letter, willing them to be patiented yet, and not to go about any making of peace with the King.  
The Friars and jesuits took the copies of these letters, read them in their pulpits, and served them for text to discourse upon, and to make brave and lusty sermous.  
The third was the blind Captain Bernardine, who taught the delicate parisians the diet of his country, to wit, to take Oats ground, meal husk and all, and therewith to make a kind of pap, such as the country men in Spain do use for their ordinary diet, and as they do in France for the fatting of their hogs, and here in England the Hunters do for their hounds: and that slubber sauce to be sold to them that had money by a measure, which was followed as long as Oats did last.  
The fourth was the Priests, who would also feed their minds with idolatrous fantasies, as their bodies were fed sparingly with spanish slubber wash: and first to begin, they persuaded them to vow to Nostra donna di Loretta, a lamp and a ship of pure silver of the weight of three hundred marks, which should be sent by some of the chiefest of the City.  
The second idolatrous fantasy wherewith they deluded that besotted people, was, that they made them run to and fro in procession bore footed and bare legged from Church to Church, from Idol to Idol, carrying their God in the streets, which their Priest had made with five words. All the streets did sound with weak Ora pro nobis.  
The third was a Pageant which they played in this wise: they had made upon the great Altar of their Churches a grave like a monument, there they buried their God, (who be like was dead with famine) and let him lie for the space of 8. days, and in the same space the Churches were full night and day with Candles, smoke, idolatries and starved people. Who had required these things at your hands? It is submitting themselves unto God's ordinance, that would quickly remedy this distress, and not these idolatries.  
The Oats being spent, the famine prevailed more and more, the harvest time also was come. The King did wink at many sallies which they did, to steal away some sheaves of corn, hoping by that means to intercept some of the heads of the rebellion: so there were daily skirmishes about the harvest, and they also carried away with them somewhat, which (although dearly bought) did relieve somewhat the extremity of their hunger.  
Whilst these sallies were adoing, about the fifteen day of july the Lord Chastilion arrived unto the King with one thousand horsemen and two thousand footmen Gascoynes.  
The King perceiving the wilful obstinacy of that people, or rather the hard bondage that they were in under few rebels, set all his forces in order, and set upon all the Suburbs of Paris all at once, which seized upon without any loss the 18. of july, supposing that his neighborhead would cause them enter in consideration of their miseries and dangers.  
This narrow siege, debarring them wholly from the fields, made the famine yet to prevail more: so that now in few days, the people died by heaps in the houses within, and in the streets without. Now the common people wisheth for peace, and imputeth all their miseries unto blind Bernardine, many did threaten openly in the streets, that it were a good deed to hang that Spanish Moor, and all his company of Sarrazins brood.  
Blind Bernardine hearing of these news, wished himself to have been in Spain a dancing naked with the Sarrazen Moors of Spain: yet to pacify the people, he did bestow of his Spanish pottage made of Oats, upon them so much as he could spare, for he was fallen to his old diet of Spain, and withal he gave them old starved horses which were like to die, for to kill and to e●te, yet all this poor liberality which then was great, considering the time, could not pacify the people: for as the Proverb is▪ Ventur non habet aures. Therefore many took counsel together in the night, to have seized upon a gate, and to have let in the King's forces, but this counsel being detected, this enterprise could not be effected.  
The morrow after being the 19 day of july, a great multitude assembled themselves in the palace, and required of the Pseudosenat, that they might have peace with the King, otherwise there was no remedy, but they were like to perish miserably, they were entreated to quiet themselves, and to have patience for ten days, so they departed like to die in the mean time with hunger.  
The 27. of july, they assembled themselves again into the palace with strong hand, and required of the Pseudesenat, either bread or peace: and whereas a Merchant of the City named Goys, did reprove them, by them he was hurt, so that within few days he yielded his rebellious soul: the matter tending to sedition, the Duke of Aumale came to the palace, shut up the doors, and took some prisoners, whereof two of them were hanged.  
Then the mutiny of the people increasing, they went to the Bishop's house, willing him to go about the matter, that they might have either bread or peace: whereupon some of the counsellors of the Pseudosenat, pitying their own, and the misery of the people, with the Bishop of Lions, the Duke of Nemours, and others of the chiefest of the rebellion entered in counsel, whether they ought to admit the King upon reasonable conditions, specially having their autonomy. The matter being discoursed, and some altogether inclining to peace, withstanding that counsel, the Duke of Nemours, governor of the city, said in great anger, that he had rather see the City consumed then lost: meaning that if it were yielded unto the King, he esteemed it lost, and going forth in great anger, would not be present any longer in such deliberation: notwithstanding, they agreed all to send Ambassadors to the King, to entreat of an universal peace. The messengers were the Bishops of Paris and Lions, and certain others deputed for the City, who went to the King, lodged them in Saint Antony's Abbey nigh the City, whom he received more courteously than they thought he would have done.  
They propounded to the King two things, an universal peace, and that he should become a Catholic, and so the City of Paris would set open their gates, acknowledge and Crown him King of France.  
The King answered that he would receive them to mercy, without binding himself to any thing: it appertained unto Kings to pardon his subjects, but not to subjects to prescribe peace, and to divide pears with their King, as for his religion he commanded them not to move any talk thereof, for he was resolved in his faith, which he did not mean to change, and willed them with this resolution to return to Paris.  
The Duke d'Mayne understanding that the King's forces were lodged at the gates of Paris, and that the City within was full of uproars of the people, perishing for hunger: perceiving also the long delays of the Duke of Parma, and fearing greatly that the City would fall into the King's hands, one way or another, he sent Vileroy to the King, and writeth a letter to the parisians, to send the Bishops of Paris and Lions, to show how desirous they were to make peace.  
The King gave them licence to come in his presence, and also to repair to the Duke d'Mayne with this answer, that he had not any delight in their misery and undoing. The intent of this embassage, was but to delay the time, lest the K. should force the City while he posted to Brussels, there to solicit the Duke of Parma. For he wrote a letter unto the Parisiens by a secretary of the Bishop, by the which he willed them to hold out, and to make no peace, for there was a rescue coming, great forces, and great store of victuals.  
Now we will leave the King in the Suburbs, and walk to Brussels in Brabant, to see how the Leaguers affairs do speed there.  
It is said before how the Leaguers sent four Ambassadors into Spain at one clap, and there the causes were showed, which moved the King of Spain to hearken unto their petition, & how he sent to the Duke of Parma to go into France, with such power as he could conveniently make, to relieve and rescue Paris. Now we will show the intent which the King of Spain kept, uncommunicable to himself.  
The King of Spain having placed the Duke of Parma, as regent in the Low Countries, and perceiving that he being settled in the Country, and having purchased friends and partakers there, began to suspect him, as that he should not be able to have him out, without some wrangling and wrestling, 〈◊〉 that the Duke would keep that country in recompense of the Kingdom of Portugal, whereof he thought himself unjustly defrauded.  
This suspicion made the King oftentimes to play the Physician with the Duke, and to minister him spanish physic, afore he was sick, as boles, pills and potions. But the said Duke being skilful in Italian Physic, provided such counter physic, that by boles, pills and potions, he prevented the drugs of Spain.  
The Spanish King therefore seeing that his Physic would not work, took occasion by this embassage, to rid his hands of him, either by some blow that he might receive, or else by prevention: therefore he commanded him to take such regiments of Walloons & Italians, as he knew well to favour the said Duke, & such Lords as had any amity with him, to go with all speed to aid the Leaguers: that by these means the Spaniards remaining in the country while another governor should be sent, might seize upon the holds and forts of the land, & so to shut him out, and exclude him from that government, to be sent into Italy, from whence he came, there to be a petty Duke, and to busy his head about the providing of a Galley, if the Turk should chance to invade Italy.  
But the Duke of Parma having learned this Latin in his youth, fraudem fraud fullere laus est, thought good to obey his master's commandment, though little to his advantage: for beside his commission he purposed to take with him the two regiments of Spaniards, that were appointed to remain in the Country, and to have shut him out of the doors.  
The Duke of Parma had been long sick of the purre, the pocks, the murr, the cough and the glanders, and yet his teeth were scarce fast in his head. And being most resolved en his journey, than seemed he coldest and most uncertain.  
The Spaniards having already (through a brain sick imagination) conquered France, did urge the journey: the Duke's friends did excuse the delay by his weakness. There was daily quarrels between Spaniards and Italians: some Spaniards were so bold to call him Viliago tradidore.  
The Duke did dilay his journey to terrify the Duke de maine, and to drive him of necessity to come in his own person to beg his help.  
The Duke de maine (as is before said) having taken some order to stay the King's power from forcing the city of Paris, posted to Brussels in Brabant, there the Duke of Parma entertained him as a gentleman would entertain a lackay. There the D. de maine afore he might be admitted to come in the presence of that great Potentate, was put to learn so many Italian abassios, so many duckinges and Spanish ceremonies, by crouching to every rascal Spaniard, that at length when h● had learned well to make a leg af●●r the Italian or Spanish manner, he was let into basiare las manos.  
There he urged and prayed very devoutly for speedy help, she wing the extremity that Paris stood in if it were not with speed relieved, farewell all the League, Leaguers, and Leagued, and Catholic faith.  
Upon this extremity, the Duke of Parma (who had all things in a readiness) sent the D. de maine before him, to put such forces in a readiness, as he could make up against his coming, that entering on the frontiers, they might join their forces together.  
The Duke de maine returned into France, put all the Leaguers in great hope of good success, revived the hungry Parisiens with fair words, sent to the Duke de Aumale and Vidsame d' Amiens, who were gone into Picardy to rely such forces there as they could, and to repair into champaign to him.  
Now having brought the Duke de maine from Bruxeles into champaign again, there we will leave him to prepare for the coming of the Duke of Parma, and return to the siege of Paris.  
Now in the latter end of july, the famine did so prevail in the City of Paris, and increased more and more daily, that they died by heaps every where sinking down in the Streets stark dead.  
They who were able to buy oaten bread were allowed no more but six ounces a day.  
By the end of july, they had eaten in the City above two thousand horses, and eight hundred Asses, or Moils: great war was denounced in the City against Dogs, Whelps, Catte●, Kitlings, Rats, Mice, and other such things which the belly could devise.  
There was no wine in the City, nor grain to brew bear. They who had money did drink Tisen made with water and liquorice, which was to be sold in wine Taverns in stead of Wine.  
They who had no money did drink with the Cow out of the river Sein, which for the space of thirty years they had defiled and coloured red with the blood of the Saints, and now of late with the blood of the royals.  
In the beginning of August, they sought all herbs and weeds which could be had and said them in water without salt, which they did sell for a Spanish Royal a pound to them which had money.  
A bushel of wheat was sold for 70. crowns and more.  
Blind Bernardine Ambassador of Spain, one of the chiefest workers of all these mischiefs, happened to tell in a company how he had heard say, that in a certain fort of the Turk besieged by the Persians, in like case they did grind bones of dead men, and made bread thereof. Some who heard this tale told, took that for a counsel, took bones (whereof is great store in Paris, specially in the Churchyard of the Innocents') ground them, and made bread of that kind of stuff.  
Some did take the small dust of worm eaten posts mingled with a small deal of Oaten meal, wherewith they made bread.  
From the latter end of july, until the time that the King raised the siege, this miserable people did shift with that kind of poor fare.  
About the 29. of july the asses of Sorboun, Monks, Friars and jesuits, considering now that ass flesh could not be had any more, or that they had no money to buy any, and also that it would not be had neither upon credit, nor for begging. Considering also that the 50. thousand ducats which the Pope had sent (which they thought to have had either wholly or in part) was bestowed upon men and Soldiers, not upon Asses, and that they had no part thereof: and seeing that contrary to promise they were out of 〈◊〉 to receive any, but rather that they were like to die for hunger, and were already starved▪ they fell into a ●elting chafe, and in that anger wrote unto Friar Sixtus a letter, wherein they reproach unto him the great good turns, which the vicars of Rome had received of their ancestors, whereof he showed himself very unthankful.  
They quarrel with him how they having encouraged the people in their Sermons (to withstand their King, and to set the realm in a combustion) to the catholic faith, upon promises of his aid and succour, but now when they have need nothing is performed: the people do take them (as they may well) for abusers, and the Pope for a cogging Friar, a deceiver, a giver of good morrows and fair words.  
They say, when they have showed their need and gréefs unto his Nuncio, they had fair words, how the Pope is very wise, knoweth well what he hath to do, he will do his promise when he seethe his tyme.  
Master Friar Sixtus and his Nuncio, you do not understand well 
Note.  perhaps the nature of Sorboun: they have a rage in the belly, which will not be assuaged by words, I think no people in this world is so troubled with that sickness as these be, but specially now when Ass flesh faileth them.  
They accuse Friar Sixtus that he playeth jack of both sides, he holdeth with the hound and runneth with the hare: he holdeth with the Catholics, and secretly favoureth the King, that they prove by two Arguments. First by the good entertainment which was given to the Lord Luxenbourg, who first with dissimulation was excluded, and afterward used very friendly.  
The second argument is, that Friar Sixtus had been greatly desired by the holy union, and also had promised to pronounce excommunication against the King and the Royals, which he would never do. They pray him instantly to send forth that excommunication, and let them alone with that.  
And whereas these Magistrinostri dare not beg openly, yet they say that letters have been written from Italy, by many great men, to be but folly to expect any money from Rome. The reason I can give you, for they have little enough to serve their turn.  
At length they fall out with him openly, with this prayer, that God so help him as he doth help them.  
But to return to the purpose, the starving and eating of such unclean things, did bring generally to all the disease 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a dropsy, so that between the famine and these diseases, there was most commonly two hundred and more in a morning, found dead at the doors of the rich, where they came to get somewhat, and were not able to departed from thence, beside numbers which did die every where by heaps.  
All the music that was in the streets was mourning, weeping, lamentations, and weak voices of begging people, and none able to relieve them. The pomp of the City was turned into funerals, leanenes, pitiful sights, and evident tokens of God's wrath powered upon a people, which lead by seducers, have resisted God's power and Ordinance.  
The state of that people being so lamentable: Friar Henrico, Friar Sixtus Nuncio (who was come himself to six ounces of ●aten bread, and half a pound of ass flesh if he could get it) supposing to be in antro Trophoni, where the Poets do feign the people to live by shadows, went about to relieve this people with idolatrous fantasies, to wit, with pardons & indulgences: whereupon processions do run (but softly) up and down, they set their Idol which their Priests did make with five words, in his grave again, which they made for h●m upon the great altar, to see whether they might awake him out of his swound with smoke, or candles, or thumping on the breast, or with weak misericordia, or a fainty ora pronobis: the more the famine did increase, the more Idolatries did multiply.  
The Friars and jesuits would sometime step up in the puspit: there they did look like their woody and smoky Idols, which are by heaps in their temples, differing nothing from them but in apparel and speech. They had lacked their bread of chapter, and vinum capitulare so long, that they could no more rumble and thunder their sermons, beat and shake their pulpits, but with a mourning voice, prayed them whom they had cast headlong into that heap of miseries to be patiented; if they die, they shall be made confessors; within ten days they shall have victuals and succour enough. But when they heard for a truth of the Duke of Parma his marching, there they did with their weak voices extol him, as the only Captain of the world, the deliverer of France, and of the holy Church. What was he not:  
Thus this miserable people, kept down by the tyranny of the Leaguers, hardened by seditious sermons of starved Friars and jesuits, fed with vanities of the Pope's Nuncio, blinded with ignorance and Idolatry of ignorant and Idolatrous leaders, was not suffered to go fo●th, and to submit themselves to their King (to whom nothing was more dear than their preservation) neither could they be provided. But the tyrannous rebels having yet somewhat to keep soul and body together, had delight to behold with their cruel eyes, that wretched people to pine away by hunger.  
The famine goeth worse one day then another, in somuch, that if the King had continued his siege any time longer, that desperate rabble of rebellious Idolaters, would have done as the Saguntines & Lampsarcens which destroyed themselves.  
In the beginning of August the rebels did issue forth, conducted by the Duke of Nemours, to charge the King's forces: but they were so received by the King's Captains, that they who returned home, said they would do so no more.  
The King perceiving that the message of Vileroy, was nothing else but to delude him, and understanding that the Duke d'Mayne was gone into Brabant, to hast the Duke of Parma his journey, placed thirteen pieces of Ordinance to batter the gate of S. German, on the south side of the City. But hearing that for a certainty, the Duke of Parma was ready to march with fifteen thousand men, Spaniards, Italians, Walloons, and Flemings, all of the old bands & garrisons of the Country, he thought good not to give any assault: but knowing that they were extremely distressed with famine, thought to urge them with the same more narrowly than ever he did, and so to enforce them to come to some reasonable composition, and so to reserve his nobility and brave Soldiers, to the enemies coming.  
The famine did so prevail, that nothing being left to eat, but themselves, they began to fall to man's flesh. Pedro Corneio a Spaniard, who was in that siege, doth report that one of the Pseudopresidents there, told him for a truth, which he knew very well, that there were of his knowledge two and twenty Children eaten in that siege.  
The King understanding of the greatness of the famine, the wilful obstinacy of that damned people, who will rather perish like the heathenish Saguntines, then to try his clemency and favour, whom they knew to be therewith endued, more than ever had been any King in France before him: hearing also of this savage and barbarous act of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by some that fled unto him out of the City, was greatly moved: so that lifting up his hands to Heaven before his nobility, protested unto the Lord, as Titus did in like case at the siege of jerusalem, that he was not guilty of those abominations, which were there committed, neither of the blood of them that so desperately perished. That he was their lawful King, ordained of God to govern them, that he had proffered unto them (contrary to their deserts) mercy: that he might have forced them; but to spare their blood, he had delayed it to his great hindrance, hoping that need would have caused them to consider their duty. But contrary unto duty and nature, they had obstinated themselves, and committed more abominations, than any City ever did among the heathens. This good King, his eyes full of tears, retired into his Chamber, full of compassion, admiration and love of justice.  
Compassion was not in him only, as it was in Scipio, at the burning of Carthage, an affection proceeding of a mild nature, but a true Christian mercy, by the which he did feel the griefs even of his mortal enemies, and therefore gave certain passports unto many, to have daily out of his camp a certain allowance of victuals, and liberty to his soldiers, to sell some victuals unto the besieged for necessary things, as shoes, hose, apparel, and other such things, which did somewhat relieve them, and stopped the barbarous eating one another.  
The admirations of this strange hardness of hart of that people, brought him to consider Gods just and secret judgements, who in his wrath hath sent evil spirits of Idolomany in the mouths of their false prophets, that as through blindness of Idolatry this fifty years past and more, they had replenished their streets with burnings, murders, and massacres of the Saints, and had stopped their ears unto the voice of Christ; so they should be replenished with error and idolatrous hardness by the wicked Friars and jesuits, possessed with lying spirits, to bring them to that thraldom and obloquy: neither will that City ever be restored to peace and justice, until that the streets thereof be washed with the blood of that damned generation.  
The King considering his office and charge annexed and inseparably joined to his Crown, to minister justice, that is, to punish the offenders and transgressors, and that there began the rebellion, there was by the consent of most wrought the death of the King, and that by the rejoicing and approbation of the said death, they had rendered themselves accessary and guilty of the same, even their walls, houses, temples, all whatsoever they had. Therefore he considering correlatively his office & their offence, could not give over the siege: and seeing that they refused lawful try all by their rebellion, he would follow that which in such a case God hath ordained, that is, force, violence and war: yet he determined to try (fashioning himself after God's Image, who is long suffering) whether they might be provoked to take pity upon their afflicted estate.  
Here we will leave the King for a time, and will pass into other places to see what preparations of war be made. We have said how the Duke de maine returned from Brussels (where he was royally received as a poor simple lackey (as is said) into champaign: thence he sent to the Duke Aumale, and the Vidasme d'Amiens into Picardy, to gather such forces as they could, and to repair unto him with as much speed as they might to join with the Duke of Parma, who was coming with great forces.  
Whereupon, about the midst of August, the Lord jumeges understanding that the said Duke Aumale and Vidasme had gathered forces, & were going toward the Duke de maine to join with the Spaniards coming out of the Low Country, met with them nigh Amiens, discomfited them, and slew three thousand of them, as the common report is, among whom was the Vidasme of Amiens. The Duke Aumale by flight saved himself within Amiens.  
The Duke of Parma in the mean time commanded the two regiments of Spaniards, appointed by the King of Spain to keep home, and to do their feat as they should understand when the opportunity should serve to march forward before him. For although (leaving the country unprovided of sufficient forces) the States would take occasion to do their business, and to surprise places: yet according to the proverb, he consented to some loss for fear of losing all.  
The Spaniards were very unwilling to go to that journey: but he put them in hope of doing some great and weighty exploits, which were not for every man to know, and which could not be effected without their counsel and help, making them believe that they were the only Soldiers of the world. At length the Spaniards as a resty horse which striveth with the rider, and goeth backward afore he will take his way forward.  
Upon their departure, he sent forth every where to show his journey into France; he setteth forth a description of his army, how many thousand footmen, how many thousand horsemen, how many Princes, Dukes and Earls; what Caesar's and Alexanders there was in that army. And when all came to all, there were three which are by him called Princes, even such as he is himself, such as may be a Knight here in England, which do hold some small Dukedoms of small towns in Italy either of the Pope, or else of King Philip, such as are holden in slavery, as the Bassas by the Turk, to wit, the Princes (for so he termeth them) of Ascoly, castle Bertran, and Symay, two Princes as obscure, as the name of their principalities. There were the marquess of Renty, the Earl Berlamount. There were also Dons of Spain, as Sanctio Layeva, ivan Baptista, Tasis, Alonso Idiaques, Antonio de Zuniga, Pedro Gaetano, and Capechuca Romano. All these Dons were such as might be twenty groats in the books of Subsidy: so great noble men they were, men that could have showed great prowess upon the naked judiens. To be short, there were three great Lords, Pride, Vanity and Folly, who were masters of the Campe. There were also few Carrowssers out of Flanders, Henault and Brabant: he gave them terrible names, as Amutinadoes, that is, angry men, Mansferidos, and other such I wots not what, as would make the poor heathenish women in Italy and Spain cross their foreheads, thinking to hear some names of devils.  
He setteth forth his furniture, his stable, his pages, the coverings of his coffers and moils, and why not the bells of his moils. But a great oversight was committed by him that made no mention of his Courtesans; that was not for lack of good will, but now his age doth great injury to his memory. O man too much pride hath put thee out of thy wits, or else hath blown thy wisdom into thy cap.  
When he entered into France, he began to inquire how many days marching there was to Roch●l; for he would take it by the way. Man look well to the would of thy cap. He imagined that the king at the first hearing of his coming would have run away, and he would have pursued him as far as the playns of Bourdeaux, where he would have fought with him, & sent his head in a charger to his master, as Herode did of john Baptist.  
The Friars and jesuits lacked no monkish Rhetoric to increase, nor wind to blow up these bladders. Wheresoever he passed there he left tokens of his progeny, to wit, tokens of the most villainous ●●lthines and most barbarous cruelty that ever was used by any wild people, except it were by the Pope's adulterous brood.  
But whilst these things were a doing, there fell out such a chance, as almost marred all. Friar Sixtus a little before he went to render a count of the treasons & murders, which he had caused (to his power) to be committed, fearing by the threatening of the Lord Luxembourg (who was sent to Rome by the Catholic nobility, to do a message in their name) lest the King would seek for revengement of the presumptuous injuries received at his hands, sent a flattering mandamus, by the which he dischargeth the King from excommunication, and willed all his subjects, nobles, and others to obey him, and pray for him, whose subversion he himself desired.  
Here Christian reader, thou mayst see what piety, justice or godliness is in this sink of lewd Friars: for advantage this Friar Sixtus was the chiefest instrument & countenance of the Leaguers, to raise up that most cruel war, and confused rebellion that ever was heard of ●n any realm, by his excommunication, by his advise, practices, counsel and money. Now when he seethe the whip in the King's hands, fearing to be handled as his country men did handle their flaues, or as one of the King's predecessors handled Boniface the eight, whom he hanged at his own window in the City Perugia: now he sent his Curriero with his mandamus with his prayers, he cometh as the Demoni●cles came unto Christ.  
Let therefore Christian Princes, take heed not to trust these false dissembling Friars, who do carry two faces under a hood: for there is nothing so wicked, but for advantage they dare do: there is nothing so vile, but for advantage they will debase themselves thereto. But Friar Sixtus his mandamus, his Curriero, his commandment was as much regarded of the Catholics and Leaguers, as of them of the reformed religion: for the Leaguers will follow their devotions, that is, their rebellion, though all the Popes that have been ever since the devil laid down the foundation of that seat, should say nay, and therefore they took that mandamus abusive for assentamur.  
The Catholic Nobles who were with the King, took that for a thing which is neither here nor there, which could neither hinder nor further the cause, wishing that Friar Sixtus would sit at home, and make some new almanac, or some new calendar, because yet we lack one or two to furnish the table, and that by his Apostolical authority, he would command the Sun, not to go any more out of the way, but to keep ●is course: as some of his predecessors was so bold, as to command the Angels.  
They of the reformed religion laughed at the impudence and variableness of the friars wit, who had breath both to warm his fingers, and to cool his pottage.  
The K. did make account of all this Friar-like flattering, rather to redound to his hindrance and dishonour, then to any futtherance of his cause: for he knoweth well, that the praiets of Idolaters would not be accepted of God, and that all the godly minded, would without the Pope's bidding, make their humble prayers and supplications to God for him, not only in France, but in all Christendom. Neither will he accept that obedience which is done by the Pope's c●●maundement rather, then in consideration of God's ordinance. And to receive any goodness of him, or depend of him, the King doth know well, that every good gift cometh from above, even from the father of lights, and that he is his abundant reward. But the Pope is equus Sejanus, unto as many as do meddle with him.  
Whilst the Duke of Parma marched toward France, the Duke de maine returned home to gather forces, as is said before: some were cut off by the ways, as Aumale, and the Vidasme of Amiens: but certain forces he receaned of Balagny governor of Cambray, and the Lord Saint Paul, with whom he made toward Paris.  
The King understanding of this, went from his army with a troop of horsemen without any baggage, and marched 17. Leagues without bait, to meet with the said Duke de maine to bid him welcome out of Brabant: but the K. came too short by an hour. For the Duke de main used with long experience to flee away from the King's presence, had saved himself in the town of Laon in Champaygne: but the King seeing that he had escaped out of the net, he returned to his army.  
Shortly after the D. de maine having gathered all his forces, came to Meaux in Brie: & to ease his stomach giving out that he came to give battle to the King, whereupon the King departing again went almost to Meaux: but seeing that the Duke had enclosed himself between the rivers of Marne, and that which cometh from Crecy, the King returned to his army once more.  
In the latter end of August, the Duke of Parma, that great Soltan Soliman, Mussulman, Siech, with his drunken Belerbeyes, Bassas and janissaries entered into France. The Duke de maine, to requite his courtesy showed him at Brussels, sent the Lord Saint Paul (who the other day was a lackay, and afterward household servant to the Lord Beawayes Nangy, than he rose a step higher, to wit, he was made one of the bawds of the Duke de maine, and now one of the chiefest of the League.  
When the Duke of Parma came to Meaux upon Marne, about the 27. of August he thought himself to show yet once an Italian proud trick to the D. de maine, for his so basely receiving of him in the land: then he began to look with a sour Italian brow, and as the saying is, Front caperata: neither would he go further, except he had an absolute power to command over all the forces, as well French as Suanish: which thing when he had obtained, he began to esteem less the Duke de maine and his Captains, than the Duke de maine had esteemed him in sending a lackay in a Noble man's apparel to receive him.  
Now the Duke of Parma being on Cockhorse, beginneth to triumph and disdain all: he altered the Duke de maine his resolution, and the course of this voyage: yet necessity which hath no law, made the Duke de maine to take all these Italian insolences & pranks in good part: & need (which maketh the old woman trot) enforced him to put in ure all the reverences and ceremonies which he learned at Brussels among the Spaniars, wherein he had profited very well for his time.  
The Duke of Parma in taking his journey, being troubled with the humour that Monarcho his country man (who was here in England, the gazing & pastime of children in London) was troubled with, had imagination in his conceit, that by that time he should enter France, the King would be fled from Paris half the way out of France. But when he came to Meaux, whilst they played these merry parts between them, he heard that the K. was still at the ●iege of Paris: whereat he marveled greatly, musing why the King should stay there: and perceiving that the King stood not in any fear, they eased their hearts and covered their dread by publishing abroad every where how they will give battle to the King, of him and all his there is not a breakfast. And thereupon in great earnest he called for the Cards, and thinking himself far wiser than the Duke de maine, who now was but a poor Soldier under him: and having appointed to lodge at Chelles, began to march forth out ●● Meaux, to take his lodging where the King had appointed.  
The King having intelligences of the Duke of Parma his marching out of Meaux the 30. of August, raised his army from before Paris, leaving the city and the Suburbs at liberty. The King with part of his army went before, with commandment to the rest to follow after. Pedro Corneio a Spaniard, who was in the City during that siege, reporteth, that if the King had stayed two days more, it was impossible for that City to have holden any longer, but that the gates had been opened to him.  
The Paristens seeing, that when they had come to an extreme period of danger (which in truth had been an easy and an inestimable benefit to have fallen into the King's hands) were filled with great joy. The Duke de Nemours, Friar Henrico, Friar Sixtus his Nuncio, blind Bernardino and all other rabble of Rebels went in procession to the great church called our Lady, with a great number of people, drawing their dry and starved bodies after them with much ado, and there they song merrily te Deum laudamus.  
The last wheat that had been sold there was sold above two hundred Crowns, and within three days after it was there for four or five Crowns.  
The Duke of Parma at his first marching from Meaux, having passed the brook, which runneth by the Town of Clay, lodged at the Castle Fresme.  
The King departed from the Village Chaliot, near to Paris, and appointed a general meeting of his whole army in the plain of Boundie, making his reckoning the next day to have battle. Therefore he mustered his army there all that day, and there he stayed two days expecting the enemies coming: but hearing no news of the enemy all that time, he resolved to draw near to them, and for that intent sent the Lords Laverdine and Chastilion to seize upon Chelles, where he intended to lodge.  
The said Lords there arrived, found the enemy's Harbingers, who had begun to take lodgings, whom they put to flight.  
The King coming after them, deseried some 7. or eight hundred horses of the enemy, whom he charged so violently with far lesser number that he conducted, beating them even unto their lodgings.  
The Duke of Parma understanding that his Harbingers had been beaten out of Chelles, and that the King lodged there, did double his fear, and disappointed of his lodging, would needs go (accompanied with the D. de maine) to view the plain where the King stood in battle array: but perceiving the King coming with a good troop directly toward them, was contented for that time to take no nearer sight.  
The fifth day the Duke of Parma placed his army enclosed between two brooks, and on the one side upon one of the brooks, there is a wood and a Castle called Brow, and a little above the Castle a hill. All that day the King stood in battle array in the plain by Chelles.  
The kings power of ten thousand foot Frenchmen, four thousand Swissers, four thousand horsemen, whereof three thousand were gentlemen of the chiefest families of Nobility in all France, eight hundred Rutters. In that army were six Princes, two Marshals of France, and a great number of noble men and Captains, who were able to lead as great an army as that was.  
About 11. a clock that day the Duke of Parma with the Duke de main went up on the top of the hill to view the army, and the situation of the plain, which when he had descried he gave a deep sigh, and fell into a chilling cold, and after in a pelting Italian chafe (after the manner of Italy, and the custom of his predecessors the Popes of Rome) swore and blasphemed God most horribly, and reproached unto the Duke de maine, that he had brought him to the slaughter, and that he descried before his eyes not ten thousand men, as he made him believe, but twenty thousand men the bravest and best ordered that ever he had seen.  
This great Caesar that heretofore would kill the Devil, hethertoo had covered the fear which did lurk in his hart, with swear, blaspheming, braggings and boastings, now not able to keep it any longer hidden, doth lay it open: for he maketh haste to his camp, biddeth his men to lay down their weapons, and to take in hand pickaxes, shovels and mattocks. The Macedonians were never so busy in building Alexandria, as these men were in trenching themselves in their Moor, for fear to be set on by the King.  
The King continued three days more, in showing himself in battle array upon the said plain, and provoked them continually by skirmishes, always some remaining behind upon the place, or carried away prisoners.  
The 6. day the King assaulted them, and did beat them from one of the brooks, the wood and the Castle, and drive them all into the moor, where they in great haste (as is aforesaid) had entrenched themselves very strongly.  
Some prisoners being demanded wherefore the Duke of Parma would not make a way through the King's camp to go to Paris, and hazard the lot of the battle. They answered, that after they had descried the King's power, they had lost all stomach to fight.  
The Duke d'Mayne had left behind him the Town of Lagny, which is upon the river of Marne, right against Corbeil, which he thought could work him some displeasure, he therefore did send the seventh day of September, certain companies of Spaniards and Italians with ordinance, to take the said Lagny, which was but a weak Town. The Captain named Laphin, otherwise determined to leave the Town as not defensible, when he saw the enemies approach with such disorder as they did, took another resolution, to wit, to defend it, to hold them play: the enemies passing over the river, upon a bridge made with boats, began to batter it with nine pieces of artillery, the breach was made before the King had any notice thereof, by reason of the great wind which was contrary, and a great thick mist: yet assoon as the King had any knowledge thereof, he sent secure to have rescued the Town: but the enemy giving the assault afore the King's forces could come, and being few against many, the enemy carried it away, which being entered into the Town, omitted no barbarous cruelty and villainy, which that Sarrasenicall savage nation could devise, there were between two and three hundred Soldiers within the Town, governed by the Lord Laphin, who defended that weak town so valiantly, that the enemy lost in that assault the most part of them that were at the siege, all the Garrison Soldiers with their Captains were slain in like sort, as Leonidas with his Lacoves at Thermopylas.  
The King took that loss very sorrowfully, and supposing that this beginning would have cheered and fleshed the enemy, commanded the skirmish to be given ho●ter then ever before. But as the Wool●e pursued and hunted, having gotten his den over his head, will rather die there then to get him forth, and try the matter with the hunter: so these savage ravening monsters, could not be drawn out of their moor.  
The King perceiving that nothing would encourage these fearful warriors, departed out of the camp with a good company of horsemen with ladders, and marched toward Paris, and caused certain companies to draw near the walls, between the gates of Saint james and Saint Marcel, which being detected, the alarm was given in the City, the King's Soldiers did hide themselves in the darkness of the night, being a great mist withal. The parisians returned every one home: the jesuits, who are the most desperate and warlike of all the legions of the locusts of the kingdom of Antichrist, watched all the night upon the wall, fearing some surprise, and about four a clock in the morning, the King's Soldiers lying in the town ditch, began to scale the wall: the jesuits fearing to be researched, first for their horrible treasons do sound the alarm, and do keep of the King's men from leaping upon the wall as well as they can, whilst company do run to help. The inhabitants do cast faggots kindled into the ditch, by which means the King's Soldiers being discovered, did sound the retire, gave over the enterprise, and so the King returned no more to Paris.  
Here Christian reader, thou shalt note in this City, the notorious sins of the inhabitants, the judgements of God showed upon them, and what is yet to come. This City hath been first of all the bulwark and strong hold of all Idolatry, and heathenish superstitio●s, which they have increased of mere malicious wickedness, and as it were to spite the Gospel, whose voice had been heard, and had knocked at their gates many years. They raised the alarm at the sound thereof, they have murdered the Saints in the streets, they have shed their blood upon the earth like water, their bodies they have drawn by heaps, and given them to be meat for the beasts of the field, and the fowls of the air, they have searched them out as it were with a lantern, that they might root out the knowledge of God from the earth, they have made the gospel of life a hissing, a by word, a nodding of the head, and a song of despite and contempt among them. Therefore the Lord hath given them to a reprobate mind, to commit among themselves all the abominations of the heathens, and hath sold them to seducers and raving false Prophets. For beside the infinite herds of Epicures, and idle bellies of idolatrous Priests, Monks and Friars, about the year 1560. when the Gospel did knock at their gates, there crept out of Spain and Italy the vermin of Iesuit●s, whom Sachan did burst out as ultimum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by whose desperate rage, specially these sinful people have been blinded and seduced to the uttermost. They have kindled and maintained to the uttermost of their power, war against them of the reformed religion. They were the first in all France, to show the fruit of their hellish Idolatry, that have rebelled against the King, who was of their own religion, & as great and devout a Catholic, as any was in the world: they stirred up and invited to their rebellion all other Cities of France, by their example, letters and Ambassadors, and at length they have shortened his life, by an heinous parricide, by the which they have made their walls, their houses, their temples and themselves guilty of the damnable crime of treason, hated both of GOD and man.  
Now let us see the fearful judgements of God showed upon them: the Lord hath executed his justice upon that defiled City, defiled I say, with the blood of the innocents at all times, by punishing them with his scourges of pestilence and dearth. But after they had defiled their hands with the King's blood, the anointed of the Lord, who represented before their eyes the image of God: the Lord struck them with the giddiness of Sodom, and the darkness of Egypt, and sent evil Angels among them, to vex them with disquietness, with guilty consciences, with uproars and seditions.  
And now when the Lord during the siege, had sent them mercy and favour, even to their gates, by the band of his messenger and Lieutenant, Henry of Bourbon, now reigning Prince of great and famous renown. They as men senseless fallen into a letargy, and out of their wits, would hearken to nothing, but to the voice of sedition, of commotion, of blood and murder, being delivered into the bondage of traitors and tyrants. And when the Lord had broken the staff of bread among them, with greater rigour then in any place, which ever was heard of, they did not turn unto the Lord, who had given them bread, wine, oil, flax, as Osea speaketh, but multiplied their idols, & worshipped diu●ls, as james Clement the parricide and others even with greediness. They did rather choose to eat the flesh of their sons and daughters, which by the laws of that realm is a capital crime, and to be revenged with fire, then to accept grace and favour at the hands of their King, whom law, nature and God had given unto them.  
Now let us consider, what by all reasons (grounded upon the steadfastness of God's threatenings) is like to ensue: tha● God may power down the fullness of his wrath and just indignation upon that accursed City, he (in whose government are the hearts of Kings and Princes) doth alter the mind of the King, to give over that City, until the day of vengeance. Not for that he was not able to have distressed the same longer, and have kept the Duke of Parma from approaching to it, but to that end to hamper his enemies yet more in wicked desires, and to deliver them into the hands of barbarous tyrants, as (it fell out after) more heavy and intolerable unto them, than the extremity of the famine itself, that God might take vengeance of that sink of accursed idolatrous rebels: first by a long calamity, like unto a consuming and pining disease. And to give space unto them there, whom he knew to be his, to go out of that Babylon, and cage of all abominations and unclean fowls, that in great wrath, that blasphemous and rebellious City may be swallowed down in destruction. It is said before, how the King having miss to take Paris by Escalade, gave it over, perceiving that God had a further and a heavier judgement to execute upon that City, than he was determined to show, if it had come into his hands: and therefore resting himself upon God's good will, which will turn all things to the good and comfort of them that be his, returned to his army, which had removed from Chelles to Boundy. The enemies (notwithstanding the King Camp had removed) remained still in their mire, fearing still to be drawn where they were not resolved to go.  
The Nobility, who upon the news and rumour of the battle, had resorted unto the King without any provision of necessary things, and by the obstinacy of the enemies, perceiving that they were not determined to come to handy blows, brged their departure.  
The King in like manner being out of hope to come to hand with the enemy, otherwise then leisure might afford, from Boundy took up his lodging to go to Gonesse.  
The 12. day of September at Gonesse the King assembled the Princes, officers of the Crown, and the expert and valiant Captains of the Army, which altogether made a noble and famous counsel. There he discoursed how it was plain that the Prince of Parma cannot, or dared not fight. But that there was some hope that by coasting him still, he might be hereafter had at advantage. To return to Paris, he showed that he had not purposed, and was not willing to take it by force.  
And whereas the enemy would not war after his manner, he thought convenient to apply himself unto his. And sith he would not have the honour to fight with so many honourable personages, as were assembled for that purpose, it would be expedient to distress him with other discommodities, as want of victuals and surprises.  
He showed also, that in furnishing the Towns round about Paris with strong garrisons and victuals, the City would remain still distressed, as well as with an army.  
Also that a mean power was sufficient to coast the enemy, and to be at his heels whatsoever he would attempt, and that the rest of the forces might return to the Provinces whence they came, which would be a great relief for them, and by relieving themselves, might have opportunity still to get somewhat.  
Lastly, by these means in bridling the enemy from doing any exploit, when forces of strangers should chance to enter into the Realm, they might easily assemble together again thus refreshed, & be twice as strong as they are now.  
These things being propounded by the King, he required their good advise and faithful counsel: which things being debated by that noble counsel, at length were approved by the consent of all and followed. And first the King did begin with the Town of S. Denis, which after great suit of divers noble men, it fell to the lot of the Lord Laverdine, who thankfully accepted it.  
The King also provided garrisons to fortify the Towns of Melune, Corbeil, Sanlis, Meulan, Mante, and sundry others which did hold Paris distressed on every side.  
The King sent the Prince County into Toureyne, Anjou and maine.  
He sent the Prince Montpensier into Normandy.  
The Duke of Longueville into Picardy.  
The Duke of Nevers into champaign.  
The Marshal Aumont into Bourgondie. Every one having sufficient forces to keep their Provinces in peace. The King himself with a company of eight thousand, and the Marshal Byron crossing the country lying between Marne and Oyse, determined neither to go far from the enemy, neither to spend his time in idleness: and therefore went to lay the siege before the town of Cl●rmont in Beawoysin, where he stayed about ten days, which he took partly by assault, and partly by composition.  
The Duke of Parma durst never come forth out of the mire where he had wallowed himself abou● 14. days, until he heard the King was very nigh twenty leagues from him.  
At length hearing the King to be far enough, and that he had passed the riner Oyse, tousing bunselfe out of the dirt, took his way to Paris in haste, as one that is carried with a fearful imagination.  
At that time as many noble men who had repaired to the King, upon the rumour of a battle which should have been fought out between the King & the Duke of Parma, were returning to their home: among others the Lord Guiche, Ragny and Ciper returning into Normandy, met with the Viscount Tavanes with five hundred horses near to Meulay, whom they charged, and left above fifty on the place, and took as many prisoners with their baggage.  
The King being at the siege of Clermont, the Duke of Parma was received in Paris with great joy and triumph. For they supposed to have received some of the petty Idols of the Heathens, called Dij tutelares. To be short, he was welcome, but his victuals which he brought with him yet better.  
Having sojourned there few days, the pride and villainy of the Spaniards was so rife, that no man was any longer master of his house, wife, children and goods, all was exposed to the appetite and lust of few Goats and Sarrazins, confusedly heaped in Spain, as into the sink of all Europe.  
The trial of few days gave the parisians a proof of their folly, who had rejected a lawful King, and had admitted most savage monsters to oppress them with barbarous tyranny. In these extremities they being not able to rid their hands of them, if by any means they might be shifted off, requested the said Duke of Parma that he would open the river for the traffic, without the which thing that mighty City could not be provided of necessaries, wishing that their neighbours might be cumbered with them rather than they themselves.  
The Duke of Parma to please the people, made them believe that out of hand he would go to take the Towns situated on the upper part of the river, than he would go to rescue Clermont, then will he take all the Towns between Paris and Rouen.  
At length with much ado he undertook to assault Corbeil, as next neighbour. This is a small town seven leagues from Paris upon the selfsame river that Paris is, famous only in Paris by reason of the great abundance of Peaches which grow in their vineyards, which they sent to the markets of Paris: otherwise it is nothing, neither in greatness nor in strength, by nature nor by art.  
This great Tamburlaine made such a preparation with boastings and swear alo modo Italiano, that Solyman the great Turk kept never such ado about the siege of Vienna, as this doth about poor Corbeil He draweth thither 22. pieces of Ordinance; he bestoweth fifteen days in making his approaches, in placing his Ordinance, planting his battery, and at length the fifteen day of the siege, a great breach being made the assault was given. The besieged did welcome him so courteously, that many remained there among them longer than they had wished.  
They within the town were not commanded to obstinate themselves in the defence of such a naughty place; but to linger the enemy for a time, that in trying what great kunning and discipline of war this new God had brought out of Brabant, he might weary himself in doing nothing.  
After this slaughter of Spaniards and Walloons, and the repulse and foil given to a great multitude by few upon the walls of Corbeil: this D. having learned from his infancy to swear o● his grandfather Pedro Aloysio, or else his great grandsire Friar Paulo Farnesio (in despito del Dio) he began to make greater preparations th●n before.  
Within few days after, they gave the second assault, which was as dear bought by the Spaniard as the first, so that most of them said that they would no more come to such a feast.  
After these two wellcommings the Duke of Parma rested himself until the fifteenth day of the first assault given: and in the mean while he was not idle, for he erected an Arsenal, wherein he kept a number of workmen, that laboured night & day: they were not suffered to go forth nor to speak with any man. The Duke de maine could not know what great mysteries were wrought there. Many did expect shortly to see miracles, many did fear, least by some new magic, not only Corbeil, but also the country about, would be transported beyond Perow, or Gyapan: but beware ye shall see wonders. Nascitur ridiculus mus. For there cometh forth few boats covered with earth and turf to transport a few Soldiers over the water. This was received of many with as much laughter, as the mouse which came forth out of the Mountain's belly.  
The 30. day of the siege, when this great Sultan had ended his wonders at the break of the day, he began to beat the walls again with 22. pieces of artillery, until almost night.  
The inhabitants considering their case, how the most of them were maimed and weary, few in number, and the enemy strong in armour, strength of body, and multitude, seeing the breach made wide and large, desirous to save the remnant, their wives and Children: and weighing the danger wherein they stoud, seeing they were one hundred of the enemies against one of theirs, came upon the walls of their Town to parley with the Prince, there they offered to the said Prince to yield up the said town, conditionally that he would grant them their lives with bag and baggage.  
The Duke of Parma, by occasion of their humble submission, waxed the more presumptuous and cruel, contrary unto all heroical Princelike natures, which are sooner overcome by submission then with force, spewed out of his blasphemous mouth two or three oaths of Italy, that he would put them every man, woman and child to the sword. The reason that moved him to ●●●cute this cruel answer upon them, was, that whereas he first supposed that they would have yielded at his whistling (for such conceits his Italian arrogancy had bred in his mind) they had so resisted him, and slain a great number of his best and most approved Soldiers in three several assaults, by which means as he had greatly impaired his reputation, there he would make utterly shipwreck of the rest, by making himself famous with the reproachful infamy of cruelty.  
The inhabitants hearing the sentence of death pronounced against them, and perceiving that nothing would persuade him to save their lives, neither of their wives and children, resolved themselves and went so fiercely to the fourth and last skirmish, that they determined to be revenged of the enemies to the uttermost: the assault was sharp and cruel which continued 2. hours together. In the said assault the French men Leaguers made the first point.  
The inhabitants being most of them maimed and few in number, defended the breach valiantly, and made a foul slaughter of the enemies. The Spaniards seeing the great butchery made of them by the towns men, recoiled, and let the French Leaguers achieve the winning of the breach.  
The inhabitants being few, and weary, maimed and out of breath, overcome by the multitude of sound, lusty and fresh, were enforced to gene over the defence of the wall, and sought to save themselves.  
The French Leaguers from the breach went to the gates, opened them to let the Spaniards enter in.  
The Spaniards and Walloons entering into the gates, lest it should be said that they had done nothing, did measure to the French Leaguers with the self same measure full and pressed down which they had measured to the inhabitants. Between them therefore began a new skirmish, the Spaniards killed the French men, and the French men the Spaniards, and the Walloons against them both.  
Now when the Spaniards had showed to the Leaguers what they could do, to wit, to kill them by whom they were called for help, when the fray began to be pacified. Then did they agree among themselves to set all together upon the poor unarmed multitude, whom they murdered without respect of age or persons.  
Here is to be observed (Christian Reader) the just judgement of God, France, Picardy, Normandy, Britain and champaign, to be short, all the Provinces between the British sea, and Loire, most obstinately, maliciously & wilfully sold themselves to commit all that was evil in the sight of the Lord, as to withstand and persecute the truth of God, to root out the Gospel by an immortal war and hatred implacable: behold in all these wars begun and continued by the League in a manner all the spoils, havocks, ransackinge and slaughters hath been committed in the Popish countries, and by Papists against and upon Papists, and among others, in this place were Leaguers against Leaguers, Papist against Papist, Atheist against Atheist; so that this evil is not come nigh God's people, but they have & do behold the confusion and butcheries of Idolaters a far of. And why? Because him that loveth iniquity, the Lord doth hate, and upon the wicked he raineth snares: fire, brimstone, and stormy tempest is the portion of their Cup.  
The execution being done upon the inhabitants, there they committed what ever Goats, Sarrasines, Atheists, and rebels, mingled and associate together could devise, when God hath delivered them to Satan, to fulfil the works of darkness. The execrable cruelties and villainies there committed, shall be buried in everlasting silence, for lack of words to express them.  
The Town being taken by assault, and the people destroyed, the Duke of Parma made his entry into that Village, with his Italian sour look, and frowning brow, as though he had been some Paulus Aemilius, some Marcellus, or Scipio Aphricanus, who had triumphed of all France. These noble Romans, whose names do yield a sweet savour of princelike virtues, do differ from this, because there was nothing in them, which is in him, and there is nothing in him which was in them, like only in the shape and form of man.  
The news of the taking of Corbeil▪ flying to Paris, caused such a joy, that Rome never did so rejoice for the burning of Carthage, as these poor sots did for the taking of this obscure Village of Corbeil. They made an end of burning that small store of wood as remained to them, in making of bonfires.  
The Macedonians did never wonder at their great valour, for to have subdued Asia, as far as the river Ganges, as the Soldiers did triumph at the taking of the cottage of Corbeil.  
Then began the Parisiens to conceive great hope, and proclaim liberty: the Captain began in his conceit, to dream of conquest, and the Soldier to cry victory, & all as the ancient saying is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Parisiens to make him partaker of their joy, must needs invite him: they dressed his lodging, and served him with the best stuff and furniture of the Kings of France, which they had riffled out of the King's house, in the beginning of the rebellion.  
The Ladies Montpencier, Guise, d'Mayne, Aumale, and such, did welcome him so kindly, as his great Grandfather Friar Paul Pharnese, was never better welcome in the stews of Rome.  
This feasting ended, he returned to Corbeil, there he began to inquire for all the ingeniours that could be heard of, he will build forts and bulwarks, he would fortify that Town so, that if the Giants of old time should put Osson upon Pelias, & Pelias and Osson upon Olympus, yet would they labour in vain, so strong and impregnable the Village of Corbeil should be: to be short, he would make it the chiefest key of France, not to enter in, but to get out the nearest way to the Arbre de Guise, by crossing Brie and champaign, when he should see his time to run away.  
Whilst these fortifications were a doing, this poor Duke sat daily in counsel so hardly and so closely, that it was no more lawful for the Duke d'Mayne to know what he did, then to know the mysteries of Ceres.  
The great matters put in deliberation in that counsel, were the mending of an error, which he had committed afore he departed from Brussels: for there he took counsel how to enter into France, but not how he might go forth. Now therefore (as his sudden departing did evidently show) he took counsel how to get out, and considered well the old saying, facilis descensus Auerni, sed revocare gradum hoc opus hic labor est.  
As the parisians prayed him to go forward in his good enterprises, to open the river for the traffik, he fed them with these great morsels of words, that he would go to besiege Melun, Montereau, Provins, and other small Towns situated above Paris upon the river, and after he will go down to take Poissy, Meulan, Mante, Vernon, Pontdelarche, etc. all these things were but one breakfast, or at the most a days work: let him alone for his throat is so wide, that he will swallow all these towns in one morsel: for he is Pantagruels son, who was Gargante Pharneses' Son.  
During these three weeks, that he spent in consulting more about his flight out of France, and safe return to his home, then about the fortifying of Corbeil, the garrison of Melun did daily issue forth, upon such of his forces as were at Colbeil, under the conduct of the Lord Gyury, and for that space did almost live upon nothing else, but upon such booties, victuals and spoils, which they took daily from the Spaniards, whom they daily killed or took prisoners.  
The Duke of Parma seeing that he had no means to repress the onsets of the Lord Gyury, retired six leagues from such trouble some neighbours. At length after the Duke of Parma had made his abode in Paris and thereabouts, toward the latter end of October, the cold having cooled his war, came again to his right wits, from which too great opinion of himself, and of his forces, and too great contempt of others his betters, had transported him. And perceived by the experience which he had at Corbeil, and with the Garrison of M●lun, that having thousands of Towns in France to win by conquest, he needed after the taking of every one, to make a new army, which was more than his master would allow him or could do, not if he should arm all his apes of the East Indies: beside that to perform it, he needed to have the life of Metuselah Therefore he concluded with such poor weather beaten and women beaten Soldiers, as had escaped from the breaches of Corbeil, to retire into Brabant, where was fairer weather, lest he should hereafter be compelled to buy repentance dearer than he was able to pay for.  
This great Cham of Tartary had behaved himself, both in Paris and else where, as at Lagny, Corbeil, and other places, so insolently a lo modo Jtaliano, or Hispaniolo, that the Leaguers themselves accursed the time, that ever they sent for such a guest, feeling by experience, that he had entered into France, not in presidium, but in exitium, as a scourge of God's wrath. So that all the Frenchmen rebels, who had accompanied him with the Duke d'Mayne, all in a manner retired home, as loathing his company, and abhorring his doings.  
He seeing himself destitute of forces (for his chiefest forces and best Soldiers he had lost already, both at the siege of Corbeil, and in other skirmishes) and that the leaguers had forsaken him, retired home and left him in the briars, he thought to be high time for him to look to his affairs. And in the latter end of October, taking his leave from the Parisiens, and commending them to the merciful keeping of our blessed Lady, who dwelleth there in the great tempell, and to the good old great S. Christopher, door keeper of the said tempell, marched homeward through Brie.  
But before his departing, fearing that he would be pursued by the King, he went about to beguile him with dissimulations, for he procured the Duke d'Mayne to send Vileroy to the King, to move a parley about the renewing of some treaty of truces, that in the shadow of the same, he might slide home without any Sun burning, using the policy of the fish, called Sepia, which poureth out his ink in the water, that in the darkness thereof, he may avoid from the sight of the fisher.  
About the fourth day of November, the King understanding of the Duke of Parma his retire out of Paris, supposing that it was to return home, departed from Escovis in Normandy, with few light horsemen with him, and certain arquebusiers on horseback, leaving the rest of the army under the conduct of the Marshal Byron, to employ it where he should think most expedient. About the sixth of November, arrived at Compiegne, a Town in Picardy, situated upon the miéeting of the rivers Oyse and Ayne, where immediately after his arrival, he sent to the nobility of Picardy, to invite them, to come and assist him, to reconduct the Duke of Parma, according to the honour and papal nobility of his house, who had deserved that favour at his hand, if not for any service done, yet for the small hurt that he had received by him.  
The Duke of Parma departed from Paris, and sojourned for some days in Brie, about Chaust heaut herij, there in that fat soil to refresh his Soulours, hungerbitten and weak: to prove whether he might procure any of the Leaguers (upon the misliking of seeking parley with the King) to forsake the Duke d'Mayne, and to make him their Sovereign general, whereunto by secret practices he solicited a great number. But specially he feared greatly to venture his way alone: for being forsaken of the Frenchmen, he assured himself that he would be assaulted in his retire by the King, who did wait for the opportunity not far of. Therefore he instantly urged the Duke d'Mayne, that he would rely his forces to keep him safe, caring little what might become, either of the Duke d'Mayne or of the Leaguers, so that he might get out of this lurch that he saw himself in. This fear was the chiefest cause of his long sojourn in Brie.  
But whilst he was careful of his safe return into Brabant, the King had appointed the Lord Gyury (a man of great valour & policy) to make choice of some sufficient number of his best and most approved soldiers, and to march toward Corbeil, there to seek opportunity to revenge the cruel injury done to his subjects, by the Spaniards and Walloons, whereof part to the number of one thousand were left there in garrison.  
The occasion of recovering Corbeil was thus. The manner of Walloons and Spaniards and popish nations beyond the Seas, is to drink and quaff very largely the tenth day of November, in the worship of that good Bishop S. Martin, who gave half of his cloak to the devil, when he was through poverty enforced to beg. But it is most like that they do keep that riot more in the worship of the devil who begged, then of that good man, who in his life time knew very well, that it is not the custom of the Church of God to worship the Saints, neither with drunkenness, nor by any other means else.  
The Lord Gyury knowing that drunken fashion of them very well, took that opportunity to do his feat. For he delayed the time to approach the Town until he supposed them to be so crammed with good cheer and wine, that it was time for them to go to sleep. Then about midnight when that Spanish garrison were vino somnéque sepulti, he placed his pieces of Ordinance, and on a sudden battered the same breach which the D. of Parma had made, which was not yet fully repaired. The breach being quickly opened, the assault was given. The Spaniards and Walloons half drunk and half a sleep, ran as desperate persons to the walls, and made a very forcible resistance, which continued all that night until nigh seven a clock in the morning.  
The Duke of Parma heard the battering of Corbeil, and fearing lest his Troph●e should be marred, sent presently a power of Spaniards to secure them: but coming too late, were enforced to cast away their weapons, as Demost hens did, that they might fight another time.  
The 11. day between six and seven of the clock in the morning, the Town was thoroughly taken by the King's forces, and reduced to his obedieuce, who entered by the same breach which the Duke of Parma had done and entered before. There were found slain two hundred Walloons, three hundred Spaniards, and among them the Chevalier Aumale, brother to the Duke of Aumale, (one of the greatest cutthroats of all the Leaguers) was found dead. The cause of his being at that banquet, was, that he was appointed to provide victuals for Paris.  
Four hundred were taken prisoners. There were taken also four brazen pieces, and two Canons ready charged. There were taken many spanish Ensigns which were made new, and newly displayed upon the wall in token of victory and in spite of the King.  
There were taken also two hundred fat Oxen, and four hundred sheep, some killed, and some dressed, and some alive, which the Knight Aumale had provided for Paris.  
This exploit being achieved, the Lord Gyury with all his companies with fervent prayers gave thanks to God, acknowledging this deliverance and happy success to have been the work of his right hand and power.  
The news of the retaking of Corbeil, caused divers and contrary motions in divers persons: the King receiving the news thereof, did admire God's justice, which every where thundereth the claps of his displeasure upon them who do resist his ordinance, and more and more conceived hope that the Lord would perform the work which he hath begun: first, in clothing his enemies with shame and dishonour as with a garment: and secondly in him to restore that afflicted estate.  
The parisians and the Duke de maine were replenished with rage and fear together: for they feared least by the taking of Corbeil, and the retire of the Duke of Parma, the shambles of horses, asses and dogs should be opened again. The Asses of Sorboun began to fear their skin, lest for want of four footed Asses, they should be assaulted and brought to the shambles. Therefore they ran to the said Duke of Parma, they adjured and conjured him by the name of God, yea by Gog and Magog, and Beelzebub, to return to the recovering of Corbeil.  
But the Duke of Parma remembering the price that he paid for the said Corbeil, would no more of that play, specially knowing that he which did possess it was a man resolute of courage, valour and industry. Yet to please them, he fed them daily (until he should receive supply of forces to guard him) with fat morsels of words, to wit, that he would take Chasteautherij and Compeigne, and in the mean while he walked in Brie and champaign, in like sor● as the Hordes of savage Tartarians do remove from place to place to graze up the countries: so did this great Crimme, save that his cruelties and villainies which he used there, are yet unknown to the Tartarians.  
Whilst he doth range, ransack and riffle that country, some of the King's Captains took the town of Lagny, another Trophy or monument of the Duke of Parma his cruelty, which thing both increased his fear, and hasted his journey out of France.  
Now we will leave this omnipotent Cham with his hordes of Tartarians to devour that country, whose coming the unnatural inhabitants had procured to maintain a most damnable rebellion and contempt of lawful power, and we will see what the king had done sojourning in Compeigne, about fifteen or sixteen days.  
The King sojourned in Compeigne for these causes following. First to espy what the Duke of Parma would attempt: for after the taking of Corbeil, he looked daily that he would have returned back to recover it: for which cause the said King had sent for his forces to be in a readiness at a days warning, intending upon such occasion to try the quarrel with a days work. Secondly, to expect the Nobility of Picardy, whom he had invited to reconduct home the Duke of Parma, as is said.  
Thirdly, that by his neighbourhead he might repress him from attempting upon any places, which were under his obedience.  
Fourthly, he stayed in Compeigne without interrupting the sojourning of the Duke of Parma in Brie, to give leisure to the rebellion's Provinces to prove what difference there is betwixt the mild, good, just, and fatherlike government of a virtuous and lawful Prince, and the cruel bondage, of heathenish savage, and barbarous tyrants.  
The said King during his abode there, among other deliberations concluded to pursue the said Duke of Parma in his retire grounded upon justice, to wit, a will and desire to punish him who had offended, as far as God should give him power and lawful means to do it: for as much as the D. of Parma being not provoked with injury or unjust dealing, had not only against the law of nature maintained and assisted the rebels in his realm, enemies to all just and lawful superiority, but also had committed horrible murders and cruelties contra ius supplicum, innumerable whoredoms, Sodomitries (hereditary to the papal house of Pharneses') & all manner of villainies upon his faithful Subjects, and also the necessary defence of his estate and safety of the places, which in that country were under his obedience.  
Upon this just resolution, the twentieth of November the King with his forces departed from Coewres in Picardy, having with him of the Nobility of that country about five hundred horses beside his own forces, and began to march directly against the said Duke of Parma.  
It is said how the Duke of Parma departed from Paris, and made their abode in Brie: the causes also of that sojourning there have been opened, what events also have happened during that time.  
Now the said Duke perceiving that all his practices (in seeking to supplant his friend) would not frame, understanding of the King's preparations, for to accompany him into his country, and that the King was all ready at the door, began to fear yet more than ever before, seeing the tempest which would follow, and wished that the Duke de maine had made more speed to send him the succour promised, wished also that he might be quit in ceasing the clampering noise of his Moiles bells: and in the mean time about the 23. day of November he removed to the town of Phismes upon Voisle, there within a wall he determined to expect the coming of the Duke de maine, who was coming with speed.  
The King in this retire of Parma to Phismes arrived and met a certain company of Spanish footmen, whom he put all to the sword without the loss of any of his men. The Duke de main with his forces repairing to Parma seeing all this exploit, and durst never rescue them: that exploit done, the King went to take his lodging in the Town Feres in Tartenoys.  
The 25. of November the Duke of Parma accompanied with the Duke de main, departed from Phismes, & took his way to Pontavers, which is a town situated upon the river Esne, where he had determined to lodge the night following.  
The King having about eight hundred Launciers, and so many arquebusiers on horseback, sent the Baron of Byron with fifteen light horses to view the enemy. In the mean time the King took 25. horses, and kept to the right hand by a wood, seeking to judge by sight the enemies marching. But the Baron of Byron brought news that the enemy was departed from a Village named Bazoges and marched toward Pontavers. The King immediately with all his forces following the enemy entered into the said Village, where he found few Farmers and husoandmen armed and ready to fight in his majesties behalf, of whom the King learned more particular news concerning the enemy.  
The King's Captains, but specially the Baron of Byron still pursued them, and meeting with stragglers paid them their wages for their coming so far, and gave many onsets when occasion served, always to the enemy's costs.  
The 27 the King sent the Lords Fronterack, Chicot and Davers, on the top of Saint Martin's hill to view if the enemy had put any ambushes at the hills foot, but they saw them in the open plain marching apace toward Pontavers: the way being without ambushes, the King sent the Baron of Byron with a troop of horsemen, and he with an other company followed after, commanding the Lord la Now to send him ten out of every company, and to rest the remnant.  
The King made five small squadrons of fifty horses in every one of all these companies. There was a hot alarm given in the enemy's camp, and gave a dozen onsets on the enemies. But whilst these things were a doing, the King spied on an other side behind 300. Harquebuziers on horseback, who conducted the carriage of trunks and baggage: and fearing the retire of the enemy would have brought him out too far from his forces, retired intending to charge these companies of Harquebuziers. One of the King's Guards being fallen into the enemy's hands, cried for help: whereupon the Baron of Byron charged them, and slew twelve or thirteen of them, but his horse was killed, whereby he was put in great danger, if he had not been rescued by the King. This fray being begun, there was a great alarm given in the enemy's camp, which began to march toward the King. But he considering that it was better to hazard few common soldiers than the Nobility, caused the companies on horseback of the Captains, Saint Denis and Saint Foelix to light, and to charge the enemy: there was a hot skirmish begun.  
The K. in the mean time retired with his nobility to a Village called Longavall: thither also the Harquebuziers retired after they had fought a long space, and in the retire Captain Saint Foelix was slain with a shot, the Soldiers retired so leasutely that they did draw the dead corpse with them by the legs.  
When the King had passed Longavall toward Pontarsie, the Harquebuziers of the enemy came to the wall, and in a braving fury strooke with their swords upon the gates of the town: but being saluted with the Harquebuziers within with shot through loop holes, and seeing many of their fellows fall upon the place, they retired and sound the means by the guiding of a man of that Town to seize upon an other gate, and entered about six of them. Captain Bonmovoyr set upon them and killed two of them: the other retired.  
The Harquebuziers took their horses, forsook that town, and followed after the King, who was before to take his lodging about Pontarsy, situated upon the river Esne beneath Pontavers, and the enemy presently entered the said Town of Longavall. Part of the Enemies followed after the King, and seeing a Wood between the said Longaval and Pontarsie, stayed there, mistrusting some ambushes: but at length passing through they met with the Baron of Byron, who charged them so roughly with a small company of horsemen, that he laid down upon the ground thirty of them.  
The King commanded Captain Langemis to light and set a fresh on them, who killed a great number of them, and then retired into the town of Pontarsie.  
The enemy went not to Pontavers that night, but encamped in the plain field with great fear of an alarm, understanding that the Duke of Nevers with five hundred horses out of champaign, and the Lords Gyury out of Corbeil, and Parabelle out of Melun with good and lusty companies of horses were expected that day to come to the King, every man accounted him happy that might return into Brabant in a whole skin, there to prove whether they had forgotten the art of Carousing, the chiefest trade of that country.  
The 28. day in the morning, thirty arquebusiers of the enemies having lost their way, went into the Town of Longaval, inquiring for the Duke of Parmas' quarter, whom the inhabitants disarmed, and throwing them under the bridge drowned them.  
The same day came to the King the said Duke of Nevers, and Lords Gyury and Parabelle with eight hundred horses all well appointed.  
The 29. day the King went out of Pontarsie with one thousand horses, intending to give his enemies a fresh charge, and to carry away the Rearward: but their Ordinance being stuck fast in the mire, the whole army remained all that day in battle array in that place where their Ordinance was, and there also encamped themselves all the night following; so that nothing could be enterprised upon them.  
The 30. day of November the King determined to did the enemy far, well with a fight of horsemen: the Duke of Parma with a good will would have spared that courtesy, and be glad to get out of the Realm without so much ado.  
In the morning very early the said Duke marched toward Marle, a town nigh the head spring of the river Oyse, from thence to get Larbre de Guise, and so to leave the realm of France.  
The King commanded all his horsemen to be in a readiness, and directly to march toward Cressie with all furniture, yet without baggage or carriage. And being first of all arrived at the rends vous, unwilling to overslip any opportunity to see his enemy that day, which he thought should be the day of their separation, sent the Lord Baron of Byron to march before, and he himself to follow him within the distance of a hundred paces only with forty gentlemen. The Lord Longaval followed the King with fifty horses and the rest of the Cornet. As they had marched a good space, there appeared at the side of a Wood about six score horses under the leading of Colonel Baste, who came in haste to charge the Baron of Byron: the said Baron gave so resolute a charge that he made them to retire to their main battle: and when the enemy had joined with their fellows, they came again to give a fresh charge, in the which the said Baron of Byron his horse was killed, and he in great danger to be slain: but the King did gather them quickly that were scattered, and with them caused the rest of his troops to come forward: which being in battle array, and joined with them that had been gathered out of the skirmish, gave such a fearful charge, that all the rearward of the enemy thought upon nothing but upon the means how to save themselves, leaving their dead armed upon the place. If all the King's companies had come in time enough, there had not returned so many home to play at carouse as there did.  
The first day of December, the D. of Parma entered the dominions of the low country. He had never so much need of his Nurse about him with clouts, as he had during the space of these last five days of November: most of his companies accompanied him home as well as they could: part of them remained with the Duke de maine, until that tempest was over past.  
The first day of December, the Lords of Nevers, Giury and Parabel, who were come fresh and strong to the King, departed from the Castle of Nisy, and pursued the enemy, marching toward the Larbre de Guise: but what exploits were done that day we have nothing to speak off, for lack of instructions.  
During this retreat, the Duke of Parma was so distressed, that he was very greatly disappointed of his lodgings. As he took no compassion at Corbeil of them which suppliant fell before his knees: so pitied he no more his own Soldiers, who could not make so good speed in running away as he could do, but left them to the mercy of the Peasants of the country, with whom they found no more favour than with their master.  
Of fourteen or fifteen thousand men which he brought into France, there returned not home above eight thousand, and they were in a manner in as great misery as their fellows, who returned into Spain from the conquest of England in the year 1588.  
The first day of December the King went to Saint Quintin's, situated upon the river of Oyse, where he was royally received with great rejoicing and comfort of all men. And when the King had stayed there a few days, he heard that the Lord Humiers, with other noble men of Picardy, had taken the town of Corbey, situated upon the river Some, and in the middle way between Amiens, Peronne and Dourlan, three great towns in Picardy, which have continued in their rebellion.  
During the time that the King sojourned in Picardy, and pursued the Duke of Parma, the Marshal Byron took five strong Towns and above twenty Castles in Normandy and Beauuoy●in, wherein the Rebels had laid strong garrisons.  
By these narrations (Christian reader) thou mayest see what the rebels (enemies both of God and man) having drawn upon their own heads a stormy wind of tempest, lest they should not have calamities enough, according to the measure of their offence, they sent for the Duke of Parma to deliver them, who coming into the land, gave them an egg and devoured the Hen, and where they were beaten by themselves with scourges, now this deliverer did bruise them with bars of iron.  
It pleased God (in whose hands the hearts of Kings and Princes are) to turn the Kings will from hindering the said Duke of Parma from doing all that he durst or could do: that God might give the King to understand what therehence he had hereafter to fear, as long as he playeth the parts of a right King, and that he is his abundant reward.  
Secondly, that it might evidently appear, that as the said Duke of Parma was not able to do good to his partakers, so came he not but to be a scourge of God's wrath unto them.  
For he came to raise the siege from before Paris; if that had not been done by dutiful submission, the City might have been relieved, justice & judgement (which are more than cent●plex murus to a City) had been established: they might have had their own Autonomie, to wi●, their Religion and Franchises in peace, security and liberty. Their commerce and traffic (by which the greatness of that City is entertained and nourished) had been opened: to be short, it would have flourished more than ever it did, but the coming of the Duke of Parma disappointed them of all these benefits.  
The Duke of Parma brought a little store of victuals: but he and his consumed not only that within a few days, but also all other provisions which could be made for the City: so the inhabitants were hungerbitten still, & with sorrowful eyes they saw others to intercept that which should have been their sustenance. So that (if it were not for the King's goodness, which by winking, and forbearing some store of victuals to go to their market) they would have been enforced in few days to open their shambles of horse flesh and dog's flesh.  
He came to deliver them (as they thought) from cruel hands: but what could Busyris have done to his enemies, that this man did not to his friends? to their wines and children?  
To be short, now he is returne● home with shame, dishonour, hunger, nakedness, feebleness and stripes, and they remain in a worse case than ever they were before: for before they lived in hope of him, now they know that he neither may nor will do them good, but hath lingered their miseries, and heap of evils, that they may perish as with a sharp and consuming sickness.  
Last of all, that all men may learn by seeing the punishment of rebellion, to submit themselves unto the powers ordained of God, as unto his ministers for the good of the just and the punishment of the wicked and unjust, and that they may discern between a sawfull power and 〈◊〉.  
It is said before how after the death of the Duke of Guyze, the Lords Diguieres and valet, upon a good judgement entered in league of amity, for the kings service, and after that separated themselves, and within a short space scoured the Leaguers for the most part out of Daulphinee some he enforced to receive the King's commandment, and the rest enforced to seek for truces for four years, which in March were granted and proclaimed in Grenoble upon Easter day.  
It is said how the Lord valet went into Provance, and gathering the states of the country by a common consent, they concluded to war against the Senate of Aix, who were the ringleaders of the rebellion, and had intelligences with the Duke of Savoy.  
The Lord Diguieres having put the country of Dauphin in a good stay, went into Provance to the Lord valet, making war against the rebellious parliament there, and the Duke of Savoy. The rumours went abroad that they had lost a field, and were sent into their country with store of Bastinadoes: but for lack of instructions I affirm nothing.  
The Lord Diguieres being in Provance with the Lord valet, had divers letters from the King, but specially in the latter end of May, commanding him to war against the Duke of Savoy. But the said country of Provance being assaulted by the Leaguers of Savoy, Lionnoys and Dauphin, he thought good yet to employ the months of june and july with the Lord valet, for the establishing of the affairs of the said Provance: wherein they had so good a success, that the enemy in token of that cowardness, which their rebellion doth breed in their hearts, abandoned the towns and castles of Peruis, Pumichet, Valansele, Montignak, Soluiers, Pignavers and Lorgis: some were brought to the king's obedience by force, and some by composition.  
In july during the sojourning of the Lord Diguieres in Provance; there was in Dauphin one captain Cazete, who with intelligences which he had with the Duke of Savoy, would have sold him the towns of Briancon and Essiles in Piedmont, yet pertaining to the Dolphinate.  
These two towns were kept by the Neutrals, that is to say, by them who would admit neither the K. nor the Leaguers. The said Cazetes had received commission from the Duke of Savoy, to levy soldiers to that intent, in expecting the arrival of four and twenty companies of Spaniards, to bring his enterprise the more easy to pass.  
The inhabitants of the valleys perceiving well, that if this traitorous captain should prevail, great war and miserable desolations of their country would ensue: therefore the chiefest of those valleys making acquainted the Lord Diguieres of their purpose, determined to rid the said Cazetes out of the way, and did work so, that the fifteenth day of july his house was blown up and he slain.  
This traitor being made out of the way, the inhabitants of the valleys seat word to the Lord Diguieres, that they would send their deputies to Ambrun, to treat with him.  
Upon the receipt of this message, the Lord Diguieres (considering the greatness of the affairs, and that it was very expedient for the king to have those towns of Briancon and Essiles in possession, to have pass and repass into Piedmont when need should be) departed out of Provance, and in haste marched towards Ambrun, where the deputies of the valleys did meet him. And among other things, showed the treasons of Cazete, by the papers which they had found in his house.  
After that they bond themselves by oath to be faithful to the King, they promised also to do their endeavour to confirm the people into his majesties service and obedience: this was done about the fourth of August.  
Immediately after this meeting, the Lord Diguieres being advertised of the wavering which the death of the said Cazetes, and voluntary yielding of the valleys, did cause in the town of Briancon, which was Neutral, knowing also that those who did favour the king's side in the town, began to be encouraged, caused four Canons to be drawn and brought to that place, and after a breach made, the enemy did parley, and came to that issue, that Clavison (appointed there governor by the Duke de maine) surrendered the town and Castle the tenth day of August.  
Whilst the Lord Diguieres did these exploits in Dauphin, Martinengo, one of the Duke of Savoys great warriors, did besiege Saint Maximine in Provance: for which cause the L. valet did daily solicit the said Diguieres to assist him in the rescuing of the said Saint Maximine.  
The Lord Diguieres considering the safety of Saint Maximine, to make much for the preservation of Provance, when as he had gone to Montgeneure, to take Essiles, upon intelligences which he had with the governor thereof, and seeing that there was neither certainty in all that, neither was he sufficiently provided to force the place, was contented for that time to take the oaths only of the commonalty, who showed themselves greatly affectionated unto the king's service.  
These affairs being done in Dauphin, he took his way into Provance, and lodged nigh Barcelona▪ Barcelona is a town in Piedmont, in the county of Nice▪ Salines an old Spanish Captain being chief Colonel of the light horsemen of Piedmont, was governor thereof under the D. of Savoy: the said Salines immediately after the coming of Diguieres; went forth out of Barcelona, and assaulted the quarter where the company of footmen of Boyset, and twelve lances of the Lord Brickmault were lodged. These companies of Boyset and Brickmault did receive him so valiantly, that by the help of other companies which upon the noise they heard, came running thither, that the said Salines left behind six score dead laid upon the ground, and thirty Spaniards taken prisoners, and he saved himself with six men only into the town, from whence he came the fifteenth of August.  
In that skirmish was hurt and taken Voluant, who two years before had sold the strong Town and Castle of Carmaniole unto the deceased D. of Savoy, after the death of the Marshal Bellegard.  
The sixteenth day the said Lord Diguieres took by composition the Castle of Rosoles in Piedmont, which partained unto the Duke. There was two companies of footmen in garrison, who were permitted to departed with armour, leaving their Colours behind.  
After this exploit, the said Diguieres continuing his way, about the 22. of August came into Provance, he was not so soon entered the country, that Martinengo who besieged Saint Maximine, hearing of it, removed the siege: which thing the Lord Diguieres hearing, brought three Canons before the Castle of Barles the 23. of August, and the 31. of the same month took it at his discretion.  
Some time before the Lord Diguieres had fortified a Church called Saint Paul, with flanks and ditches about, distant four or five leagues from Ambrun: during the time that the Lord Diguieres sojourned at the siege which he had laid before Barl●s, the Duke of Savoy accompanied with three thousand footmen, and four hundred light horsemen, came to besiege and batter with three Canon the said Church Saint Paul, which the 31. of August he took by composition, the same day that Barles was taken, the garrison thereof going away with their armour, colours and drum in battle array.  
The same day, the Lord Diguieres advertised of the siege of Saint Paul, marched in all haste to secure it, with intent also to offer a battle to the D. and using a marvelous celerity, he lodged in Varret the third of September. The Duke understanding of this so sudden and unlooked for arrival of the Lord Diguieres, fell into such a dismay and fear, that he retired that night from the mountain Larche, and marched all that night with links, being followed the next day with his forces.  
The fourth day the Lord Diguieres commanded some of his companies to follow after the enemy, who did slay many of the rearward of the Duke, and took one Don Pedro Vegieres a Spaniard of the guard of the Duke: he himself with the rest marched toward S. Paul, resolutely determined to assault Saint Paul with handy blows for lack of Canon, & having blown up one of the gates and a breach made took it by assault, which continued three hours, and caused two hundred Soldiers, that were within it, to be put to the sword, taking none prisoner but Captain Strata governor of the place, and his Ensign named Hercules Covero of Milan: of the King's side was killed only Captain Boulonewe, and few soldiers hurt, he caused the place to be razed hard to the ground.  
The said fort remained not four whole days in the Duke of Savoy his power.  
At the same time that the Duke did batter Saint Paul, which was in the end of August, he sent his forces of Savoy and Piedmont, being four thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen into the valley of Essiles to spoil the Country of Brianconoys, to batter Guylestre, and over run Ambrunoys.  
The Lord Diguieres understanding of this, having razed Saint Paul, presently the fifth of September took his journey toward Briancon, and being informed that the enemy was lodged in Chaumont, made preparation to force the passage Selt, kept and fortified by the inhabitants of the valeys, sent thither the Lord Morges his Nephew, with his company of fifty horsemen, and two ensigns of footmen, who arriving at Selt the 19 day of September at the same instant that they were in skirmish, he lighted with his men, and setting them in battle array, did so both encourage his men and charge the enemy (assaulting the fort and bulwarks in sundry places with fifteen hundred footmen, and one hundred and fourscore men of arms) that the said enemy was not only repulsed, but also beaten with the loss of six score men lying upon the ground.  
The thirteenth day of September the Lord Diguieres after he had razed Saint Paul, marching toward Essiles over the difficult Mountains, arrived at Douley three leagues from Essiles, where news was brought him that the Duke (having sent part of his forces to the Lord Sons) was gone to Nice. These news made the said Lord Diguieres judge that the said Sons being now strengthened with a new supply of men, would adventure to hazard the battle. And the more to provoke him to it, determined to batter Essiles, and with four Canons which he brought from Ambrun, over the high & (as it seemeth) inaccessible Mountains began the battery, and withal showed himself every day before Chamoys, where the said Sons was. But displeased with the importunacy of the said Diguieres, left Chamoys, and retired to Suze, accompanied with fifteen hundred Harquebuziers, and five Cornets of Horsemen.  
The 26. day of September the Lord Diguieres followed the enemy, and found them at jalasse half a league from Zuze, whom in the entering of the plain, having but eight score horsemen, he assaulted so furiously, that beside some footmen, he laid dead down to the ground four hundred Launciers on the place: among whom were Clapot the elder, the Lords Montaignes and Valuernes, 17. Captains or chief officers slain or taken. Among the prisoners was Clapot the younger wounded, and died two days after. There were also taken prisoners Labras, Lieutenant of the marquess Taforts, the Governor of Bres●he, Captain Trisolts, de la Riviere and S. Lorens. sons also was thought to be either slain or taken: but about midnight he came alone before the gates of Zuze.  
The 27. of September the Lord Diguieres received supply of forces, as well of the inhabitants of the Towns of Briancon and Pons, as of the governors there, and two or three hundred shot of the companies of S. Saviour, which caused him to alter his purpose concerning Essiles, which began already to parley, and caused him to continue the siege of the said Essiles unto the end of the same month.  
Possonnes, the Duke de maine his governor there, considering the state of the Duke of Savoy his affairs, seeing the Canon planted, and the Lord Diguieres fortified with new supplies, all the commonalty bend against him, and being without any hope of aid or relief, the 30. of September yielded the Town of Essiles by composition, that his Soldiers should freely departed with bag and baggage. So by these means the passages into Piedmont do remain in the King's power, and the country of Dauphin is limited with his old limits long before fortified by the French Kings during the wars of Italy.  
Sons (general of the Duke of Savoy) had provoked the Lord Morges his nephew, to fight fifty against fifty on horseback, and appointed the place: which thing the Lord Diguieres understanding, conducted the said Morges unto the place, where the said Morges remained with his forces ready to accept the offer from nine a clock in the morning, until three a clock in the evening, and at length came a trumpeter with a letter from the said Sons carrying an excuse.  
The Lord Diguieres in attending the coming of the enemy, had espied a passage near jallon, where the enemy had entrenched himself, and there lodged eight companies under the conduct of Captain Venust: and perceiving that there was no more hope of Sons coming to the combat appointed; he determined to spend the rest of that day in doing some exploit, and to assault the said companies, who did lie upon the hanging of the mountain between Suze and Novalize: and having found means to place one hundred Musketters, who battered the enemy upon the side of their fort, the trenches of the enemy were forced, and fourscore of them slain: among whom were Captains Venust, Gassard and Charband: Captain Vilars with some other was taken prisoners, and four companies of Senton (master of the Camp) were so scattered, that they came never together again. This exploit was done the first of October.  
This being done, the Lord Diguieres returned again to Essiles, and sent back the four Canons to Ambrun, and caused two great pieces to be drawn from Gap to Barcelona, a place situated in the County of Nice, and pertaining to the Duke of Savoy, he sent his forces before to besiege the said Barcelona: and when he came himself about the eleventh day of October, and had made a breach, the same day the enemy did parley, and yielded themselves with safety of their lives, leaving behind them their armour, colours, horses and baggage: the Captains were permitted to departed with their swords upon an hackney. The inhabitants had granted them to enjoy their goods, abiding under the King's obedience, as the rest of his subjects, upon condition to pay six thousand Crowns for the army, and the freight of the Artillery.  
The 13. day the governor called Coreloere departed with three soldiers with him, and as many of citizens and country men who repaired to their houses under the King's safeguard.  
The 14. day the Lord Diguieres laid battery before the Castle of Metans, which he slenderly battered the 15. day, only to view the enemy's countenance. But they being greatly afraid, the next night did steal away, and so saved themselves, except thirty of them, who were intercepted by the watch.  
In this way of Piedmont, the Lord Diguieres had never above three hundred horses and twelve hundred shot, and found no greater enemy than the inaccessible height of the mountains, where over he was forced to pass the Canon, but chief in his journey to Barcelona.  
The City of Grenoble in the land of Dauphin, notwithstanding the truces and good entertainment from time to time received of the Lord Diguieres, had been seduced after the King last deceased, and did hold still after for the League, though not with such desperate madness and insolency as many others had done.  
Now the L. Diguieres having well repressed the madness▪ & chastized the rashness and folly of the D. of Savoy, and having in a manner subdued and pacified that country, forsook the Duke of Savoy, and determined to scour as much as he could, all the remnant and rags of rebellion out of that province: which thing to bring to pass, he thought good to begin at the head, to wit, the City of Grenoble, and as by the event which followed, it seemed that he did besiege & distress that City: which thing caused the inhabitants to consider that the Lord Diguieres had in a manner all the land of Dauphin at commandment: His power was increased, and returned out of Piedmont with few victories of many: they weighed also how they were out of hope of any succour, as well from the Duke de maine as from the Duke of Savoy: who being taught by the schoolmaster of fools, which is experience, would not have hereafter great lust to return in haste into Dauphin. These circumstances caused them well to consider the danger wherein they stood, which thing moved them to make a motion of peace, by the which they were reduced to the dutiful obedience of their lawful Sovereign. This peace was concluded in the suburbs of Saint Laurence by Grenoble, the two and twentieth of December, between the Lord des Diguieres, one of the kings privy counsel and of estate, captain of a hundred men at arms of his Ordinances, and general of the army levied for the king's service in the land of Dauphin on the one part: and the court of Parliament, the commonalties of the county, and the Consuls of the same.  
First, that the exercise of the Romish Religion, shall remain free both within the town and suburbs thereof, as hitherto it hath been, and that the Clergy in all the province shall enjoy the full possession of their goods in any place in the province under the king's protection.  
Secondly, that the free exercise of the reformed Religion, may be publicly celebrated within Trescloistre suburbs of the said city, without any let, trouble or molestation.  
Thirdly, that all dwellers in the same town that will continue therein, shall personally protest and acknowledge Henry the fourth, king of France and Navarre for their Sovereign, and shall yield to him the oath of fidelity in like cases requisite, in the hands of the Lord Saint Andrew, precedent of the court of Parliament, and Chastelard, counsellor in the same court, in the presence of the Lords of Blemew and Calignon: and upon the same oath taken, the said inhabitants shall be maintained and restored in the full and peaceable enjoying of their goods, offices, privileges and franchises.  
Fourthly, if any man of whatsoever calling or condition soever it be, shall be unwilling to take the said oath, and shall be desirous thereupon to depart else where, he shall be safely conducted to any place that they will go, and may enjoy their goods, offices and dignities, either by sale, or by receiving their annual fruits or stipend thereof at their choice, provided always that they enterprise nothing against the King's service.  
Fiftly, that the custody and government of the said town shall be referred to the King's good pleasure, who shall be requested to provide it of such a governor, and so sufficient garrison as he shall think meet for his service, and the preservation of the town.  
Item, that in the mean time as the Lord Arbucy, hitherto governor of the said town, upon some considerations, cannot as yet resolve to take that oath, that the said place shall remain in governance of the Lord Rochegiron, and that the Lord Arbucy shall have three months respite to resolve upon the same oath: which thing if he doth, the King shall be requested to grant him again the government of the same town.  
Sixtly, that generally all the inhabitants of whatsoever calling or degree they be, shall stand discharged and acquitted of all levying of the king's impost or coins, bearing of arms, treaties and practises, even with Foreigners, or any other acts of hostility, and that the Lord Diguieres hath undertaken, within two months to deliver unto them sufficient provisoes for the same from the King.  
Seventhly, that the memory of all the offences passed in all these troubles, shall be extinct, as matter not happened. And that the Lord Diguieres, with all other gentlemen of his party do promise, that by themselves and by their means, such matters shall never be revived, and that it shall not be lawful to call such things to remembrance, and that it shall be forbidden to argue or quarrel about it, that all the king's subjects may live together in peace, like brethren, friends, and fellow citizens.  
Eightly, that for a more perfect union of the hearts of the King's subjects, the Lords of the court of Parliament, who by the King's commandment had retired, and are yet resident at Rovan, or elsewhere, shall return with convenient speed to Grenoble, there to follow and continue their charges.  
Last of all, that within two months, there shall be summoned a general assembly of the states, after the manner accustomed, for the hasting of the means to discharge and relieve the people, and establish the common body of the country.  
Now Christian reader, I beseech thee to consider, both the evident and sensible mercy and justice of God, & the difference which is between the vessels of glory & of wrath: for this honourable L. des Diguieres in all the wars of Dauphin, ever since the rising of the execrable League, hath never showed any point of cruelty upon his enemies, in which there might appear any small token of particular anger, or appetite of revenge: but always hath showed good & gracious entertainment, even unto the very enemies, in whom he hath marked some simple dealing, & had not used any enormities or proud insolences. If he hath showed sometime some extremity, yet did he never so much as he might have justly done, & hath known in such, always some notable injuries, which he with a just & prudent wisdom hath thought to have deserved some sharp punishment. To be short, it may be said of him, In consilijs sapiens & providus, in acid fortis, in pace & foederibus, justus fidus & constans. Therefore the Lord hath guided his arms, hath made him victorious in all conflicts and meetings, and hath endued him with such strength of the body, as beyond all expectation, to have surmounted the inaccessible Alps, and at length hath not only suppressed and rooted out the natural rebels of the country, out of Dauphin and Provance, their confederates of Spain, Italy and Piedmont, but with an incredible felicity, hath restored the afflicted state of that country, and established peace, judgement and justice.  
On the other side, whereas it is the duty of Christian Princes, not to ravish other men's kingdoms, to invade their lands and principalities, to rob, spoil and murder their borderers and neighbours: but to govern their Dominions in peace, with piety, justice and discipline, to live friendly with their Neighbours, but specially to relieve other Estates afflicted, to assist Princes neighbours, when through disobedience and rebellion of unnatural subjects they are disquieted and tormoiled.  
But it fell so otherwise with France: for when through the sins of the people, and evil counsel of Henry the third, the Kingdom was so torn with dissensions and rebellions, that it seemed as in a shipwreck the pieces did fly abroad, exposed to every man that could catch & hold. First the King of Spain (who had been this day a Muscleman, and not a Catholic, if it had not been for the kings of France) with his Gold thought to have all.  
Secondly, the Duke of Savoy (who without the goodness of the Valois, had been a petty and a poor Duke) made his reckoning to go away with the Provinces of Dauphin and Provance, bordering upon him, for his part.  
Thirdly, the Duke de maine (who without the gracious favour of the Valois, had lain obscure in the Mountains of Lorrein, there a digging for brass in the caverns thereof) made his accampt of some scambling among the other, as to have carried away all that bordereth to Lorreyn: d' Aumale made his reckoning of Picardy, and Merccur of britain.  
Last of all, Friar Sixtus, and after him Friar Gregory the fourteenth thought by these means to maintain their tyranny in that Realm. All these I say were so far from doing the duties of Christian Princes and Pastors of the Church, in assisting the right owner of the Crown, and in preserving that Realm, as one of the chiefest members and ornament of Europe, that even as the Edomites in the sacking of jerusalem crieddowne with it, down with it even to the ground: so have they not in words but in kindling and nourishing the flame of rebellion, & assaulting by all means the said Realm, have increased the plagues and multiplied the sorrows of that afflicted state.  
Therefore behold the Lord hath accursed their arms, and as for the Duke of Savoy his own hand hath weakened him, so that he durst never come to see the said Lord Diguieres in the face one way, but he is gone out of the field seven ways. He did never in all these wars any thing with valour, but by treachery and treasons, as the taking of Carmagnole, and his practices in Provance do testify: thousands of his most approved and skilful Soldiers and Captains have been killed by few, not only in their invasions attempted in Dauphin & Provance, but also at home, where the said Lord Diguieres hath forced their strong holds, hath put them to the sword, and cast their carcases on their mountains to be meat for the beasts of the field, and fowls of the air. See therefore how contrary liquors do flow out of contrary vessels, and how the Lord protecteth the virtuous and just, according to his promise, and clotheth the wicked with calamity, shame and dishonour, as with a Cloud.  
Here endeth the eight Book.   

THE NINTH BOOK.  
I Have declared in the former book those events which happened in the year 1590. and how the King conducted very courteously the Duke of Parma, if he would have taken it so, and how the said King retired to Saint Quintin in the beginning of December 1590. but what course he took, nor what coast he followed I have nothing to speak of for lack of instructions, except we may gather some thing by the events.  
It seemeth therefore, that the King after he had sojourned some days in Picardy, he returned to his army which he had leftin Normandy, where he took advise concerning the city of Chartres, great, mighty, strong and rich, situated in the country of Beausse. This is that City whereunto K. Henry the third sojourned for a time after he was put to flight from Paris in May 1588. This City is ancient and famous for the ancient superstition of the Druids, & in our days for the renowned Idol of our Lady of Chartres: that City hath been therefore both with the Pagans, & with the Romanists a seat of most damnable Idolatry, and of late one of them which rebelled first of all against Henry the third after the death of the Duke of Guyze, and had continued still in the same rebellion.  
In the beginning of january therefore the King having prepared all things, determined to wrest this City out of the tyrannous bondage of Leaguers, and to enforce the same to return to their duty.  
And for lack of instructions of all the notable exploits done in that siege, we have to show two things.  
First, of a stratagem used by the King: and secondly of the yielding of the same.  
This town of Chartres is very strong both by art & nature, yet was it not very well provided of Soldiers besides the Citizens and Townsmen.  
After that the King, accompanied with his own forces and the Marshal Byron, having lain long time about the said Charters, came to his camp, he perceived that it would be very difficult to obtain the same by force: therefore he advised himself to prove what might be done by stratagem. And about the fourteenth of February he separated himself from the Marshal Byron, and feigning to give over that siege, marched towards Dreux, giving out that he would go to besiege the same, and went but three miles from the said Chartres.  
The Marshal Byron in like manner seemed the next day (which was the fifteenth of the said month) to raise up the siege, and to follow the King, as though he despaired to do any good there.  
They of Chartres with such forces as they had, seeing that, resolved themselves to make a sally, and to set upon the rearward of the Marshal Byron, as he was marching toward Dreux: upon this determination they issued out of the town, and roughly charged the Marshals hinder troops.  
The Marshal first seemed to make head against them, but soon after began to retire himself, giving place to the enemies.  
The enemies followed him amain continually skirmishing, until they came about two miles from the Town.  
In the mean time the King lying in ambush, when he saw his time got between the Town and the men thereof that followed the Marshal of Byron, and so courageously charged them behind: and the Marshal turning his face towards them again, that in less than an hour that they fought he slew them all, except thirty cuirasses which hardly escaped.  
The King following the victory, entered presently one of the Suburbs of Chartres. The townsmen seeing this, began to make a motion of peace with him, and offered to deliver him the town, & fifty thousand crowns, upon condition that he would remove his forces, and place no garrison therein: which the King refused to do, and thereupon prepared to batter the town in two places, having resolved not to leave it until he were master of it.  
For lack of instructions we omit here many particularities & exploits valiantly performed at that siege. During the which siege, the inhabitants (enforced by the rebellious Leaguers which were many) showed themselves very malicious and obstinate against him, refusing to acknowledge him for their Sovereign, with threatenings and breathing out most unreverent and unnatural speeches against him.  
The King in that siege having made divers times many breaches, gave assaults upon them, which they endured with great losses, until they saw their walls wondrously battered and beaten down to the plain ground. Then offered they divers times to yield up upon certain conditions. But the King answered, that it was for him to give them law, and for them to receive it at his hands.  
The King did delay the sharpness of war, hoping through consideration of the extreme danger, to bring them to reason and duty. But when that would not prevail, about the 16. day of April there was a great and terrible assault given, which the inhabitants notwithstanding sustained, but very hardly and with great loss.  
The wisest and best sort of the inhabitants, considering that it was in vain to with stand the King, and that in few such feasts all their citizens might be spent, and yet the King nevertheless would enjoy the City by force, which would redound to their extreme peril, agreed to yield themselves to his gracious clemency.  
There was a great number of Leaguers within the City, who understanding of this resolution, showed themselves greatly offended at it, threatening the rest that they would make them repent that ever they went about such matter.  
The rest of the citizens seeing this discontentation of the Leaguers, consented that the said Leaguers who were so obstinately bend and so hot in the cause, at the next assault should defend the breach. So the eight day a new assault being given so hot, that a great number of them were there thoroughly cooled, and the rest glad to retire and give over, and with the rest without any further disputation did submit themselves, perceiving now that the League did nothing else but seek the ruin and destruction of the country, and that in vain they did resist him whom God had said should reign over them. Therefore they agreed to send to his majesty, offering to acknowledge him their only King and Sovereign, and to crave pardon for their disobedience and unnatural rebellion, yielding themselves and their City to his accustomed gracious mercy.  
The King granted their petition, and having seized upon the City by such as were appointed by his majesty, with his Princes and Nobles prepared to enter the town.  
The ninth day of April the citizens considering with thankful minds the King's great and gracious favour, who might have had conquered them by force, and by law of arms justly taken away from them their lands and goods, and for their rebellion put them to the sword; they I say prepared themselves in their degrees to attend his majesties coming. First the whole Clergy went before in their attire and order: next unto them the Magistrates with their robes, and after them the Citizens followed every man according to his place, and all falling down upon their knees before the King, did acknowledge him their Sovereign with this acclamation: God save Henry of Bourbon our merciful and gracious King, long may he live the noble King of France, with great reverence and submission craving pardon, and showing themselves sorrowful for their rebellion and offences committed against his majesty.  
The King considering their repentance and submission, pardoned them with loving, gracious and comfortable words: whereupon were the keys of their city delivered him, who received them with amiable countenance. These things being done, the Citizens marching before, the Magistrates after, and the Clergy following them, conducted the King and his Princes in most triumphant sort to his lodging, the people saluting him all the way with this acclamation: Long live Henry of Bourbon King of France and Navarre.  
It is said before, how the Lord Diguieres had pacified Dauphin, hath assaulted the Duke of Savoy abroad and at home.  
The Duke of Savoy seeing himself hardly matched, advised how to molest the said Lord Diguieres, sent to his good master the King of Spain to be revenged: therefore they took this advise, to send four hundred light horses of Naples, with some of the best of the old garrisons there, into Piedmont, which by reason of the swiftness of their horses, should molest the land of Dauphin with daily courses, roads and invasions.  
These four hundred Neapolitans having taken counsel how to enter the land of Dauphin with a swift pace, had not determined with what pace they should get out. They therefore ran as swift as their horses could go as far as the fort bow, where the Lord Diguieres meeting stayed them so, that they are not like to go ever to Naples again, to tell news unto their Courtesans of their light horses being there all slain, only a few excepted.  
There it appeared to them, that the best war is not in Italy, nor the best soldier of Naples, and that there is a great difference between the soldier trained up in Military Discipline, and daily employed to great and weighty affairs, and him who under the name of soldier is molten in filthy pleasures in the Stews of Courtesans, as these were. There appeared also how the horse is but a vain thing to save a man in an unjust cause, and that they were but robbers who came to spoil and molest them that had never proffered them wrong. This exploit was done about the beginning of March, as I can conjecture.  
The Lord Digueres having cut short those insolent Italians, determined to pursue some forces which were retiring out of Dauphin into Savoy again, whom he followed so short, that he entered the city of Chamberie, Metropolitan of Savoy. This is a great City, famous for the strange Idolatry used in the same: There is an old filthy rag, some gouty clout of some gouty Friar, they have made the world believe (such is the spirit of Idolatry in them that know not God, and such is the spirit of Avarice in them that apply religions to gain) that it was the shroud wherein Christ was buried, therefore certain times of the year, there was a resort of infinite m●ltitudes of people, of divers countries and nations, which came to worship that holy rag, and pray holy 〈◊〉 ora pro nobis.  
The Lord Diguieres having taken the same, sacked and spoiled it: but having not forces sufficient to munit and keep it, left it, and returned home with a fat spoil, without any loss.  
Whilst the Lord Diguieres was in Savoy, the Duke of Nemours, governor of Lions, descended from Lions with his forces into Dauphin, desirous to have surprised some towns in that Province, in the absence of the Lord Diguieres. But the said Diguieres in returning home from Savoy met him, and so charged him, that after he had slain most of his horsemen, put him to flight, and followed him so hard, that the inhabitants of the City clean burned the suburb called Guiltiere, being very fair, great and rich, fearing lest the said Lord Diguieres would have entrenched himself in the said Suburb.  
Whilst these things did so pass in Dauphin, there happened in Provance, that certain great practises were discovered to the loss of the author, as the old saying is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Lord Dampuis, Lieutenant to the Duke of Savoy in Provance, being resident at Aix the Metropolitan City there, had wrought a treason to surprise the City of Tarascon, situated upon the ●iuer Rosne, by the means of certain Dominican Friars and thirty or forty of the inhabitants of the town, to whom he had made many fair and large promises.  
The bargain being made, the means and time must be sought out, which were in this wise; about midnight the black devils Friars should rise to sing their holy matins and black santus, and should give the watch word with three strokes of the bell: whereupon the traitorous Citizens should seize upon one of the gates, & the L. Dampuis should have come to the gate with five hundred Cuirasses, & 5. hundred Harquebusieres, who should have entered by the means of the traitors who were within.  
This counsel could not be kept so close, but it came to the ears of the Lady of Oruano, and one captain Corpse's, by whose diligence and good order used, the treazon was disappointed in the manner as followeth.  
The governor having intelligences of their intent, and whole platform, caused the Friars and their complices ●he night before to be taken and laid in sundry prisons: the night appointed to work the feat being come, an ambush of certain soldiers of his companies was set out of the town in a convenient place: the said governor also had appointed a company as well of his soldiers as of the faithful citizens to stand in silence within the gate of the City, until the watch word agreed between the Friars and the enemies, should be given with three strokes of the bell.  
All things being in a readiness, and the time come to work, the Lord Dampuis came unto the gate with his companies according to promise, hearkening to hear the watch word, and to be admitted into the City by the complices.  
Well the three strokes of the bell were heard, the ambush began immediately behind, and the towns men opening the gate before to assault them so furiously (not with the sounding of the bell, but with sound of the arqebus shot) that the enemies being compassed about, within half an hour were slain in a manner all, and the Lord Dampuis taken prisoner, and so wounded, that two days after he died of the wounds: so the Town was preserved from sacking, and the people from murder and bondage, and both the town and People reserved to their kings service: this was done about the end of March.  
About the self same time the County of Carces had wrought another such practice also against the Town of Tolon, by the treason of the chiefest Consul and other towns men, which was in like manner discovered, and the conspirators apprehended and chastised.  
We have said before, how the Senate of Aix in Provance were rebels, who not only had committed treason, but also solicited others to the like offence. The said City had admitted the Duke of Savoy for their Sovereign, who had put in garrisons to keep them in subjection, and about the beginning of this year began also to build a citadel in the City: whereupon the people fell to a mutiny, refused to receive any more garrisons in his be hoof.  
The City of Marseilles is an ancient Colony of the Greckes named Phocoei, who forsook their country, when Cyrus' king of the Persians did war and subdue Asia the lesser, that city had been commended in the time of the Romans, by reason of learning and good discipline which flourished there. It is a City governed by their own Magistrates, as Rochel is under the protection and obedience of the kings of France, and hath continued very long in their sidelity, until now a days degenerating greatly from their ancient virtue, they have showed great inconstancy in their duty of sidelity upon these occasions.  
The king of Spayn hath been greatly jealous of that City, and hath used all the means possible to reduce that Town under his obedience, since that he dreamt of some possibility to invade France, supposing that it would have been a fit Port, as a gate for him to pass and repass, to go in and out of France upon all occasions at pleasure. To be short, to make it an Arsenal to subdue all those Southernly Provinces lying upon the Mediterran Seas. Therefore at the beginning of the League this city was one of the pledges that should have been delivered him by the Leaguers: which practices have been put to execution twice all ready, but through the watchful diligence of some faithful Citizens have been disappointed of their purpose.  
The King of spain notwithstanding the great charges, which he sustained by giving great p●nsions unto some captains and Inhabitants there, to favour his proceed, seeing himself still disappointed, yet would he not give over, but began to work another way, to wit, to continue, or rather increase his benevolence towards the inhabitants, persuading them in the mean time to associate themselves to the League, and to accept the Duke of Savoy their neighbour for their Protector, supposing by these means in time the faction of the League prevailing there, to make himself master of that place.  
The Citizens corrupted with Spanish money, and otherwise greatly addicted to Popish vanity and superstition, to continue this Spanish liberality among them, and to please thus far the king of Spain at his request, accepted the Duke of Savoy for Protector of their City: and in sign that they were Leaguers, advanced the Standard of the holy League, and set it upon their walls, which is an Idol, which they called the Crucifix, in that state they continued nigh a year.  
But now understanding the cogging and double dealing of the said D. at Aix, in intending and attempting there to build a Citadel, and how both the nobility of the Country had forsaken him, and the people resisted his attempts, pulled down the Standard of the League, and erected the arms of France, publishing that they would hold for the King of France.  
We have left the King with his Princes at Chartres there to take possession of that great, rich and flourishing City, and have walked through part of Piedmont, Dauphin and Provance.  
Now let us return to Chartres, there to know what the King doth, and show also the prosperous success which have followed the taking of this City of Chartres.  
The City of Chartres being in the King's power, the parisians conceived a great amazement and terror, knowing very well that this exploit would be a scourge unto them.  
For as in the ancient time Alexandria and Sicilia were the Nurses of Rome, so the country of Beausse and this City of Chartres were the chiefest providers for the City of Paris. Now therefore the carriage of any kind of victuals and provisions being stopped both above and beneath the river, from the North side and the South, and finding themselves destitute of victuals, money, and all other warlike provisions for their strength and succour, they fall to their old custom: that is, to demand bread of their Idols: therefore the Bishop of Placentia, their Friar Gregory the thirteenth his Legate, after the return home of Friar Henrico Caietano, Sponte insanientes instigat, set them on to running and gadding about the streets, to carry their Idols with or a pro nobis, there is mourning, weeping and bewailing, there is stridor dentium, horror ●empiternus and regnum tenebrarum. Yet the Friars and Jesuits do comfort them with seditious sermons, and bitter words as well as they can: but venture non habet aures.  
During the Kings sojourn at the siege of Chartres, the Duke de main with such power as he could make, went and laid the siege before Chasteauthierij, situated upon the river Marne. The governor which was within, s●nt word to the King that he would hold it against the enemy a whole month.  
The King having taken order of the safe keeping of the City, about the twelfth day of April removed his army from Chartres to Aulneaw and Machevile, which towns were reduced to his obedience.  
About the fifteenth day, the army removed to Dourdan, which town immediately his army entered by force, where was found great store of victuals gathered, with intent to be conveyed to Paris.  
The sixteenth day, the castle a very strong place, was assaulted and taken. So by this expedition Paris is disappointed of victuals and provision, and distressed nearer and nearer.  
The same day the King separated himself from his army, and leaving the same to the leading of the Marshal Byron, with a great troop of horsemen took his journey toward Chasteauthierij, purposing to raise the siege, and to see his face, whom he had not seen many years before, and to crave more acquaintance.  
The Duke de maine ashamed and afeard to show his face, for the guiltiness of rebellion and parricide, procured, had no great liking of that acquaintance, neither durst be so bold to stay there, and contrary unto the, promise of the captain of the place and the King's expectation, the castle being rendered to the said de main, he fled as fast as his horse could carry him to the City of Reams.  
The King hearing not only of the hasty retire of the Duke de main from Chasteauthierij, but also that he had divided his army into sundry parts; and that they should continue in that sort for a certain time, determined to stay at Sanlis, there to view the countenance of the enemy, and in the mean while to take the towns of Dowserie and Clay where the enemies kept garrison: which thing was speedily done. In this pursuit the king also took the town of Tremblay by Mountfort, which is now a great hindrance foe the enemy by reason of the passage.  
The one and twentieth day of April, while the King pursued the enemies, the Duke Espernon, and the Lords d'Ho and Vicres understanding of a great number of boats as great as lighters, laden with corn, money, and other provision of war, going from Chasteauthierij down the river of Marne to victual Paris, set forward with great diligence to overtake them: which having done, with great speed were sunk in the midst of the river, to the number of fifteen of the greatest sort, with all the provision that was therein, few small boats of the lesser sort escaped towards Meaulx.  
The same day the King understanding of some companies of the enemies, who were lodged in certain villages between la Fere and Chasteauthierij, being the greatest part of the forces of the enemies, departed early from Senlis to Crespij, a town in Valois.  
But for all the Kings secret and sudden departure, yet by that time he had passed five miles, he understood that his coming upon conjecture being blazed among the enemies, they had fled and passed beyond the river Marne, with great amaze and terror: this is according to the saying of the wise, that saith: that the King's countenance scattereth the wicked.  
The 22. of April, the King from Crespij where he was returned, took his way to Chauny, intending to take the Castles of Manican and Genlis: and for the better effecting of his purpose, he caused two great Canons of Ordinance to be brought from Compiegne. But they who were in Manican Castle did not attend but left the place, and fled before he arrived there.  
The 24. of April, the King caused the said Ordinance and more which was brought from S. Quintin's, to be brought before Genlis: but at the sight of the Ordinance the said Castle of Genlis yielded unto the King.  
About the same time, two regiments of garrisons of the Leaguers were repairing to the Duke de maine, whereof the King's garrison of Saint Goubin having intelligence, issued forth upon them and put many to the sword.  
The Duke de maine had received seven companies of Germans, being nine Ensigns, who most wickedly as Mercenaries and slaves to their own covetousness, had for money consented to defend one of the most notable Rebellions that ever had been, hated of God, and detested of all good Princes of the world.  
Them the Duke de maine in the division of his army, as is above said, had placed in certain Villages between the rivers of Marne and Oyse, intending to place them in Meaulx and Soyssons: and as they marched they came to Coussie, where they supposed to be received: but the gates of the town being kept fast against them, and hearing a rumour of the Kings coming, such a sudden fear fell upon them, that they fiercely ran into the Forest, hoping thereby to save themselves.  
The garrison of S. Goubin hearing of this amaze of the enemy, sent fifcie men on horseback, conducted only by a Sergeant, went forth, and taking about fourscore peasants of the country with them, marched into the Forest.  
This small company was greatly encouraged, by hearing of the arrival of the King from Genlis, and pursued after these companies, and charged them so roughly, terrifying them with this voice; Vive le roy. Immediately the enemy supposing the King to have been there indeed, in great terror fled away without any resistance. This small company little thinking of any such good success, courageously pursued them, slew them, and took them in a manuer all, except about threescore men, who flinging away their weapons and armour, the better to save themselves, retired into the town la Fere. Their Colonel was slain, and all the Ensigns taken save two only.  
About 29. of April, the Lord Humiers knowing that the company of horsemen of Mountcaure had assembled in a Village not far from Corbeil, departed out of the said Town of Corbeil to charge them. As he went about that exploit, he met by chance the company of horsemen of Dourlay, whom he charged in that skirmish: most part of the enemies were slain, part were taken prisoners, and few by flight saved themselves.  
The company of Mountcaure were in the village playing some at cards, some at ●ice, some drinking, and some sleeping, guarded negligently with a small watch: the Lord Humiers having done this exploit, ceased not to prosecute his former enterprise upon the said Mountcaure his companies, who marching forward and coming to the village where they were, set upon them unlooked for, like a sudden tempest which should fall suddenly from heaven, whom finding busied (as is aforesaid) easily discomfited them, killed them, and took them without any resistance.  
The King having in a little space eased that part of Picardy, which bordreth upon Brie, of the insuries of the rebels, beaten the enemies which executed intolerable oppressions, between the rivers of Oyse and Marne, as is said, was advertised that the enemy was in field in Britain: his Majesty took his journey thetherward with a small company, and had there that success which followeth.  
The Lord Tremblay did command in a town in Britain, named Monconter, where is a castle of reasonable strength, wherein he had set a garrison, and departed thence to go to do some exploit fifteen leagues off about the beginning of May.  
The enemy advertised of the absence of the said L. Tremblay, took the said Monconter, but they of the castle held out, attending the succour which was com●ing from divers parts unto them.  
The L. Tremblay having speedy intelligence of that which was passed in Monconter, took his journey with 50 light horsemen, resolved with that small company to enter into the Castle with ladders, which he performed. And after out of the said Castle he made divers issues upon the enemies in the Town with terrible slaughter of them.  
Many of the nobility of Britain being then at Renes, understanding of the stir of Monconter in the absence of the Prince D'ombes, who was a little before ridden forth about eighteen miles from the said Renes, mustered up immediately so many as they might procure upon the sudden, which was about one hundred and fifty horse men well appointed, and commanded strait ways all the garrisons thereabout to march toward the said Monconter, intending either to rescue the said town out of the enemies hand, or else to let their further enterprises: their forces came to two hundred footmen well furnished: these companies bring in all three hundred and fifty men came about two furlougs from the said town of Monconter, there to stay for other companies, who came from other places for the same purpose.  
Whilst these preparations were a making, the Lord Saint Laurence, Martial of the army of the rebels under Merceur, had entered into Monconter with three hundred horsemen well appointed, and one thousand Harquebuziers, intending to fortife that town against the King.  
But in the mean while, the King in proper person with six score horses only had marched so far as Londiak, intending to search out the enemy.  
The Lord Saint Laurence advertised of the Kings coming, considering that there was mustering round about, knowing in his conscience the King's just cause and wisdom, and mistrusting the quarrel of his side, conceived a great terror, and perceived to have cast himself so deeply into the Mire, that if policy doth not pluck him out, he is like there to stick fast a good while. Therefore considering the small company which was about the King, determined to assault him with many: and for to bring to pass this his intent, supposing the better to departed from Monconter in time, then to enjoy it a while to his great damage: he departed from Monconter about 11. a clock in the evening with two hundred and fifty horsemen, and six hundred Harquebuziers, and traveling all night came to Londiak by six a clock in the morning, being the twelft day of May.  
The King being at Londiak, & understanding of the enemies coming, delayed no time, but went immediately to the field to receive the said enemy. The enemy perceiving the K. to have determined to bid him battle, & to be already in the field, left part of his footmen to force the trenches & barricadoes of Londiak: and this being done, the enemy brought his horsemen and part of his footmen into the field to encounter the King, there he divided his companies into two troops, in the one there was fifty horsemen, and in the other two hundred. The King had but six score horsemen, whom he divided likewise into two troops, in the one thirty, and in the other ●ourescore & ten horsemen. The King having set few footmen in battle array, called with a fervent prayer upon the name of the GOD of armies, and cheered up his soldiers, encouraging them to show themselves men, in defending such a just cause as they had in hand, which being done both armies joined, and the enemy having made a very small resistance, was strooken with a sudden terror, as if it were with a thunderclap from heaven, so that they began to waver. The King's Soldiers perceiving this sudden dread upon the enemy, gave such a fresh and hot charge, that they turned their backs and fled. The King pursued them two miles from Londiak, to a town holden by their favourers, where these horsemen saved themselves. There were fifty horsemen slain, as many more taken prisoners, many footmen slain on the place, and many both horsemen and footmen wounded. The rest of the footmen saved themselves by flight into the woods which were near at hand, and there hid themselves. Lo how there is neither strength nor counsel against the Lord: Lo how the wicked is snared in his own counsel.  
The news of this foil being blazed abroad throughout the enemy's troops, came also to Monconter, by means whereof there rose such a sudden fear among them, that immediately they retired from the said Monconter with all possible speed, leaving the town free from any strength of the enemy.  
The Lord Tremblay being in the Castle, and molesting the enemies daily by sallies and slaughters of them as is said, seeing how wonderfully God had terrified that rebellious rout, went forth of the Castle with his forces, followed them, and immediately charged them so roughly, that they were all slain and taken prisoners, by means whereof he got both bag and baggage from the enemy: So was that accursed company (enemies of mankind) utterly rooted out.  
It is said before how the Lord D'ombes had gone from Renes into base Britain to a Town called Quinpercorenten, and in departing out of the said Town to return to Renes, the garrisons of the enemies in towns about holden by them, charged upon the said Prince, but were so received by him, that there was slain of the enemy's side three captains of name and of great estimation among the Rebels, seven gentlemen of great account were taken prisoners, all the rest in the pursuit were put to the sword.  
Here thou mayst see (Christian Reader) that all these blows, slaughters and overthrows every where received, cannot make these damned rebels consider the wrongfulnes of the cause, which so obstinately against all laws of nations, against nature and against God they do defend.  
As the rebels have been beaten even with a rod of iron by the Lord's hand in his wrath both in Picardy and Britayn: so now have we to consider an other example of God's justice executed upon rebels in the Country of Caux in Normandy.  
In this month of May, victuals being dear wares in the City of Rouen, one regiment appertaining to the Duke of Lorreine, and the other to the Lord de la Lownde departed out of Rouen, & planted themselves in a village called Cinqcens, determining there to abide, and to surprise such victuals for their maintenance as they could come by, until the next harvest should provide more plenteously, there they fortified themselves with Trenches and Barricadoes: this place is distant 9 Leagues from deep. They fearing to be molested from deep, had placed a troop of horsemen in a wood distant two leagues from the place which they had fortified, being fully in the high way from deep, supposing if any forces should come from deep upon them, they might retire back to give intelligence unto the said Regiments, or else by making resistance should give leisure to prepare themselves, and to procure a fresh supply from Rouen, to back them if occasion should serve.  
The Lord Chartres commander of Malta, governor for the King in deep, and Sir Roger Williams an English gentleman of great valour and experience in military affairs, who lately came thither, having received intelligence of that fortification of Cinqcens, and intent of the enemy, resolved speedily to departed from deep in the evening the 19 day of May, and travailing all night came to the wood early in the next morning, having with them four hundred French men and three hundred Englishmen. There they found a troop of horsemen to stop their passage, upon whom they made a very fierce assault. But they that came from deep gave such a hot charge upon them, that all those horsemen were so slain, that none of them escaped any way. Thus they leaving the dead bodies of the horsemen in the wood, and taking some of their horses, the Governor and Sir Roger Williams passed a long to Cinqcens, and being come thither before noon, they descried the enemy with their Ensigns displayed within the Fort.  
The Governor of Deep perceiving their fortification so strong, alleged that it was unpossible to enter it, & therefore went about to persuade Sir Roger to go back again, considering that the enemy was two to their one.  
Sir Roger answered, that it were a great dishonour for him so to do, and determined to set upon them with his own three hundred men, though it should cost both him and them their lives: and with this resolution advanced his Colours, marching toward the enemy, intended (by the assistance of God to enter upon them, or else to lose his life in that place.  
The Lord Chartres seeing that most honourable resolution of Sir Roger, was wonderfully encouraged to the enterprise: and thereupon protested to take part also in the said attempt with his four hundred Soldiers, whatsoever should chance: and thereupon displayed his Ensign, and together with Sir Roger vowed (by God's assistance) to enter the Barricadoes and to charge the enemy.  
The said Lord upon this resolution cheered up his Soldiers, and willed them to fight in the behalf of their lawful King, whose right they were bound to defend, and God doubtless will prosper the same to the confusion of his enemies.  
Sir Roger in like sort, like a true Christian Knight, encouraged his Soldiers, showing unto them, that although few of their side have to deal with a great multitude skilful, stout, hardy, and trained up in Martial Discipline: yet considering that their cause is but an execrable rebellion against their Sovereign, they are but a multitude of traitors, opposing themselves to God's ordinance, therefore condemned of God to a shameful death, both here and in the world to come. He assured them that God will assist them in the execution of his sentence pronounced against them: he alleged the common experience in all ages and Nations: he concluded that the God of battles will so fight for them, that their eyes shall have their desire upon them, as upon enemies of God, of man, society and nature. He assureth them, that in putting their confidence in GOD, not one hair of their heads shall fall: which when he had finished to speak, he prayeth unto the Lord with great confidence. And when he had ended prayer, he made them to promise each unto other to die every man rather than they would fly one foot.  
These things being done, they marched forward with great courage, displayed their Ensigns, struck up their Drums, & with their trumpets sounded defiance, and with this resolution full of confidence, these valiant English Soldiers gave a fierce charge upon the enemy, and assaulted them in such sort, as if they had not travailed all night. This fight continued two hours space, the English men still heartening the Frenchmen. At length they entered the Barricadoes of the enemy. Sir Roger being one of the foremost fought hand to hand with the chiefest governors of the enemies. The governor of Deep on another side entering, did valiantly behave himself: at length the enemy began to recoil back, and being all enclosed within their Barricadoes, as a flock of sheep in a Shéepcot, were all put to the sword by the English and Frenchmen, suffering none to escape alive.  
Having obtained this wonderful victory, upon their knees in the same place, gave thanks unto GOD which had subdued their enemies under foot, and with singing of Psalms gave the praise unto the highest.  
All that the Governor and Sir Roger Williams lost, were not above eleven men, and few wounded, but not very grievously.  
This exploit being so prosperously done, the Generals took order not to stay there at any hand, but speedily to return to Deep, lest some new fresh supply should come from Rouen upon them, or by casting about should meet them in the midway homeward. They gave order also that the Soldiers should leave the spoil behind them, to the end they might not overcharge themselves with carriage.  
The Soldiers obeying the counsel of their Commander, took nothing but that which was light and easy of carriage. Thus safely they returned to Deep. The enemy as it was supposed came with a great power to meet them in the midst of the high way: but they had passed four hours before, and so the enemy disappointed of his purpose returned back.  
We have showed before how the King having had a prosperous success in chastising the Rebels in Picardy, went in person into Britain, where likewise God prospered his ways.  
Whilst the King was in Britain, his army sojourned for a time at Vernon, waiting to surprise the town of Loviers, situated upon the river Ewer between Pont de larch and Eureux. The particularities of this surprise could I never hear, but such as the King himself did write unto the Prince County, Governor for his Majesty in Anjou, Vendomoys, Toureyne, Poytow, Berry and Limosin.  
The sixth day of june, ten of the King's men possessed themselves with one of the gates of the town, and as it is reported by others in this manner.  
There was a certain Corporal in that City, who was in great credit with the governor of that town called Fonteyne Martel. This Corporal considering the great wrong which the Rebels did to the King, and desirous to do to his Majesty some service of import, practised that there should be at several times by six at once, a number of footmen and horsemen sent into the Wood hard adjoining to the town, and in the mean time having won to himself four or five Soldiers of his own company, his time came of his watch.  
About noon day the said governor being at dinner, and according to his sign given there came certain horsemen of the Kings, which he espying went presently to the governor who had the keys lying on the table by him, and said he marveled that they sat so long at dinner, showing that there were some friends come unto him. The governor commanded the said Corporal to take the key and let them enter, which he did.  
The King had caused the Baron of Byron to come near with his forces, who soon also entered therein.  
Fonteyne Martel had one hundred Cuirasses in that town, beside the inhabitants, who obstinately made a strong resistance to the King, which was cause of a terrible fight.  
The King himself made one of the gates of the City to yield to him, whereto most part of the men of war and the inhabitants withdrew themselves to resist, yet at length the Town was taken. There the Bishop of Eureux, and Fonteyne Martel the governor of the place, were taken prisoners.  
There was found great quantity of Corn, Wine and Bacon, beside other munitions, and as the report is, four thousand fat Oxen in the meadows. That town was so fortified, that it might be called one of the Forts of France. There the King lost about eighteen or twenty men, among whom were five Captains.  
At the selfsame time that this exploit was done at Loviers, the Lord sent prosperous success to the King's affairs in other countries.  
The Viscount de la Guerche, a most wicked rebel in Limosin, had greatly troubled the King's peace in that country, and about the beginning of june had besieged Belak, (a town in Lymosin, famous in that country, for making a kind of rough cloth like unto Irish rug) with two Canons, one Culuerine and a bastard piece of Ordinance.  
The Prince County being come into Poytow with an army for the King's service, to purge that country beyond Loire, of the oppression and tyranny of some remnants of rebels which were spoiling that country, and being advertised of the said siege of Belak, marched directly thither to raise the siege, or to bid battle to the said Viscount, if he durst stay his coming.  
The fift day of june, having marched a great days journey, as far as Lusack, was given to understand, that the said Viscount had withdrawn his siege, and with his horsemen had betaken himself to Chavigny, a town in Toureine, leaving his Canon and footmen at Montmorillon. The Prince seeing that he had miss the said Viscount, determined to besiege the town of Montmorillon, which the same day he caused to be summoned, but they within being not willing to give any answer, the Prince commanded to give certain volleys of Canon: after which he caused them to be summoned again, but they still continued i● their resolution to keep aloof.  
The sixth day of june at five a clock in the morning, his excellency changed the battery, which continued very furious till ten a clock in the forenoon, at which time a breach being made, the Prince commanded to give the assault, which was done very courageously on all sides of the town, and continued the space of three long hours together. But in the end, the Prince's forces seized upon the high town, & compelled the enemy to retire into the low town, which is separated from the high by the river under, which floweth through the midst of it, where they hide themselves within a Chapel, from whence they greatly endamaged and molested the Prince's Soldiers who were in the high town: which thing when the Prince perceived, he commanded six or seven volleys of the Canon ●● be discharged against the gate of the Chapel, which being immediately broken, the enemy was compelled to forsake it, whom the Prince's power pursued, and possessed the whole town of Montmorillon. There was slain in the town more than five hundred footman, and three score Cuirasses, two masters of the field, and all the captains slain, wounded or taken prisoners. The Prince caused many of these rebels to be hanged, to requite that which the Leaguers had done not long before at Saint Savin.  
There were in that town four Canons taken from the enemy, and good store of other munition, seven Ensigns also were taken there.  
The Prince lost in that exploit but one soldier of his guards, and a Gentleman named S. Martin. The Marshal of men at arms was hurt with an Harquebus shot, and very few Soldiers beside wounded.  
The town of Montmorillon being taken the seventh day, the towns of Chavigny, Saint Savin, and Blank en Berry were voluntarily yielded to the King's pleasure, also the castles Bourg, Archambault, Plaisance, Belarbre, Auailles, Belawne, Angles & Bisse, did voluntaryly submit themselves to the King's obedience.  
Having laid down the prosperous exploits done in Lymosin and Toureyne, by the noble Prince County, we will also represent to the reader the attempts and unlucky successes of the rebels of Britain.  
The great and famous Queen of England, among other prince like virtues of a true Christian Princess, desirous to restablish the afflicted state of France, sent unto the King a new supply of forces to assist him in repressing of the rebellion of Britain, under the conduct of that noble and valiant Captain Sir john Norris Knight, General of her majesties forces there.  
The rumour of english forces flying in Britain, had caused noblemen and Gentlemen about five hundred in number, with their wives and children, and all their chiefest and most precious wealth, to retire into the City of S. Guingcamp, strong by Nature and Arte.  
There were within that city besides the said nobility, three hundred good french Soldiers, with a great number of the inhabitants, able men and experienced.  
The renowned Prince D'ombees, general of the King's forces in Britain, accompanied with (to the terror of the rebels) the honourable Sir john Norris, determined to lay siege before Guingcamp, there to take all these unfaithful, unnatural and bastard▪ Frenchmen, there heaped as if it were in a cubbe.  
They arrived before the town the third day of june, and about three a clock in the after noon the said valiant Norris having obtained to give the first assault, after certain companies of French men had refused it, did so press the enemy for the space of three hours until the night did separate them, that after that day, they determined not to come any more to such a feast.  
The enemies within defended themselves most valiantly, yet feeling so many wounds as they had, and seeing so many dead of theirs as they saw, determined the night following to talk of composition the next day.  
In this assault, Sir john Norris lost nine worthy soldiers, three valiane Captains, to wit, Denis, Herne, and Wolf, and about forty soldiers hurt.  
The fourth day of june in the morning the Lord Norris gave a fresh assault, with that courage, that when the enemies had sustained it with much a do less than half an hour, the remembrance of the loss passed put them in fear of that which was present before their eyes, fearing to repent too late, they made a token of parley, determined to yield themselves if they might find any reasonable composition.  
The General making sign to his people, willingly hearkened unto them, and promised to use them well if they would freely yield themselves. That seemed unto them somewhat hard, therefore they covenauted that the city should not be sacked, and that the soldiers within should departed with their weapons and other furniture, and that they would be content to pay any reasonable sum of money.  
The assault being stayed, and the agreement concluded upon the promise of the said General: the nobility most willingly, and of their own accord did yield themselves, and swore obedience to the King, promising to withdraw themselves presently every man to his own house, & to be ready to serve the King in any his business, and paid fifteen thousand crowns, and the City 25. thousand, which was far less than they did think they should have paid.  
The soldiers were permitted freely to departed according to the agreement, and the gates of the City joyfully were set open.  
The General did not suffer any kind of injuries to be done to any manner of persons. All these things being dove, he caused thanks to be given to God for his gracious and favourable protection.  
After the taking of Guingcampe, the purpose of the Prince was to have assaulted the town of Morlaix, to the end to reduce it, & the base Britain, withal to the King's obedience.  
But Merceur, Captain of thieves, robbers and rebels, understanding the loss of the town of Guingcamp, and of the revolting of so many noble men and gentlemen as had sworn to obey and serve the King, fell in a pelting Lorreine chafe, and swore by Saint Francis holy briech that he would be revenged, and presently removed from Pontignie, where he joined with four thousand Spaniards, under the leading of Don ivan de Lagula, whom he hath sent for upon the rumour of the loss of the said Guyngcamp, and from thence began to march towards Morlaix by the way to Corlay.  
The Prince understanding of that, and discovering the enemy's forces to be of seven hundred horses, four thousand Spaniards, and two thousand arquebusiers French, considered how dangerous a thing it was to engage his army before a town, until he were master of the field, the enemy being far stronger, and favoured of the country, who on a sudden might be assisted with a multitude of Peasants, long before armed and addicted to him: considering all these difficulties, the said prince made a stay about the town of Guingcamp, as well to repair the fortifications of the said town, as to attend the bringing of two Canons, and two Culuerines, drawn from Breast to Lagnon, with certain powder and munitions brought from England to Pinpoll, to the end that these things being in place of safety, the said Prince might sollow the better his other enterprises.  
The seventh of june the Duke Merceur arrived at Corlay, distant three Leagues from Guingcamp.  
There is a Castle belonging to the Lady Guimeney, sister to Boysdaulphine lieutenant to the Duke Merceur, they feigned as though the said Castle did hold for the King, intending thereby to have drawn the Prince to some disadvantage, for the eight day the Castle rendered without the sight of the Canon, and the governor remained with the enemy.  
From thence the Duke sent a trompeter to the Prince, about certain prisoners taken at Corlay, who signified to the said Prince, that he had charge from the Duke to entreat him to appoint some day and place for the battle.  
The Prince did greatly rejoice to hear these news, and would not return answer by the mouth of a trumpeter which might be disanowed, but by his writing signed with his own hand, in the which the said Prince (lest the Duke should allege any matter, either to delay or avoid the battle) doth refer to him the choice of the place for the encounter: so that it might be able to receive both armies.  
The Duke Merceur removed from Corlay the eighth of june, and came to Saint Giles, two small leagues from Chasteau Laudran.  
The same day also the Prince departed from Guingcamp about three a clock in the morning and lodged that night at Chasteau Laudran, where the Duke Merceur his trumpeter met him, and delivered an answer to the said Prince from Merceur, signed with his own hand, wherein this malapert companion having altogether trodden under foot all reverence of superiority showeth the cause of his rebellion to be both to withstand the Prince (called with lawful vocation) and an heretical King, for the defence of the holy catholic religion, do assign the thursday next at ten of the clock in the morning, and the place most fit for that action between Corlay and Guingcamp.  
The Prince to provoke this cowardly Captain through impatiency or otherwise to battle, showeth the causes of his coming into Britain, to be to punish him and his complices for their traitorous rebellion against the King, and for the opprobrious imputations and terms which he giveth to the King and to him, he saith, that therein he lieth: this was the ninth day.  
Merceur having received this provocation, fell to swear, fume & brag, that he within three days would give the Prince battle. And on the ninth day of june being Wednesday dislodged, and that day encamped himself at a Village called Quelnec, a league and a half from Chasteau Laudran, situated at the foot of a hill, which by deep ditches, hedges and enclosures bordereth upon a little Heath of two mile's compass.  
The Prince having discovered the enemy mounted on horseback, and goeth to make choice of the place for the battle, & findeth about three quarters of a mile from the said Quelenec a large plain skirted with copses with a little hill, and the ground raised with ditches advantageous to the enemies, who by three large passages might enter into the same heath.  
The tenth of june, the enemy within a quarter of a league of the Heath, showeth his whole army in order of battle, upon the top of an hill.  
The Prince on the other side, put his troops in order within the heath, and by the advise of Sir John Norris disposeth the same in three battles, whereof the English footmen made two, and the Launceknights the third: that day was spent in light skirmishes, wherein the Prince's men followed the enemy even into the main of their army.  
The eleventh day the enemy drew his army to the foot of the hill, and placed his artillery upon the side of the heath, in a place of such advantage, as commanded the whole heath, and bordreth all the hedges with shot.  
By that time the enemy had done all these things, the Prince's army marched into the heath in order of battle, and presently sent two hundred footmen to view the enemy's countenance, whom they charged, put them from their hedges and barricadoes, and slew divers of them.  
Upon the retreat of these two hundred men, the Duke put forth five hundred Frenchmen, and three hundred Spaniards, to repossess the places, whom he followed with the great of his army.  
The Prince perceiving this, and remaining on the heath with the L. Hunaulday, commanding the avangard, having his regiment of horse on the right hand, and General Norris, the Lords of Poigny, Pruneaux, Mommartin and Bastenay, gave order to put forth three hundred footmen, commanded by Captains Anthony Wingfield and Murton, and the English horsemen lead by Anthony Shirley.  
The Prince also commanded to be drawn out of the battaillon of the Launceknights, one hundred men shot and pikes, and one hundred and fifty shot lead by the Baron Molak, backed with forty light horse, conducted by the Lord Tremblay, appointed to force the enemy from the place which they had taken. All these set valiantly upon the enemy, whom they enforced to flee, many were slain, and the rest saved themselves within the defence of their artillery, where the whole strength of the Spaniards with the rest of the army was placed.  
During this skirmish, there was a great number of shot placed under the hedges, which having means to do hurt, stood quiet as though they had fallen asleep, or else had been placed there only to keep the hedges, lest the Prince should come to cut them down and carry them away.  
In this skirmish, done Roderigo chief marshal of the Spaniards, and a Spanish captain, two hundred French Soldiers, and threescore Spaniards were slain.  
The Lord Tremblay took the Lord Guebrian, Colonel of the foot men of the enemy.  
This charge did so amazethe enemy, that the Prince's men were suffered to disarm the dead, and to lead away prisoners within ten paces of their canon, and retired at their ●ase without any proffering to follow▪ Long, lieutenant to Captain Dolphin, received in his body five Harquebuses shot: the English men behaved themselves valiantly in that charge, the residue of that day they spent in light skirmishes.  
The twelfth day the enemy made a great show to come forth to battle, but at last sent out some number of shot to skirmish, against whom Anthony Shirley with fifteen horse and few footmen made head, and speedily put them to flight, and followed them to their Barricadoes, where master Kemp a Gentleman of that Cornet was slain, Anthony Sherley's horse was shot in the head, and Charles Blunt his horse was killed under him with the Canon, and he himself somewhat wounded.  
The thirteenth day the enemy offered some light skirmishes, but seeing that he could get nothing by it he refused to bit.  
The fourteen day the Prince expected the battle, as undertaken by don ivan de Lagula, general of the Spaniards, in the worship of Saint john, whose day it was with them. But fearing that bonfires would be made to their cost and charges, they gave quite over the game, prepared the same night to dislodge, and the next day following repassed the hill: for having spent all their victuals, they must go forth to rob for more.  
The Prince stayed six days upon the Heath, and in the mean while the enemy durst never presume to draw his army into the Heath.  
The sixteenth day the Lord la Now with the troop of the County Mongomery, and the County Chombourg, came unto Chasteau Laudran, whose arrival giveth hope of good success in the King's affairs.  
They that have written the history of wild beasts, which doth recite that there is a wild beast in Asia named Pardalis, it yieldeth such a savour that the Wolf hath a great delight to follow a far off, but if it chance that this Pardalis doth look back, immediately the Wolf retireth and flieth away.  
So the Noble Princes of Bourbon do yield sweet savour of piety, virtue and valiantness: Merceur followeth them a far off, but if they turn their face he runnet away, as it hath appeared in the things which heretofore he hath attempted in Poytow.  
There is a town in Picardy situated upon the river Oyse, called Noyon, commended (if there were none other cause) for being the place of the nativity unto that man of God john Caluin of blessed memory, whose name is written in the book of life, and shall yield a sweet savour to the true Church of God to the worlds end, whatsoever Satan doth rage against the name of this servant of God.  
This town was seduced long before from the King's obedience by the Leaguers, and through rebellion was possessed by the King's enemies. The King therefore after the taking of Loviers, thought expedient to remove his army from Vernon, and to draw Eastward, that doing still some profitable exploit, he might expect and receive the forces that came to him out of Germany: and considering that the said town of Noyon did lie between S. Quintin, Compeigne and Corbey, which were long before under his obedience, thought good there to stay for the approaching of the Germans: and during the month of july, having reduced the said town to great distress, made his account shortly to be Lord of it.  
The Viscount Tavanes (head of the rebellion in the City of Rouen, and most hatefullest enemy of any that the King had) enterprised to relieve the said town of Noyon, and for that intent in the beginning of August in the night season departed from Rouen, accompanied with four hundred horse, and five hundred footmen, with good hope either to secure the said town, or else by surprise greatly to hinder the King.  
But the King having intelligences of his coming, met him about two or three leagues from Noyon, (as I have heard reported) where his power was discomfited, slain and taken prisoners, and he himself after being wounded in the assault was also taken prisoner. So the Lord knoweth bow, where and when to stay his enemies.  
The news of this sorrowful success of the Leaguers flying abroad, caused the Duke Aumale to assemble as great forces as he could make in the town of Han, which is situated upon the river Some between Saint Quintin and Peronne, undertaking either to amend the fault committed by Tavanes, or else to release the town of Noyon, accompanied with the Lord Largue and Lawney with all their forces, joined all with the light horsemen, the seventh of August charged upon the quarter of the King's light horse, where they were stoutly received: and after more than twelve charges given, the King's companies (yet very like to have the victory of their enemies) began to retire: at which retire, that valiant man at arms the Lord Baron of Byron having twelve of his own men did approach, and the King's forces supposing he had brought a supply of fresh Soldiers, so soon as they heard him named, took a wonderful courage, and seeing him in the midst of them, gave a fresh charge upon the enemy with such force, that they did drive the enemy even into the gates of Han. To whom there was also coming a new succour and fresh supply of men, who perceiving the evil success of the rest, retired in again: so that some of the King's forces followed them even into their Barriars.  
In these so many charges given, there were a number of armed men slain on the enemy's side, and among them divers of commandment. In the number of the dead were found Don Francisco de Guevara, the best Captain of light Horsemen which the King of Spain had in the low Countries, also his lieutenant was slain outright, with divers other of great account.  
The Lord Longchamp (one of the best Captains of the rebels) was taken prisoner, with more than four score men at arms of account, and lost above fifteen hundred of their best horses.  
The King lost in this skirmish about twelve horse of his light horsemen, and among a few which were slain the Marshal of the light horsemen, whose death was greatly bewailed, being accounted a man of great valour.  
The same day the Duke de maine arrived at the said town of Han, with all his troops of horsemen which he could gather, which thing made the King think that he would go about either to raise or to interrupt the siege, or attempt some thing.  
In the mean time he lost no opportunity about this siege: for the same day that this exploit was done, to wit, the seventh of August, the Canon began to beat a church that standeth in the midst of the Suburbs, which together with a great ditch did strongly defend the same.  
The said Church being battered from the morning to three a clock in the after noon, had by that time made a great breach in the same. And a fierce assault being given, there were slain of the enemies about thirty, and about fifty of the Soldiers retired into the vaults of the said church.  
The said Church being taken, and consequently the Suburb (in a manner as strong as the town) gave occasion both to them that had retired into the vaults to yield to the King's mercy, who sent them away safe with bag and baggage, and also to the Governor of the town to move speeches of composition.  
For the Governor (called the Lord Vile) considering how the Town was slenderly furnished of all things, but specially of men of arms, and that the most part of them had been slain in the assaults given to the City, and how the King was strong and not like to be enforced to departed afore he had the upper hand over the said Town. And understanding that the Duke de maine was come to Han with Forces, in hope to relieve the said distressed town, and that the Lord Rosne, who led the Duke de maine his army towards Lorreine, was returning back to Laon in Champaygne, he delayed the time of composition to see what succour they would give.  
But at length, seeing no relief coming, and the King urging the town, the said Lord Vile concluded an agreement with the King in this manner following.  
The Lord Vile (as well for himself as for the Gentlemen, Soldiers and inhabitants of Noyon) hath promised to yield the said town upon monday next following, being the eighteenth of August, together with all the munition for war, artillery and victuals, which at this present was therein, conditionally if sometime of the day the Duke de maine do not give him a battle, or by force put not within the town one thousand soldiers, or by some means do not raise the siege. Also that the said Ville, Gentlemen and Captains shall departed with armour, horses and baggage, and the Soldiers with their weapons and horse. And that the inhabitants shallbe received into the King's favour, & entreated as good subjects, in rendering him their dutiful obedience: but specially and namely that the Lord of Ville his mother may freely remain there & enjoy her goods, in performing the submission of loyal fidelity as other subjects.  
Item, that if any of the inhabitants be desirous to departed, they shall safely pass among the men of war.  
Item, that the Lord Ville shall be permitted to send the Lord of Brouly to the Duke de maine, to advertise him of the condition of this capitulation, and that the King shall safely conduct him to that effect.  
And for the accomplishing of the premises, the said Lord Ville hath promised to send hostages to the King, the Lord Rieulx, the Abbot of Genlis, with four of the town, such as the King shall choose, whom the King doth promise to deliver upon the performance of the said conditions.  
The King also doth grant to send two Captains into the town to keep and see during the time, from labouring to the contrary.  
It had pleased the most famous and renowned Queen of England, during this siege, to send a new supply of men to the King, to assist him in the recovering the possession of his right, under the conduct of th● most honourable and famous Earl of Essex, whom the King leaving his power before Noyan, went to meet at Gysors in Normandy, whom he received in most courteous sort, accepting most thankful her most excellent majesties gracious favour, and the said Earl his good and ready will, for hazarding himself in such a dangerous journey for his service.  
After the death of Friar Sixtus, which was hastened by the Spanish faction with a little slubber sauce, was elected a new Vicar of Rome, of the house of Sfondraty, if I remember well, and is as much to say as burst belly, naming himself Gregory the 14.  
This Friar Gregory being set on horseback, will ride (as the proverb is) until he break his neck. First in january he sent a Legate into France, against whom the King proceeded as against an enemy of the public peace of his subjects, and in March last the said Friar Gregory pronounced a Bull against the King, his Princes, Nobles, subjects and realm. Than not long after it is reported that he sent certain forces, mustered out of the Stews of Rome, to the Duke of Savoy to invade Provance, conducted by some bastard of his: and that Superstition, Folly, injury and wrong might go together, he must conjure and charm the Standard of holy Church (as all the sort of such idolatrous Antichrists have been Conjurers, poisoners, and Sorcerers many years together). To play this Comedy, he sitteth disguised in his Pontificalibus, the Standard of holy Church holden before him, he hisseth, he bloweth, he mumbleth, he crosseth, he charmeth, he stinketh: but behold, he that did hold it (rather by some presage and token of the fall of that idolatrous rabble, than by negligence) let the Standard fall upon the brainsick Friar Gregory's head, which not only did beat down his triple Crown from of his head, but also gave a knock upon his foolish pate. All these companies shortly after were cut to pieces, and the charmed Standard taken by the Lord des Diguieres, as is reported.  
Friar Gregory not content with all these injurious provocations, sent one M. Marcilius Laudrianus, by name an Italian, by surname a Britain, but by sauciness and desperateness a jesuite, under the name of his Nuncio, to publish a certain infamous libel, full of impiety heresy and sedition, under a Mask of religion in form of Bulls, against the King, his Princes, Nobles & subieces, but specially against the French popish Church, which this saucy companion enterprised to publish at Pont de larch in Normandy▪ whereupon the K. finding himself sore injuried at the hands of this tyrannous usurper, commanded his courts of Parliament to proceed by law against these injuries, and so the King's general attorney in his court of Parliament, holden at Caen in Normandy, requiring justice to be done unto the King, his Princes, Nobles and subjects.  
The court of Parliament therefore, all Chambers assembled, the third day of August did proceed against Friar Gregory his person, his usurped tyranny, his Nuncio and his Bulls.  
First, they do declare the said Friar Gregory, an enemy unto the peace of Christianity, a troubler of the Catholic Roman▪ Religion, enemy to the King and Estate of France, a conspirator and associate with the rebels within the realm, and accessary to the death of the late deceased King most traitorously murdered, a firebrand of sedition, and stirrer up of wars, and procurer of murders.  
Secondly, they do condemn his usurped power upon the state and Church of France, to be usurped, abusive and wrongful, contrary to God's word, holy decrees and liberties of the French Church, commanding all Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Colleges, Covents, Chapters, Commonalties, bodies of Cities, Curates, Parsons and serving Priests, not to acknowledge any superiority or power of the same Friar Gregory, nor to render him any obeisance, neither to assist or favour any excommunications, publications or readings of any thing that should proceed from him.  
The court also doth forbid, not to pursue or receive of him, or any other whatsoever quality or condition they be, his complices & adherents, any collations, confirmations, or provisions for benefices, graces, dispensations, or other expeditions, nor to answer, bear, or cause to be borne by way of banque or otherwise, any gold or silver to the court of Rome, neither to pay any thing or render obeisance to the Archbishops, Bishops, his adherents, who have put in execution any of the pretended defamatory libel, in form of excommunication or interdiction, in pain of confiscation of body and goods, as infringers and perturbers of the public peace.  
The court doth command the Ecclesiastical persons, by virtue of the King's letters directed unto them, that they shall not suffer the liberty of the French Church to be in any sort diminished: but being assisted by their K. (their sovereign justice) to oppose themselves against all the Pope's enterprises.  
Thirdly, the court doth declare the foresaid Marcilius Ladrianus, Friar Gregory his Nuncio, acommon enemy of all men, a kindler of hatred and a sour of sedition, commanding the said pretended Nuncio to be pursued, taken and apprehended, alive or dead, and to be delivered to justice, if it be possible, to receive the punishment according to the greatness of his offence. But if he cannot be apprehended, within three day ●to be summoned by the voice of the public Crier in the town of Pont de larch, that there it may be proceeded against him according to the Laws of the Realm.  
The order of the courts of France is, that after a man is summoned at 3. several times, if he doth not appear, he is condemned as convicted, and then executed in picture.  
Last of all, the Court doth declare Friar Gregory his excommunication and Bulls, infamous libels full of impiety, heresy, deceit and slanders, & condemneth the same to betorne and burned publicly in the place of execution, by the public executioner of justice, forbidding all men to receive, allow, read, favour or conceal the said infamous libel, upon pain to be attainted, & convicted of high treason: & commandeth also all manner of persons quickly to reveal to the court, if they should know any such to be kept secretly on the pains aforesaid.  
This sentence of the Pope's banishment, and of all his tyranny out of France, was pronounced the third day of August at Caen in Normandy.  
The self same proceedings were used in all Courts of the Realm, whereupon ensued the burning of the said Bulls in divers and sundry places of the Realm, but diversly, but every where in as infamous manner as could be. It was burned at Tours in this manner.  
The Magistrates and the common people of Tours being assembled before the Palace gate, there a pillar was erected a little distant from the foot thereof, there was a fire made by the common Hangman of the town, than did he take the Bull and hanged it on the top of the Pillar, which being done, he kindled another fire at the very foot of the Pillar, which by degrees crept up until it took hold of the Bull, which presently was consumed with fire, to the great joy of all the beholders.  
Now Master Friar, I ween you be one of them that did drop out of the horses belly of Troy, but I will think rather that you dropped out of an Ass' belly, because you have an Ass' head.  
Did not a little before your Standard reprove you to your face, and told you what would follow your sauciness: and to put you in consideration of your folly gave you a sauce upon the pate: And you being of Ass' brood, will go about to get Bulls, and lo, your Bulls be turned into gydie Calves. You never read (for reading belongs not to your occupation, but scortari crebro, crebro convivarier) that it was written in the horse of Troy, sero sapiunt Phryges', but it shall be hereafter in Asino Romano, scriptum erit sero sapiunt Romanenses. You knew not when you were well, now have with you to avignon.  
The town of Noyan being surrendered, according to the agreement between the King and the governor of the said town, the King went to receive the right honourable Lord Earl of Essex (as is said) in the town of guysor's, and from thence returned into champaign, to join with the Germans, who approached the borders of France, leaving the Marshal Byron, to reconduct his army into Normandy. During the siege of Noyan, the Lord of Pierrefont had been taken prisoner, and had promised upon his deliverance, to surrender the Castle Pierrefont, a place situated upon a rock, and inaccessible almost on every side. The said Lord of Pierrefont being a desperate Leaguer, had rather break his faith with dishonour, then to fulfil his promise with honour: whereupon the Marshal Byron laid the siege before the said Castle, and battered it with nine score shot of Ordinance, wherewith he made but a very small hole: the stuff wherewith the said Castle is builded, being of such quality, as resisted the shot, even to admiration, which caused the said Marshal Byron to break off his enterprise, and march toward Normandy, who joined with the English forces, conducted by the right Honourable Lord, the Earl of Essex, the ninth of September, and the twenty one of the said month, laid the siege before the town of Gourney.  
It is said before in the seventh book, how after the cruel death of King Henry the third, and last of the race of Valois, the authors of that murder, under the conduct of the Duke d'Mayne, with great brags and confidence, went with a mighty army into Normandy, hoping to oppress the King, who with a small power had retired to deep, for the causes there alleged.  
It is said also, how the Duke d'Mayne in that journey, took the said town of Gourney, and the Lord Rubempre which his company therein. This Town is distant from Rouen ten Leagues, from guysor's five, from Beawoys six, and by estimation somewhat bigger than deep.  
The Leaguers had fortified it with fortifications, munition of war, and strong garrisons, for Leagued Gentlemen of the Country, to the number of four score, and such power as they thought good to entertain, had settled themselves therein, and from thence issuing daily, made courses to the gates of Mante, Vernon, Pont de larch, and guysor's, spoiling and wasting all that was in their way, and taking prisoners such as travailed on the high way to deep.  
This town being besieged, the enemy put on a stout countenance at the first, and being summoned to surrender the said town, they answered that they had received it of the Duke d'Mayne, and for him they intended to keep it, neither would they render it, but to him only.  
This answer being given, the English forces entrenched themselves within a stones cast of the gate, and in making and keeping the said Trenches, they had six men hurt, and one killed. The enemies attempted divers times to put men into the town, but they were in such sort looked to by the English men, that they durst never approach.  
The 25. day of September at night, the Marshal Byron planted nine pieces of Ordinance before the town, & the 26. in the morning he began to batter it, and a breach being made, the English men were called to the number of one hundred shot to give the assault, who with great gladness approached within sixscore paces of the walls, the breach was scarce assaultable, the ditch was more than half full of water: it is reported that they had within certain sluices, which they might have opened, and greatly molested the assaulters, the French men were very unable to give the assault, because of their long toiling and weariness, yet on a sudden the enemies demanded parley, which being granted, they yeeldéd to four dishonourable conditions: such is the fainting of rebels.  
First, that all Soldiers should departed without baggage and armour, with a white rod in their hands. But the Lord Earl of Essex, excepted the Queen's majesties subjects: therein was found none but one Irish man, who was executed.  
The second was, that the Governor, Captains, Lieutenants and Gentlemen of quality, should remain to his mercy. It was thought that the Governor and some Captains should be executed.  
The third was, that the Citizens should have their lives, but their goods rested at the King's pleasure.  
The fourth is, that they should receive such garrisons as should be thought good. The taking of this town is a great ease to the Country, and preparation for the siege of Rouen.  
About the 28. the army took his way toward Caudebeck, a small town, situated upon a rock, on the bank of Seyne, between Rouen and Newhaven, intending to clear all the coast round about Newhaven, of all filth of rebellion.   
FINIS.   

¶ Imprinted at London by Thomas Orwin, for Thomas Woodcock, and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Churchyard, at the sign of the black Bear. 1591.