THE HISTORY OF PHILIP DE Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton. Imprinted at London by Ar. Hatfield, for I. Norton. 1596 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE MY VERY GOOD LORD, THE LORD Burghley, Lord Treasurer of England, Knight of the honourable order of the garter, and Master of her majesties Court of Wards and Liveries. IT is now, R. Honourable, thirty years since I presented to your L. and the late Earl of Leicester my Lord and Master, the history of COMMINES rudely translated into our vulgar tongue, the which of later times at the request of the late Lord Chancellor sir Christopher Hatton, I perused anew, and enlarged with such notes & pedigrees as seemed necessary, as well for explanation as (in some few places) for correction of the history. Since his death, certain gentlemen to whose hands the book happened to come, took so great pleasure and delight therein, that they determined to put it to the press, supposing it a great dishonour to our nation, that so worthy an history being extant in all languages almost in Christendom, should be suppressed in ours. Notwithstanding their resolution, they forbore of courtesy to put in execution till their purpose should be made known to me. And albeit that I alleged many reasons why in my conceit books of this nature, treating of Prince's secrets were unfit to be published to the vulgar sort, the rather because the Author in some places seemeth to be of that opinion himself: yet none of my reasons could prevail, but they continued in their former determination: adding thereunto, that others besides myself had taken pains in this history, and though I of peevishness would suppress my labours, yet they would not suppress theirs. So that would I nould I to the press the book must go, being already warranted by public authority thereunto. I seeing the matter advanced thus far, thought it no time to draw back any longer, but in the end took the burden upon myself, doubting if I had done otherwise, both the blemishing of the history, wherein I may boldly say, that I have more traveled than any man that hath intermeddled therewith; and also that the work should be presented to some patron that had no interest therein. Wherefore having again examined it, and freed it from some faults that me thought fit to be reform: I have presumed to publish it under the protection of your Lordship's honourable name, to whom of right it appertaineth in many respects. First, because the author thereof was a noble man, one of your own cote, the wisest, and the best acquainted with all matters of state of any man in his time. Whereunto I add, that he continued a Counsellor successively to so many French Kings, that he was reputed one of the ancientest Counsellors in Christendom at his death: wherein your Lordship's fortune is not only correspondent, but hath also surmounted his. Secondarily, your Lordship hath the aisne title to it, and lastly the right of suruivor casteth it upon you by course of common law. Wherefore all these circumstances well considered (my particular duties also notforgotten) I thought it a kind of sacrilege to suffer your Lordship to be rob of your right. May it therefore please you to receive this historic into your honourable protection as your own, as well in regard of the Author, being a man of such condition as above is rehearsed; as also of the work, treating of that subject wherewith your Lordship at this day is better acquainted than any man living: and lastly, in respect of your own title thereunto. Which no whit doubting but that your Lordship will most willingly vouchsafe to do, beseeching the Almighty long to preserve you to the great stay of this flourishing estate, most humbly I take my leave this first of November 1596. Your L. most humble and obedient to command Thomas Danett. The life of Philip de Commines knight, Lord of Argenton, gathered out of divers good authors, together with a brief answer on his behalf to certain accusations, wherewith JACOBUS MEYERUS a Fleming in his Annals of Flaunders, chargeth very unjustly both Commines' history and his life. PHILIP DE COMMINES author of this present history, was borne at Commines a town in Flaunders, being a gentleman of a very ancient house, and joined by blood and alliance to the best of that nation. His surname was Clitus, his father & uncle had been both of them under D. Philip of Burgundy chief governors, of Flaunders called by Meyer, Summi pretores Flandriae; and to them he giveth this title: Domini Ruscurii, Buscurii & Watenenses: whereby appeareth of how great Nobility and goodly revenues Commines was, not only in Flaunders, but also in Haynault. In his youth, namely, from the nineteenth year of his age, and the year of our Lord 1464. till the 27. of his age, and the year 1472. he served Charles Duke of Burgundy, and afterward Lewis the eleventh of that name King of France, who employed him in his weightiest and secretest affairs. He was of tall stature, fair complexion, and goodly parsonage. The French tongue he spoke perfectly and eloquently, the Italian, Duche, and Spanish reasonably well. He had read over very diligently all histories written in French, especially of the Romans', and bore them all in memory. He much acquainted himself with strangers, thereby to increase his knowledge. He had great regard to the spending of his time, and abhorred all idleness. He was of an excellent, yea an incredible memory: for he often indicted at one time to four Secretaries, several letters of weighty affairs appertaining to the state, with as great facility and readiness, as if he had had but one matter in hand. A virtue so rare that I have not read the like of any but of julius Caesar and him. Nothing more grieved him, than that in his youth he was not trained up in the Latin tongue, which his misfortune he often bewailed. After he was entered into the service of King Lewis, he was highly in his favour, and during his reign bore great sway in the realm. The said King also greatly advanced him: for he made him first one of his privy chamber, then of his privy Counsel, Seneschal of Poictu, and Lord of Argenton. He married being of good years a gentlewoman of the house of Montsoreau upon the borders of Anjou, named Helena. But after King Lewis his death, he fell into great troubles: for because he was a stranger, many envied his prosperity, so far forth that at the length his enemies caused him to be imprisoned in the castle of Loches in the Duchy of Berry, (a place appointed only for those that are attached of high treason) where he was very extremely handled, as himself in his history reporteth. Notwithstanding his wife by earnest and continual suit, in the end obtained so much favour, that he was removed thence and brought to Paris: where when he had remained a certain space, he was led to the parliament house to be arraigned. He had many enemies & those mighty, and of so great authority at that time in France, that for fear of them no Counsellor durst plead his cause: wherefore necessity enforcing him to defend him self, he pleaded there by the space of two hours, being very attentively heard by the whole audience, and in the end so acquit himself, that by the judges sentence he was discharged. Among other things he rehearsed at the bar how sundry troublesome and dangerous voyages he had sustained for the King and the common wealth. How highly King Lewis both had favoured him, and for his faithful service rewarded him: for his own part, he said that he never had done any thing covetously, ambitiously, nor cruelly: and further, that if he had sought only to advance and enrich himself, he might have had as goodly possessions as any man in France. He was prisoner in almost three years. The next year after his delivery he had a daughter borne named jane, which married with Rene Earl of Pantabria descended of the Dukes of Britain, by whom among divers other children she had issue john late Duke of Estampes, Lieutenant of Britain, Knight of the French Kings order, and Lord of divers goodly Seniories. But to return to Commines, in prosperity he gave for his posy this sentence: He that will not labour let him not eat: but in adversity this, I sailed into the deep of the sea, and a sudden tempest overwhelmed me. He died the threescore and fourth year of his age, the year of our Lord 1509. the 17. day of October, in his own house of Argenton in the country of Poictu, from whence his body was conveyed to Paris, and there lieth buried in the Augustine Friars. I was here purposed to have stayed my pen, and further not to have spoken either of Commines' history or his life, had I not called to mind divers accusations of jacobus Meyerus, who in sundry places of his Annals of Flanders inveigheth very bitterly as well against Commines' life as his history, whose accusations I am forced to lay open to the judgement of the world, to the end it may appear whether they be grounded upon just proof. Notwithstanding before I enter into the examination of them, thus much in the commendation of Commines' history I cannot pass over in silence, that two of the greatest and worthiest Princes that reigned in Europe these hundred years; namely, the Emperor Charles the fift, and Francis the first King of France, made so great account of this history, that the Emperor carried it continually about with him, as Alexander did the works of Homer, no less esteeming it than he did them, and the King was as much displeased with the printing and publishing thereof, as was the same Alexander in times passed for the setting forth of Aristotle's works called Acroamatica, as rehearseth Gellius: so desirous was he to have reserved to himself and a few of his own subjects the great treasures of wisdom hidden in this small volume. But let us now hear what Meyer objecteth against this history. In the 17. book of his Annals of Flaunders writing of the battle fought at Saintron between Charles Duke of Burgundy and the Liegeois, he hath these words, Pugna commissa caeduntur magno numero & profligantur, ad novem millia cecidisse tradit qui interfuit Philippus Cominius. Sed Brabantiae scriptor & quidam scriptor Flandriae (quibus plus habeo fidei) tria tantum millia occubuisse memorant. For answer hereunto, if this place be indifferently weighed it shall appear to be wholly grounded upon malice and no colour of reason, much less just proof: First, because Meyer preferreth the credit of these obscure Annalistes that write but upon report, before the credit of him that was an eye witness, and that no way could advantage himself by reporting a lie. Secondarily, sir Oliver de la March, who lived also in that time and was Steward of the Duke of Burgundy's house, writeth that a great number of these Liegeois were slain at this battle, and also at the siege of Saintron, but that their friends and kinsfolks trussed up their dead bodies in vessels full of lime; partly to the end the discomfiture might appear the less, and partly that they might be buried among their ancestors, in the which feat (saith he) the Liegeois showed a wonderful audacity and courage: whereby it should seem a great number to have been thus trussed up, by means whereof the dead appeared the fewer, and were reported accordingly, which deceived divers, and happily these Annalists of Brabant and Flaunders. The like practice we read of in divers authors, & of the like writeth Meyer also himself. Lastly, the Annals of Burgundy agree with Commines, and report the number as he doth, so that this answer I hope shall suffice for this point. Again, in the same book fol. 364. Meyer writeth thus, Loquitur Cominius de nobili quadam foemina attrebatensis ditionis proditrice patriae, cuius aedere non vult nomen, falsus in hoc ut in caeteris historicus. Sure if it were an undoubted truth that a Lady of Artois could not send the King such advertisement as Commines reporteth that she did: or if Meyer were Pythagoras that ipse dixit might pass for proof, the credit of Commines should happily hang in balance: but if you read the place in his history, the very circumstances will induce any indifferent man to think, that which is there written of this Lady to be no lie. Again fol. 366. Meyer hath these words, Hic est Cominius ille transfuga, gente Flandrus, qui multa de Carolo & Lodovico provinciali lingua bene scripsit, sed quaedam etiam scripsit plane mendaciter, multaque dicenda infideliter reticuit. This is so general and uncertain a charge that answer in truth it deserveth none: notwithstanding, I refer to the judgement of those that shall read this history, whether Commines conceal his Master's faults therein or not (for that is Meyers meaning in this place.) True it is that he uttereth them not in such railing barbarous terms as Meyer very unseemly useth of so great a Prince as King Lewis was, and is offended with Commines for not doing the like, a thing which becometh Meyer himself very ill, and would have become Commines much worse. But our author as he concealeth not his master's faults, but layeth them open enough to the understanding of the wise and attentive Reader: so delivereth he them, so sparingly, and under such terms as truth being uttered, the King's honour be no further impeached, than very necessity doth enforce; a matter very commendable in a gentleman writing of a Prince, a servant of his Master, and a subject of his Sovereign. Lastly, Meyer fol. 365. hath these words, refert Cominius exercitum Caroliadeo fuisse extenuatum, ut exhibere illum Anglis non auderet, sed hoc falsum est. But you must believe Meyer upon his word, other disproof of Commines report he can bring none, neither grounded upon any circumstance, nor produced out of any good author that writ of those times. But on the contrary side for the confirmation of that which Commines writeth in this place, first La March reporteth that the bloody flux entered into the Duke's camp lying before Nuz, which it is very like consumed many, and impaired the health of many more. With him also agree the Annals of Burgundy, which report that the Duke lost 15000. men before Nuz: which being well considered, and this withal, that the siege endured a whole year, and yet in the end the Duke forced to departed frustrate of his purpose, whereby his soldiers had not only their bodies tired, but also their minds discouraged: I suppose no man of sound judgement will think that the Duke's army could be otherwise than in very poor estate. Now that you have heard all that Meyer hath or can object against the credit of this history (which also how substantially he hath proved I leave to the judgement of the wise and indifferent reader to consider:) it is good reason you should also hear what opinion other authors have both of Commines and of his history, and how honourable testimony in their writings they give to them both. annal Burgundiae lib. 3. pa. 930. speaking of Commines testify thus of him. He was one of the wisest gentlemen of his time, and the best acquainted with all matters of state, as appeareth by his history: whereof the Emperor Charles made so great account, that he never slept before he had read certain chapters thereof, for the finishing of his days work. Which sure this noble and sage Emperor would never have done, if Commines had been a reporter of lies, especially of the said Emperors own great grandfather, whose life and death are so amply in this history treated of. Paulus Aemilius giveth such credit to Commines, that all that he writeth in the history of France of the reign of Lewis the 11. is only an abridgement of him, & wholly taken out of his writings. Ferron in his supply to Paulus Aemilius history maketh in many places very honourable mention of Commines, highly commending him both for his great wisdom and virtue and sincerity in his history. Lodovico Guicciardini no French man, but an Italian, in his description of the low Country's fol. 220. calleth Commines a writer worthy of great commendation. And fol. 310. and 311. thus he writeth. Of the Noble house of Commines was Philip de Commines Lord of Argenton, who wrote the history of his own time very sincerely, he was a noble parsonage, of great enterprise, and of him divers authors make honourable mention. Hear we have the true testimony of sundry worthy writers (for to vouch all were too tedious) on Commines' behalf, which joined with the approbation of the noble Emperor Charles the fift, are sufficient, as I suppose, to maintain his credit against the venomous darts of Meyers slanderoous accusations. Now as touching Commines life, the only thing that Meyer blameth therein, is his departure from the Duke of Burgundy's service: for the which he inveigheth no less bitterly against his person, than before he did against his history, for fol. 355. where he maketh mention of the Duke of Burgundy's cruelty used at the castle of Nesle, which he took by assault the year 1472. he hath these words. Crudelis hic visus Corolus & animo turbato, crediturque quosdam ex familiaribus parum habuisse fideles, ex quibus hand dubie ere at Philippus ille Cominius or tu Flandrus, Dominus Ruscurii, qui hoc anno transfugit adregem, quisivir fuisset probus & integer, nequaquam deserto Dominc suo, deserta & abiurata patria ad talem transisset tyrannum, aliosque ad idem faciendum solicitasset, quantiscunque muneribus invitatus. Again fol. 366. thus he saith, Causam cur transfugerit aliisque nonnullis author fuerit idem faciendi non lego, cum autem Cominius in suis scriptis causam suae defectionis reticeat, non dubium puto quin ob faedum aliquod patratum scelus more proditorum aufugerit. Whereunto somewhat to answer in Commines' behalf, I say that what cause moved him to leave the Duke as we certainly know not, so is it not like that he departed from him for any heinous offence, because he was never charged with any, neither is Meyer able to produce any one testimony (as even himself in this place is forced to confess) that he forsook the Duke in any treacherous sort, neither is he able to prove that he solicited any to leave the Duke's service during the Duke's life, though without all proof most unjustly he charge him therewith. For if Commines had departed with the betraying of towns and castles to the enemy as de cords did; if for attempting to destroy the Duke's person, as Baldwine the Duke's base brother, and the Earl of Estampes his cousin did; if for both, as the Earl of Campobasso did, his offence could no more have been concealed, than the others above mentioned was. Wherefore as Meyer reasoneth that because Commines no where in his writings uttereth the cause of his departure, it is like he departed for some heinous offence: so one the other side with much more reason it may be answered, that because neither Meyer nor any other Historiographer in their writings utter the cause of his departure; like it is that he departed for no heinous offence, but only for his own advancement or safety or both, without seeking by traitorous practices to harm the Duke, as the above named with divers others did. But let us now examine what by all presumption was the cause of his departure from the Duke: and secondarily, whether his departure from one Master to another being in hostility be excusable: which two points being thoroughly discussed, it shall plainly appear to the world, whether he be justly to be charged with any evil dealing, for leaving the Duke of Burgundy his first Master, and under whose dominion he was borne. As touching the first point, I am of opinion that Commines by his departure from the Duke of Burgundy, sought both his own advancement and his safety, the former whereof he had just cause to hope for at King Lewis his hands, as a thing well deserved, at the Kings being at Peronne, where Commines wisdom and great credit with the Duke of Burgundy (as say the Annals of Burgundy) stood the King in so good stead, that by his only means he was restored to his realm, liberty and life, which otherwise had been in great danger, as by the course of this history most plainly doth appear. Wherefore Commines could not but assure himself of great advancement at King Lewis his hands, as well because of the King's great liberality, as also for his own desert: neither did his hope fail him, as the sequel well declared. On the other side at the Duke's hands no great advancement was to be looked for, both because the quality of his service to the Duke and the King was not alike, and so consequently the desert unlike; and also because the Duke's liberality was inferior to the Kings, his attempts so impoverishing him, that he had not to be liberal of as the King had. Whereunto I add, that he made no such account of his servants as the King did, but attributed all his good success to his own brain, whereby their service was the less esteemed and the worse rewarded, or rather not at all esteemed nor rewarded: for he never used any man's counsel but his own, so that wise men lost but their time with him. Yea Meyer himself reporteth him to be Durum, asperum & ingratum, à quo milites malign admodum stipendia accipiebant, raro blande & liberaliter appellarentur, quanquam multis in locis extremis periculis se obiectarent, plurimumque algoris, inediae & aestus sustinerent. If then the Duke were of this disposition towards his soldiers, and so evil rewarded them whose help he daily and hourly used: what reward could any wise man look for at his hands, whose advice he seldom asked and never followed? Further, the Duke was of nature very choleric and ready to offer his servants injury, as for example, to the Earl of Campobasso he gave a blow, which in the end cost him his life, and whether any such outrage offered to our Author caused or furthered his departure we know not: but that advancement (which was to be looked for at the King's hands, and not to be hoped for at the Dukes) was one cause, is already, as I suppose, sufficiently proved. The second cause of Commines' departure from the Duke in mine opinion was safety; for the Duke, as Commines himself reporteth, forced not to venture his servants into any danger were it never so great, which all men (especially despairing of reward of their service) will seek to avoid: for as our Author himself saith in one place of his history, most men by service seek to advance themselves, but all men will have an eye to save themselves. Further, Commines being a very wise man foresaw the Duke's attempts to be such, as would in the end overthrow both himself, his subjects, and his dominions, wherefore he thought it best to dislodge in time and to save one. These in mine opinion were the principal causes of his departure from the Duke, which being honest and reasonable, and his departure likewise void of all treason and treacherous practices against the Duke: I see no reason why for his departure he should not rather be commended than condemned. The last point that we have to consider is, whether he being the Duke's subject might leave his Master and departed to the King, were the causes of his departure never so reasonable and honest. Whereunto I answer, that Commines was not absolutely the Duke's subject: for Flaunders was held in sovereignty of the crown of France, and both the Earl and all the people sworn to bear no arms against the King of France, and divers examples too long to rehearse, are to be read in the histories of divers Earls of Flaunders that have been arrested, imprisoned, and together with their people fined for breach of this oath. Wherefore seeing our author was a Fleming borne, and Flaunders held in Sovereignty of the King of France, and the Duke of Burgundy in-hostilitie with the King of France, contrary to the oath he either took or ought to have taken; and further violating divers, nay I may say all those points whereunto by his allegiance he was bound to the French King: I see no reason why Commines might not, or rather ought not to leave an inferior rebellious Lord, and cleave to his sovereign Prince and King, to whom he ought a sovereign duty both by allegiance and oath. And if after his revolt, he gave any advice to the furtherance of the King's affairs, he did therein in mine opinion the duty of a faithful servant and true subject. Thus much I have been forced to speak in defence both of Commines' life, and history, whereof as the former appeareth to have been both honest and virtuous as well by the reasons above alleged, as also by the notable discourses wherewith he farceth his history, which breathe nothing but virtue and sincerity: so is the latter confirmed by the consent of divers good histories, and approved by the judgement of the noblest Princes that Europe bred these many hundred years, as I trust is sufficiently declared. Wherefore our author's credit standeth upright, as well for good conversation of life, as sincere report in history, both the which Meyer no less falsely slandereth, than he doth in other places of his Annals the noble races of the Kings of England and France, which ignorantly or maliciously he reporteth to be more vile and base than any honest ear can endure to hear. Thus having I trust sufficiently defended the credit of this worthy writer, I will here abruptly for avoiding of tediousness stay my pen. A Table declaring the contents of all the Chapters contained in this history. The preface of the Author to the Archbishop of Vienna in France. page 1 Chap. 1 The occasion of the wars between Lewis the eleventh, and the Earl of Charolois Duke of Burgundy. page 2 Chap. 2 How the Earl of Charolois and divers noble men of France levied an army against King Lewis, under colour of the weal public. page 6 Chap. 4 How the Earl of Charolois encamped near to Montl'hery, and of the battle fought there between the King of France and him. page 10 Chap. 4 Of the danger the Earl of Charolois was in, and how he was rescued. page 15 Chap. 5 How the Duke of Berry the King's brother, and the Duke of Britain joined with the Earl of Charolois against the King. page 19 Chap. 6 How the Earl of Charolois and his confederates with their whole army, passed the river of Seine upon a bridge of boats, how john Duke of Calabria joined with them, and how they all encamped before Paris. page 22 Chap. 7 A discourse upon ambitious hunting after offices and estates, by the example of the English men. page 25 Chap. 8 How King Lewis entered into Paris, while the Princes of France practised with the citizens. page 27 Chap. 9 How the Earl of Charolois artillery and the King's artillery shot the one against the other near to Charenton, and how the Earl of Charolois caused another bridge to be built upon boats over the river of Seine. page 29 Chap. 10 A discourse upon certain vices and virtues of King Lewis the 11. page 32 Chap. 11 How the Burgundians lying near to Paris, and looking for the battle, supposed great thistles to have been lances held upright. page 34 Chap. 12 How the King and the Earl of Charolois met together to treat of peace. page 36 Chap. 13 How the town of Roan by practice was put into the Duke of Bourbons hands, for the Duke of Berry, and how the treaty of Conflans was fully concluded. page 38 Chap. 14 How the treaty of peace was concluded between the King and the Earl of Charolois and his confederates. page 40 Chap. 15 How by the division that happened between the Dukes of Britain and Normandy, the King recovered the said Duchy which he had given his brother. page 42 Chap. 16 How the new Duke of Normandy returned into Britain in very poor estate, and utterly discouraged, because he had failed in his enterprise. page 43 The second Book. Chap. 1 Of the wars between the Burgundians and Liegeois, and how the town of Dinand was taken, sacked and razed. page 45 Chap. 2 How the Liegeois broke the peace with the Duke of Burgundy then Earl of Charalois, and how he discomfited them in battle. page 48 Chap. 3 How some of the Citizens of Liege agreeing to yield their town and others refusing so to do, the Lord of Hymbercourt found means to enter into it for the Duke of Burgundy. page 52 Chap. 4 How the Duke of Burgundy made his entry into the town of Liege, and how the citizens of Gaunt where he had been evil entreated before, humbled themselves unto him. page 55 Chap. 5 How the King seeing what had happened to the Liegeois, made war in Britain upon the Duke of Burgundy's confederates, and how they two met and communed together at Peronne. page 57 Chap. 6 A discourse wherein is declared how greatly learning especially in histories profiteth Princes and Noble men. page 60 Chap. 7 How and for what cause the King was stayed and held prisoner in the castle of Peronne by the D. of Burgundy's commandment. page 62 Chap. 8 A discourse wherein is showed, that an interview between two great Princes for treaty of their affairs, hurteth more than profiteth. page 64 Chap. 9 How the King to deliver himself out of the castle of Peronne, renounced his league with the Liegeois. page 67 Chap. 10 How the King accompanied the Duke of Burgundy, making war upon the Liegeois, who before were his confederates. page 69 Chap. 11 How the King arrived in person with the Duke of Burgundy, before the city of Liege. page 71 Chap. 12 How the Liegeois made a desperate salie upon the Duke of Burgundy's men, where he and the King were in great danger. page 73 Chap. 13 How the city of Liege was assaulted, taken, and spoiled, and the Churches also page 75 Chap. 14 How King Lewis returned into France with the Duke of Burgundy's consent, and how the Duke proceeded in destroying the countries of Liege and Franchmont. page 77 Chap. 15 How the K. by subtle means persuaded the Lord Charles his brother to take the Duchy of Guienne for Brie and champaign, to the Duke of Burgundy's discontentment. page 80 The third Book. Chap. 1 How the King took occasion to make war anew upon the Duke of Burgundy, and how he sent a Pursuivant of the Parliament of Gaunt to summon him to appear at Paris. page 82 Chap. 2 How the towns of Saint Quintin and Amiens were yielded to the King: and for what causes the Constable nourished the war between the K. and the Duke of Burgundy. page 84 Chap. 3 How the Duke of Burgundy took Piquigni, and afterward found means to make truce with the King for a year to the Constable's grief. page 86 Chap. 4 Of the wars among the Princes of England during these troubles between King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy. page 89 Chap. 5 How by King Lewis his aid, the Earl of Warwick chased King Edward out of England, to the Duke of Burgundy's great grief, who received him into his countries. page 92 Chap. 6 How the Earl of Warwick took out of prison King Henry of England. page 96 Chap. 7 How king Edward returned into England, where he slew in battle first the Earl of Warwick, and then the Prince of Wales. page 99 Chap. 8 How the wars revived between king Lewis and Charles D. of Burgundy, by the solicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Britain. page 101 Chap. 9 How the final peace treated of between the Duke of Burgundy and the king broke off because of the Duke of Guiennes death, and how these two great Princes sought to deceive each other. page 105 Chap. 10 How the Duke of Burgundy seeing that he could not take Beaunais, before the which he had laid his siege, went to Rouen. page 108 Chap. 11 How the king made peace with the Duke of Britain, and truce with the Duke of Burgundy, & how the Earl of Saint Paul escaped for that time a conspiracy that these two Princes made against him. page 110 Chap. 12 A discourse very fit for this place, of the wisdom of the king and the Constable, with good advertisements to such as are in credit with Princes. page 114 The fourth Book. Chap. 1 How the Duke of Burgundy being seized of the Duchy of Gueldres, sought to encroach further upon the Almains, and how he laid his siege before Nuz. page 116 Chap. 2 How the town of Nuz was succoured by the Emperor and the Almains against the Duke of Burgundy, and of other enemies that the king procured the Duke. page 120 Chap. 3 How the king won from the Duke of Burgundy the castle of Tronquey, the towns of Montdidier, Roye, and Corby, and how he sought to persuade the Emperor Frederic to seize upon all that the said Duke held of the Empire. page 122 Chap. 4 How the Constable began to be had in suspicion again, as well of the king as of the Duke of Burgundy. page 124 Chap. 5 How the Duke of Burgundy levied his siege before Nuz by composition, and how the king of England his confederate sent to defy king Lewis. page 126 Chap. 6 Of the trouble the Constable was in, and how he sent letters of credit to the king of England and the Duke of Burgundy, which after were in part cause of his death. page 129 Chap. 7 How the king clothed a poor servant in a cote armour with a scutcheon, and sent him to speak with the king of England in his camp, where he received a very good answer. page 131 Chap. 8 How truce for nine years was treated of between the kings of France and England, notwithstanding all the lets and impediments that the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy made. page 133 Chap. 9 How the king feasted the English men in Amiens, and how there was a place assigned for the interview of the two kings. page 136 Chap. 10 How the two kings met and swore the treaty before concluded, and how some supposed that the holy Ghost came down upon the king of England's pavilion in the likeness of a white pigeon. page 140 Chap. 11 How the Constable after the truce made with the English men, sought to excuse himself to the king: and how truce was also concluded for nine years between the king and the Duke of Burgundy. page 143 Chap. 12 How the Constable's death was fully concluded and sworn between the king and the Duke of Burgundy, and how he went into the Duke's dominions, where by his commandment he was stayed & delivered to the king, and after put to death. page 147 Chap. 13 A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundy committed in delivering the Constable to the king contrary to his safe conduct, and what ensued thereof. page 150 The fift Book. Chap. 1 How the Duke of Burgundy making war upon the Swissers, was overthrown at the straits of the mountains near to Granson. page 153 Chap. 2 How after the overthrow of Granson, the Duke of Milan, king Rene of Sicily, the Duchess of Savoy, and others, departed from their league with the Duke of Burgundy. page 156 Chap. 3 How the Swissers vanquished the D. of Burgundy in battle near to the town of Morat. page 159 Chap. 4 How after the battle of Morat the Duke of Burgundy took the Duchess of Savoy, & how she was delivered and sent home into her country by the king's means. page 161 Chap. 5 How the D. of Burgundy lived as it were solitary the space of certain weeks, during the which time the D. of Lorraine recovered his town of Nancy. page 163 Chap. 6 Of the Earl of Campobaches great treasons, and how he kept the D. of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would have revealed them to him before he was put to death, and how the said D. made no account of the advertisements the king gave him. page 166 Chap. 7 How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains, came to the town of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy, and how the king of Portugal who was in France came to see the Duke of Burgundy during the said siege. page 169 Chap. 8 How the D. of Burgundy refusing the good counsel of divers of his men, was discomfited & slain in the battle fought between him and the D. of Lorraine, near to Nancy. page 171 Chap. 9 A discourse upon certain virtues of the D. of Burgundy, and of the time his house flourished in prosperity. page 173 Chap. 10 How the king was advertised of the Duke of Burgundy's last overthrow, and how he governed his affairs after the said Duke's death. page 175 Chap. 11 How the king after the Duke of Burgundy's death seized into his hands the town of Abbeville, and of the answer they of Arras gave him. page 177 Chap. 12 A discourse not appertaining to the principal matters of the great joy the king was in to see himself delivered of so many enemies, and of the error he committed touching the reducing of these countries of Burgundy to his obedience. page 178 Chap. 13 How Han, Bohain, Saint Quintin and Perronne were yielded to the king, and how he sent Master Oliver his barber to practise with them of Gaunt. page 179 Chap. 14 How Master Oliver the king's barber failing to execute his enterprise at Gaunt, found means to put the king's forces into Tournay. page 182 Chap. 15 Of the ambassadors the Lady of Burgundy daughter to the late Duke Charles sent to the king, and how by means of Monseur de cords the city of Arras, the towns of Hedin and Bollein, and the town of Arras itself, were yielded to the king. page 184 Chap. 16 How the citizens of Gaunt having usurped authority over their Princess after her father's death, came in embassage to the king, as from the three estates of their country. page 187 Chap. 17 How they of Gaunt after their ambassadors return, put to death the Chancellor Huguenot, & the Lord of Himbercourt against their Princess' will, and how they and other Flemings were discomfited before Tournay, and their general the Duke of Gueldres slain. page 190 Chap. 18 A discourse upon this point that wars and divisions are permitted of God for the chastisement ●● Prince's and evil people, with divers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Princes, w●●●● happened in the Author's time. 〈◊〉 The sixth Book. Chap. 1 How the Duchy of Burgundy was yielded to the King. page 205 Chap. 2 How the king entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundy, to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Duke's dominions. page 206 Chap. 3 How the marriage between the Lady of Burgundy and Maximilian Duke of Ostrich, afterward Emperor, was concluded and accomplished. page 209 Chap. 4 How king Lewis by the conduct of Charles of Amboise his lieutenant, recovered divers towns in Burgundy, which the Prince of Orange had caused to revolt from him. page 214 Chap. 5 How Monseur d'Argenton during these wars of the conquest of Burgundy, was sent to Florence, and how he received homage of the Duke of Milan in the king's name for the Duchy of Genua. page 217 Chap. 6 Of Monseur d'Argentons return out of Italy into France, and of the battle of Guinegate. page 219 Chap. 7 How king Lewis being visited with sickness, lost his wits, and lay speechless, sometime recovering, and eft 'zounds falling into his disease again: and how he behaved himself in the castle of Plessis les Tours. page 222 Chap. 8 How the king caused the holy man of Calabria to come to Tours, thinking that he could heal him: and what strange things the said king did to maintain his authority during his sickness. page 226 Chap. 9 How the marriage between the Dauphin and the Lady Margaret of Flaunders was concluded, and how she was brought into France: whereupon Edward king of England died for sorrow. page 228 Chap. 10 How the king behaved himself towards his neighbours and subjects during the time of his sickness, and how divers things were sent him from divers places for the recovery of his health. page 231 Chap. 11 How king Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Dauphin his son to come to him a little before his death, and of the commandments and precepts he gave both him and certain others. page 232 Chap. 12 A comparison between the sorrows and troubles that king Lewis suffered, and those he caused divers others to suffer, with a rehearsal of all that he did, & all that was done to him till his death. page 234 Chap. 13 A discourse upon the misery of man's life, by the examples of those Princes that lived in the author's time, and first of king Lewis. page 238 The conclusion of the Author. page 243 A supply of the history of Philip de Commines from the death of king Lewis the eleventh, till the beginning of the wars of Naples, to wit, from 1483. till 1493. of all the which time Commines writeth nothing. page 247 Chap. 1 Of king Charles his coming to the crown, of the death of Oliver king Lewis his Barber and others, and of the revoking of king Lewis his superfluous gifts. ibid. Chap. 2 Of the assembly of the states held at Tours, of the Duke of Orleans pursuit for the regency, of the madwar raised by him, and of his departure into Britain. page 248 Chap. 3 Of the troubles that happened in Britain between the Duke and his nobles, and of Peter Landois death. page 250 Chap. 4 Of the war the king made in Britain, and of the Earl of Dunois embassage to the king for peace. page 252 Chap. 5 Of the battle of Saint Albin, wherein the Duke of Orleans was taken prisoner, of the treaty of peace between the king and the Duke of Britain, and of the said Duke of Britain's death. page 255 Chap. 6 Of the king's marriage with the Lady Anne of Britain, whereby Britain was united to the crown of France. page 258 Chap. 7 Of the troubles in England, and how the king of England passed the sea and besieged Bolloin, and of the peace between the king and him, and of the surprising of Arras and Saint Omers by the king of Romans' men. page 259 Chap. 8 Of the restitution of the countries of Roussillon and Parpignan to the king of Spain, of the Emperor frederick's death, of the peace between the king of Romans' and the king, and of the Duke of Orleans delivery out of prison. page 262 The seventh Book. The Proglove of the Author, containing that which he mindeth to treat of in this history following. page 265 how Rene D. of Lorraine came into France to demand the Duchy of Bar, & the Earldom of Provence which king Charles held, and how he failed to enter into the realm of Naples, whereunto he pretended title as the king did, and what right both of them had thereunto. page 266 Chap. 2 How the Prince of Salerne in the realm of Naples came into France, and how Lodovic Sforce surnamed the Moor and he, sought to persuade the king to make war upon the king of Naples, and for what cause. page 268 Chap. 3 How king Charles the 8 made peace with the king of Romans' and the Archduke of ostrich, restoring to them the Lady Margaret of Flaunders, before he made his voyage to Naples. page 274 Chap. 4 How the king sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterpised his voyage to Naples, and of the preparation that was made for the said voyage. page 275 Chap. 5 How king Charles departed from Vienna in Dauphin to conquer the realm of Naples in person, and what his navy upon the sea did under the leading of the D. of Orleans. page 278 Chap. 6 How the king remaining yet in Ast, resolved to pass forth towards Naples at the earnest suit of Lodovic Sforce. How Philip de Commines was sent ambassador to Venice: of the D. of Milan's death; after whose decease the said Lodovic seized upon the Duchy, to the prejudice of a son the said D. left behind him. page 281 Chap. 7 How Peter of Medicis yielded four of the Florentines strongest places to the king, and how the king restored Pisa being one of them to their ancient liberty. page 284 Chap. 8 How the king departed from Pisa to Florence, & of the flight & ruin of Peter de Medici's. page 287 Chap. 9 How the king entered into Florence, and through what other towns he passed till he came to Rome. page 289 Chap. 10 How the king sent the Cardinal Petriad Vincula to Ostie; what the Pope did at Rome in the mean time, and how the king entered into Rome maugre all his enemies. page 291 Chap. 11 How king Alfonse caused his son Ferrand to be crowned king, and then fled himself into Sicily: with a discourse of the evil life that his father the old Ferrand and he had lead. page 295 Chap. 12 How the young Ferrand after he was crowned king of Naples, went and encamped at Saint german to resist the kings coming, & of the treaty that K. Charles made with the Pope at Rome. page 297 Chap. 13 How the King departed from Rome towards Naples, what happened in the mean time in divers parts of the said realm: and through what places he passed till he came to Naples. page 299 Chap. 14 How King Charles was crowned King of Naples, of the faults he committed in the defence of the realm, and how an enterprise attempted on his behalf against the Turk was discovered by the Venetians. page 301 Chap. 15 A discourse somewhat out of the course of the history, wherein Philip de Commines Author of this present work, treateth amply of the estate and government of the signory of Venice, and of those things that he saw there, and were done there during the time of his embassage to the said signory for the King. page 304 The eight Book. Chap. 1 Of the order and provision the King left in the realm of Naples at his return into France. page 314 Chap. 2 How the king departed from Naples, and passed again through Rome, whereupon the Pope fled to Oruiette: of the communication the king had with Monseur d'Argenton, at his return from Venice: how he took advise whether he should restore the Florentines places to them or not: and of the sermons worthy of memory of friar jerom of Florence. page 316 Chap. 3 How the King retained in his hands the town of Pisa, and certain other of the Florentines places: and how in the mean time the Duke of Orleans entered on the other side into Novarre, a town of the Duchy of Milan. page 319 Chap. 4 How King Charles passed divers dangerous straits in the mountains between Pisa and Seriave: how the town of Pontreme was burned by his Almains, and how the Duke of Orleans behaved himself in the mean time at Novarre. page 321 Chap. 5 How the kings great artillery passed the mounts Apennineses by the Almains help, of the danger the Marshal of Gie was in with his vaward and how the King arrived at Fornove. page 324 Chap. 6 Of the battle of Fornove, wherein the enemies of France were put to flight, and how the Earl of Petillane, who the same day broke the King's prison, relied them together again. page 329 Chap. 7 How the Lord of Argenton went himself alone to parley with the enemies when he saw that those that were appointed to go with him would not go: and how the King returned safe and sound with his army to the town of Ast. page 336 Chap. 8 How the king sent ships to the sea to secure the castles of Naples, & why the said castles could not be succoured. page 341 Chap. 9 Of the great famine and misery the D. of Orleans & his men were in at Novarre: of the marchioness of Montferrats' death, & likewise of Monseur de Vendosmes: and how after long deliberation the king inclined to peace, to save those that were besieged. page 343 Chap. 10 How the D. of Orleans and his company were delivered by composition out of their great misery in Novarre where they were besieged: and of the Swissers arrival that came to secure the king and the said D. of Orleans. page 349 Chap. 11 How the peace was concluded between the king and the D. of Orleans on the one side, and the enemies on the other: and of the conditions and articles thereof. page 351 Chap. 12 How the king sent the Lord of Argenton to Venice with certain conditions of peace which they refused: and of the D. of Milan's false dealings. page 353 Chap. 13 How the king after his return into France forgot those that he left behind him in the realm of Naples: and how the Dauphin died, whose death the king and Queen much lamented. page 356 Chap. 14 How the king was advertised of the loss of the castle of Naples: and how the Florentines places were sold to divers men: of the treaty of Atelle in Poville, to the great damage of the French and of the death of king Ferrand of Naples. page 358 Chap. 15 How certain practises-entertained by divers noble men of Italy on the king's behalf, as well for the conquest of Naples, as of the Duchy of Milan, failed for lack of sending thither: and how an other enterprise against Genua sped evil also. page 362 Chap. 16 Of certain controversies between king Charles and Ferrand king of Castille, and of the ambassadors that were sent too and fro to pacify them. page 366 Chap. 17 A discourse of the misfortunes that happened to the house of Castille, in the Lord of Argentons' time. page 370 Chap. 18 Of the sumptuous buildings K. Charles began a little before his death, of the great desire he had to reform the church himself, to diminish his revenues, & to redress the processes of the law: and how he died suddenly in this good mind in his castle of Amboise. page 373 Chap. 19 How the holy man friar Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the pope, and of divers Florentines and Venetians his enemies. page 375 Chap. 20 Of the obsequies and funerals of king Charles the 8. and of the coronation of king Lewis the 12. his successor, with the genealogies of the kings of France continuing to the said Lewis. page 377 The pedigree of Charles D. of Burgundy. page 379 How Elizabeth wife to king Edward the fourth was niece to the Constable of France. page 380 How Brabant, Lambourg, Luxembourg & Namurs, etc. came to Charles D. of Burgundy. 381. page 382 How Margaret of Flaunders was heir of Flaunders, etc. page 383 How Arthois and the county of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret etc. page 384 How the King of Portugal was cousin germave to the D. of Burgundy. page 385 How the D. of Cleves was the Lady of Burgundy's nearest kinsman by his mother. page 386 How King Henry the 7. was right heir of the house of Lancaster. page 387 The title the D. of Lorraine had to the realm of Sicily, etc. page 388 Why the Venetians had no right to the realm of Naples. page 390 The house of Medici's. page 391 How Lewis D. of Orleans pretended title to the Duchy of Milan. page 392 The pedigree of Hercules D. of Ferrara. page 394 The pedigree of Francis Marquis of Mantua. page 395 How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realm of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it. page 396 FINIS. THE PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF VIENNA in France. TO satisfy your request so often moved unto me (right reverend father in God) I send you here a memorial as agreeable to truth, as I can possibly call to mind, of all the acts and doings that I have been privy unto, of king Lewis the eleventh our master and benefactor, and a prince worthy of perpetual memory. Of his youth I can say nothing but by his own report. But from the time I entered into his service, till the hour of his death whereat I was present, I was more continually resident with him than any man of my estate that served him, being ever either of his privy chamber, or employed in his weighty affairs. I found in him as in all other princes that I have known or served both good and bad. For men they are as we be, & perfection is proper to God only. But sure that prince whose virtues and good parts surmount his vices, deserveth great commendation, the rather because commonly noble personages are more prone to all kind of wantonness than other men: partly for that in their childhood they are brought up without due chastisement & correction, & partly because when they are grown to man's estate, each man seeketh to seed their humours & soothe them in all they say or do. But for mine own part because I love not to flatter nor misreport the truth, somewhat may happily be found in this history not tending altogether to the king's praise, but I trust the readers will weigh the reasons above alleged. Sure thus much I dare boldly say in his commendation, that in mine opinion he was the prince in his age (all things considered) lest subject to vice. Yet have I known and been conversant with as many great princes, both spiritual and temporal as any man in France of my time, as well the princes of this realm, as those also that have lived in Britain, Flaunders, Almaigne, England, Spain, Portugal, and Italy. divers others also whom I have not seen: yet have I known, partly by conference with their ambassadors, and partly by their letters and instructions which are means sufficient to inform men of their natures and inclinations. Notwithstanding I mind not by setting forth his commendation in this work, to detract from the honour and good renown of others, but send you, penned in haste all that I could call to mind, trusting that you have required it of me to turn it into some work that you purpose to publish in Latin (to the perfection of which tongue you have attained) whereby may appear both the worthiness of the prince I now write of, and also the excellency of your own wit. Farther sir, if I happen to fail in any point, you have my L. of Bouchage, and others who are better able to inform you of these affairs than myself, and to couch their words in much eloquenter language. Although to say the truth considering how honourably the king entertained me, how great familiarity it pleased him to use towards me, and how liberally he bestowed upon me, never intermitting one of the three till the hour of his death, no man hath juster cause to remember those times than myself, whereunto I also add the losses I have sustained, and dangers I have been in since his decease, which are sufficient I think, to put me in mind of the great benefits I received at his hands during his life. Notwithstanding that I know it to be a matter of course that after the death of great and mighty princes, great alterations ensue to the loss of some, and gain of others: for riches and honours follow not always their expectation that hunt after them. To conclude sir, the better to inform you of the time sithence I entered into the king's familiarity (which is your desire) I am forced first to rehearse what happened before I came to his service, and so orderly to proceed from the time I became his servant, till the hour of his death. The occasion of the wars between Lewis the 11. and the Earl of Charolois afterward Duke of Burgundy. Chapter 1. AFter I was past my childhood and able to ride I was presented at Lisle to Charles then Earl of Charolois, and after his father's death D. of Burgundy, who received me into his service the year 1464. About three days after my coming thither, arrived at the said town of Lisle, the Earl of Eu, the Chancellor of France named Moruillier, & the Archbishop of Narbonne sent thither in embassage from the king, who in presence of D. Philip of Burgundy, his son the Earl of Charolois, and their whole council in open court had their audience. Moruilliers speech was very bitter, for he charged the Earl of Charolois there present, that at his late being in Holland he had caused a little French ship of war of deep to be arrested, and therein a bastard of Rubempre, whom also he had imprisoned, charging him that he was come thither to take him prisoner, and causing this brute every where to be published (especially at Bruges whither strangers of all nations resort) by a knight of Burgundy named sir Oliver de la March, wherefore the King finding himself wrongfully burdened herewith (as he said) required D. Philip to send this sir Oliver de la March prisoner to Paris, there to be punished according as the case required. Whereunto D. Philip answered that the said sir Oliver was steward of his house, borne in the County of Burgundy, and in no respect subject to the crown of France. Notwithstanding if it could be duly proved that he had said or done any thing prejudicial to the King's honour, he would see him punished according as the fault should deserve. And as touching the bastard of Rubempre, he said that true it was that he was apprehended for great causes of suspicion given, and strange behaviour used by him and his men about the town of Lahaye in Holland, where at that present his son the Earl of Charolois remained, adding that if the said Earl were suspicious he took it not of him, for he was never so, but of his mother who had been the most jealous Lady that ever lived. But notwithstanding quoth he, that I myself never were suspicious: yet if I had been in my sons place at the same time, that this bastard of Rubempre haunted those coasts: I would sure have caused him to be apprehended as my son did. Lastly, he promised that if this bastard were not guilty of this fact, to wait a purpose to have taken his son (as common report said he was) he would forthwith deliver him out of prison, and send him to the King according to his ambassadors demands? The D. answer ended: Moruillier began again, charging with great and heinous offences, Frances D. of Britain, and alleging that at the Earl of Charolois late being at Tours (whither he went to visit the king) the said D. and he had given their faith each to other in writing to become brethren in arms, which writings he said were enterchangeablie delivered by the hands of master Tanneguy du Chastel, who since hath been governor of Roussillon, and borne some sway in this realm: This fact Moruillier aggravated in such sort, that nothing he omitted in setting forth this offence that might tend to the disgrace and dishonour of a Prince. Whereunto the Earl of Charolois made offer eftsoons to answer, being marvelously out of patience to hear such reproachful speeches used of his friend and confederate. But Moruillier ever cut him off saying: My Lord of Charolois, I am not come of embassage to you but to my L. your Father. The said Earl besought his father divers times to give him leave to answer, who in the end said thus unto him: I have answered for thee as me thinketh, the father should answer for the son, notwithstanding if thou have so great desire to speak, bethink thyself to day, and to morrow speak and spare not. Then Moruillier to his former speech added, that he could not imagine what had moved the Earl to enter into this league with the D. of Britain, unless it were because of a pension the King had once given him, together with the government of Normandy, and afterward again taken from him. The next day in presence of the self same audience, the Earl of Charolois kneeling upon a veluetcushion, directed his speech to his father, and began with this bastard of Rubempre, affirming the causes of his imprisonment to be just & lawful, as the course of his arraignment should well declare. Notwithstanding I think nothing was ever proved against him, though I confess the presumptions to have been great. Five years after I myself saw him delivered out of prison. This point thus answered, the Earl began to discharge the D. of Britain and himself, saying, that true it was that the D. and he were entered into league and amity, & had sworn themselves brethren in arms, but that this league tended in no respect to the prejudice of the King or his realm, but rather to the service and defence thereof, if need should so require. Lastly, as touching the pension taken from him, he answered, that he never received but one quarters benefit thereof, to the value of nine thousand francs , and that for his part he never made suit neither for it, nor the government of Normandy: for so long as he enjoyed the favour and good will of his father, he should not need to crave of any man. I think verily, had it not been for the reverence he bore to his said father who was there present, and to whom he addressed his speech, that he would have used much bitterer terms. In the end D. Philip very wisely and humbly besought the King lightly not to conceive an evil opinion of him or his son, but to continue his favour towards them. Then the banquet was brought in, and the ambassadors took their leave both of the father and the son. But after the Earl of Eu, and the Chancellor had taken their leave of the Earl of Charolois, who stood a good way from his father, he said thus to the Archbishop of Narbonne that passed forth the last of the ambassadors: Remember my most humble duty to the King, and tell him he hath made his Chancellor to use me very homely here, but before a years end he shall repent it: which message the Archbishop did to the King at his return into France as hereafter you shall perceive. These Moruilliers words above rehearsed, caused the Earl of Charolois hatred against the King to take deep root, the seeds whereof were before sown by the King's late redeeming of the towns situate upon the river of Somme , namely Amiens, Abbeville, Saint Quintin, and the rest which king Charles the 7. had engaged by the treaty of Arras to his father. D. Philip of Burgundy to have and to hold to him and to his heirs males, till they were redeemed for four hundred thousand crowns : How these matters passed, I know not perfectly, but true it is that in the D. old age he was so governed by the Lords of Croy and Chimay, being brethren, and others of their house, that he agreed to take again his money & restore the said territories to the King, greatly to the Earl his son's discontentation: for besides that they were the frontier towns of their dominions, they lost in them a number of able men for the wars. The Earl of Charolois charged the house of Croy with this fact, so far forth that after extreme age was grown upon his father (whereunto he even then approached) he banished all the said house out of his dominions, and confiscated all their lands, estates and offices. The Notes. 1 Commines when he came to the Earl of Charolois service was 19 years of age. 2 Charles Earl of Eu, Peter of Moruillier, and john de Harcour bishop of Narbonne were the ambassadors here mentioned, they arrived at List the 5. of November, annal Burgundiae. 3 Whether the king meant to have taken the Earl of Charolois prisoner by this Rubempre, read Annal. Burgund. lib. 3. pag. 880. and Meyer lib. 16. fol. 334. who flatly charge him with it. 4 Sir Oliver de la March here named written a Chronicle of these times. 5 The cause why the King sent Rubempre into Holland was not (as he said) to take the Earl of Charolois, but the Vicechauncellor of Britain named in Meyer, johannes Rocivilla, and by our author in the 3. Chapter of this first book Rowille, whom the Duke of Britain had sent into England to make a league between the realm of England and him, and because the King supposed this Vicechauncellor would visit the Earl of Charolois in his return: he sent this Rubempre into Holland to take him and bring him into France. Annal. Burgund. Meyer. 6 For the better understanding of the Dukes answer, I am forced to pass the bounds of a note. Wherhfore it is to be understood that in the declination of the Roman Empire, the Burgundians anno 408. being chased out of Almain, where they inhabited, the countries now subject to the Palsgrave of the Rhine, invaded France, and conquered the countries, now known by the names of the County and Duchy of Burgundy, together with Savoy, Dauphin, Province, and the greatest part of Switzerland, and anno 414. choose them a king named Gondiachus, with whom (after divers battles fought with changeable fortune) Aetius the Emperor, Honorius his lieutenant in France, at the length made peace. And Gondiachus remained King of Burgundy, and aided the Romans' against Attila. Soon after failed the male line of Gondiachus, and, by the marriage of Clotilde daughter to Chilperic, Gondiachus his son, with Clodoneus King of France: Burgundy fell to Clotarius son to the said Clotilde and Clodoneus, and so continued in the house of France till the year 843. when the sons of the Emperor Lodovicus Pius warring together, Burgundy was divided into Burgundiam Transiuranam, and Cisiuranam. Transiurana containing Savoy, Dauphin Province and Lyonnois, remained to Lotharius the Emperor, with the title of King of Burgundy. Cisiurana containing the County and Duchy of Burgundy, was also dismembered, for that part now known by the name of the County of Burgundy, fell also to Lotharius share: but that part now known by the name of the Duchy of Burgundy, was together with the Realm of France yielded to Carolus calvus: But after the death of the Emperor Lotharius, his two sons Lodovicus and Lotharius made another partition of their part of Burgundy: for the realm of Austrasia with the County of Burgundy fell to Lotharius, after whose death his uncle Carolus calvus King of France ambitiously through violence conquered also that part of Burgundy, and joined it to the crown of France, so that the said Carolus calvus possessed all Burgundy Cisiurana, that is, both the County and Duchy of Burgundy. Loduicus the other son of the Emperor Lotharius possessed with the Empire all Burgundy Transiurana, together with the title of King of Burgundy, and left behind him one only daughter named Hermingarde, married to Boson brother to richild, Carolus calvus his wife, in respect of which marriage the said calvus gave to Boson all Burgundy Cisiurana, which he the said calvus then held: And thus had Boson all the realm of Burgundy, viz. Transiurana in the right of his wife, and Cisiurana, by his brother in laws gift. Farther the said calvus being both Emperor and King of France, created the above named Boson King of Burgundy anno 879. to whom succeeded Lodovicus his son, from whom Ralph King of France (son to Richard that first entitled himself Duke of Burgundy) won the greatest part of Burgundy Cisiurana. To this Lewis succeeded his son Ralph King of Burgundy, who not being able to defend his realm gave it to the Emperor Conradus 2. who notwithstanding obtained the least part thereof: for as touching Transiurana, Beralde Duke of Saxe had before this gift won from King Ralph Savoy and a great piece of Switzerland, Dauphin, Lyonnois, & Poruince, Guigue le grass the first Dauphin, had likewise conquered. And as touching Cisiurana by treaty made between the Emperor Conradus 2. and Henry King of France, only the County remained to the Empire, and the Duchy to the crown of France. This I have written, because some hold opinion that the County of Burgundy ought also to be held of the crown of France, whereas in deed rather the Duchy with all Transiurana (the greatest part whereof the French King at this day possesseth) ought to be held of the Empire, from whom the said French Kings have pulled so many provinces, that now (as one properly speaketh) the Eagle hath lost so many feathers, that hardly he can fly. 7 Lahaie in our author and in Annal. Burgund. where Rubempre should have taken the Earl of Charolois, is named in Meyer Gorkem. 8 The pension the Earl of Charalois had of the King with the government of Normandy was 36000. franks, Annal. Burgund. La March, Meyer. 9 A frank is two shillings and six pence sterling, after eight sauce to an English shilling, so that the carls pension after that rate amounted to four thousand five hundred pound sterling. 10 The towns and territories upon the river of Somme engaged to Duke Philip by the treaty of Arras, which was in the year 1435. are named in the articles of the said treaty rehearsed in Annal. Burgund. pag. 760. and 761. and in the first book of La March, and in the 16. book of Meyer and others. 11 They were engaged as our author and Annal. Burgund. write for 400000. crowns, but Meyer saith 450000. but they were redeemed for 400000. anno 1463. La March, Meyer. Annal. Burgund. How the Earl of Charolois and divers noble men of France levied an army against king Lewis, under colour of the weal public. Chap. 2. Soon after the abovenamed Ambassadors departure, john Duke of Bourbon that last died, arrived at the town of Lisle, pretending that he came to visit his uncle Duke Philip of Burgundy, who above all houses loved especially this house of Bourbon, and no marvel: for this Duke of Bourbons mother was Duke Philip's sister. She had lived a widow many years, and sojourned there at that time with her brother, both herself and divers of her children, to wit, three daughters and one son, notwithstanding this was not indeed the cause of the Duke of Bourbons arrival, but his coming was to persuade the Duke of Burgundy to suffer an army to be levied in his dominions, assuring him that all the Princes of France would do the like: meaning thereby to give the King to understand how evil and unjust government he used in his realm, & purposing to make themselves so strong, that they might constrain him by force to redress this inconvenience, if prayers could not prevail. This war was afterward called THE WEAL PUBLIQVE, because the authors thereof used the common wealth for colour of their enterprise. The said good Duke Philip (for so is he surnamed since his death) agreed that an army should be levied in his dominions, but the bottom of the enterprise was never discovered to him: for he thought not that the matter should have come to hand strokes as after it did. Immediately began the musters through all the Duke's dominions, and the Earl of Saint Paul afterward Constable of France, accompanied with the Marshal of Burgundy, being of the house of Neuf-chastell, repaired to Cambray (where D. Philip then lay) to the Earl of Charolois, who immediately after their arrival assembled his father's Council, and a great number of his subjects in the Bishop's palace at Cambray, where he proclaimed all the house of Croy traitors to his father and him. And notwithstanding that the Earl of S. Paul alleged, that by this proclamation he should be greatly endamaged, because long before this, he had given his daughter in marriage to the L. of Croies' son: yet was the said house of Croy (all that notwithstanding) forced to abandon the Duke's dominions , where they lost great riches. With the which doing, Duke Philip was much discontented, especially because his chief chamberlain (afterward Lord of Chimay) a young man well disposed, and nephew to the Lord of Croy, was forced for fear of his life, to departed without leave taken of his master, being advertised that if he did otherwise he should either be slain or apprehended: but the Duke's old age caused him to bear this matter more patiently than otherwise he would. All this trouble happened in his house because of the restitution of the territories above mentioned, situate upon the river of Somme, which the Duke had restored to King Lewis for the sum of 400000. crowns, by the persuasion of this house of Croy, as the Earl of Charolois laid to their charge. The said Earl after he had pacified his father, and reconciled himself to him the best that mought be, put his whole force incontinent into the field, being accompanied with the Earl of S. Paul, the principal governor of his affairs, and he that had the greatest charge in his army, for he had under him by the Earl of Charolois commandment 300. men of arms, and 4000 archers, besides a number of valiant knights and esquires of Artois, Haynalt, and Flaunders. Like bands and as great were also under the leading of the L. of Ravastin the D. of Cleves brother, and the L. Anthony bastard of Burgundy, other captains for brevity I pass over, but above all the rest, two knights there were especially, in great credit with the Earl of Charolois, the one named the L. of Hault-bordin an ancient knight, bastard brother to the Earl of S. Paul, the other the L. of Contay. They had both been trained up in the long wars between France and England, at the same time that Henry the 5. of that name King of England, reigned in France, being confederate with this Duke Philip of Burgundy. They were two valiant and wise knights, and had the principal charge of the whole army of young gentlemen: there were a number, but one especially very famous, called master Philip of Lalain, issued of a race that hath ever been so valiant and courageous, that they have in manner all died in the wars in their prince's service. The Earl's force was great: for his men of arms were to the number of 1400. but evil armed, and untrained, because of the long peace these Princes of Burgundy had lived in. For since the treaty of Arras by the space of 36. years and more, they never had war that endured nor almost taste of war, save a few broils against the city of Gaunt, which were soon pacified. Notwithstanding his men of arms were well mounted, and well accompanied, for few or none should you have seen without five or six great horses of his retinue. The archers were eight or nine thousand, and when they mustered they were more unwilling to departed then to give their names, but the ablest were chosen and the rest dismissed . The subjects of this house of Burgundy lived then in great prosperity, partly because of their long peace, and partly because of their Prince's goodness, who levied but few subsidies upon them, so that these Seniors seemed comparable to the land of promise in those days: for they flowed in wealth, and had continued in great quietness the space of 23. years, to wit, till the beginning of these wars now mentioned, which till this day endure unended: their expenses in apparel both of men and women were great and superfluous , their feasts and banquets more sumptuous and prodigal than in any country that ever I saw, their baths and other pastimes with women wanton and dissolute, yea somewhat too shameless, I meame of women of low estate. To be short, the subjects of this house, thought at that time, no Prince able to withstand them, at the least none too mighty for them, but at this present, I know no country in the world in so great misery and desolation as theirs, and I doubt me the sins they committed in their prosperity, cause them now to suffer this adversity, because they acknowledged not all these gifts and benefits to proceed from God who disposeth and bestoweth them as to his heavenly wisdom seemeth best. The Earl's army thus furnished even in a moment, of all things necessary, marched forward, the whole force being on horseback, save those that conveyed the artillery, which was mighty and strong for that time, and the stragglers appointed for the carriage, the which was so great, that the Earls own carriage enclosed the greatest part of his camp: he marched first towards Noyon, and besieged a little castle called Nesle, which was soon taken, notwithstanding the resistance made by the garrison that was within it. The Marshal joachin (one of the four Marshals of France) issuing out of Peronne coasted continually along by the Earl's camp, but could not endamage him, for his force was so small, that when the Earl drew near to Paris he retired thither. All the way as the Earl passed he made no war, but what his men took they paid for: wherefore the towns upon the river of Somme & all other towns that he passed by, received his men in small troops, and sold them for their money whatsoever they would buy, as men resting in suspense whether the king or the princes should have the upper hand . So far marched the Earl that he came to S. Dennis near to Paris, where all the Lords of the realm had promised to meet him but none came, notwithstanding that the Vicechauncellor of Britain, the D. and Ambassadorresident in the Earl's camp, forged news of their coming from time to time, at his own pleasure upon certain blanks that he had, signed with his master's hand: he was a Norman borne, and a very wise and sufficient man, and so it behoved him to be, for the whole camp murmured against him. The Earl of Charolois showed himself before Paris , where was a hot skirmish, hard at the town gates, but to the Citizen's disadvantage. Men of war within the town were none, save only the Marshal joachin with his company, and the Lord of Nantoillet, afterward Lord great Master, who did the King as good service in these wars as ever did subject King of France at his need, and yet in the end was evil recompensed, rather by his enemies malice, than the King's fault, though neither of both are clearly to be excused. The poor people of the city were in so great fear the day of the skirmish, that they cried often (as I was afterwards credibly informed) that we were entered the town, but without cause. Notwithstanding the L. of Haultbourdin above mentioned (who had been brought up in the town, when it was nothing so strong as now it is) gave advise to assault it, and the soldiers desired nothing more, contemning the towns men because the skirmishes were hard at their gates, yet the contrary opinion took place, whereupon the Earl retired to S. Denis. The next day in the morning he debated with his Council whether he should go to meet with the Dukes of Berry and Britain or not, who were at hand as the Vicechauncellor of Britain said, showing also their letters testifying the same, but he had forged them upon his blanks, and other news knew he none. In the end the Earl resolved to pass the river of Seine, notwithstanding that the most part of his Council gave advise to return home, seeing the rest of the confederates had broken day, alleging it to be sufficient to have passed the rivers of Somme and Marne, and more than needed to pass this river of Seine. Some also put forth great doubts, because we had no places on our back to retire into if we should be distressed. But all this notwithstanding the Earl passed the river and encamped at Pont S. Clou , wherefore the whole army murmured much against the Earl of S. Paul and this Vicechauncellor, who were the principal persuaders of him thereunto. The next day after his arrival there, he received letters from a Lady of this land written with her own hand, wherein she advertised him that the King was departed out of Bourbonnois, and came down with all speed to fight with him. I must here declare the occasion of the King's voyage into Bourbonnois, which was this: So soon as he understood that all the princes of his realm had conspired against him (at the least against his government) he determined to prevent them, and before they were assembled, to invade the D. of Bourbon, who was the first that openly discovered himself to be of the confederacy : and because his country was weak he hoped soon to subdue it, as in deed divers places he took, and would easily have taken all, had not succours come thither out of Burgundy under the leading of the L. Coulches, the marquess of Rottelin, the L. of Montague, and others, with whom Master William of Rochefort Chancellor of France (a man at this day of great estimation) was also in arms. This force was levied in Burgundy by the solicitation of the Earl of Beavieu, and the Gardinall of Bourbon, brethren to D. john of Bourbon, and by them received into Molines. Aide came also of another side to the D. of Bourbon, under the leading of the D. of Nemours, the Earl of Armignac, and the L. of Albert, being accompanied with a great band of soldiers, some of the which were good men of arms of their countries, who lately had forsaken the King's pay, and put themselves into their service. But the greatest part of their men were utterly unfurnished of all things, and forced for lack of pay to live upon the poor people. The King notwithstanding these their great forces gave themynough to do: wherefore in the end they fell to treat of peace, especially the D. of Nemours, who solemnly promised and swore to take part with him, and yet did afterwards the contrary: whereupon the King conceived so great displeasure against him, that afterward he could never brook him, as eftsoons he hath told me. To be short, the King perceiving that he could not achieve his enterprise in Bourbonnois so speedily as at the first he hoped, and fearing if the Earl of Charolois forces which approached near to Paris, and the forces of the Duke of Berry his own brother, and of the D. of Britain which were coming out of Britain, should join together: that the Parisians would receive them into their town, because they all pretended the common wealth for colour of their enterprise: & knowing also that as the town of Paris did, so all the other towns in his realm would follow; for these causes I say, he resolved with all speed possible to put himself into Paris, meaning to keep these two great armies asunder: but his purpose was not to fight, as he hath himself divers times told me in communing of these affairs, The Notes. 1. The Earl of S. Paul had betrothed his daughter to the L. of Croys' son, but seeing the Earl of Charalois hatred against the said Croy, he would have broken off the marriage again, but Croy in whose house the said daughter remained, contrary to her father's will made up the match, for the which cause the Earl of S. Paul hated the said Croy to the death, Annal. Burgund. 2. The Earl of Charolois besides this matter here alleged charged john L. of Croy, that he had called him great devil, threatened him, and sought to poison him. Meyer. 3. Every French man of arms is allowed three men to accompany him in the wars, one to bear his headpiece, called in Latin Ferentarius, and two archers. La March. but the Burgundians had here some 5. some 6. 4 These archers were bowmen mounted on horseback, as arquebusiers on horseback are now. 5 He that maketh such offer of himself, seeketh pray not service, wherefore this rejecting of so many, was done according to the rules of the art of war. 6 Of the excess of this house of Burgundy, Annal. Burgund. write thus, lib. 3. pa. 917. and 918. All fashions of apparel were grown in use among the subjects of this house of Burgundy, and those so indecent and dissolute, that none could be more. The Ladies and gentle women beware upon their head a strange kind of attire, fashioned in pyramidal form, the top thereof half an ell good from the crown of their head, and thereupon a carchef of lawn or some other fine linen hanging down to the very ground: a fond attire and worthy to be derided. The men disguised themselves no less than the women, some ware their clothes so short, that they hardly covered those parts that nature herself shameth to discover: their hair was curled and of such length that it hindered their sight: upon their heads they ware felt-hats copletanked, a quarter of an ell high or more: they stuffed their doublets about the shouldens and breast marvelous full of bombast, to the end they might seem square and broad breasted, a thing greatly displeasing God: their cloaks were not so short but their gowns were as long, for they trained after them upon the ground. To be short, the whole world could not devise stranger kinds of disguising than they had, and that was worst of all is this, that every rascal and every woman in beggars estate would be appareled princelike, and imitate the fashion of Court, without regard either of cost or calling. Compare this with the excess of England at these days, and we shall see in a glass our own vanities, and have just cause to look for the same miseries that fell upon this house of Burgundy after this excess. 7 The 15. of May saith Meyer, but the 25. Annal. Burgund. the Earl departed from his father. 8 The Earl of Charolois as he passed named himself the Duke of Berry's lieutenant, for the which cause the towns here mentioned the willinglyer received him. annal Burgund. 9 The Earls army showed itself before Paris about the 12. or 13. of july, at which time all the princes should have met him there. Meyer. 10 The Earl of S. Paul took a great boat upon the river of Seine, in the which he passed the river, and took Pont S. Clou. Annal. Burgund. 11 Read a letter written by the King to the Duke of Bourbon and his answer thereunto. Annal. Burgund. pag. 889. 12 This Cardinal of Bourbon was Archbishop of Lions, and brother to the Duke of Bourbon, Annal. Burgund. for the which cause I think it best in the French to read freres for frere, because the Earl of Beavieu and this Cardinal were both brethren to the Duke of Bourbon. How the Earl of Charolois encamped near to Montl'hery, and of the battle fought there between the King of France and him. Chap. 3. THe Earl of Charolois supposing that the King (being departed out of Burbonnois (as before you have heard) came down purposely to fight with him: resolved likewise to set forward against the King, and then read openly the contents of the letter sent him by the Lady above mentioned, (not uttering her name) and required his soldiers to play the men, saying, that he was fully resolved to hazard the battle, wherefore he marched and encamped at a village near to Paris called Longiumeau, and the Earl of S. Paul with the vaward lodged at Montl'hery, two leagues beyond Longiumeau, from whence he sent foreriders and scouts abroad, to understand of the Kings coming, and what way he took: farther in the presence of the Earl of S. Paul, the Lord of Haultbourdin, and the Lord of Contay, Longiumeau was assigned for the place of the battle, and thither it was agreed that the Earl of S. Paul should retire with the vaward if the King happened to come. Now you shall understand that the Earl of main with seven or eight hundred men of arms lay continually in face of the Dukes of Berry and Britain, who were accompanied with a number of wise and valiant knights, that King Lewis had put out of pension at his first coming to the state, (notwithstanding the great services that they had done his father, in the recovering and pacifying of the realm:) whereof afterward full often he repent him. Among these knights was the Earl of Dunois, a man of great experience in all matters , the marshal of Loheac, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Lord of Bueil and divers others, accompanied with the number of five hundred men of arms, who lately had forsaken the King's pay, and retired themselves to the Duke of Britain, of whose only subjects this whole force consisted. The Earl of main who lay continually in face of the two Duke's camp, (as you have heard) finding himself too weak to encounter with them, dislodged continually before them, approaching nearer and nearer to the King, in like manner the Dukes of Berrie and Britain endeavoured to join with the Burgundians. Some have held opinion that the Earl of main had secret intelligence with the Princes, but I could never understand any such thing, neither do I believe it, . The Earl of Charolois lying in camp at Longiumeau (as you have heard) and his vaward at Montl'hery, was advertised by a prisoner, that the Earl of main with his whole force, all the men of arms of the King's ordinary retinue, being to the number of two an twenty hundredth, and the arriereban . of Dauphin together with forty or fifty gentlemen of Savoy, excellent good soldiers, were all joined with the King. The King in the mean time consulted with the Earl of main, the high Seneschal of Normandy called De Brezey, the Admiral of France who was of the house of Montauban, and others, what was to be done, & in the end whatsoever was said or advised to the contrary, resolved not to fight, neither approach near to the Burgundians camp, but only to enter into Paris, which in mine opinion was the best & safest course. He stood in great doubt of his high Seneschal of Normandy, and therefore desired him to tell him truly whether he had given his faith in writing to the Princes that came against him: whereunto the Seneschal answered after his merry jesting manner, that he had, & that the writing should remain with him, but the body should serve him, which his answer the King took in good part, & gave him the leading of his vaward, and put also under his charge, the guides whose help he used because he meant to shun the battle as you have heard. But the Seneschal being wedded to his own will, said privily to certain of his familiar friends, that he would that day join the two armies so near together, that he had need to be a good man of war that should sever them without battle, which his promise he performed, though to his own cost, for the first man that was slain was himself , and his band with him. These his words, the King hath often since rehearsed to me, for I served then the Earl of Charolois. But to proceed, the 27. of july, the year 1465. the Kings vaward came to Montl'hery, where the Earl of Saint Paul lodged, who incontinent advertised the Earl of Charolois lying two leagues thence (namely at Longiumeau, the place assigned for the battle) of their arrival, desiring him of aid with all speed, and alleging that because all his men of arms and archers were lighted on foot, and enclosed with their carriage, he could not possibly retire to Longiumeau, according to the order agreed on, without seeming to fly, whereby he should both discourage and endanger the whole army. Which message received: the Earl of Charolois sent forthwith the bastard of Burgundy called Anthony with a great band of men to join with the Earl of S. Paul, and debated with himself whether he should go thither in person or not, and in the end marched forward with the rest, and came to the place about seven of the clock in the morning: but before his arrival five or six of the King's ensigns were displayed along upon a great ditch side between the two armies. The Vicechauncellor of Britain called Rowille was yet in the Earl of Charolois camp, and with him an ancient man of arms named Maderey, the selfsame that delivered Pont S. Maxence to the Burgundians: against these two the whole army murmured, because the battle being now ready to be given: the forces they had so much vaunted of were yet uncome. Wherefore they were both in great fear, and fled before the two armies joined, taking the way to the Britain's camp. The Earl of Charolois company set themselves in order of battle as they marched, and at their arrival found the Earl of S. Paul on foot, & all the archers dismounted, each man having a pale pitched before him. Farther, they beat out the heads of divers pipes of wine to drink: & sure for those few battles I have been in, I never saw men in my life more desirous to fight, which me thought was a good sign and a great comfort. Order was given at the first that we should all light on foot none excepted, but that order was afterward altered. For almost all the men of arms mounted again on horseback, save certain valiant Knights and esquires appointed to fight among the footmen, namely, Monseur de cords, and Master Philip of Lalain, with divers others: for at that time among the Burgundians the honourablest personages fought on foot among the archers, to the end the infantry might be the better assured and fight the more courageously, which order they learned of the English men, with whom Duke Philip (being confederate in his youth) made war upon the realm of France the space of two and thirty years without truce . But the burden of those wars lay upon the English men's shoulders, who were at that time rich and mighty, and had a wise, goodly and valiant King called Henry, accompanied with sage, hardy, and expert captains, namely, the Earl of Salisbury, Talbot and others, whom I pass over, because those wars were before my time, notwithstanding I have seen the relics of them. For when God meant to withdraw his goodness from the English men, this wise King died at Bois de Vincennes, and his son who proved but a simple man, was crowned King of France and England at Paris. Soon after, all was turned topsy-turvy in England. For civil wars arose among them which have endured almost till this present, by reason that the house of York usurped the crown, or held it by good title, I wots not well whether, for the lot of kingdoms is given from heaven. But to return to the history, this dismounting and remounting of the Burgundians, caused both great delay of time, and loss of men, for at this instant, that young valiant knight master Philip of Lalain, being but slenderly armed was slain . The King's forces marched scatteringly along by the forest of Torfou, being hardly 400. men of arms at our first arrival, so that if we had then charged them, in mine opinion we had found no resistance, for they that were behind, could not have aided the former, because they could not march forward upon a front, but one by one after an other. Notwithstanding, their number continually increased, which this wise knight Monseigneur de Contay perceiving, came and told his master the Earl of Charolois, that if he would obtain the victory it was time to give the charge, confirming his opinion by divers good reasons, and adding that if he had assailed his enemies at his first arrival, they had already been discomfited, for then their number was small, but now greatly increased as easy it was to be discerned, & sure he said true . Then was every man's advise asked, and the former order clean altered, but in the mean time a great & hot skirmish was already begun, at the very entry into the village of Montl'hery, all of shot on both sides, the King's bands were lead by Poncet of Riviere, being all archers of his ordinary retinue, glistering in gilt and very well appointed. But the Earl's shot was out of order, obedient to no man, and doing all things of their own brain. Thus began the skirmishes in the which the Lord Philip of Lalain , and james of Master a valiant gentleman, afterward master of the horse to Duke Charles of Burgundy, fought on foot among the archers. The Burgundians being the greater number, took a house, and bare two or three doors before them, wherewith they covered themselves in steed of targates, and after they were entered the street, set fire on a house, the wind was with them, and blew the flame in their enemies faces, who thereupon retired, and afterward took horse and fled, with the which hue and cry, the Earl of Charolois began to march, leaving the order first devised. For order was first given that the bands should rest twice by the way, because the Earls vaward and his battle were far asunder . The King's army stood near to the castle of Montl'hery, a great hedge and a ditch being between them and us. The fields beyond them bare that year wheat, beans, and other grain, grown marvelous high and thick: for the soil there is very good. All the Earls shot marched on foot before him in very evil order, notwithstanding that in mine opinion in a battle the principal hope of victory consisteth in the shot, I mean if the force of shot be great (for small force serveth to small purpose) and either evil mounted (to the end they be not unwilling to forsake their horses) or not mounted at all. Farther the day of a battle, those that are ignorant of the wars will do a greater exploit, than those that have been long trained up therein, this is the Englishmen opinion, who are best shot in the world: order was first given (as you have heard) that the Earl's battle should rest twice upon the way, to the end the foot men mought breathe them, because the vaward and it were far asunder, and the corn high and thick which troubled their going, yet notwithstanding the clean contrary was done, as though men would purposely have lost all. Wherefore hereby, God manifestly declared that he is the Lord of hosts, and disposeth of the victory as seemeth best to him, and sure for my part, I cannot be persuaded that the wisdom of one man is sufficient to govern such a number of men, nor that an enterprise can be executed in the field, as it is devised in the chamber: and farther I verily believe, that who so ableth himself by his own wit and capacity to give order in so weighty a matter, misbehaveth himself towards God. Notwithstanding every man ought to do his endeavour therein, acknowledging the wars to be one of the accomplishments of God's judgements, which oftentimes he beginneth upon small occasions, to the end that by giving victory now to one, and now to another, some great realms and seniories may fall to ruin and desolation, and other some increase and flourish with large empire and dominion, for farther proof whereof mark this that followeth. The Earl of Charolois marched without any breathing given to his shot and footmen upon the way. The King's men of arms passed through the hedge above mentioned at two several places, and when they approached so near their enemies, that they began to charge their staves, the Burgundian men of arms broke their own shot, and passed through it, not giving them leave to let one arrow fly, notwithstanding that the shot were the principal force and only hope of their army, for of the men of arms (being to the number of twelve hundred) I think hardly fifty knew how to charge a lance, there were not four hundred of them armed with quiracies, and of their retinue not one armed, all the which inconveniences grew partly because they had rested so long in peace, and partly because this house of Burgundy for ease of their subjects, entertained no soldiers in ordinary. But since that day, these Seniors of Burgundy have continued in troubles, which even at this present rather increase than diminish. Thus the Burgundian men of arms (as you have heard) broke themselves the chief force and only hope of their army, yet notwithstanding, so it pleased God to dispose of this matter, that on the right side of the castle, where the Earl himself stood no resistance was found. All this day I myself never departed from the Earl, being less afraid than in any other battle that ever I was at since, for I was young and knew not what peril meant, but wondered how any man durst resist the Prince I served, supposing none to be comparable to him. Such are the cogitations of men lacking experience, which causeth them oftentimes to maintain fond arguments, grounded upon small reason. Wherefore it is good to follow his advise that saith, A man seldom repenteth him of too little speech, but often of too much. On the lefthand stood the Lord of Ravastin, and master james of S. Paul, with divers others, who well perceived their force too weak to encounter with the enemy that came to charge them, but they were now so near joined together, that it was too late to devise any new order. To be short, these were utterly overthrown, and pursued even hard to our carriage, where certain of the footmen relied themselves, but the greatest part took the forest, being but half a league thence. The principal that followed the chase were the gentlemen of Dauphin and Savoy, with certain companies of men of arms, who supposed the victory to have been theirs, and not without cause, for sure the Burgundians flight was great on that side, yea and of great personages. The most part fled toward Pont S. Maxence, supposing it had held yet for the Earl. In the forest also a great number stayed, among whom was the Earl of S. Paul well accompanied, for he stood near to the forest side, and declared afterward that he held not the battle as lost. The Notes. 1 This john Earl of Dunois was bastard to Lewis Duke of Orleans. Meyer. 2 Yet Lafoy March saith, that the Earl of main was of the Prince's confederacy. 3 The Arriereban is an edict never proclaimed but in cases of great extremity: for all as well nobles as others are thereupon bound to repair to the King, divers of the which before the proclamation thereof are not bound by their tenure to move. The Arriereban of Dauphin here named, were all those of the country of Dauphin, that held by this tenure. Read the edict made by King Francis anno 1543. and Girarde of the state of France, lib. 2. fol. 113. 4 The King by the persuasion of the Earl of main and the Seneschal Brezey resolved at the last to fight. Annal. Burgund. 5 Brezey had changed armour with the King, which caused his death: for those that slew him supposed it had been the King, Annal. Aquitan. but Meyer saith he was reported to be slain by the King's procurement, which I know not where he findeth. 6 Of the day of the battle Annal. Franc. agree with our author, but Annal. Burg. & Annal. Acquit. say 17. Meyer hath 17. Cal. Augusti, that is the 16. day of july, & with him agreeth Gaguin La March, who was present at the battle and knighted in it. 7 The Duke was joined with the English men but 15. or 16. years, as saith also Introduction de la March, for the league began anno 1419. and ended anno 1435. 8 The Burgundians dismounted so suddenly, that laying down their complete armour they had not leisure to buckle their lighter armour about them, which was the cause of Lalains' death, Annal. Burgund. 9 Contay used another reason to persuade the Earl to assail his enemies here not expressed, to wit, to prevent the Parisians, who if they issued forth should enclose him between them and the King, Annal. Burgund. 10 This Lalain seemeth to be the father of him that was slain. 11 Between Longiumeau where the Earl's battle lay, and Montl'hery where his vanguard ledged are four English miles. 12 Pont S. Clou, and Pont S. Maxence were yielded by the Burgundians, because the rumour was that the Earl of Charolois was slain in the battle. Meyer. Of the danger the Earl of Charolois was in, and how he was rescued. Chap. 4. THe Earl of Charolois pursued his enemies on that side himself stood, half a league beyond Montl'hery, and found no resistance, notwithstanding that he were but slenderly accompanied and met with main enemies, wherefore he held the victory for his: but suddenly an old gentleman of Luxembourg called Anthony le Breton, came to him and advertised him that the French were relied upon the field, so that if he followed the chase any further, he should cast away himself. But the Earl regarded not his speech, notwithstanding that he repeated it twice or thrice. But even in that instant arrived Monseur de Contay, who told him the selfsame tale the old gentleman of Luxembourg had done, and that in so stout and bold terms, that he gave credit to his words and experience, and presently returned. And I think verily if he had passed but two bow shot farther, he had been taken as divers were that followed the chase before him. As he returned, hard by the village he met with a band of footmen flying, whom he pursued being accompanied hardly with an hundred horse: none of these footmen made resistance but one, who gave the Earl such a blow on the breast with a javelin, that the mark thereof appeared at night: the greatest part of the rest escaped through the gardens, but he that strake the Earl was slain. And as we passed hard by the castle, we found the archers of the King's guard before the gate, who never abandoned their place for our coming: whereat the Earl much marveled, for he thought the battle had been at an end, but he found it otherwise: for as he turned about to enter into the field (part of his company being scattered from him) suddenly 15. or 16. men of arms gave a charge upon him, and at the very first slew his carver named Philip D'orgues bearing a gydon of his arms. The Earl was there in great danger and received many hurts, especially one in the throat with a sword (the mark whereof stack by him as long as he lived) by reason that his beaver being evil fastened in the morning was fallen away, and I myself saw when it fell. The enemies laid hands upon him, saying, My Lord yield, we know you well enough, be not wilfully slain: but he manfully defended himself. And at that instant a physicians son of Paris that served the Earl, named john Cadet being a great lubberly fellow, mounted upon a strong jade like himself, ran through the enemies, and broke them , wherewith they retired to the ditch side, (the place they had taken in the morning) the rather for that they discovered one of our ensigns marching in the midst of the field, and approaching near to us, being the bastard of Burgundy's ensign, all to tottered and torn, to the which the Earl all imbrued in his own blood retired, leaving at his archers ensign not above forty men, with whom we being hardly thirty, joined in great fear. The Earl incontinent changed his horse, having a fresh horse brought him by Simon of Quingy then his page, and since a man well known: and road about the field to rely his men, leaving us that tarried behind him in such fear, that by the space of an hour we were all fully resolved to fly, if but a hundred enemies had marched against us: notwithstanding our men came to us by ten and twenty in a troop, as well horsemen as footmen, but of the footmen many were hurt, and all very weary, partly because of the battle, and partly because of their unreasonable journey in the morning. Soon after returned the Earl himself, hardly accompanied with an hundred men, but by little and little our number increased. The corn which but half an hour before had been so high, was now trodden flat down, by means whereof, arose a terrible dust, all the fields lay strawed with dead bodies of men an horses, but because of the dust none could be known. Immediately after this, we discovered the Earl of S. Paul issuing out of the forest, accompanied with forty men of arms, and his ensign marched strait towards us, and continually increased in number, but because he was far from us, we sent twice or thrice to him desiring him to make haste, which notwithstanding he did not, neither altered his pace, but caused his men to take up the lances that lay upon the ground, and came in very good order, which sight much comforted us. With him a great number relied themselves, and in the end came and joined with us, so that we were then to the number of eight hundred men of arms, but footmen few or none, which was the only let the Earl obtained not perfect victory, for there was a great ditch and a thick hedge between his battle and the Kings. Of the King's part fled the Earl of main with divers others, to the number of eight hundred men of arms. Some have held opinion that the said Earl of main had intelligence with the Burgundians, but for mine own part I believe it not. Never was in any battle so great flight on both sides, but the two Princes kept the field: of the King's part there was a man of honour that fled as far as Luzignan without stay, and of the Earls part a noble parsonage to Quesnoy le Comte, these two had no great desire to bite one another . While the two armies stood thus in order of battle, the one in face of the other, the artillery shot terribly, which slew men on both sides, but neither party desired a new field. Notwithstanding our band was greater than the Kings, but his presence and the courteous language he used to his soldiers, was a great stay to his people, so far forth, that I am thoroughly persuaded both by mine own knowledge and that I have since heard, that had it not been for him alone they had all fled. Some of our company desired a new battle, especially the L. of Haultbourdin, alleging that he discovered a troop of our enemies flying, and undoubtedly if he could have recovered but a hundred archers to have shot through the hedge above mentioned, all had been ours. While this matter was in communication, and both the armies standing thus in order of battle without fight, the night approached, and the King retired to Corbeil, but we thought he had encamped in the field, because fire falling by chance into a barrel of powder, and certain carts laden with munition in the place where the King had stood, took in the end the great hedge above mentioned, which we supposed to have been the French men's fires there encamped, whereupon the Earl of S. Paul and the Lord of Haultbourdin, who seemed to be the men of greatest experience in our army, commanded our carriage to be brought to the place where we were, and our camp to be enclosed therewith, and so it was. And as we stood there relied together in order of battle, divers French men returnng from the chase, and supposing the victory to be theirs, and our camp the Kings, passed through the midst of us, some of them escaped, but the most were slain. The men of name that died on the King's part were these, master Geffrey of S. Belin, the high Seneschal of Normandy, and captain Floquet, and of the Burgundians, master Philip of Lalain: of footmen and common soldiers we lost more than the King, but of horsemen the King more than we: of prisoners the French took the best of those that fled. There were slain of both sides two thousand at the least . The field was well fought, and there were of both parties that did their endeavour, some in fight, and some in flybut sure in mine opinion it was a worthy feat of arms to rely themselves together upon the field, and to stand three or four hovers in order of battle, the one in face of the other, and undoubtedly both the Princes had good cause to make account of their subjects that stood so well by them at their need. But they did herein like men not like angels, for some lost their offices for flying, which were bestowed upon others that fled ten leagues beyond them: one of our part lost his credit, and was commanded out of his master's presence, but within one month he was in greater favour than before. When we were enclosed with our carriage, every man lodged himself as commodiously as he could, a great number of us were hurt, and the whole army almost discouraged, fearing that the Parisians with two hundred men of arms that were within the city, and the Marshal joachin the King's lieutenant there would issue forth and assail us on the other side. After it was dark night fifty lances were commanded to go forth to understand where the King lodged, but hardly twenty of them went, notwithstanding that our camp were not above three bow shot from the place where we supposed the King had encamped. In the mean time the Earl of Charolois ate and drank a little, as did all the rest of the company, each man in his own lodging, and the wound in his neck was dressed: but we were forced to remove out of the place where he refreshed himself, three or four dead bodies to make him room, and to bring two bottles of straw, upon the which he sat down. And as they removed these dead bodies, one of the poor naked souls began to call for drink, into whose mouth was powered a little of the tysan the Earl had drunk of, wherewith his spirits revived, and then he was known to be an archer of the Earl's guard named Savaric a valiant fellow, and he was dressed and healed. The Earl debated with his Council what was to be done, the first that spoke was the Earl of Saint Paul, who said we stood in great danger, and gave advise by break of day to retire homeward, to burn part of our carriage, to save only the artillery, and to give order that none should lead back any carriage, but such as had above ten lances under their charge, adding that it was impossible to lie there without victuals between Paris and the King. After him spoke Mounseur de Haultbourdin almost to the same effect, save that he advised us to stay till we understood what news our scouts that were abroad would bring us, to the which purpose spoke also three or four others. But the last that spoke was Mounseur de Contay, who said that so soon as the army should understand of this resolution they would all fly, and by that means be taken and spoiled before they had gone twenty leagues: which his opinion he confirmed by divers very good reasons. Wherefore he gave advise that every man should lodge himself as commodiously as he could that night, and the next morning by break of day begin a new field with determination either to live or die upon the place, which he said to be a safer course than to fly. The Earl of Charolois followed the said Contaies advise, and gave every man commandment to take his rest for two hours, and at the sound of the trumpet to be in a readiness: farther he willed divers by name to send to comfort his soldiers. About midnight our scouts that were abroad returned, and it well appeared they had not been far: for they brought word that the King lodged at the fires above mentioned. Incontinent others were sent forth, and within an hour after every man put himself in a readiness to fight, but the most part had rather have fled. About break of day our scouts last sent foorh met one of our Carters whom the enemies had taken prisoner that morning as he brought a pot of wine from Montl'hery. This Carter told them that the French were all fled, whereof they sent word incontinent to the camp, and went themselves to the place, and found the Carters report true, whereupon they returned with this news to the great comfort of the whole army, and then a number cried to pursue them, that made but small haste after them. Not an hour before myself had an old horse half tired, who by chance thrust his head into a pail of wine and drunk it off, which made him lustier and fresher that day than ever before. When it was broad day every man mounted on horseback, and the squadrons made a goodly show in the field, notwithstanding all our companies were not yet come together, but a number returned at that present which had lain hidden in the woods all night. The Earl of Charolois suborned a Friar Franciscan, who brought word to the camp that he came from the Britain's, who would be there the selfsame day, which news comforted not a little the whole army, but all men believed it not. Immediately after, to wit, about ten of the clock in the morning, arrived the Vicechancellor of Britain, called Rowille, and Maderey above mentioned with him, accompanied with two archers of the D. of Britain's guard in their livery coats, which comforted marvelously the whole army, and the said Vicechancellor was asked where he had been, and was commended for his departure (considering the great murmuring that was risen against him) but much more for his return, and every man welcomed them and made them good cheer. All this day the Earl of Charolois kept still the field, rejoicing greatly and wholly attributing the honour of the victory to himself alone, which glory cost him dear, for after this he never followed any man's devise but his own, and whereas before he had hated the wars, and loved nothing that appertained thereunto: his thoughts were after this so clean altered that he continued in the wars till his death, in them ended his life, & by them desolated his house, at the least brought it marvelously underfoot, though not altogether destroyed it. Three noble and wise Princes his predecessors had so highly advanced it, that few Kings except the K. of France were mightier than he, and in rich and strong towns none passed him: but no man, especially no Prince ought to attribute too much to himself, but to acknowledge all prosperity and good success to proceed from God. Sure these two things I dare boldly say in his commendation, first that I think never man endured more travel than he in all points of bodily labour and exercise, and secondarily that in mine opinion, I never knew hardy gentleman: for I never heard him complain of weariness, I never saw him show any countenance of fear, yet was I with him seven years together in the wars: every summer without fail, and sometime both winter and summer his attempts and enterprises were so high and difficult, that only God by his absolute power could have achieved them, for they passed far man's reach. The Notes. 1 De la March calleth him that delivered the Earl, Robert Couterel, or Coutereau a horseman of Brussels, his physicians son, whom for that fact immediately he made knight and feudary of Brabant. Gaghin writeth that the Earl was twice in danger, once in the hands of Geoffrey De S. Bealin, and again in the hands of Gilbert Grassaie. 2 For the two places here named be above three hundred English miles asunder. 3 There were slain at the battle of Montl'hery, 2000 Annal. Burgund. Meyer saith 3000. Gaguin 3600. How the Duke of Berry the King's brother, and the Duke of Britain joined with the Earl of Charolois against the King. Chap. 5. THe next day being the third after the battle, we removed our camp and lodged at Montl'hery, out of the which the people fled, part into the Church steeple, and part into the Castle, but the Earl caused them to return to their houses, neither lost they the value of one penny, for every man paid his shot as truly as if he had been in Flaunders. The castle held for the King, and was not assaulted by us. The third day being passed, the Earl of Charalois by the Lord of Contais advise departed to Estampes (a good and commodious lodging, and a fruitful soil) meaning to prevent the Britain's, who came that way, and before their arrival to lodge his men that were sick and hurt in the town, and the rest abroad in the fields. This good lodging and the Earls long abode there saved many a man's life. At the said town of Estampes arrived the Lord Charles of France than Duke of Berry, and the King's only brother, accompanied with the Duke of Britain, the Earl of Dunois, the Lord of Dampmartin, the Lord of Loheac, the L. of Beveil, the Lord of Chaumount, and master Charles of Amboise his son (who since hath carried great credit in this realm) all the which the King at his first coming to the crown had displaced and put out of office, notwithstanding the great services they had done the King his father and the realm, both in the conquest of Normandy and in divers other wars. The Earl of Charolois and all the noble men that were with him went forth to receive them, and lodged their persons in the town, where their lodgings were already made, but their forces lay abroad in the fields. They had with them eight hundred men of arms very well appointed, a great number of the which were Britons, who lately had forsaken the King's pay, and these made a gallant show in their camp: of archers and other soldiers armed with good Brigandines they had great force, so that I suppose they were six thousand men on horseback, all in very good order, and sure this army showed the Duke of Britain to be a great Prince, for they were all paid out of his coffer . The King being retired to Corbeil (as you have heard) was not idle, neither forgot what he had to do, but went strait into Normandy partly to levy men, and partly because he feared rebellion in the country, but a great part of his forces he left about Paris in those places that had most need of defence. The first evening that all these Princes met at Estamps, they told news each to other, the Britons had taken prisoners certain of the King's part that fled, and if they had been but a little nearer the place of the battle, they had either taken or discomfited the third part of his army. They had first given order to send forth certain bands before them, to understand how near the King's army and the Earls were together, but they altered their minds. Notwithstanding master Charles of Amboise and certianes with him scoured the country before their army, to see if they could meet any of their enemies, and certain prisoners as you have heard they took, and part also of the King's artillery. These prisoners made report unto them, that undoubtedly the King was slain (for so they supposed because they fled at the very beginning of the battle,) which news the abovenamed master Charles of Amboise and they that were with him brought to the Britain's camp, who rejoiced marvelously thereat, supposing it had been true, and hoping for great rewards if the Lord Charles were King. Further they debated in council (as a man of credit there present, afterward advertised me) how they might rid the country of the Burgundians, and send them home in the devils name, and were in manner all agreed to cut their throats if they could, but this their joy soon ended, whereby you may perceive what sudden alterations are in a realm in such troubles. But to return to the camp lying at Estampes, when every man had supped and a great number being walking in the streets: The Lord Charles of France, and the Earl of Charolois withdrew themselves to a window, where they entered into very earnest communication. Now you shall understand that there was among the Britain's one that took great pleasure in throwing squibs into the air, which when they fall to the ground run flaming among men, his name was master john Boutefeu, or master john de Serpens, I wots not well whether. This merry companion being secretly hidden in a house, threw two or three squibs into the air from a high place where he stood, one of the which by chance strake against the bar of the window where these two Princes communed together, wherewithal both of them started suddenly up, being astonished at this accident, and each beholding other, suspecting this to be purposely done to hurt them: then came the Lord of Contay to his master the Earl of Charolois, and after he had told him a word or two in his ear, went down, and caused all the men of arms of the Earl's house, and all the archers of his guard, and a number of other to arm themselves. Incontinent also the Earl of Charolois moved the Duke of Berry to command the archers of his guard to do the like, whereupon immediately two or three hundred men of arms, stood on foot in harness before the gate, with a great number of archers, the which sought round about from whence this fire might come: in the end the poor fellow that had done the deed fell down upon his knees before them confessing the fact, and threw three or four other squibs into the air, whereby he put divers out of suspicion each of other, thus the matter turned to a jest, and every man unarmed himself and went to bed. The next day in the morning they sat in council to debate what was to be done, all the Princes with their principal servants being there present, and as they were of divers parts and not obedient to one head: so were they also of divers opinions as in such assemblies it cannot be otherwise chosen. But among the rest of their talk, certain words that passed the Duke of Berry (who was young and unacquainted with such exploits) were especially marked: for he seemed already to be weary of this enterprise, alleging the great number of the Earl of Charolois men that he had seen in the town hurt and maimed, of whom to show that he had pity and compassion he broke forth into this speech and said, that he had rather the matter had never been begun, than that so much mischief should arise by his occasion and for his cause, which words displeased greatly the Earl of Charolois and his men as hereafter you shall hear: Notwithstanding they concluded in this assembly to go before Paris, to prove whether the town would enter into league with them for the benefit of the common wealth (which they all pretended to be the only cause of their assembly) being fully persuaded that all the towns in the realm would follow the example thereof. The words above mentioned uttered by the D. of Berry in this assembly, put the Earl of Charolois and his men into such a dump, that they said thus one to another, heard you this man speak? he is discouraged for seven or eight hundred hurt persons that he seethe in the town, who are none of his but mere strangers to him, he would be otherwise troubled than if the matter should touch himself in any point, and easily be won to agree with his brother and leave us in the mire, and because of the long wars that have been in times passed between King Charles his father and the D. of Burgundy my father, both the parties would soon consent to turn their forces against us, wherefore it is good to provide us of friends in time. And upon this suspicion only, William of Clunie Prenotarie, who died Bishop of Poitiers was sent to England to King Edward the 4. then reigning, to whom the Earl of Charolois had ever before been mortal enemy, supporting the house of Lancaster against him, of the which he was issued by his mother . And the said Clunies instructions were to treat with King Edward of a marriage between the King's sister called Margaret, and the Earl of Charolois, not to conculde the matter, but only to put the King in hope thereof: for the Earl knowing how greatly the King desired this marriage, supposed by this means to win him to take his part if he needed his help, at the least to stay him from attempting aught against him. And notwithstanding that he meant nothing less than the accomplishment thereof, because as fervently as he loved the house of Lancaster, as extremely hated he the house of York: yet was the matter so laboured, that many years after the marriage was accomplished , and the Earl received also the order of the Garter, and ware it till his dying day. Many a such deed is often done upon suspicion only, especially among great Princes, who are much more suspicious than other men, because of the doubts and reports that are daily brought unto them oftentimes by flatterers upon no occasion. The Notes. 1 The Britain's army was of 10600. men Anna. Aqui. and the archers here mentioned were all mounted one horseback, otherwise the men of arms could not arise to six thousand. 2 Charles D. of Burgundy was of the house of Lancaster after this sort. john of Gaunt D. of Lancaster had issue by Blaunche his first wife, daughter and heir to Henry D. of Derby and Lancaster, Philip which married with john King of Portugal bastard of Ferraude, by whom she had issue Isabella married to Philip D. of Burgundy, by whom she had issue this D. Charles. 3 Margaret king Edward's sister, arrived in the Low countries, 25. Junii Ann. 1468. Meyer. How the Earl of Charolois and his confederates with their whole army, passed the river of Seine upon a bridge made of boats, how john D. of Calabria joined with them, and how they all encamped before Paris. Chap. 6. ALl these Princes according to their determination departed from Estampes, having sojourned there certain days and marched to Saint Maturin of Larchant, and Moret in Gastinois, in the which two little towns the Lord Charles of France, and the Britaines lodged, but the Earl of Charolois encamped in a great meadow upon the river of Seine, and made proclamation that every man should bring a hook with him to fasten his horse therewith, he carried also with him seven or eight small boats in carts, and great store of pipeboorde, meaning therewith to make a bridge over the river of Seine, because these Princes had no passage there. The Earl of Dunois accompanied him riding in a litter, for because of the gout he could not sit on horseback, notwithstanding his ensign was borne with him. When they came to the river they launched forth the boats they brought with them, and took an Island in the midst of the stream, where certain of our archers landed and skirmished with a company of horsemen that defended the passage on the other side under the leading of the Marshal joachin and Sallezard. The place was much to their disadvantage, because it was high and in a goodly vine country, besides that the Burgundians had great store of artillery under the charge of a notable gunner named Master Girald, whom they took prisoner at the battle of Montl'hery, being then in the King's service. To be short, the above mentioned horsemen were forced to abandon the passage and retire to Paris. The selfsame night the bridge was made from the side of the river where we lay to the Island, where incontinent the Earl of Charolois caused his pavilion to be pitched, and lodged there all night with fifty men of arms of his house: by day break a great number of Cooper's were set on work to make casks of the pipe board we brought with us, who so bestirred themselves, that before noon the bridge was made from the Island to the other side of the river. Incontinent passed the Earl of Charolois, and caused his tents whereof he was well furnished, to be pitched: over the same bridge passed also his whole army and artillery, and lodged upon the side of a hill hanging towards the river, by means whereof his camp made a goodly show to those that came after. It was that whole days work to convey over the Earls own forces, but the next morning by day break passed also the Dukes of Berry and Britain with their whole army, commending this bridge to be very commodiously and speedily made, and marched when they were passed, a little beyond the Earl, and encamped also upon the hill. When it was dark night we discovered a great number of fires as far from us as we could well discern, which divers supposed to be the King's forces, but bofore midnight we were advertised that it was john Duke of Calabria only son to King Rene of Sicily with nine hundred men of arms of the Duchy and County of Burgundy. The said Duke had with him few footmen, but was well accompanied with horsemen, and those in so good order, that for their number I never saw a goodlier company nor a more warlike: for he had with him six score men of arms barded, all Italians or trained up in the Italian wars, among whom were james Galiot, the Earl of Campobache, the L. of Baudricourt now governor of Burgundy, and divers others: his men of arms were very expert soldiers, and to say the truth, the flower of our army, I mean number for number. With him were also four hundred crossbow men that the Palsgrave had lent him, all very well mounted and very good soldiers. Besides whom he had also in pay five hundred Swissers footmen, which were the first that ever came into this realm, and these so valiantly behaved themselves in all places where they came, that they purchased great renown to their whole nation, which their countrymen that have serned here since, have well maintained. This company the next morning approached near to us, and passed that day over our bridge, which a man may boldly say conveyed over all the power of France save only the King's army. And I assure you the force was so great of valiant men well appointed, and in very good order, that I wish all the friends and well-willers of the realm had seen it, and likewise the enemies: for by that means the former would have esteemed of the realm as it deserveth, and the later ever after the more have feared it. The Burgundians that accompanied the Duke of Calabria were led by the L. of Neuf-chastell Marshal of Burgundy, who had with him his brother the L. of Montagu, the marquess of Rotelin, and a great number of knights and esquires: some of the which had been in Bourbonnois, as I have made mention in the beginning of this history , but they all joined for their more safety with the Duke of Calabria, who showed himself to be as noble a Prince, and as good a soldier as any in the company, whereupon great love and amity grew between him and the Earl of Charolois. After this whole force (being as I suppose to the number of an hundred thousand horse good & bad) was passed the river, the Princes determined to show themselves before Paris, wherefore they put all their vawards together. The Burgundians vaward was led by the Earl of S. Paul, and the vaward of the Dukes of Berry and Britain by Oudet of Rye afterward Earl of Comminges, and the Marshal Loheac as I remember, and in this order marched they, but all the Princes remained in the battle. The Earl of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria were very diligent in commanding and giving good order in the army, and road very well armed, and showed that they meant to do their duty, but the Dukes of Berry and Britain were mounted upon small ambling nags, and armed with slight brigandines, light and thin, yea and some said they were not plated, but studded only with a few gilt nails upon the satin for the less weight, but I will not affirm it for a truth. Thus marched this army to Pont de Charenton two little leagues from Paris, which was taken incontinent, notwithstanding the resistance of certain frank archers that were within it: over the said bridge of Charenton passed the whole force. The Earl of Charolois lodged in his own house called Conflans, situate upon the river not far from thence, and enclosed a great piece of ground, with his carriage and artillery, and lodged his camp within it, and with him lay the Duke of Calabria: but the Dukes of Berry and Britain, with part of their forces lodged at S. Mor-des-fosses, and the rest they sent to S. Denis being also two leagues from Paris, in the which places this whole company lay eleven weeks, during the which space these things happened that now I will rehearse. The next day in the morning began the skirmishes hard at Paris gates, within the town was the Lord of Nantoillet, L. great Master of France (who did the King good service there as before I have said) and the Marshal joachin. The poor people of the town were in great fear, but of the better sort some wished the Burgundians and the other Princes within the town, because this enterprise seemed unto them good and profitable for the realm: others there were borne in the said Princes dominions, wherefore they furthered their affairs, hoping by their means to obtain some good offices in the town, which are more hunted after there than in any other place, and no marvel: for those that are in office make of their offices what they can, not what they ought, which is the cause that some offices in the town of no fee at all are sold for eight hundred crowns, and other some of very small fee, for more than the fee will amount to in fifteen years. Seldom is any man put out of office: for the Court of parliament alloweth these sales of offices as lawful, the reason whereof is because it is a general case. Among the Councillors are always a number both of virtuous and worthy personages, and also of lewd and evil conditioned persons, as are also in all other estates. The Notes. 1 It is requisite that I should here set down the particular quarrel that every one of these princes had to the King, some are mentioned by our author, and others in other authors. The D. of Berry's quarrel was for a larger partage. The Earl of Charaloys demanded the restitution of the territories upon the river of Somme. The D. of Britain had cause to be offended and afeard, because the King had picked a quarrel to him by demanding of him three things, never before demanded of any D. of Britain: The first, that he should no more write in his style Dei gratia Britanniae Dux: The second, that he should pay to the King a yearly tribute: The third, that all the spiritual livings in Britain should be left to the King's disposing. For these causes the D. of Britain joined with the princes: the D. of Calabria had cause of offence, because being entered into Italy to recover the Realm of Naples, and the King having promised him aid: after the said D. of Calabria was overthrown at Troia in Apulia: the King refused to send him the aid promised, so that he was forced utterly to abandon his enterprise. The D. of Bourbon had married the King's sister, and could not get her marriage money: the Duke of Nemours, Earls of Dunois, Dalebret, and the rest of the noble men and gentlemen were against the King, some because they were put out of pension and office, many because the King sought to deprive them of the royalties they had in their seniories touching Hunting and Hawking, and sought to draw all to himself, but all in general were offended because he contemned his nobility, and entertained none but men of base estate about him. Thus much I have set down because it might otherwise seem strange, that all these Princes should thus conspire against the King for zeal of the common wealth, if other particular griefs had not more moved them than the misgovernment of the estate. 2 To the end the reader find it not strange that Rene is here called King of Sicily, sith the house of Arragon possessed the same Realm at that time: it is to be understood that the race of the Normans (who about the year 1060. subdued Sicily, Calabria and Apulia: and about the year 1102. took upon them the title of Kings of Sicily,) being extinct in Roger the last King of Sicily of that race about the year 1195. the said Realm fell to the issue of the Emperor Fridericus Barbarossa by the marriage of Constantia daughter to Roger the first King of Sicill, and aunt to Roger the last King of Sicill of this race, with Henry the said Barbarossas' son, in which race it continuedtily Manfridus bastard son to Fridericus the Emperor, son to the above named Henry obtained the crown of Sicill & Naples by dispossessing Conradinus his nephew the true heir thereof. Against this Manfridus Pope Vrbanus the 4. called into Italy Charles of Amon brother to S. Lewis King of France who slew Manfridus in battle, and afterward executed also Conradinus the true heir of the crown, being taken in battle, coming with an army to conquer the said realms of Naples and Sicily as his true inheritance: and thus obtained this Charles of Anjou the crown both of Naples and Sicily, till not long after by the coming of Peter king of Arragon, who had married Constantia daughter and heir to Manfridus: the Sicilians arose suddenly against the French, slew them all in one evening, and yielded the Realm of Sicily to the said Peter, whose posterity ever sithence even till this day have continued in possession thereof. Notwithstanding the posterity of Charles of Anjou held still the Realm of Naples with the title of the Realm of Sicily, till the time that the later jane Queen of Naples, to fortify herself against Pope Vrbanus Sextus adopted Alfonse of Arragon, son to Ferrande King of Arragon, which Ferrandes mother named Elinor was daughter to King Peter: but after the said jane for displeasure conceived against the said Alfonse adopted secondarily Lewis D. of Anjou, brother to Charles the 5. King of France, descended of the race of the first Charles King of Sicily, against whom and his son Lewis Alfonse long warred, and in the end after Queen janes' death chased them both out of Italy, and left the Realms of Arragon and Sicily to john his brother: but the Realm of Naples to Ferrande his base son, with whom Rene here mentioned (brother to Lewis the 2. of that name D. of Anjou and king of Sicily, and by him with janes' consent adopted) long warred, but prevailed not: so that Rene had only the title of Sicily and Naples by the adoption aforesaid, but no possession thereof: for Sicily the kings of Arragon held ever since the conquest of Peter, and the realm of Naples Ferrande the bastard held of his father's gift, from whose posterity how in the end after many alterations it fell to the house of Arragon that now possesseth it, shall be set down at large in the wars of Naples made by King Charles the 8. who had the house of Anious title, whereof our author treateth in the 7. and 8. book of this history. 3 This force led by the Marshal of Burgundy was of 4000 men. Meyer. 4 This Oudet is he that acquainted the Duke of Berry with this confederacy, and conveyed him into Britain. Meyer. La March. 5 Frank archers were these: King Charles the 7. in the year 1449. being destitute of footmen, appointed that every threescore houses in his realm should arm a man, who in time of war received pay of the King, and were exempt from all subsidies and payments: for the which cause they were all called frank, that is free, but King Lewis the 11. anno 1480. abolished these frank archers and waged Swissers in their place. A discourse upon ambitious hunting after offices and estates, by the example of the English men. Chap. 7. I Speak of these offices and estates, because in changes they are so greedily desired, and are also cause thereof, as appeareth by that which hath happened not only in this our age, but also in the time of King Charles the sixth, under whom the wars began that endured till the treaty of Arras, during the which wars the English men entered into the realm, and conquered so far that at the time of the said treaty (which continued the space of two months) the Duke of Bedford brother to Henry the fift King of England, being married to Duke Philip of Burgundy's sister, was regent in France for the English men, whose monthly allowance in that office amounted to 20000. crowns at the least. At the said treaty were present for the King of France, four or five Dukes or Earls, five or six Prelates, and ten or twelve counsellors of the Parliament. For Duke Philip likewise divers Noble men in much greater number, for the Pope 2. Cardinals as mediators, and for the English men divers noble personages. Duke Philip greatly desired to acquit himself honourably towards the English men before he would abandon them, because of the ancient league that had been between them: wherefore the Duchies of Normandy and Guien were offered to the King of England, with condition that he should do homage for them to the crown of France, as his predecessors had done, and restore all the places he held in the Realm out of the said Duchies: which condition the English men because of the homage, refused, but to their great loss: for being abandoned of this house of Burgundy, their good success altered, and all their intelligences within the realm failed, whereby their power daily so diminished, that in short space they lost Paris, and by little and little all that they held in this realm. After their return into England, none of them would diminish his estate, but the offices within the realm sufficed not for maintenance of them all, whereupon long civil wars arose among them, in the which King Henry the sixth, who had been crowned King of England & France at Paris, was proclaimed traitor, and imprisoned in the tower of London, where he remained the greatest part of his life, and in the end was there murdered. The Duke of York father to King Edward that last died, entitled himself right heir to the crown, & soon after was slain in the battle, and had his head smitten off, as had also the Earl of Warwick that last died, whose credit was so great in England, and all the rest that were slain in those wars. The said Earl of Warwick led the Earl of March afterward named Edward the fourth, by sea to Calais with a small company escaped out of battle , for the Earl of Warwick took part with the house of York, as the Duke of Somerset did with the house of Lancaster. To be short, these wars endured so long, that all they of the houses of Warwick and Somerset were either slain or beheaded in them. King Edward caused afterward his own brother the Duke of Clarence to be drowned in a Butt of malmsey, charging him that he meant to make himself King: but after King Edward's death, his other brother the Duke of Gloucester murdered the said Kings two sons, proclaimed his daughter's bastards, and usurped the crown. Immediately after the which cruel deed, the Earl of Richmond now King (who had been prisoner many years in Britain) passed into England, and discomfited and slew in battle this bloody King Richard, late murderer of his two nephews. Thus have there died in England in these civil wars since my remembrance, above fourscore persons of the blood Royal, part of the which I myself knew, & part understood of by the English men resident with the Duke of Burgundy at the same time that I served him. Wherefore you see it is not at Paris only, nor in France alone that men fall at variance for worldly goods and honours. But sure all Kings and great Princes ought to take heed that they suffer not factions to arise in their courts: for thereof kindleth the fire that consumeth their whole country in the end. Notwithstanding such alterations happen not in mine opinion, but by God's disposition, for when Princes and realms have long flourished in great wealth and prosperity, and forget from whence all these benefits proceed: God raiseth up an enemy against them, whom they never feared nor stood in doubt of, as appeareth by the Kings mentioned in the Bible, and by that also which hath happened and daily doth happen, not only in England, and in these countries of Burgundy, but in divers other places also. The Notes. 1 The last of july arrived the French Kings ambassadors at the treaty of Arras Annal. Burg. so that the treaty began in the beginning of August, and the English men departed discontented the 6. of December. Annal. Bur. and the treaty ended the 21. of September, but De la March saith the 10. of December. Meyer. 11. Calen. Octob. which agreeth with Annal. Burg. 2 At the treaty was present Philip D. of Burgundy himself. La March. Meyer. 3 Our Chronicles report that the Duke of York with divers others slain in the battle, and the Earl of Salisbury father to the Earl of Warwick, who was taken prisoner in the battle were beheaded, and their heads sent to York in derision: but I remember not that the Earl of Warwick was beheaded after he was slain, and I suppose the unskilful corrector hath here omitted a word or two, and that we must read in place of Luy & le Comte de Warwic. Luy & le pere du Comte de Warwic. 4 The Earls of March and Warwick went to Calais before the Duke of York was slain, or overthrown in battle: for they fled from Ludlow lying in camp there against the king's force, because they found themselves too weak, and their counsels betrayed by Andrew Trowlop who fled from them to the King. How King Lewis entered into Paris, while the Princes of France practised with the citizens. Chap. 8. I Have been long in this discourse, and it is now time to return to the history. After the Princes were come before Paris, they began to practise with the citizens, promising offices and great rewards to divers, and omitting nothing that might further their purpose. At three days end the citizens assembled together in the town hall, where when they had long debated these matters, and heard the Prince's requests & demands made openly to them for the benefit of the whole realm (as they pretended:) they determined to send ambassadors to them to treat of peace, according to the which determination a great number of the best citizens came to Saint Mor where the Princes lay, and Master William Chartier then Bishop of Paris, a notable prelate, declared the citizen's embassage, and for the Princes the Earl of Dunois was appointed to be mouth. The Duke of Berry the King's brother was precedent of this Council sitting in a chair, and all the other Princes standing about him. On the one side stood the Dukes of Britain and Calabria, and on the other the Earl of Charolois armed at all pieces save the head piece and vantbrases, and wearing upon his quirage a short cloak marvelous rich: for he came from Conflans: and Bois-de-Vincennes being well manned was held for the King: wherefore it stood him upon to come armed and well accompanied. The Prince's request was to enter into Paris to confer with the citizens about the reformation of the state, which they said was evil governed, charging the King with divers disorders. The citizens gave them very lowly and humble language, desiring respite before they could make any resolute answer: yet (notwithstanding this delay) the King was afterward discontented both with the Bishop and the rest that accompanied him. Thus returned these ambassadors into the town, continuing still their former practice: for every one of the Princes talked with them apart, and I am of opinion that some of them had agreed secretly to suffer the Princes in their own persons to enter the town, and their men also (if they so thought good) by small troops: which practice if it had taken effect, had not only been the winning of the town, but the achieving of the whole enterprise. For the citizens would easily have been brought for divers considerations to revolt to them, and so consequently all the other towns in the realm. But God put wise counsel into the King's head, which also he executed accordingly, being already advertised of all these practices. Before the ambassadors that were returned from the Princes had made their report, the King in person entered the town of Paris, accompanied like a prince that cometh to relieve his people: for he brought with him into the town two thousand men of arms, all the nobles of Normandy, a great number of frank archers, and all his own servants, pensioners and others that use to accompany the King in such affairs. Thus this practice was broken off, and all the people altered their minds, neither durst any of them that had been with us make farther mention of the Prince's demands. Some of them also sped but evil for that they had already done, notwithstanding the King used no extremity towards them , but some lost their offices, and others were sent to dwell in other places: for the which easy revenge the King undoubtedly deserved great commendation, considering that if this practice begun had taken effect, the best that could have happened to him had been to forsake his realm, which also was his resolution. For as himself hath often told me, if he could not have entered into Paris, but had found the town revolted, he would have retired to the Swissers, or to Francis Duke of Milan, whom he accounted his especial friend, and so also the Duke showed himself, as well by the aid he sent him being five hundred men of arms and three thousand footmen under the leading of his eldest son Galeas afterward Duke of Milan (who came as far as the country of Forrestz in Awergne, where he made war upon the Duke of Bourbon, and afterward returned home because of his father's death:) as also by the counsel he gave him at the treaty of peace held at Conflans, where he sent him word to refuse no condition of peace, but to sever his company, and retain his own forces still about him. We had hardly been three days before Paris when the King entered the town, immediately after whose arrival sharp war was made upon us, especially upon our foragers, whom we were constrained to guard with great forces, because they went far from our camp. Now to speak somewhat of the town of Paris, we must needs confess that it is marvelous well situate in the isle of France, seeing the country about it was able to victual two such huge armies: for as touching us we never lacked, and they within the town found nothing enhanced, save only a denier upon every loaf of bread, the reason whereof was, because we held not the rivers above the town, being these three, Marne, Yonne, and Seine, besides divers small streams that run into them. Wherefore all things considered this town is situate in the best and fruitfullest soil that ever I saw, yea it is almost incredible how great the provision is that cometh thither. I myself was resident there since the time I now write of, half a year together with K. Lewis being lodged at the Tournelles, and ordinarily eating and lodging in the court. Since his death also by the space of twenty months, full sore against my will I was held prisoner in his palace, where I saw daily out of my window the provision that came up the stream out of Normandy, and likewise down the stream, which was so great that I would never have believed it, had I not seen it. divers bands as you have heard issued daily out of Paris, & the skirmishes were great, our watch being of fifty lances, stood near to la Grange aux Merciers, but our escouts road as near Paris as was possible, the which were often beaten back to our watch, and eftsoons (the enemy on their back) as far as our carriage, retirng sometime a softpace, and sometime a fast trot. Then used we to renforce them with new supplies, which beat back the enemies hard to the town gates, and this was daily and hourly done, for within the town were above 2500. men of arms in very good order, and a great number of gentlemen of Normandy, and frank archers, besides that they saw daily their Ladies which encouraged them to put forth themselves. Our force was also very great, but in horsemen we were not so strong as they, for we had with us only the Burgundians being about two thousand lances good and bad, nothing so well armed as they within Paris, because of the long peace wherein they had lived as before is mentioned, of the which number also two hundred men of arms were at Laigny with the Duke of Calabria, but of footmen we had great force, and those very good. The Britain's army lay at Saint Denys, making war on that side the town of Paris all the ways they could, and the other noblemen were disparkled some here some there, to make provision of victuals. In the end the Duke of Nemours, the Earl of Armignac, & the Lord of Albret came to us, but their forces lodged a good way from our camp because they had no pay, and should have famished our army, if they had taken aught without money. This I am sure of, that the Earl of Charolois gave them five or six thousand franckes, and took order that they should come no nearer us. They were at the least five or six thousand horse that did marvelous much harm in the country. The Notes. 1 Yet Meyer writeth that the King afterwards poisoned the Bishop, but Meyers words are no Gospel. 2 A Denier is the twelfth part of threehalfepences starling. How the Earl of Charolois artillery and the King's artillery shot the one against the other near to Charenton, and how the Earl of Charolois caused another bridge to be built upon boats over the river of Seine. Chap. 9 NOw to return to the camp before Paris, you may be sure that no day passed without loss on both sides, but no great exploit was done, for the King would suffer no great force to issue out of the town, neither meant to hazard the battle, but desired peace, and wisely to disparkle this assembly. Notwithstanding, one morning very early 4000 archers came and encamped along by the river side upon the very bank, directly over against Conflans. The gentlemen of Normandy and certain of the King's ordinary men of arms lay in a village but a quarter of a league from them, and between them and their footmen was only a fair plain. The river of Seine ran between them and us, and they began to dig a trench hard by Charenton, which ran in length to the very end of our camp, directly over against the which, (the river being between us and them as you have heard) they built a bulwark of wood and earth, and thereon mounted greatstore of artilirie, which at the very first shot chased the Duke of Calabria's men out of the village of Charenton, and forced them in great haste to come and lodge with us with loss both of men and horses. But the Duke of Calabria himself lay in a little house between the river and the Earl of Charolois lodging, directly over against the enemies. This artillery shot also into our camp, and put the whole army in great fear, for the very first shot slew certain of our men, and twice it strake through the Earl of Charolois chamber as he sat at dinner, and slew a trumpeter upon the stairs, bearing up a dish of meat. Wherefore after dinner the Earl removed into a low parlour resolving not to departed thence. The next morning the Princes met at his lodging to consult what was to be done: for they ever sat in counsel there, and at their rising dined also there together. The Dukes of Berry and Britain sat next to the wall upon the bench, and the Earl of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria over against them. The said Earl placed every one of them above himself, as reason was he should some of them, yea all of them seeing they were in his lodging. There they devised to countermount all the artillery in their army against the Kings, whereof the Earl of Charolois had great store, as had also the Dukes of Calabria & Britain: for accomplishment of which their purpose, they pierced the walls along the river side behind Conflans, and there mounted all the best pieces of their artillery, save the Bombards and the other great pieces which shot not: the rest also they planted in other places where they might do best service, and by this means the Princes had much more artillery on their side than the King on his. The trench that the French had made was of great length, and they wrought continually upon it, advancing it towards Paris, and casting the earth towards us, thereby to save themselves from our shot: for they lay all in their trench, neither durst one of them peep out, because the meadow where they lodged was as plain as a man's hand. To conclude I never heard in so short space such a number of Canon shot, for we on our side meant to remove them thence by force of artillery, but unto them ordinance came daily from Paris, and they plied the matter diligently and spared no powder. A great number in our army digged pits in the ground before their lodging, many also were made to their hands, for it was a place where men wrought for stone. Thus every man shifted for himself the best he could, and three or four days we passed in this estate, but the fear was greater on both sides than the loss, for not one man of name was slain. But when the Princes saw that their enemies dislodged not, they accounted it a thing tending greatly to their dishonour, and also very dangerous: for the Parisians were thereby so greatly encouraged, that one day of truce it seemed all the town was come forth to the trenches. Wherefore the Princes concluded as they sat in council, to make a large bridge of great boats, the noses whereof were coupled together, and the rest covered with planks, and the last couple nearest to the shore fastened to the ground with great anchors: besides these, a number of other great boats upon the river of Seine were brought thither, wherein they meant to pass over certain bands to assail the King's forces. The charge of this work was committed to Master girald the Master gunner who said, that our bands that passed the river should have great advantage over their enemies, because their trenches would be far underneath us, considering that they had thrown the earth on the side toward us, alleging farther that they durst not issue forth of their trenches, for fear of our shot, which reasons much encouraged our men, and made them the willinger to pass over. Thus the bridge being finished all save the last couple of boats, which also were upon the point to be fastened to the rest, and all the other boats appointed for conveyance over of our men being likewise in a readiness: suddenly one of the King's heralds arrived there, who said to Monseur de Bonillet and others there present, that we had broken the truce. For because that day and the day before were days of truce, every man that listed came to see what we did, but that night the truce ended, our bridge was so large that three men of arms with their staves ready to charge, might have passed over it upon a front. Farther there were five or six great boats, every one of the which would have conveyed over a thousand men at a time, besides a number of less boats to pass over the artillery that should serve in this enterprise. The bands were also named, and their names enrolled that should go, and the Earl of S. Paul, and the Lord of Haultbourdin ordained to lead them. After midnight they that were appointed to this enterprise began to arm themselves, and before day were all in a readiness. Some also went & heard mass, and did as good Christians ought to do in such a case. The same night I was myself in a great tent in the midst of the army where the watch stood, being also one of the watch: for no man was excused. The captain of the watch was Monseur de castle Guyon , slain afterward at the battle of Granson . And as we stood there waiting when this pastime should begin, suddenly we heard the French as they lodged in their trenches cry aloud: Farewell neighbours, farewell, immediately whereupon they set fire on their lodgings and retired their artillery. The day began to break, and they that were appointed to this enterprise were already upon the river, at the least part of them when they saw the enemies afar off retiring to Paris, whereupon they returned all, and unarmed themselves, rejoicing much because of their departure. But you shall understand that the King sent them thither only to beat our camp with artillery, not to fight: for he would put nothing in adventure, as before I have said, notwithstanding that his force were sufficient to have encountered with all these Princes joined together, but his only desire was, as he well declared, to treat of peace, and to sever this company without hazarding his estate and the state of this large and noble realm of France in battle, than the which nothing can be more uncertain nor dangerous. Every day they practised on both sides to with draw men each from other, & divers days of truce were made, during the which Commissioners sat on both sides to treat of peace at La Grange aux Merciers hard by our camp. For the King, the Earl of main with divers others came thither, and for the Princes, the Earl of S. Paul accompanied with divers others in like manner. These Commissioners met often, but no good was done: notwithstanding all that time the truce endured, and a number of both the armies met and communed together at a great ditch in the midway: the one, on the one side: and the others, on the other: for neither party might pass the ditch. notwithstanding the truce, no day escaped by reason of this meeting and communication, but that ten or twelve, and sometime more, came and yielded to the Princes, and another day as many went from us to the King: wherefore this place was afterward called the market place, because such merchandise was bought and sold there. Now to show you mine opinion in this case, me thinketh that such meeting and communing together at such times, and in such sort is very dangerous, especially for him that is likest to take the foil: for naturally most men desire to advance themselves, at the least to save themselves: wherefore they will easily be won to turn to the strongest. Some there are I confess so faithful and constant, that none of these respects can alter them, but few such are to be found. Farther this danger is then specially to be feared, when we deal with a Prince that will endeavour himself to win men: which sure is a great grace of God in any Prince that can frame himself thereunto, for it is a token that he is not infected with the foul vice and sin of pride, which all men detest and abhor. But to conclude this discourse, when a Prince mindeth to treat of peace, he ought to employ therein the faithfullest and trustiest servants he hath, being men of ripe years, lest their lack of experience cause them either to conclude some dishonourable treaty, or put their master in greater fear at their return than there is cause why. Farther a Prince ought to commit such affairs rather to those that have received benefit at his hands than to such as never were benefited by him, but especially to wise men, for he shall never make profit by employing a fool. Besides this, such treaties ought to be held rather far from his camp than near unto it, and when the Commissioners return, the Prince must give them audience, himself alone or in presence of very few, to the end that if their news be uncomfortable, they may be instructed how to answer those that will be inquisitive, for all men will desire to understand news of them, yea and some of their familiars will think that they will hide nothing from them, notwithstanding if they be such men as I have here described, and know their master to be wise, they will reveal nothing to any man whosoever. The Notes. 1 Couperoit in the French is undoubtedly to be read Coupleroit as I have here translated it, for to read it Couperoit is senseless, for the better understanding of this place peruse Valturius de re militari lib. 11. pag. 313. where you shall see the right description of this bridge. 2 This Chastel Guyon Chasteau Guienne, and Chasteau Guyon as our author also afterward nameth him was the Prince of Oranges son, La March. 3 The old copy saith he was slain at Morat but De la March, who was at the battle sayeth at Granson: but here is to be noted that the Chasteau Guyon mentioned by our author, lib. 5. cap. 2. and by Annal. Burgund. that went into Piedmont after the battle of Granson was not this, but son or brother to this which is proved by Commines own words, for in that place he calleth him Mounseor De Chasteau Guyon qui est de present, and whether this Chasteau Guyon were slain at Granson or Morat, he could not be alive in Charles the 8 time, when our author writ. Thus much I have said lest Commines should seem to vary from La March or rather from himself. A discourse upon certain vices and virtues of King Lewis the 11. Chap. 10. I Am entered into this discourse because I have seen much falsehood in the world, and many servants deceive their masters, oftentimes through their masters own fault: for this I dare boldly avow, that proud and disdainful Princes, and such as will give audience but to few, are oftener abused then those that are courteous, and ready to give ear to every man: wherein sure King Lewis our master surmounted far all the Princes of his time, for he was the wisest Prince in winding himself out of trouble and adversity, the humblest in words, the plainest in apparel, and the greatest traveler to win a man that might do him service or harm that ever I knew. Neither used he to relinquish his suit for the first refusal, but laboured the party continually by large promises and liberal gifts, as well of great sums of money as also of such estates and offices as he knew would content him. And as touching those whom he had banished and withdrawn his favour from in peace and prosperity: he bought them dearly again when he needed them, and employed them in his service, clean forgetting all offences passed. He loved naturally men of mean estate, and was enemy to all such as needed not to depend upon him: never Prince gave audience to so many men, never Prince was inquisitive of so many matters, nor desirous to be acquainted with so many strangers as he, whereby he knew aswell all that were in authority and estimation in England, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and the Seniories of Burgundy and Britain, as his own subjects. And by these virtues preserved he his estate, which stood in great danger at his first coming to the crown, because of the enemies himself had procured to himself. But his great liberality especially served him to good purpose, for as in adversity he wisely behaved himself, so contrariwise in time of peace or truce, he lightly fell out with his servants, by picking trifling quarrels to them, and such was his disposition, that he could hardly away with peace or quietness. In his talk he spared no man, neither absent nor present, save such as he feared, which were many, for naturally he was very fearful. Farther, when his talk had either turned him to displeasure, or was like so to do, he would endeavour himself to amend the matter, by using these or such like words to the party offended: I know well that my tongue hath wrought me much displeasure, but it hath also oftentimes stood me in great stead, notwithstanding reason it is that I should repair the injury done, and when he used this familiar speech, he ever gave withal some great present to the party grieved. Sure the knowledge of good and evil is a great gift of God to a Prince, I mean when the good surmounteth the evil, as it did in the King our Master, who in mine opinion was much bettered by the trouble he sustained in his youth, when he fled from his father and sojourned with Duke Philip of Burgundy the space of six years : for he was constrained there to frame himself to the humour of those whom he stood in need of, which singular virtue adversity taught him. But after his father's death, when he came first to the state he thought only upon revenge, but soon felt the smart thereof, and therefore forthwith changed his mind, acknowledged his error, repaired the harms done, and sought to recover by large benefits those whom he had offended, as hereafter you shall perceive. And I think verily he should never have wound himself out of those troubles had not his education been better than noble men's commonly is in this realm, who are brought up altogether in wantonness and dissoluteness, as well in apparel as in talk, they are utterly unlearned, there is not one wise man about them: they have governors that dispose of all their affairs, but they themselves do nothing: yea some noble men there are hardly of four nobles rend that glory in saying, Speak to my servants, thinking thereby to imitate great Princes. But I have oftentimes seen their servants so make their profit of them, that their folly hath thereby appeared to the whole world. And if any of them happen at the length to look about him, and to attend to his own business, it is so late that it seemeth almost to no purpose: for all those that have been great or done great things began in their tender age, which virtue proceedeth either of their bringing up, or of the grace of God. The Notes. 1 King Lewis departed from his father into Dauphin anno 1447. and there remained till the year 1456. at the which time because of the force his father sent thither against him, he was constrained to fly to the Duke of Burgundy where he remained till the year of his coronation, which was in the year 1461. Annal. Burgund. De la March. Meyer. How the Burgundians lying near to Paris, and looking for the battle, supposed great thistles to have been lances held upright. Chap. 11. I Have been long in this discourse, but it serveth to so good purpose that sooner I could not end it. Now to return to the wars, you have heard how these archers that lay in the trench along upon the river of Seine, dislodged at the very instant that we should have assailed them. The truce never endured past a day or two, and when it ended sharp war began again, and the skirmishes continued from morning till night, but no great force issued forth of the town, notwithstanding they beat back our scouts oftentimes whom we ever relieved with new supplies. There passed no day without some skirmish great or small, and I think the King would have had them greater, had it not been because he was jealous of divers though needlessly. I have heard him say that one night he found the postern of Saint Anthony's bastile towards the fields wide open, which put him in suspicion of Master Charles of Melun, whose father kept the place, yet sure a faithfuller servant than the said Charles that year the King had none. One day they within Paris determined to issue forth to fight with us, of the which enterprise I suppose the King understood nothing, but it was only his captains resolution, they meant to assail us three several ways, their greatest band should have come from Paris, another from Pont de Charenton, which two could not greatly have endamaged us, and the third appointed to be two hundred men of arms from Bois-de-Vincennes. Of this resolution we were advertised about midnight by a Page that told us this news as loud as he could cry from the other side of the river by the commandment of the Prince's friends within the town, some of the which also he named and so departed. By break of day issued forth Master Poncet of Riviere before Pont de Charenton, and the Lord of Lavon the other side from Bois-de-Vincennes even hard to our artillery, where they slew one of our gunner's. The alarm was great in our camp: for we supposed this to be the enterprise, whereof the Page advertised us over night. The Earl of Charolois was soon armed, yet not so soon as john Duke of Calabria, for at all alarms he was the first man armed, and that at all points, and his horse ever barded. Moreover he ware such a garment as the famous men of war use in Italy, and showed himself both a noble Prince, and a worthy Captain: he road strait to the barriars of our camp to stay our men from issuing forth, where he was as well obeyed as the Earl of Charolois himself: yea the whole army obeyed him more willingly than any man in the company, of the which honour undoubtedly he was worthy. Incontinent our whole force was in arms & stood in order of battle within our carriage, all save two hundred horse that kept our watch abroad. To be short, this day we looked assuredly for the battle, but never before nor never after. Soon after the Earl of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria, arrived the Dukes of Berry and Britain, whom I never saw armed but this day only. The Duke of Berry was armed at all points: notwithstanding they were but weakly accompanied, in the which estate they passed through the camp, and road forth to the Lords of Charolois and Calabria where they communed together. Our scouts being renforced, road as near Paris as they could, and discovered a great number of our enemies scouts, coming to learn what noise this was in our army. Our artillery shot terribly when Monseur De Lau approached so near us: the King also had good pieces upon Paris walls, that shot into our camp which was strange: for we lay two leagues from the town, but I think the pieces were mounted to the most advantage. This thundering of the artillery, caused both the parties to think some great enterprise to be towards: The day was very dark and cloudy, and our scouts approaching near to Paris, discovered many enemies abroad in the field, and a good way beyond them, a number of lances held upright (as they supposed,) which they judged to be the King's whole force, and all the people of Paris issued forth of the town in order of battle: which imagination the darkness of the heavens put into their head. They returned forthwith to the Princes being yet without our camp, & advertised them of this news, assuring them of the battle. The scouts that were issued forth of Paris approached still nearer and nearer to our camp, because they saw ours retire: which thing so much the more increased in our scouts their former imagination. Then came the Duke of Calabria to the place where a great number of the Earl of Charolois household servants stood to accompany his standard and his banner ready to be displayed, and the guidon of his arms according to the custom of the house of Burgundy, and there the said Duke of Calabria spoke thus to us all: We have now our desire, for the King is issued forth with his whole force, and marcheth forward as our scouts tell us. Wherefore let us determine to play the men. So soon as they be out of the town we will enter, and measure with the long ell , and with such like words road he about encouraging the company: our scouts at the length perceiving the enemies to be but weak recovered their spirits, & road again towards Paris, where they discovered these battles in the selfsame place they left them: whereupon they entered into a new cogitation what they might be, but when they approached near to them (the day being broken up and clear) they perceived them to be high thistles, whereupon they road hard to the town gates, and found not a man abroad, whereof incontinent they advertised the Princes, who upon this news went to mass and afterward to dinner: but our scouts were ashamed of their first advertisement, notwithstanding the darkness of the day, together with the message of the Page brought unto us overnight, somewhat excused them. The Notes. 1 By the long ell he meaneth the pike, wherewith soldiers at the sack of a town use to measure velvets, silks, and clothes. How the King and the Earl of Charolois met together to treat of peace. Chap. 12. THe treaty of peace continued still, between the King and the Earl of Charolois especially, because the principal force of both the armies was theirs. The Prince's demands were great: namely the Duke of Berries, who required all Normandy for his partage, which the King would by no means condescend unto. The Earl of Charolois demanded the towns situate upon the river of Somme: namely, Abbeville, Amiens, Saint Quintin, Peronne, and the rest that King Charles the 7. had engaged by the treaty of Arras to D. Philip of Burgundy, of whom King Lewis had redeemed them for the sum of four hundred thousand crowns, not past three months before: but the Earl of Charolois alleged that during his life, the King could not redeem them, putting him always in remembrance how much he was beholding to the house of Burgundy, which received him when he fled from King Charles his father, furnished him of money to maintain his estate, the space of six years and accompanied him at his coronation to Rheims and Paris , wherefore the Earl of Charolois took the redeeming of these towns in very evil part. This treaty of peace was so followed, that one morning the King came by water directly over against our camp, leaving his horsemen that accompanied him upon the river side, and having in the barge with him besides the water men that rowed, only four or five persons, namely Monseur Du Lau, Monseur De Montauban then admiral of France, and Monseur De Nantovillet, with one or two more. The Earls of Charolois and Saint Paul stood on the other side of the river to receive the King, who said thus to the Earl of Charolois, Brother, do you assure me in the word of a Prince, (for the Earls first wife was the King's sister :) whereunto the Earl answered, Yea sir as one brother should assure another. Then the King & his company landed, the two Earls receiving him honourably according to his estate, and he having words at will, began thus & said: Brother, I know you to be a gentleman & of the house of France: why, sir, quoth the Earl? because said the K. when I sent of late mine Ambassadors to mine uncle your father, & you to Lisle, where my foolish chancellor Moruillier so much misbehaved himself toward you: you sent me word by the Archbishop of Narbonne (who is a gentleman as his behaviour there well declared,) that before a year expired I should repent me of the proud language the said Moruillier there used. You have kept promise indeed, and that long before your day: which words the King spoke with a merry cheerful countenance, knowing his nature with whom he talked to be such that they would please him well, as undoubtedly they did. Then the King proceeded further saying, I love to deal with men that keep promise. Afterward he disavowed Moruilliers words, saying that he had spoken beyond his commission. To be short, the King walked a long time between these two Earls, a great number of the Earl of Charolois soldiers in arms standing by, and marking diligently their behaviour. At this meeting the Earls required the Duchy of Normandy, and the towns situate upon the river of Somme, with divers other particular demands for themselves, and certain overtures lately treated of for the common wealth of the realm, but upon those they stood lest: for the weal public was now turned into wealth private. As touching Normandy the King would hardly hear thereof, but he granted the Earl of Charolois demands, and for his sake offered the Earl of Saint Paul the office of Constable: which communication ended, the King took barge and returned to Paris, and the Earls to Conflans, departing each from other in very courteous and loving manner. Thus passed we the time, sometime in peace and sometime in war, but notwithstanding that the treaty of peace at la Grange aux Merciers where the Commissioners used to sit, were clean broken off on both sides: yet continued still the communication above mentioned between the King and the Earl of Charolois, and messengers went between them notwithstanding the war: for the Earl sent to the King William of Bische and Guillot Diusie, being both his own servants, but yet beholding to the King: for when Duke Philip had banished them, the King at the Earl of Charolois request entertained them. Many misliked these sendings to and fro, so far forth that the Princes began now to mistrust and abandon each other, in such sort that had not one thing happened soon after , they had all departed with great dishonour. Twice I saw them hold three several assemblies in one chamber where they were together, wherewith the Earl of Charolois was marvelously offended: for he thought, seeing the greatest force of this army was his, that they did him wrong to sit in counsel in his chamber, he being present, without calling him to it: wherefore he debated this matter with the Lord of Contay a very wise gentleman, who advised him to take it patiently, because if he should alienate their minds from him they could better make their peace than he, adding that as he was the strongest, so ought he to be the wisest, and farther counseling him to do his endeavour by all means possible for their continuance together in friendship, and in no wise to fall at variance with them, but to digest and wink at all these disorders. Lastly he told him that all men wondered, yea his own servants, that so mean personages as the two above named were employed in so weighty affairs: alleging great danger to be therein, considering how liberal a Prince he was whom he had to deal with. True it is that this Contay hated William of Bische, notwithstanding herein he spoke but as others did, and I think verily not upon malice but as the case required. The Earl of Charolois followed his advise, and began to sport & pastime with the Princes otherwise than he had been accustomed, to show them a cheerful countenance, & to commune oftener both with them & their servants, and sure so was it requisite: for they stood even upon the point to sever themselves. A wise man doth good service in such a company, if he may be credited, neither can he be valued too dear, but I never knew Prince in my life that could find the difference between man and man till he stood in need of men: and if any happily do, yet make they no account of a wise man, but place in authority about them those whom they favour better, either because they are of equal years with them, or seek in all things to feed their humours, wherein they are often nuzzled by the furtherers of their wanton pleasures. But wise Princes will soon reform themselves when need requireth, such as were the King our master, the Earl of Charolois at that time, King Edward of England, and divers others: but these three especially I have seen at so low an ebb, that they have stood in great need of those whom before they despised. Notwithstanding as touching the Earl of Charolois, after he was Duke of Burgundy, and highlier advanced by fortune's favour than ever was any of his predecessors, and grown so great that he feared no Prince of his estate, God overthrew him in all his glory: and so bereaved him of his wits, that he contemned all men's counsel but his own, whereby he miserably ended his life, with a great number of his servants and subjects, leaving his house desolate as you see. The Notes. 1 The Earl's meaning was, that the King could not redeem them during the said Earls life, because they were engaged to Duke Philip and his heirs males. 2 The Duke of Burgundy allowed the Dolphin being in his countries monthly 3000. florences for his entertainment. Meyer. 3 King Lewis was crowned anno 1461. Augusti 14. 4 The King's sister that married the Earl was named Catherine, but he had no issue by her. Annal. Burgund. Meyer. His second wife was Isabella daughter to Charles Duke of Bourbon, by whom he had issue a daughter named Marie, which also was his heir. His third wife was Margaret sister to Edward the fourth King of England, by whom also he had no issue. 5 He meaneth the taking of Rouen mentioned in the next chapter. How the town of Rouen by practice was put into the Duke of Bourbons hands, for the D. of Berry, and how the treaty of Conflans was fully concluded. Chap. 13. YOu shall now understand what moved me to discourse so long of the dangers depending upon these treaties, and why I advised Princes to be wise and circumspect whom they employ in them, especially him that hath the worse end of the staff. For while the commissioners sat to treat of peace, by means whereof men met & communed together: in steed of treating of peace some practised to yield the Duchy of Normandy to the King's only brother the Duke of Berry, to the end he might there take his partage, and restore Berry to the King, which enterprise was also executed according: for the Lady of Brezey, the late Seneschal of Normandies' widow, and certain of her kins folks and servants by her persuasion, received john Duke of Bourbon into the castle of Rouen, and finally into the town, the which willingly consented to this mutation, as did also all the other towns and places in the country, a few excepted. For the Normans have ever been and yet are of opinion, that it is requisite for them (their country being so large) to have their Prince resident among them, neither desire they any thing more: and sure it is a goodly thing and a rich: for I myself have known the revenues thereof nine hundred and fifty thousand franks, and some say they are greater. After the town was revolted, all the inhabitants gave their oath to the Duke of Bourbon as the Duke of Berry's lieutenant, save the bailiff of the town named Onaste (who had been a groom of the King's chamber in Flaunders and near about him) and another called William Piquart, afterward general of Normandy, and the high Seneschal of Normandy that now is, who also departed to the King against his mother's will, who (as you have heard) was the chief author of the citizens revolt. When the King heard this news he resolved to make peace, seeing he could not undo that was already done. Wherefore incontinent he sent word to the Earl of Charolois being in his camp, that he would gladly speak with him, and appointed the hour when he would meet him in the fields by Conflans, near to the said camp, at which hour he came, accompanied with an hundred horse, all in manner Scottish men of his guard. The Earl of Charolois met him with a small train without any ceremony, notwithstanding many of his servants went after him, so that in the end his company was greater than the Kings, but he caused them to stay a pretty way off, and when the King and he had walked together a while, the King told him that the peace was already made, and advertised him of all that was happened at Rouen (whereof the Earl as yet understood nothing) adding that notwithstanding he would never willingly have granted his brother so large a partage: yet now seeing the Normans themselves had made this mutation, he would agree thereunto, and pass the treaty in manner and form, as before at divers meetings was devised, for as touching the other articles they had to agree upon, they were but trifles. The Earl of Charolois was glad of these news, for his army lay in great distress of victuals, but more of money, and had not this happened, all these Princes had been forced to departed with great dishonour. Notwithstanding to the Earl of Charolois the same day, or within two or three days after came a new relief both of men and money, sent him by Duke Philip his father out of Burgundy, under the leading of the Lord of Savenses, being six score men of arms, and fifteen hundred archers, and six score thousand crowns upon ten sumpter horses, with great store of bows and arrows, which furnished reasonably well the Burgundians army, who stood in great doubt that the other Princes would make peace without them. This communication of peace pleased so well both the King and the Earl of Charolois, and so desirous they were (as I have heard the Earl himself say,) to conclude the treaty, that they marked not which way they walked, but road strait toward Paris, so far forth, that they entered into a great bulwark of wood and earth, that the King had caused to be made a good way without the town, at the end of a trench, by the which lay a way into the town. The Earl was accompanied but with four or five persons who were much abased when they saw themselves within the bullwarck: notwithstanding he himself set a good face on the matter. But when this news came to the camp the whole army began to mutter, and the Earl of S. Paul, the marshal of Burgundy, the Lord of Contay, the Lord of Haultbourdin, & divers others assembled together, blaming greatly both the Earl, and those that accompanied with him, of this folly, and alleging the inconvenience that happened to his grandfather at Montereau-faut-Yonne in the presence of King Charles the 7. Wherefore incontinent they commanded all the soldiers that were walking abroad in the fields to retire into their camp. And the marshal of Burgundy surnamed Neuf-chastel said thus: though this foolish harebrained young Prince be gone to cast away himself: yet let us provide that his house, his father's estate, and we ourselves fall not into danger: wherefore mine advise is that every man repair to his lodging, and be in a readiness, banishing all fear whatsoever happen. For we are strong enough if we sever not, to retire to the marches of Henaut, or Picardy, or into Burgundy. When he had thus said, he and the Earl of Saint Paul mounted on horseback, and walked out of the camp to see if they could descry any body coming from Paris: where after they had stood a while, they discovered forty or fifty horses being certain of the King's servants, as well archers as others that waited back upon the Earl of Charolois: who so soon as he perceived these two approach, caused the French men to return: he stood in awe of the marshal, because he used to give him very sharp language, neither feared sometimes to tell him that he was but lent him during his father's life. Wherefore minding now to prevent him, he said thus, Chide me not, I acknowledge my great folly, but I was hard by the bulwark before I witted. But this notwithstanding the marshal said more to his face, than he had spoken behind his back, and sure he was a faithful and a trusty knight. The Earl answered nothing but held down his head, and entered into this camp where they were all glad of his return, and commended the King's faith: and sure it is to be thought that both the King and the Earl had great regard of their honour, considering that each of them putting himself into others hands: Yet neither of them received harm, notwithstanding the Earl never after returned under the King's power. The Notes. 1 That is 118750. pounds sterling. How the treaty of peace was concluded between the the King and the Earl of Charolois and his confederates. Chap. 14. IN the end all matters were fully concluded, and the next day as the E. of Charolois was making his musters to know what number he had lost: suddenly the King accompanied with thirty or forty horse, came thither without warning given, and rid about to view all the bands one after another, save the marshal's of Burgundy who loved him not: because not long before the King having once given him Pinal in Lorraine, took it afterward again from him to bestow upon john Duke of Calabria greatly to the said marshal's damage. The King (acknowledging his error) by little and little reconciled himself to the wise and valiant knights that served the King his father, whom he at his first coming to the crown displaced, wherefore they were with the Princes in arms against him. Farther it was agreed that the next day the King should come to the Castle of Vincennes, and likewise all the Princes that were to do him homage: for whose safety the said Castle should be put into the Earl of Charolois hands, according to which agreement the next morning thither came the King, and likewise all the princes none being absent, the porch and the gate being manned with Burgundians well armed: there the treaty of peace was concluded. The Lord Charles did the King homage for the Duchy of Normandy, and the Earl of Charolois for the towns in Picardy above mentioned, as did also all the rest that had homage to do, and the Earl of Saint Paul took his oath for the office of Constable: but according to the common proverb, never was so plentiful a marriage feast, but some departed undined, for here some had what them lusted, and others nothing. The King received into his service certain gentlemen that were with his brother, and also certain mean persons, but the greatest part remained still with his said brother the new Duke of Normandy & the D. of Britain, who went to Rouen to take possession. At their departure from the castle of Vincennes they took their leave each of other, and returned to their lodgings: farther, all letters, pardons, and other writings serving for the confirmation of the peace were made. On one day departed all these three Princes, the Duke of Normandy and Britain first into Normandy, and the Duke of Britain from thence into his own country, and the Earl of Charolois into Flaunders. But when the Earl was ready to take horse, the King meaning effectually to show how greatly he desired his friendship, came to him and accompanied him to Villiers-le-bell a village four leagues from Paris, where both these Princes lodged that night. The King's train was very small, but he commanded two hundred men of arms to follow him to convey him back: whereof the Earl of Charolois being advertised as he went to bed, fell into great suspicion thereof, and commanded a great number of his servants to be in arms. Thus you see how impossible it is for two great Princes to agree, because of the suspicious tales and reports that are daily and hourly beaten into their heads. Wherefore two Princes that desire to continue in friendship ought never to come together, but to employ virtuous and wise men between them, who will increase their amity, and repair all such breaches as shall happen. The next morning the two Princes took their leave each of other with much courteous and wise talk, and the King returned to Paris accompanied with the men of arms above mentioned, called thither for that purpose, whereby he removed all suspicion the Earl had conceived of their coming. The said Earl road towards Compiengne and Noyon, being received by the King's commandment into all the towns he passed by. From thence he marched to Amiens where they did him homage, as did also all the other towns upon the river of Somme, & the territories in Picardy restored to him by this treaty, which the King not past nine months before had redeemed for the sum of four hundred thousand crowns, as before you have heard. This done, he marched incontinent into the country of Liege, because they had by the space of five or six months made war upon his father in his absence, in the countries of Namur & Brabant, where also they had slain certain of his subjects : but because the winter approached he could do no great exploit, notwithstanding a number of villages were burnt, and divers small overthrows given to the said Liegeois, whereupon they made a treaty with the Duke of Burgundy, and for performance thereof stood bound to him in a great sum of money. This done, the Earl of Charolois returned into Brabant. The Notes. 1 The treaty was sworn the fift of October, the conditions whereof read in Meyer fol. 337. where he saith, that by this treaty Flaunders was exempt from the King's sovereignty, which saith Degrassalius cap. 1. pag. 6. the King could not grant, Quia ultimus resortus alienari aut remitti non potest: which also may well appear to be law, because we read lib. 5. cap. 17. of our author, that notwithstanding this treaty, the Chancellor of Burgundy and Himbercourt being imprisoned and condemned by the citizens of Gaunt, appealed to the Parliament of Paris, which appeal notwithstanding whether it were lawful or unlawful, or whether they appealed to delay the time for safety of their lives, hoping their friends would deliver them, or the King happily, thereby to recover his former sovereignty: I leave here to discuss. Notwithstanding if any such condition were in the treaty of Conflans, as Meyer reporteth, in my simple judgement these two wise men would not have appealed contrary to it, and thereby have made the cause of their death just though before unjust, by violating this privilege, and so infringing the liberties of the state of Flaunders obtained by this treaty of the King. 2 The King persuaded the Liegeois to rebel in june 1465. which was the same summer the Earl of Charolois was in France, thereby to withdraw the Earl of Charolois out of France home, whereupon the Liegeois about mid August defied the Duke of Burgundy, and hung his son's image on a gibbet with vile reproachful words. Read Annal. Burgund. fol. 900. and Meyer fol. 337. pag. 2. but soon after, namely 19 Octob. the same year the Duke of Burgundy by the conduct of the Earl of Nassau the Seneschal of Hainault, the Lords of Grutuse, Gasebecque, and Rubempre gave them an overthrow at Montenac where they lost 2200 men: wherefore seeing their forces broken, and the Earl of Charolois returned home, they desired peace which they obtained 22. januarij anno 1466. as our author in this chapter maketh mention, and likewise Meyer fol. 338. and Annal. Burgund. fol. 909. where also read the conditions of the peace, but this peace the same year about june they broke again, by aiding them of Dinand, as in the second book our author setteth forth at large. How by the division that happened between the Dukes of Britain and Normandy, the King recovered the said Duchy which he had given his brother. Chap. 15. NOw to return to the Dukes of Normandy and Britain, who after their departure from Bois-de-Vincennes, went together as you have heard to take possession of Normandy. You shall understand that immediately after their entry into Rouen, they fell at variance about partition of the booty , for the knights above mentioned were yet with them, who being accustomed under King Charles the seventh, to live in great authority, and enjoy goodly offices: thought now, seeing this enterprise at an end, and themselves unrestored to the King's favour, to be advanced by the new Duke of Normandy, wherefore they gaped for the best offices in the country as due to them. On the otherside the Duke of Britain thought it reason that part of them should be at his disposition, because the greatest burden of these wars had lain upon his shoulders. To be short, the fire so kindled between them, that the Duke of Britain for safety of his person was forced to retire to mont S. Katherine near to Rouen, where also the Duke of Normandies' men with the citizens of Rouen were about to besiege him, so that in the end he was forced to retire the high way to Britain. Of this division the King being aducrtised, furthered it I warrant you to the uttermost of his power (for he was master in this Art) and in the mean time approached with his army near to the country, whereupon those that held the strong places began to yield them to him, thereby to recover his favour. I speak of these matters upon the Kings own report, for I myself was not present at them. But to proceed, the King practised with the Duke of Britain (who held certain of the strong places in base Normandy ) utterly to abandon his brother, for conclusion whereof they were together a certain space at Caen, where they made a treaty, by the which, the said town of Caen & divers other places remained in the L. of Lescuts' hands, with a certain number of soldiers in pay, but this treaty was so confused, that I think neither party understood it thoroughly well. Thus returned the D. of Britain into his own country, and the King bent his whole force against his brother the Duke of Normandy, who seeing himself unable to withstand him, and that the King had already taken Pont de l'Arche and divers other places in the country, determined to fly into Flaunders. The Earl of Charolois was yet at Sainctron , a little town in the country of Liege, where he was marvelously busied, for his army was all broken and out of order, and part thereof, notwithstanding the winter, in war against the Liegeois. This variance between the two Dukes above mentioned much troubled him, for he desired nothing more than to see a Duke of Normandy, because thereby the King should lose the third foot of his realm? wherefore he levied men in Picardy to put into Dieppe, but before they were ready, he that held the town yielded it by composition to the King, who by this means recovered all the Duchy of Normandy save those places that the Lord of Lescut held by the treaty of Caen. The Notes. 1 He meaneth by the booty, the offices in Normandy. 2 The places the Duke of Britain held, were Caen, Auaranches, Licieux, etc. 3 Some copies have Saint Oenone, but the old copy and de la March Sainctron, some call it Centron, and Saint Truden, as saith Guicci. Hubertus nameth it in latin Centrones. Berlandus, fanum Trudonis, but corruptly saith Hubertus: the ancient name in deed is Centrones, wherefore it is to be read Centronor Sainctron, but not Saint Oen. How the new Duke of Normandy returned into Britain in very poor estate, and utterly discouraged, because he had failed of his enterprise. Chap. 16. THe Duke of Normandy was once determined (as you have heard) to fly into Flaunders, but at that very instant the Duke of Britain and he reconciled themselves, acknowledging both of them their errors, and well perceiving all good things by division to perish and come to nought. And sure in mine opinion it is almost impossible, that many Princes of equal estate being together should long continue in friendship and amity, unless they have a superior over them, who also must be wise and well esteemed, to the end he may hold them in due obedience. I have myself seen many examples hereof, and therefore speak not upon hearsay. Besides that, common experience proveth that we are naturally inclined to fall at variance to our own harm, not regarding the inconveniences that ensue thereof, which is a general fault through the whole world. Wherefore in mine opinion a wise Prince having ten thousand men at his commandment, and knowing how to govern them, is more to be feared and esteemed than six Princes confederate together, with each of them ten thousand, because so many matters fall in question between them, that all good occasions are lost, before they can resolve upon any thing. Thus returned the Duke of Normandy into Britain in very poor estate, and utterly abandoned of all the Knights above mentioned that had served the King his father. for they made their peace with the King, and were better entertained by him than ever they had been in his father's time. These two Dukes were wise after the hurt received (as the common proverb saith) of the Britons, and lived together in Britain, being governed by the Lord of Lescut their principal servant. And divers ambassadors ran between the King and them, and between them and the Earl of Charolois, and likewise between the King and the Duke of Burgundy, some to learn news, some to corrupt one another's servants and subjects, and some for divers other evil purposes, and all under colour of good faith. Some also went with good intent trusting to pacify these troubles, which sure was great simplicity in them to think themselves wise & sufficient enough by their presence to appease Princes so great, so subtle, & so well acquainted with all sorts of fine practices as these were, especially neither party inclining to reason. But some there are so blinded with vain glory, that they think themselves able to deal in matters that oftentimes they understand not: for their Masters do not always discover to them the bottom of their thoughts. To such it often happeneth that they go but to furnish the feast, yea many times to their own cost: for ever one by-fellow or other accompanieth them, that hath some secret practice apart, at the least thus have I seen the matter ordered at all times and in all places where I have been. Wherefore as I said before, that Princes ought to be circumspect whom they employ in their affairs: so say I now, that those that are employed aught to take heed how they negotiate in Prince's businesses. And who so can shift off the charge, unless he understand it thoroughly well, and perceive his Master to be well affected thereunto, is to be accounted wise: for I have known many a good man in a peck of troubles with such affairs. Prince's also I have seen of two contrary dispositions, the one so subtle and suspicious, that a man can never be acquainted with their humour, for they think all the world bent to deceive them: the other trust their servants well enough, but they themselves are so gross and understand so little of their own affairs, that they know not who doth them good service or bad, whereby they altar their minds in a moment from love to hatred, and from hatred to love. And notwithstanding that of either sort few are good and constant: yet I for my part had rather live under the wise than the foolish: because there are more ways to avoid their displeasure, and recover their favour lost: but with the ignorant a man can devise no shift, for no man dealeth with themselves in any matter, but altogether with their servants, whom also they change as oft as the wind. Notwithstanding in those countries where such Prince's reign, all men are of duty bound to serve and obey them. Wherefore all things considered, our only hope ought to be in God: for he alone is constant, he only is good: but this lesson we learn too late: yea never before we need his help, notwithstanding it is better late than never. THE SECOND BOOK. Of the wars between the Burgundians and Liegeois, and how the town of Dinand was taken, sacked, and razed. Chap. 1. IMmediately after these troubles above mentioned, ended in France, the Duke of Burgundy year by year had war with the Liegeois, against whom when the King saw him busied: he usually attempted some enterprise against the Britons, sending also some small aid to the said Liegeois: whereupon the Duke forthwith either turned his force against the King to secure his confederates, or they concluded some treaty or truce. Now you shall understand that in the year 1466. Dinand was taken by the Duke of Burgundy, being a town in the country of Liege strong and rich for the bigness thereof, by reason of their great trade of copper works, commonly called Dinandrie, being pots, pans, and such like implements. Philip Duke of Burgundy (who died in the month of june in the year 1467) in his extreme age was borne thither in a litter, so much hated he the said town, because of their great cruelty used against his subjects in the county of Namur, especially against a little town called Bowines, situate within a quarter of a league of Dinand, and severed only with the river of Maze. For not long before the time I now write of, they of Dinand besieged the said town of Bowines (the river running between ) the space of eight months, committed many cruel murders in the country thereabout, and shot all that space continually with two bombards, and other great pieces of artillery into the town: so that the poor people were constrained to save themselves in their sellers, and there to abide. It is almost incredible the great hatred that was between these two towns, notwithstanding that their children usually married together, because there was no other good town near them. The year before the destruction of Dinand being the same summer, the Earl of Charolois came before Paris with the Princes of France as you before have hard: they made a treaty with the Duke of Burgundy, whereby they agreed to give him a certain sum of money to abandon their league with the city of Liege, and to govern their estate apart, a manifest token of imminent destruction, when they that ought to continue together in amity, sever themselves and forsake each other, which I speak as well to great Princes in league together as to towns and commonalties. But because I suppose every man to have seen and read a number of examples, to this purpose I will lightly pass over this discourse, only noting by the way that King Lewis our Master was the finest and cunningest Prince in dissolving friendship between men that ever I knew, for he spared neither money, goods, nor travail, but laboured as well the servants as the masters. Now to return to the history, they of Dinand soon repent them of the treaty above mentioned, for they cruelly put to death four of their best citizens that had been the chief persuaders of them thereunto, and began war a new in the county of Namur: wherefore partly for these considerations, & partly because of the earnest solicitation of the citizens of Bowines, D. Philip laid the siege before the town, but the charge of the whole army was committed to his son. Thither came also from his own house the Earl of S. Paul Counstable of France to aid the Duke, not by the King's commandment, nor with the men of arms that were under his charge, but with such force only as he had levied in the marches of Picardy. Once they of Dinand made a proud sally, and were repulsed to their great loss: and the eight day after the town being marvelously beaten with canon was taken by assault, so that their friends had not leisure to bethink them whether they should aid them or not. The town was burnt and razed, and the prisoners being to the number of eight hundred drowned before Bowines. Sure the revenge was cruel upon them, but I think God had so ordained it because of their great wickedness. The next day after the town was taken, the Liegeois came thither with great force to secure it, contrary to their promise, for by the treaty above mentioned: they and the town of Dinand had abandoned each other. Duke Philip because of his old age returned home, but his son with the whole army marched against the Liegeois whom we met sooner than we looked for. For by chance our vaward miss the way for lack of guides, by means whereof our battle met first with them, wherein were the principal Captains of our army. It was almost night when we arrived at the place where they lodged: yet notwithstanding we marched against them, but even at that very instant they sent ambassadors to the Earl of Charolois, desiring him for the honour of the virgin Mary, whose even that was, to have compassion upon this poor people, excusing their fault the best they could. Yet this notwithstanding their army made show as though they desired the battle, & their behaviour seemed clean contrary to their ambassadors request. But after the said ambassadors had passed twice or thrice between them and us, they concluded to observe the treaty made the year before, and to give the Duke a certain sum of money, for the performance of the which conditions, better than the former, they promised to deliver to the Earl by eight of the clock the next morning three hundred hostages, named in a role by their Bishop and certain of his servants being in our camp. This night our army was in great trouble and fear, for our camp was neither fortified nor enclosed, besides that, we lay scattered here and there, and in a place much for the Liegeois advantage, who were all footmen, and knew the country better than we. Some of them desired to assail us, and in mine opinion if they had so done, they mought easily have defeated us, but their ambassadors that entreated for peace broke off that enterprise. By break of day our army was come together, and our battles stood in very good order, our force was great. For we were three thousand men of arms good & bad, and twelve or thirteen thousand archers, besides great force of footmen, of the countries thereabout. We marched strait upon our enemies with intent either to receive the hostages, or give them battle if they refused to deliver them. We found them severed into small bands, and in great disorder, as a people obedient to no man's commandment. None drew near, the hostages being yet undelivered. Wherefore the Earl of Charolois asked the Marshal of Burgundy there present, whether he should assail them: who answered yea, alleging that they mought now be discomfited without danger, and that no conscience was to be made in the matter, seeing the fault was theirs. The like advise gave also the Lord of Contay, adding that he should never have them at such advantage, and showing him how they went scattering here and there in small bands, wherefore he counseled him without farther delay to invade them. But the Earl of Saint Paul constable of France, being asked his advise, was of the contrary opinion, saying, that if he assailed them, he should do against his honour and promise, because such a number of people could not so soon agree upon the delivery of so many hostages. Wherefore he held it best to send again to them to know what they would do. The Earl of Charolois debated this matter long with himself. On the one side he saw his ancient and mortal enemies defeated without all danger, but on the other he feared the staying of his honour if he should invade them. In the end he sent a trumpeter to them, who met with the hostages upon the way, whereupon the wars ended, and every man returned home, but the soldiers were much offended with the Constable's advise, for they saw a goodly booty before them. Incontinent ambassadors were sent to Liege to confirm the peace : but the people being inconstant and wavering, vaunted that the Earl durst not fight with them, and discharged harquebuses upon his ambassadors, and entreated them very ill. But the Earl returned into Flaunders, and this summer died his father , for whom he made a great and solemn funeral at Burges, and advertised the King of his death. The Notes. 1 The peace made the 22. of january, ann. 1466. whereof mention is made in the 14. Chap. of the last book, about june the same year, the Liegeois broke as here is rehearsed, and again they hung up the image of the Duke and his son, with the most barbarous insolency that ever was heard of. Read Annal. Burgund. pag. 911. and 912. and Meyer pag. 338. where also their intolerable cruelty is described. 2 The Dinandois durst not pass the river into the Duke's dominions, wherefore they planted their artillery on their own side of the river, meaning only to beat the town, not to make any breach. 3 Dinand was taken in August. Annal. Burgund. the 25. of August saith Meyer, and the Duke's army before the town was thirty thousandmen, Meyer. 4 The eight hundred drowned before Bowines, were those that hanged up the image of the Duke and his son with such reproaches. Annal. Burgund. 5 Others say but fifty hostages. 6 The Liegeois army was of forty thousandmen. Annal. Burg. but Meyer saith but six and thirty thousand. 7 This peace was concluded the 1. of September an. 1466. the conditions read in Meyer fo. 339. pag. 2. and Annal. Burgund. pag. 915. Farther about the midst of September the next year being 1467. they broke this peace again. 8 Duke Philip died the 15. of june 1467. Annal. Burgund. Berlandus. De la March. Meyer saith the 16. of july, Gaguin in one place saith june, and in another the 14. of july, he gourned 48. years, lived 71. Meyer. Farther here is to be noted that in this place, our author beginneth the year 1467. for that year died the Duke as he saith before in this chapter, and these words, where he saith, And this summer died his father, have not relation to the same summer Dinand was taken, and the peace made with the Liegeois: for if the Duke had died that summer, he could not have been at the taking of Dinand, for Dinand was taken in August, and then the Duke dying in june, must have been dead before, if he had died that summer: but these words have relation to the Earl of Charolois return into Flanders which was in the beginning of the summer anno 1467. for the peace was made 1. September 1466. and all that winter (to the end he might make all sure at Liege:) he remained in those countries, and in the beginning of the next summer, anno 1467. returned into Flanders, and in june after died his father. Thus much I have been forced to say, lest our author by slipping over that winter because nothing was done in it, should seem to write contrarieties. How the Liegeois broke the peace with the Duke of Burgundy then Earl of Charolois, and how he discomfited them in battle. Chap. 2. During these wars and ever after, many secret practices were entertained between these Princes. The King was marvelously offended with the Dukes of Britain and Burgundy, by means whereof they could hardly hear one from another: for oftentimes their messengers were stayed, and in time of war forced to go by sea out of Britain into Flaunders, at the least to pass out of Britain into England, and so to travel by land to Dover, and there to cross over to Calais: for they could not pass the next way through France without great danger. But during all the space of twenty years or more, that these princes were at variance, sometime in open war, and sometime in a dissembled truce, wherein each party comprehended their confederates: God showed so great favour to the realm of France, that the civil wars in England were not yet fully ended, notwithstanding that they began fifteen years before, and had continued with cruel and bloody battles, wherein many a good man lost his life. For you shall understand, that there were in England two houses that claimed the crown, to wit, Lancaster and York: for the which cause both the parties proclaimed their enemies traitors, and the division of these two houses was the preservation of the estate of France: for doubt you not but that this realm had sustained great troubles if the English men had been in such estate then as in times past. But to return again to our matter, the King's chief desire was to conquer Britain, both because it seemed easier to be subdued, and of less defence than this house of Burgundy, and also because the Britons received all his evil willers, namely his brother, and other his enemies that had intelligence in his realm. Wherefore he practised continually with the Duke of Burgundy, making him divers offers if he would forsake the Britons, and namely that he would in like manner abandon the Liegeois, and all other the Duke's enemies. Whereunto the Duke of Burgundy would not agree, but made a new voyage against the Liegeois, because they had again broken the peace, and taken and spoiled a town called Hue , and chased his men out of it, notwithstanding the hostages delivered the year before under pain of death, and the great sum of money they had bound themselves to forfeit, if they broke the said treaty. The Duke levied his army about Lowain in Brabant, and upon the marches of Liege, whither came to him from the King the Earl of Saint Paul Constable of France (now become altogether French, and resident continually with the King) accompanied with Cardinal Balne and others, who advertised him that the Liegeois were the King's confederates, and comprehended in the truce: wherefore the King would secure them if he invaded them. Notwithstanding they offered if he would abandon the Dukes of Berry and Britain to the King, that the King would then abandon the Liegeois to him. Their audience was short and in open court, neither stayed they above one day. The Duke excused himself, and charged the Liegeois with breach of the peace, alleging that they had invaded his dominions, wherefore he saw no reason why he should not be revenged on them without forsaking his confederates, and this was his answer for that time. Again the next day after their arrival, the Duke being ready to take horse, told them that he humbly besought the King to attempt nothing against the Duke of Britain, whereunto the Constable replied and said, sir you choose not but take all, for you will make war at your pleasure upon your friends, and constrain us to lie still and not invade our enemies as you do yours, it may not be so, neither will the King endure it. Then the Duke taking his leave said thus again, the Liegeois are assembled together, & within three d↑ieses I look for the battle, if I be overthrown, I am sure you will do after your accustomed manner: but if the victory fall on my side, the Britain's shall live quietly enough by you. Which talk ended, he mounted on horseback, and the ambassadors repaired to their lodgings, to make them ready to departed. The Duke marched in arms from Lowaine with great force, & laid his siege before a town called Sainctron, his power was marvelous great, for all the strength of Burgundy was come to him, so that this army was far greater than any other that I had seen with him before. A little before his departure, he debated with his counsel, whether he should put the Liegeois hostages to death, or what he should do with them. Some gave advise to kill them all, especially the Lord of Contay so often above mentioned, whom I never heard speak so cruelly as at that present. Wherefore it is necessary for a Prince to have more than one of his counsel, for the wisest err, yea, and that often. Otherwhiles because they are partial to the matters debated, through hatred or love, sometime because they seek to contrary some one that hath spoken before them, possible also their bodies may be evil disposed, for it is not to be held for counsel that is given after dinner. But you will say, that men subject to such imperfections are unfit to be of a Prince's council, whereunto I answer, that we are all men, and that who so will have no councillors but such as never fail to speak wisely, nor are more troubled at one time then another, must seek them in heaven, for he shall not find them on earth. But for redress of this inconvenience, sometime one of the council will speak very well and wisely, that useth not often so to do, and thus the one supplieth the others defects. Now to return to the matter debated in this assembly, two or three were of the said Contais opinion, moved thereunto by his great authority & wisdom: for in such assemblies a great number give their opinion but as they have heard some other speak before them, not understanding the matters debated, but seeking only to flatter some one being of credit and authority that hath already spoken. After this the Lord of Himbercourt, a gentleman borne near to Amiens, and one of the wisest knights that ever I knew, being asked his advise said, that to the end the Duke might have God on his side, and discharge himself of cruelty and desire of revenge before the world: he thought it best to pardon all those hostages, considering they came thither with a good intent, supposing the treaty should have been observed, notwithstanding he advised the Duke at their departure to give them to understand, how great grace and favour he showed them, and to desire them to do their endeavour in persuading their citizens to peace, which if they could not obtain, yet at the least they themselves acknowledging his goodness towards them, should never after bear arms neither against him, nor their bishop there present with him. This opinion took place, and the hostages when they were delivered promised to do as the Duke required. Farther this was told them at their departure, that if any of them were hereafter taken in arms against the Duke, he should die and thus they were dismissed. It is not amiss to rehearse here how after Monseur de Contayes cruel sentence pronounced against the hostages: (part of them which were come thither with a good meaning and upon very simplicity,) one of the Counsel said thus to me in mine ear: Mark well this man, his body is healthful enough, though he be old: yet dare I lay a good wager he shall not live a year to an end, because of this cruel sentence he hath given, and sure so it fell out, for he lived not long after. Notwithstanding before his death he did his Master good service in the battle against the Liegeois, whereof you shall now hear. I have made mention before how the Duke departing from Lowain, laid his siege before Sainctron, and bend his artillery against it. Within the town were three thousand Liegeois under the charge of a valiant knight, the self same that was their chief commissioner for peace when we met them in order of battle the year before. But the third day after the Duke's arrival before the town, the Liegeois with great force came to levy his siege about ten of the clock in the morning, they were thirty thousand men and above good and bad, all footmen save fine hundred. They were well furnished of artillery, and encamped within half a league of us in a strong village called Breton, part whereof was environed with a marish. Farther Francois Royet, Baillif of Lions, and the King's ambassador at that time to the said Liegeois, was with them in their army. Our fourragers were the first that advertised us of their arrival, for we had no scouts abroad, which was a foul oversight: I never was in place with the Duke of Burgundy where I saw him give good order of himself but this day only. Incontinent he ranged all his battles in the field, save certain bands appointed to lie still at the siege, among the which were five or six hundred English men. Farther he beset both the sides of the village with twelve hundred men of arms, and placed himself with eight hundred men of arms directly over against the village, somewhat farther off then the rest: he caused also a great company of gentlemen and men of arms to light on foot with the archers, & then the L. of Ravastain with the vaward (being all on foot, as well men of arms, as archers) marched forward with certain pieces of artillery even hard to the Liegeois trenches which were broad, deep, & full of water: yet notwithstanding with force of arrows and cannot shot, the enemies were repulsed, and their trenches won, and their artillery also: but when our shot failed us, the Liegeois recovered their spirits and with their long pikes gave a charge upon our archers and their Captains, of whom they slew in a moment four or five hundred, in such sort that all our ensigns began to waver as men half discomfited. At which instant the Duke commanded the archers of his battle to march, being led by Philip of Crevecoeur, Lord of cords (a wise gentleman) and divers other valiantmen, who so courageously assailed the enemies, that with the turning of a hand they were put to flight. But neither the horsemen above mentioned that stood on both sides of the village, neither the Duke himself could follow the chase because of the marish: for they were placed there only to this end, that if the Liegeois had broken the D. vaward, and issued forth of their trenches into the plain, they might then have given a charge upon them. The Liegeois fled along through the marish, being pursued only by our footmen, notwithstanding the Duke sent part of the horsemen that accompanied himself to follow the chase, but they were forced to ride two leagues about before they could find any passage, by means whereof they were benighted, which saved many a Liegeois life. The rest of his horsemen the Duke sent to his camp, because they heard a great noise there, and doubted the enemies sally, and indeed they had issued forth thrice, but were always repulsed, especially through the valiantns of the English men that the Duke left there behind him: a few of the Liegeois after they were put to flight relied themselves together at their carriage, but stayed not long there. In this battle were slain 9000. men, which number I am sure shall seem great to all that love truth, but I have been in my time in many battles, where for one that was slain men made report of a hundred, thinking thereby to please their Masters whom often they abuse with such untruths. Sure had we not been benighted, there had been slain above fifteen thousand: the battle being ended, the Duke when it was dark night returned with the whole army into his camp, save a thousand or twelve hundred horse that were gone two leagues about to follow the chase, for otherwise they could not come near their enemies because of a little river that was to pass. They did no great exploit because of the night: notwithstanding some of their enemies they slew, and some they took, but the greatest part escaped into the city. The Lord of Contay did good service this day in giving order in the battle, & died shortly after in the town of Huz and made a good end: he was a wise & a valiant knight, but lived not long after his cruel sentence pronounced against the hostages above mentioned. The D. immediately after he was unarmed called one of his secretaries, and wrote a letter to the Constable and the other ambassadors departed from him at Lowain not above four days before, wherein he advertised them of his victory and desired them to attempt nothing against the Bretons. Within two days after the battle, the pride of this foolish people was clean abated, though their loss were not great: whereby appeareth how dangerous a thing it is for any Prince to hazard his estate in battle, if he may by any other means make a good end, for a small loss in a battle changeth & altereth the minds of his subjects that receiveth the overthrow more than any man would think, causing them not only to stand in great fear of their enemies, but also to despise & contemn their Prince and those that are in authority about him, yea to murmur and practise against him. They demand boldlier than they were accustomed, and storm if ought be denied them, so that the Prince mought have done more with one crown before the battle, than with three after it. Wherefore if he that hath received the overthrow be wise, he will not adventure a second battle in this estate with those that have fled, but only defend his own, and seek some small enterprise easy to be achieved, to the end thereby his subjects may recover their former courage, and remove all fear. To conclude, the loss of a battle traineth with it a number of inconveniences to him that is vanquished. Notwithstanding great conquerors have just cause to desire the battle to abridge their labours, as have also the Englishmen and Swissers, both because they are better footmen than their neighbours, as appeareth by the great victories they have obtained, (which notwithstanding, I writ not to the dispraise of other nations) and also because their men can not keep the fields long without doing some exploit, as Frenchmen and Italians can, who also are more full of practice and easier to be governed than they. Now on the otherside, he that obtaineth the victory, increaseth his honour and estimation, his subjects are the more obedient, they deny him nothing that he demandeth, his soldiers also wax thereby the hardy, and the more courageous. Notwithstanding oftentimes the Princes themselves after a victory obtained, are so puffed up with pride and vain glory, that commonly their good success turneth to their harm, all the which happeneth by God's disposition, who sendeth alterations according to men's deserts. When they within Sainctron saw the battle lost, and themselves enclosed on all sides, supposing also the discomfiture to be much greater than indeed it was: they laid down their armour, yielded the town, and delivered such men to the Duke's mercy as he demanded, whom he incontinent caused to be beheaded, six of them being of the hostages that he had dismissed a few days before, under such conditions as you have heard. From thence he dislodged and marched to Tongres, which abode the siege: but because the town was nothing strong, they yielded before the battery under the same conditions that their neighbours of Sainctron had accepted, and delivered also ten men to the Duke, who were put to death as the former, five or six of them being likewise of the hostages above mentioned. The Notes. 1 The new copy hath Liny, but the old and La March name it Hue, Guicci. Hoey, Hubertus Huyum, Meyer, Hoyum, and almost all other good authors. 2 The Liegeois army to secure Sainctron was of 20000. men, (but understand beside the King's forces) lead by Messir Bare or Barrado as Meyer termeth him who was slain in the battle. Meyer. 3 The King sent to aid the Liegeois 400. men of arms and 6000. archers. Meyer. 4 There were slain at this battle 6000. saith the old copy, 3000. Meyer. grounding himself upon certain obscure Annalists, one of Flanders, the other of Brabant, of purpose to contrary our author as in my epistle is showed more at large. 5 This battle was fought upon Alhallowe even, De la March, but Meyer saith the 27. of October. How some of the citizens of Liege agreeing to yield their town and others refusing so to do, the Lord of Hymbercourt found means to enter into it for the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 3. FRom Tongres the Duke marched to the city of Liege, where the people were in great division, for part of them gave advise to defend the town: saying that they had force sufficient within it so to do, the chief of the which faction was a knight called Master Raz of Laitre, but others seeing all the country about burned and destroyed, would in any wise have peace, were the conditions never so unreasonable: wherefore when the Duke approached near to the city, divers overtures of peace were made by certain mean persons, as prisoners and such like. But the principal dealers in the matter were certain of our hostages, who doing clean contrary to the others above mentioned, and acknowledging the great favour the Duke had showed them, brought to his camp with them three hundred of the best citizens in their shirts, bore headed, & bare legged, who presented the keys of the city to him, and yielded themselves to his mercy, humbly beseeching him only to give them his word, that the town should neither be fired nor sacked. And at the self same time that they came in this estate to the Duke, the King's ambassadors being Monseur de Movy, and a secretary called john Prevost were there present, who were come to the Duke with the same demands that the Constable had made a few days before. Farther the very day of the composition, the Duke supposing to enter the city, sent the Lord of Hymbercourt thither before him because he was well acquainted in the town, and had been governor thereof under Duke Philip during the years they lived in peace: notwithstanding entry was denied him for that day, whereupon he retired and lodged in an abbey without one of the town gates, being accompanied with fifty men of arms, the whole number amounting to two hundred soldiers, and I myself being one of them. The Duke of Burgundy sent him word if the place where he lay were strong not to dislodge, otherwise to retire back to him, for he could hardly have succoured him because all that country is rock and stone. The said Hymbercourt resolved not to move (for the place was very strong,) but retained with him five or six of the citizens that brought the keys to ●he Duke, minding to use their help to good purpose, as hereafter you shall overthrow. At nine of the clock at night we heard a bell ring, at the sound whereof the citizens use to assemble, whereupon the said Hymbercourt, doubted that this bell called company together to issue forth to assail us, (for he was advertised that Master Raz of Laitre and other of the citizens would not agree to peace,) and in deed his surmise was true, for that was their determination, and they were even upon the point to sally. Then said the Lord of Hymbercourt to us, if we can dally with them but till midnight, we are safe, for they will wax weary and desirous of sleep, and then those that are our enemies in the town will fly when they shall see their enterprise frustrate: wherefore to bring his purpose to pass, he dispatched two of the citizens that he had stayed with him, and delivered them certain friendly articles in writing, meaning only to busy the citizens with farther talk to win time: for their manner was & yet is to assemble together at the Bishop's palace to debate of their affairs, when the bell above mentioned is rung. These two Burgesses which had been of our hostages, when they came to the gate being hardly two bow shot from the abbey where we lodged: found a great number of the citizens there in arms, some of the which would needs issue forth to assail us, & some not. Then our two Burgesses told the Mayor of the city aloud, that they brought certain friendly articles in writing from the Lord of Hymbercourt the Duke of Burgundy's lieutenant in those countries, willing him to return to the palace to read them, whereunto he agreed, and incontinent we heard the bell ring again, whereby we understood that they were busied about our articles. Our two Burgesses returned not, but about an hour after we heard a greater noise at the gate than before, and a much greater number came thither in arms, crying and railing upon us from the walls, whereby the Lord of Hymbercourt perceived our danger to be now rather increased then diminished: wherefore he dispatched the other four hostages that were yet with him, by whom he wrote a letter, the contents whereof were that during the time he was governor of the city, for the Duke of Burgundy, he had used them gently and lovingly, neither would for any thing consent to their destruction, especially seeing not long before he had been a commoner of one of their companies in the town, namely the goldsmiths company: wherefore they ought so much the rather to credit his words. To be short he said if they would obtain peace, and save their country, they most first receive the Duke into the town according to their promise, and then subscribe to certain articles written in the schedule he there sent them. After he had well instructed these four hostages, they went to the gate as did the former, which they found wide open. Some of the citizens welcomed them with sharp words, but others were content to hear their message. To be short in the end they returned again to the palace, immediately whereupon we heard the bell ring which much comforted us, and by little & little, the noise that was at the gate ceased. They were together in the palace till two of the clock after midnight, and in the end concluded to keep the composition they had made, & the next morning to deliver one of the town gates to the Lord of Hymbercourt: whereupon incontinent Master Raz of Laitre and his whole faction fled out of the town. I would not have stood so long upon this point being of so small importance, had it not been to declare that by such fine devices proceeding of deep wisdom, great perils, dangers, & losses are often eschewed. The next morning by day break, a number of the hostages came to the Lord of Hymbercourt, desiring him to come to the palace where all the people were assembled, there to assure them by his oath of the two points they doubted of: to wit the firing and sacking of the town, which being done, they promised to put one of the gates into his hands: whereof he sent word to the Duke, and then accompanied them to the palace, where after he had sworn as they demanded, he returned to the gate. And the citizens commanded the soldiers that were upon it to come down, and he put into it twelve men of arms, and certain archers, and reared up the Duke of Burgundy's ensign. From thence he went to another walled gate, into the which he put the bastard of Burgundy, who lay near at hand. Into the third he put the Marshal of Burgundy, and into the fourth certain gentlemen that were with himself, and thus were four gates well manned with Burgundians, and the Duke's ensigns upon them. Now you shall understand, that at that time the city of Liege was one of the mightiest and most populous towns in those quarters, except four or five, besides that, a great multitude of the people of the country round about was retired thither, so that their loss in the battle was no whit perceived. Farther they were well furnished of all things, and it was the deep of winter when we came before the town, the weather was marvelous foul, and the ground wonderful soft and miry. We on the other side were in great distress both of victuals and money, and our army in a manner broken. Wherefore the Duke had no purpose to besiege the city, neither could he though he would, and if they had stayed the composition but two days longer, he was fully resolved to return home. Wherefore I may well conclude, that the great honour he obtained in this voyage proceeded of the mere grace of God, contrary to man's expectation: for he durst hardly have craved at God's hands the good success he gave him, which great honour and godly victory in the judgement of all virtuous and wise men happened to him, for the favour and mercy showed to the hostages above mentioned. This I writ because both Princes and others oftentimes find fault as it were with themselves, when they have done a pleasure or a good turn to a man, saying, that they were accursed when they did it, & will beware hereafter how they pardon so lightly, how they bestow any such benefit, or show any such favour to any man, which notwithstanding, are things incident to their office. Wherefore in mine opinion this is evil spoken, and proceedeth of a base and abject mind: for a Prince or any other man that never was deceived, can be but a beast, because he understandeth not the difference between good and evil. Besides that, all men are not of one disposition, and it is no reason for the naughtiness of one or two to cease from doing good to a great number, when time and occasion serveth. Notwithstanding I wish Princes to make good choice of those they benefit, for all men deserve not alike. But me think it almost impossible for a wise man to be unthankful, or unmindful of a good turn, and if Princes bestow upon fools, they are worse than mad, for they shall perceive in the end that a fools acquaintance can stand them in no steed. Farther in mine opinion, this is the greatest point of wisdom in a Prince to have near about him wise and virtuous men: for himself shall be judged to be of the nature and disposition of those that are most familiar with him. Wherefore to conclude this discourse, me think we ought never to be weary of well doing: for one man alone, yea the meanest of those we have pleasured, may happily so requite our friendship, that he shall recompense the ingratitude of a multitude, as appeared by these hostages, the greatest part whereof, were ingrate and unthankful, but some of them acknowledged and requited the benefit received: for by the only means of five or six of them, this enterprise was achieved, which turned so greatly to the Duke of Burgundy's honour and profit. The Notes. 1 There were in this city 32. companies, without whom nothing was concluded: the principal was the goldsmiths company, but the most ancient the Blacksmithes. Guicci. How the Duke of Burgundy made his entry into the town of Liege, and how the citizens of Gaunt where he had been evil entreated before, humbled themselves unto him. Chap. 4. THe next day after the gates were yielded, the Duke entered the town in great triumph , for a breach was made in the wall for his entry twenty fathoms long, and the town ditch all the length of the breach filled up even with the ground: with him entered on foot two thousand men of arms armed at all pieces, and two thousand archers, yet notwithstanding the force in his camp was marvelous great. The Duke himself entered on horseback, accompanied with all his household servants, and the noblest men in his army, clad and appareled the most sumptuously that might be: and in this estate road he through the town, and lighted at the great Church. To be short, he abode there certain days, and put to death five or six more of his hostages that had broken promise, and with them the town messenger whom he hated extremely: he established certain new laws and customs, and commanded a great sum of money to be levied in the city, which he said was forfeited to him for the treaties and compositions broken the years before. Farther, he carried away all their artillery and armour, and razed all their gates and walls. This done he returned into his own countries where he was honourably and dutifully received especially of the citizens of Gaunt, who before his voyage to Liege had after a sort rebelled against him with certain other towns, but now they received him as a conqueror, with so great lowliness and humility, that certain of the best citizens came on foot to him as far as Brussels, bringing with them all the banners of their town, which they did for this cause: Immediately after his father's death he chose the city of Gaunt for the first town he would make his entry into: for supposing that to be the town where he was best beloved, and therefore looking for all duty and obedience at their hands: he hoped also by that means to find the like in all the other towns of his dominions, assuring himself that they would all follow the example of this, which opinion proved true as touching this latter point. But you shall understand that the next day after his entry, they came in arms upon the market place, bringing with them a Saint called Saint Lievin, with whose shrine they beat down a little house called La Cueillette: where a custom of corn was received for payment of certain dets the town ought to Duke Philip by the treaty of peace called the treaty of Gaures , for two years they had been in wars with him. To be short, they said this Saint would pass through this house without stooping, and in a moment beat down the house, which disorder the Duke seeing, went himself to the market place: a great number of noble men in arms offering to wait upon him as he passed through the streets, which he refused, commanding them to stay before the townhouse, and attend him there. Notwithstanding, by little and little the throng of people forced them at length into the market place also, whither when the Duke came, he went up into a house to speak to these rebels, commanding them to take up the shrine and bear it into the church, which some obediently did, but others caused it to be laid down again. Then they presented supplications to him against certain of the town, touching payments of money, wherein he promised to do justice. But when he saw they would not departed, he returned to his lodging, and they abode in arms upon the market place the space of eight days. The next morning they brought articles to him, demanding the restitution of all their privileges that Duke Philip had taken from them by the treaty of Gaures, of this one especially, that every company in the town (being threescore and twelve in all) might have a banner according to their ancient custom. The Duke seeing the danger he stood in, granted them all their demands, and all such privileges as they required, which word was no sooner passed him, but they reared up all their banners upon the market place, being all ready made, whereby appeared that they would have had them perforce, if he had not granted them. His opinion at his first entry into Gaunt proved true, that all the other towns would follow their example: for indeed divers rebelled as the town of Gaunt did, slew his officers, and committed divers other disorders. But if he had believed his father's proverb, that the citizens of Gaunt love their Prince's son well, but their Prince never, he had not been deceived, and to say the truth, next to the citizens ' of Liege these of Gaunt are the most inconstant in the world. Notwithstanding, one good property they have among so many bad, that they never lay hands upon their Prince's person , besides that, the best Burgesses of the town are very honest men, and much offended with the people's insolency. The Duke was forced to digest and wink at all these rebellions, fearing to enter into a double war at one time with his own subjects, and the Liegeois. Notwithstanding his meaning was if he sped well in his voyage to Liege, to teach them their duty at his return, as also it happened, for as I have already made mention, they brought to him on foot to Brussels, all their banners, privileges, and writings, as well those they made him grant at his departure from Gaunt as others, all the which in a great assembly held in the hall of Brussels, in the presence of divers ambassadors they presented to him, to do with them at his pleasure. Than the Haralts of arms by his commandment, took the said banners from the staves whereto they were fastened, and carried them to Bullen, a haven town eight leagues from Calis, where the other banners yet remained that D. Philip his father took from them, when the wars ended, wherein he vanquished and subdued them. Farther the Duke Chancellor took all their privileges, and rend one of them concerning the election of their Senate: for in all the other towns of Flaunders, the Prince every year chooseth the Senate, and receiveth their accounts, but by this privilege he might choose but four in Gaunt, and the rest being two and twenty they themselves chose: when the Senators of the towns are friends and faithful subjects to their Prince, he liveth that year in peace, and they willingly grant him all his demands: but if they be otherwise, commonly some rebellion happeneth. lastly the citizens of Gaunt paid the Duke thirty thousand gildons and six thousand to his principal servants, and banished certain out of their town, but all their other privileges were restored them, the rest of the towns bought also their peace with money, for they had attempted no great matter against the Duke. By this example a man may perceive how great good ensueth victory in a battle and how many inconveniences the overthrow. Wherefore a Prince ought to beware how he hazard his estate upon a day unless necessity force him thereunto: and if that happen, then must he bethink himself before the hour of all doubts and dangers that may be imagined. For those that fear a matter commonly provide well for it, and have oftener good success than they that proceed with a careless contempt: unless God be fully resolved to strike the stroke, against whom man's wisdom cannot prevail. Which point is sufficiently proved by the example of these Liegeois above mentioned, who had been excommunicated the space of five years for their variance with their Bishop, whereof notwithstanding they made no account, but continued still in their folly and naughtiness, moved thereunto only through wealth and pride. Wherefore King Lewis was wont to say, that when pride rideth before, shame and damage follow after, (a very wise saying in mine opinion) and sure for his part he was free from that vice. The Notes. 1 The Duke entered into Liege the 11. of November 1467. Meyer. 2 The French corrector through unskilfulness had corrupted this place, & sometime calleth it La paix de Gand, and sometime nothing, but I have here restored it out of Meyer & Annal. Burgund. This peace was concluded 3. Calend. Augusti 1453. whereof read Annal. Burgund. lib, 3. pag. 829. Meyer lib. 16. fol. 314. and others. 3 Yet the citizens of Gaunt anno. 1338. constrained Lodovicus Nivernensis Earl of Flanders to fly for the safety of his life into a castle in Gaunt called Petra Comitis where they also besieged him. Again anno 1346. they constrained Lodovicus Maleanus perforce to go with them to Bergen, and against his will to give his faith to Isabella daughter to King Edward the third: they set a guard also about his person, but he escaped and fled into France. Meyer. How the King seeing what had happened to the Liegeois, made war in Britain upon the Duke of Burgundy's confederates, and how they two met and communed together at Peronne. Chap. 5. THese troubles being thus ended, the Duke went to Gaunt where he was received with great pomp and triumph, for he entered in arms, and the citizens made a postern into the fields, by the which he putmen in and out at his pleasure: many messengers ran between him and the King, and likewise between the Duke of Britain and him, and thus passed this winter. The King traveilled continually with the Duke of Burgundy to suffer him to invade Britain at his pleasure, making him divers offers in consideration thereof: whereunto the Duke would not condescend, for the which cause partly, and partly for the overthrow given to the Liegeois his confederates, the King's displeasure was so kindled that longer he could not forbear, but in the very beginning of summer entered into Britain, at the least his forces for him, and took two small castles, the one called Chantosse, the other Anseny, whereof the Duke of Burgundy was incontinent advertised, and earnestly pressed by the Dukes of Normandy and Britain with all speed to levy his army for their aid, whereupon he wrote to the King, humbly beseeching him to relinquish his enterprise, seeing these two Dukes were comprehended in the truce as his confederates, but receiving such answer as liked him not, he encamped with great force near to Peronne. The King's army was still in Britain, but the Court lay at Compiegne, from whence the King sent Cardinal Balue to the Duke within three days after his arrival at Peronne, who stayed not long with him, but made certain overtures of peace, advertising him also that they in Britain could make their composition well enough without him, for the King's drift was to sever them. The Cardinal was honourably received, well feasted, and soon dispatched, and returned with this answer, that the Duke was not come forth into the field to endamage the King in any respect, but only to secure his confederates: so the messages that passed between them were very courteous on both sides. Immediately after the Cardinal's departure a herald called Bretaigne arrived at the Duke of Burgundy's camp with letters from the Dukes of Normandy and Britain, wherein they advertised him that they had made peace with the King, and renounced all leagues and confederacies, and namely their league with him, and farther that the Duke of Normandy had surrendered Normandy (lately given him for his partage) to the King, and should receive in recompense thereof, and of all other partages the yearly revenues of three score thousand franks, which conditions (though never so unreasonable) necessity forced the Lord Charles of France to accept. The Duke of Burgundy was wonderfully abashed at these news: for he had put himself into the field only to aid the said Dukes. And sure the herald was in great danger, for because he passed by the Court, the Duke suspected that the King had forged these letters, notwithstanding he received immediately after, the like advertisement from other places. The King thought now his enterprise half won, and that he should easily persuade the Duke of Burgundy to forsake these two Dukes, as they had him: whereupon secret messengers ran between them, and the King gave the Duke six score thousand crowns, whereof he paid the one half presently the better to content the said Duke, who had consumed great sums in levying this army. Farther, the Duke sent to the King a groom of his chamber very near about him, named john Vobrisset, whereupon the King conceived great hope of his enterprise, and seemed desirous to commune with the Duke in person, trusting to obtain of him all that he required, both because of the two foresaid Duke's ingratitude towards him, and also because of the great sum of money he had given him. Wherefore he advertised the Duke of certain matters by the said Vobrisset, and sent back with him Cardinal Balue and Master Tanneguy du castle governor of Roussillon, who gave the Duke to understand by their words, that the King desired greatly that they two might commune together in person. They found the Duke at Peronne who seemed to have no great devotion to this meeting, because the Liegeois made show as though they would rebel anew, being solicited thereunto by two ambassadors sent thither by the King for that purpose before the truce was made which he and the Duke concluded, for certain days between them and their confederates. But Cardinal Balue and the other ambassadors put this doubt out of his head, alleging that the Liegeois durst attempt no such thing, considering he had vanquished them, & razed but their walls the year before: and farther, if they had any such desire, yet when they should see this amity between him and the King, they would soon alter their minds. Thus in the end it was concluded that the King should come to Peronne seeing it pleased him so to do, and the Duke sent him a letter written with his own hand, containing sufficient surety to come and go at his pleasure. And thus departed the ambassadors, and returned to the King being then at Noyon. But the Duke minding to make all sure in the country of Liege, sent thither their Bishop for whose quarrel all the wars above mentioned first began, and in his company the Lord of Hymbercourt (the Duke's lieutenant in those parts) with certain bands of men. You have heard how it was concluded that the King should come to Peronne, according to the which determination thither he came without his guard, for his pleasure was wholly to put himself under the guard and surety of the Duke, and that Monseur de cords (who then served the Duke) should convey him thither with the said Duke's archers which was done accordingly. The King's train was very small, notwithstanding he came accompanied with divers noble personages, namely, the Duke of Bourbon, the Cardinal his brother, and the Earl of Saint Paul Constable of France, who had not busied himself about this meeting but much misliked it. For he was now waxed proud and high minded, and behaved not himself to the Duke of Burgundy with such lowliness and humility as he was accustomed: wherefore there was no good will between them twain. Thither came also Cardinal Balue the governor of Roussillon, and divers others. And when the King drew near to Peronne, the Duke with a goodly train issued forth to receive him, and brought him into the town, and lodged him in a goodly house near to the castle being the receivers, for the castle was a little old thing nought worth. War between two great Princes is easily begun but hardly ended, because of the number of accidents depending thereupon: for each party dispatcheth messengers to and fro to hurt his enemy, which suddenly cannot be stayed nor revoked, as appeared by these two Princes, who concluded this meeting upon a sudden not advertising their servants thereof, who were far from them executing the charge their Masters had given them. For you shall understand that the Duke had sent for his army into Burgundy, being furnished at that time with a number of gentlemen, namely the Lord of Bresse of the house of Savoy, & his two brethren the Bishop of Geneva, and the Earl of Remont: for the Savoyans and Burgundians have ever borne great love one to another. In this army were also certain Almains borderers upon Savoy and the county of Burgundy. Now you shall understand that the King in times past had held the Lord of Bresse in prison, because of two Knights he commanded to be slain in Savoy, wherefore there was no good will between them two. In this army were also the Lord of Vrfé, Master of the horse afterward to King Charles, Master Poncet of Riviere, and the Lord of Lau, whom the King after special good liking of him had also held long in prison, but he escaped and fled into Burgundy. All this company above mentioned arrived near to Peronne, even at the very instant that the King came thither, and the Lord of Bresse with the three above mentioned, every one of them wearing the Saint Andrew's cross entered the town, supposing they had come time enough to accompany the Duke when he should go to receive the King, but because they came too late they went strait to the Duke's chamber to do their duty to him, where the Lord of Bresse humbly besought him that the three above named, notwithstanding the Kings coming, might be there under his safeguard and protection, as he had promised them in Burgundy at their first arrival into his dominions, adding that they were ready to serve him against all men none excepted: which request the Duke granted with his own mouth, and for their good will thanked them. The rest of this army (led by the Marshal of Burgundy) lodged without the town as they were appointed. The said Marshal hated the King no less than the others above named, because of Pinall a town in Lorraine which the King had once given him, and afterward taken from him to bestow upon john Duke of Calabria so often mentioned in this history. The King being forthwith advertised of these noble men's arrival, and the apparel they ware fell suddenly into great fear, and sent to the Duke desiring him that he might lodge in the castle, because all these above named were his enemies. The Duke rejoiced to see him in such fear, and caused his lodging to be made there, willing him to be of good cheer and doubt nothing. The Notes. 1 He meaneth by apparel the Saint Andrew's cross. A discourse wherein is declared how greatly learning especially in histories profiteth Princes and noble men. Chap. 6. IT is greatfolly for one Prince to put himself under the power of another, especially when they are in war together, as those Princes well know that have studied histories in their youth, wherein they find divers examples of great falsehood and treason used in times passed at such enteruiewes and of divers that have stayed as prisoners, and slain those that have come to them under their surety . I say not that all have used so to do, but the example of one is sufficient to teach a number wit, how to look to themselves. I myself for my part have seen some experience in the world, having been by the space of eighteen years and better, employed continually in Prince's services, and privy all that while to the weightiest and secretest affairs that have passed in this realm, or the country's bordering upon it, and sure in mine opinion the best way to learn wisdom is to read ancient histories, which will teach us by example of our ancestors, wisely to behave ourselves, safely to defend ourselves, and advisedly to attempt any enteprise. For our life is so short that experience cannot sufficiently instruct us, considerlng withal that our years are abridged, and neither our lives so long, nor our bodies so strong, as were our ancestors in ages past: which way as we are weakened, so is our faith also each to other much diminished , in such sort, that I know not how one man may assure himself of another, especially great Princes, who are commonly inclined to all wilfulness, without any regard of reason, and (which is worst of all) have for the most part such men about them, as study only to flatter them, and soothe them in all their doings be they good or bad, and if some one endeavour himself to redress this inconvenience, all the rest will strait be upon his top. Farther I must needs blame ignorant and unlearned Princes in this respect also, they have all commonly about them great clerks and lawyers, as it is requisite they should if they be good, but if they be otherwise, they are the dangerousest people in the world to be about a Prince, for they have ever a law or an history at their finger's ends, which be it never so good they writhe and wrest in such sort, that they will make black white, and white black. But those Princes that be wise and have read as well as they, will not suffer themselves to be abused by them, neither dare they be so hardy as to report untruths to such Princes. Farther think you that God hath established the office of a King or Prince, to be executed by such beasts as glory in saying: I am no scholar, I trust my Council well enough, and refer all matters to them, and so without farther answer departed to their sports and pastimes? No, no, if they had been well trained up in their youth, they would use other language, and seek to be esteemed for their own virtues and worthiness. I say not that all Princes are served by evil conditioned persons, but sure the most part of those that I have seen have not always had their courts unfurnished of such, although some I confess I have known that in time of necessity could make choice of their men, and use the service of the best and wisest. Wherein sure the King our master far passed all the Princes of his time, for never Prince advanced so highly, nor made so great account of wise and worthy men as he did. He was himself reasonably well learned , he was very inquisitive and desirous to understand of all matters, and had an excellent wit, which passeth all learning attained to by study: for as reading profiteth two manner of ways, the one by acquainting us with ages past, and the other by teaching us more in a book in three months, than twenty men living successively can learn by experience: so if a man lack wit to put that which he readeth in practice, his reading serveth to no purpose. Wherefore to end this discourse, me think the greatest plague that God can lay upon a realm, is to give them an unwise Prince, the root and fountain of all mischief: for first division and civil wars arise thereof among his subjects, because he giveth his authority to others, which especially above all things he ought to reserve to himself. After division ensueth famine and mortality, and all other evils that accompany the wars, wherefore hereby we may consider how much a Prince's subjects ought to lament, when they see his children wanton brought up and governed by evil conditioned persons. The Notes. 1 Of treasons in treaty we have numbers of examples. First of jugurtha taken by his father in law Boccus, and delivered to the Romans'. Sertorius slain at a banquet by Perpenna. In England we have the treason of Hengist to Vortiger. In Scotland we read of William Earl of Douglasse slain by james King of Scots in treaty. In Germany Albert Earl of Franconia betrayed in treaty by Ottho Bishop of Mentz. john of Angieu, slain by Albertus Bavarus Earl of Henault and Flanders, notwithstanding his safe conduct. In France john Duke of Burgundy slain by Charles the 7. William Duke of Normandy by Arnulph Earl of Flanders. Lewis King of France taken prisoner by the Normans and Danes at Rouen. john Duke of Britain taken at a banquet and imprisoned by Margaret Countisse of Pontibera. Guido Earl of Flanders twice taken prisoner under safeconduct by Philip le Bell King of France. Charles the simple slain by the Earl of Vermandoys. What should I speak of the treasons of Ferrande and Alfonse Kings of Naples, or of Christiern King of Denmark, with numbers of others recorded in histories as our author here very truly reporteth. 2 Others be of a contrary opinion, that our life is as long as in David's time appeareth by the 90. Psalm, where he showeth the usual age of man in his time to have been 70. and sometime 80. years which men reach to at this day also, and if man's life be as long now as then, it is a good consequent that his body is as strong, as is to be proved by many reasons too long to rehearse. Now that our faith is as good as theirs appeareth also by the ancient histories, for if this be a true saying, Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis. And the Princes in times past were so evil as none could be worse, (as who so list to read without partiality shall be forced to confess.) I see no reason that the world should be worse now then in times past, although it seem so to many, because we see the worst of our own age, yea and feel too many times, but commonly the histories deliver to us but the best of times past, and bury the worst, and though they did, yet the evil seen with our eye is more lively imprinted in mind, than the evil we conceive by our ear, which is the cause men ever think better of the times past, than the present estate. 3 I marvel if King Lewis were learned, he would have his son to learn only this lesson, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare. How and for what cause the King was stayed and held prisoner in the castle of Peronne by the Duke of Burgundy's commandment. Chap. 7. YOu have heard how the King and this army of Burgundy arrived at Peronne both in one istant, for the Duke could not countermand them in time, because they were well forward upon the way when the Kings coming was first communed of. Their arrival troubled the feast, because of divers doubts that sprang thereof. Notwithstanding these two Princes appointed certain of their servants to negotiate together about their affairs, in most loving and friendly sort. But after three or four days communication, these strange news came from Liege which I will now rehearse. The K. coming to Peronne had clean forgotten the two ambassadors sent to Liege to solicit them to rebel against the Duke, who so diligently executed their charge, that before the King's arrival at Peronne, the Liegeois had levied great force and were gone to surprise the town of Tongres, where the Bishop of Liege and the Lord of Hymbercourt lodged accompanied with two thousand men and better: and the said Bishop and Hymbercourt they took with certain other of the Bishop's familiar friends, but few they slew, neither was the number of the prisoners great: the rest fled as men discomfited, leaving bag and baggage behind them. This done the Liegeois returned towards their city not far distant from Tongres: and upon the way thitherward the Lord of Hymbercourt compounded for his ransom with a knight called Master William de Ville, named by the French Le Sawage, who fearing lest this furious people should kill him, suffered him to departed upon his word: which notwithstanding he never challenged, for soon after himself was slain: the people rejoiced much for the taking of their Bishop. Farther you shall understand that they hated extremely certain canons of the Church taken prisoners that day: of whom for the first repast they slew five or six, one of the which was named Master Robert the Bishop's special friend, whom I myself have often seen armed at all pieces waiting upon his Master, for such is the manner of the Alemaigne Prelates. The said Master Robert they slew in the Bishop's presence, and hewed him into a number of small gobbets which they threw one at another in derision. To be short, before their return to Liege which was but eight leagues from Tongres, they slew sixteen canons and others all in manner the Bishop's servants. This done, they received advertisement that the treaty between the King and the Duke was already begun, wherefore they dismissed certain Burgundians supposing to excuse their fault, by seeming to have attempted nothing against the Duke, but only against their Bishop, whom they led prisoner into the city. Those that escaped put all the country in an uproar as they went, by means whereof this news came soon to the Duke: some said all were slain, others the contrary, for such advertisements are never reported after one sort. At the length certain arrived that saw these canons slain, who supposing the Bishop and Hymbercourt to be of the number, avowed constantly that all were murdered, and farther, that they saw the King's ambassadors in the company, whom also they named. All this was told the Duke, who forthwith believed it, and fell into an extreme fury, saying that the King was come thither to abuse him, and gave commandment to shut the gates of the castle and the town, spreading a fond rumour that he did it, because of a budget with jewels and money that was lost. The King seeing himself shut into this little castle, and a number of archers before the gate: stood in great doubt of his person, the rather because he lodged hard by a great tower, in the which an Earl of Vermandois had in times past caused a King of France one of his predecessors to be slain . I was yet in service with the Duke, and one of his privy chamber, into the which I entered at my pleasure, according to the use of this house of Burgundy. The Duke when the town gates were shut, commanded all men to void his chamber, and said to two or three of us that tarried with him, that notwithstanding he for his part had never any taste in this meeting, but agreed to it only to content the King: yet the King on the contrary side was come thither purposely to abuse him. Then rehearsed he all these news of Liege, how the King had ordered the matter by his ambassadors and caused all his men to be slain: and such a rage he was in against the King, and so threatened him, that I think verily if those to whom he spoke had pressed forward the matter, and counseled him to work the King some mischief, he would have done it, at the least have imprisoned him in the great tower above mentioned. None were present when these words passed the Duke, but myself and two grooms of his chamber, one of the which was named Charles of Visin borne at Dyion, an honest gentleman and in good credit with his master. We mitigated this matter, and sought to appease the Duke as much as in us lay, notwithstanding soon after he used also the like speech to others, by means whereof it was blown all over the town, and came at length into the King's chamber, who was in marvelous fear, as universally all men were, because of the great evils they saw like to ensue a quarrel begun between two so great Princes, who sure were both blame worthy, for that they advertised not their servants of this meeting, who were far from them executing their commandments, whereby some great inconvenience was sure to ensue. The Notes. 1 These were canons of S. Lambert in Liege, the which were not forced to be priests, but might come forth and marry if they had not song mass. Guicci. 2 This Earl of Vermandois was named Hebart or Herbau, and the King of France Charles le Simplo, whom this Hebart slew in the tower here mentioned anno 926. or after Annal. Burgund. 921. because the King had slain in battle Robert Duke of Aquitaine, or after some of Anjou, who had married this Hebarts sister. But note here poenam talionis upon the King, for as he was stayed here notwithstanding the Duke's safe conduct: so had he himself taken and imprisoned by the space of two years Philip Lord of Bresse, having called him to him under his safe conduct. Meyer. Of the Lord of Bresses' imprisonment our author maketh mention in the fift chapter of this book. A discourse wherein is showed, that an interview between two great Princes for treaty of their affairs, hurteth more than profiteth. Chap. 8. IT is great folly for two Princes being in manner of equal force and estate to meet together, unless it be in their youth when their minds are wholly set upon pleasures and pastimes, but after they are come to man's estate, and grown desirous to encroach each upon other, such enteruiewes do but increase their hatred and evil will, though happily their persons might be there in safety, which notwithstanding I hold almost for a thing impossible. Wherefore it is better to pacify all controversies by wise and discreet men, as before I have said: for proof whereof I will rehearse certain examples that have happened in my time, some of the which I myself have seen, and of the rest have been credibly informed. A few years after King Lewis his coronation before the war called the WEAL PUBLIQVE began, a solemn meeting was appointed between him and the King of Castille, which are the two nearest confederated Princes in Christendom, for their league is between King and King, Realm and Realm, and man and man of their subjects, which also they are both bound under great curses to keep and observe inviolable. To this meeting came Henry King of Castille with a goodly train to Fontarabia, and the King our Master to Saint john de Luz four leagues distant, both of them being upon the frontiers of their dominions. I was not present myself at this meeting, but I have heard both the King and the Lord of Lau make report thereof, and have been informed of it also by certain Lords of Castille there present with the King their Master, who came to this interview accompanied with the Lord great Master of Saint james, and the Archbishop of Toledo which two bare all the sway in Castille at that time, the Earl of Lodesme the King of Castils minion was there also in great bravery, and all the said King's guard, being to the number of three hundred horse, all Moors of Granado and some of them Negroes. But K. Henry himself was a man of so small understanding, that he gave away all his inheritance, at the least suffered every man that would to spoil him of it: our King was also accompanied with a goodly train, as you know his use was, but his guard especially was brave & in very good order. To this meeting came in like manner the Queen of Arragon about a controversy between her and the King of Castille, for Estell and certain other places in Navarre: whereof the King was made arbitrator. But now for proof that such interviews between great Princes are not meet nor convenient, you shall understand that these two Kings had never been at variance, there was no quarrel between them, neither saw they one another past once or twice upon a river side that parteth both their realms, hard by a little castle called Heurtebise, where the King of Castille passed to the hither side of the river. At their first meeting they had no great liking one of another, especially our King, who perceived the King of Castille to be but a simple man doing nothing of himself, but wholly governed by the great Master of Saint james and the Archbishop of Toledo above mentioned. Wherefore he made no account of their Master but sought their friendship, whereupon they came to him to Saint john de Luz where he entered into amity with them, and had great intelligence by their means. The greatest part of both these Prince's trains lay at Bayonne, and at the very first meeting fell together by the ears, notwithstanding their league: and no marvel. For their manners and languages differed. Afterward the Earl of Lodesme came also to visit the King, and passed the river in a boat, the sail whereof was cloth of gold. Farther he ware a pair of buskins embroidered thick with stone, for he was a Prince of great wealth and revenues in Castille, and created since the Duke of Albourg. In the end these two confederate nations began to scoff and jest each at other, the King of Castille was deformed, and the French misliked his apparel, wherefore they derided him. Our King ware his apparel very short, and marvelous uncomely, and was clad sometime in very course cloth, besides that, he ware an old hat, differing from all the rest of his company, and an image of lead upon it, whereat the Castilians jested, saying that this proceeded of misery. Thus ended this interview with such scoffs and taunts, that afterward these two Princes neverloved together. Farther great dissension arose among the King of Castile's servants, which continued till his death and long after, in such sort that I have seen him the poorest Prince that ever reigned, and abandoned of all his servants and subjects. The Queen of Arragon departed also discontented, for the King pronounced sentence for the King of Castille. Wherefore both the King of Arragon her husband and she hated him ever after. And notwithstanding that they used his help a while in their necessity against the town of Barcelonne, yet endured not their friendship, but wars arose between them, which continued above sixteen years, and the controversy remaineth yet undecided. Now to proceed to other examples. Duke Charles of Burgundy since the time above mentioned, by his own great suit and solicitation, met with the Emperor Frederick now reigning, at Treves , where the Duke made great preparation to show his pomp and magnificency. The Emperor and he treated there of many matters, and among the rest, of their children's marriage, which was afterward accomplished. But when they had been together a certain space, the Emperor to the Duke's great reproach and dishonour, departed without leave taking, wherefore they never loved after, neither themselves nor their subjects. The Almains disdained the Duke's pomp and lofty manner of speech, saying that it proceeded of pride, the Burgundians on the contrary side despised the Emperor's small train, and simple attire. To be short, this jar grew so great that the wars of Nuz sprang thereof. I was also at Saint Paul in Artois when the Duke of Burgundy and King Edward of England met there . The Duke had married his sister, they were companions of one order, and abode there together two days. The King's servants were divided into two factions, and both the parties complained to the Duke, who inclining more to the one than the other, increased their hatred, and notwithstanding that, he aided the King for the recovery of his realm, (out of the which he was chased by the Earl of Warwick) and furnished him both of men money, and ships: yet after this meeting, they never loved together, neither could afford each other a good word. I was likewise at Brussels when the Palszgrave of the Rhine came thither to the Duke of Burgundy, where he was honourably received, sumptuously feasted, and lodged in a chamber richly furnished. The Duke's men reported the Almains to be slovens, and void of civility, alleging that they threw their miry boots upon their rich and stately beds, wherefore they made less account of them, then before they knew them. The Almains on the contrary side like envious persons misliked this great pomp. To conclude, after this they never loved together, neither sought to pleasure one another. I saw also the meeting of the Duke of Burgundy, and D. Sigismunde of Ostrich , who sold unto the said Duke the County of Ferret, bordering upon the County of Burgundy for a hundred thousand gildons, not being able to defend it against the Swissers. These two Princes liked not greatly one another. Afterward also Duke Sigismunde made peace with the Swissers, and took again the said County of Ferret without paying back the money, whereof ensued infinite harms to the Duke of Burgundy. At the self same time also came the Earl of Warwick to the Duke, who after their meeting were mortal enemies each to other. I was also present at the interview between the King our master, and King Edward of England at Picquigny , near to Amiens, whereof I will make mention hereafter more at large. All that they did there was but mere dissimulation, for they performed no whit of that they promised. And notwithstanding, that they were never after in war together (because the sea severed them) yet perfect friendship was there none between them. Wherefore to conclude this discourse, me think that two great Princes minding to continue in amity, ought never to meet together. The occasions of troubles that arise at such assemblies are these, their servants can not refrain from talking of matters past, and words will easily be taken in evil part. Secondarily, it is impossible but that the train of the one should be in better order than the other, where of scoffs arise, which they that are scoffed stomach. Thirdly, if they be two nations, their language and apparel differ, and that that pleaseth the one displeaseth the other. Last of all, it commonly happeneth that the parsonage of the one Prince is comelier and better to be liked than the other, wherefore he is praised, and rejoiceth and glorieth to hear his own commendation, which cannot be without the dispraise of the other. And notwithstanding that three or four days peradventure after the assembly ended, these matters be communed of closely & covertly in men's ears: yet by use they fall in time in open talk at dinners and suppers, and so are reported to both the parties, for few things in this world can be concealed, especially tales and reports. Thus you have heard the reasons and examples that I myself have seen touching this point. The Notes. 1 The meeting of the King and the King of Castille was anno 1463. 2 The river where the two Kings met was named Audaye. 3 The meeting between the Emperor and the Duke was saith Munster anno 1469. Berlandus saith anno 1472. Meyer 1473. the 28. of September. 4 What year the meeting of King Edward and the Duke was, appeareth afterwards lib. 3. cap. 6. 5 Ferret was engaged to the Duke about midsummer anno 1469. for seventy thousand crowns. Annal. Burgund. but Meyer saith anno 1467. for fifty thousand gildons, and other say for 80. thousand gildons. 6 When this meeting was at Picquigny look lib. 4. cap. 10. How the King to deliver himself out of the castle of Peronne, renounced his league with the Liegeois. Chap. 9 NOw to return after my long discourse, to the King who was stayed at Peronne, as you have heard, the gates remained shut with watch and ward before them two or three days, all the which time the Duke saw not the King, neither entered any French man into the castle but by the wicket, and but sew after that sort, notwithstanding none of the King's servants were forbidden to repair to him, but few or none of the Dukes went to commune with him, neither yet into his chamber, especially of those that were of any credit with the Duke. The first day all men were in great fear, and muttered up and down the town: the second the Duke was somewhat pacified, and sat in counsel almost the whole day, and part also of the night. The King caused all those to be laboured that he thought could aid him in this extremity, making them large offers and promises, & commanded also fifteen thousand crowns to be divided among the Duke's servants, but he to whom the charge was committed acquit himself not faithfully thereof: for part of the money he retained to his own use, as the King afterward understood. The King fearing especially those above named, that came with this army of Burgundy, who in times past had been his own servants, but were now his brothers the Duke of Normandies as they said. In this council above mentioned this matter was diversly debated, some were of opinion that the safe conduct given the King should not be broken, seeing he offered to swear the treaty as it was articled in writing: others gave counsel rudely to imprison him without farther ceremony, and others to send for his brother the Duke of Normandy, and to conclude a peace for the advantage of all the Princes of France. They that gave this advise thought if their opinion took place, that the King should be restrained of his liberty for ever, and held continually under guard, because a great Prince being in the hands of his enemy, and used after such sort, never or very hardly recovereth his liberty for fear of revenge. This last opinion failed not much to take effect: for the matter was so far forward that I saw a man booted, and ready to departed with a packet of letters to the Duke of Normandy being then in Britain, and stayed only for the Duke of Burgundy's letter, notwithstanding all this was dashed again. The King caused certain overtures to be made, offering to leave there in hostage the Duke of Bourbon and the Cardinal his brother, and the Constable, with divers others, under this condition, that the peace being concluded he might departed to Compiegne, promising incontinent either to cause the Liegeois to repair the harms done, or to declare himself their enemy. They whom the King named for hostages outwardly made earnest offer of themselves, I know not whether they meant as they said, and I doubt me they did not: for I verily believe if the King had left them there, they should never have returned into France. All this night being the third after the news brought, the Duke never unclothed him, but lay down twice or thrice upon his bed, and then rose and walked: for such was his manner when he was troubled. I lay that night myself in his chamber, and communed with him divers times. In the morning he was farther out of patience than ever before, using terrible menaces, and being ready to execute some great matter: notwithstanding in the end he was pacified, and resolved to hold himself contented, if the King would swear the treaty, and go with him to Liege to help to revenge the injuries the Liegeois had done him, and the Bishop of Liege his cozen, with the which message suddenly he departed into the King's chamber, whereof the King had a privy watch word by a friend , who advertised him that nothing was to be feared if he agreed to these two points, otherwise that he should put himself in so great danger, that none could be greater. When the Duke came to the King's presence, his voice trembled, and even there he was like to fall into a new rage, so much was he troubled. His behaviour towards the King was humble and lowly, but his countenance furious, and his language sharp, for he asked him in few words wherher he would observe the treaty concluded, and also swear it: Whereunto the King answered that he would. For you shall understand that the said treaty as touching the Duke of Burgundy himself was altered in no point otherwise than it was concluded before Paris, and as touching the Duke of Normandies' partage, it was much amended for the King. For it was agreed that in stead of Normandy he should have Champain and Brie, and certain other places there about, for his partage. Then the Duke asked him again, whether he would go with him to Liege to help him to revenge the treason the Liegeois had wrought by his means, and by his coming thither, putting him also in mind of the near kindred that was between the said King and the Bishop of Liege, being of the house of Bourbon, whereunto the King answered, that after he had sworn the treaty (which was the thing he most desired) he would accompany him to Liege, and lead thither with him, as small or as great force as the Duke should think good: at which words the D. much rejoiced, and incontinent the treaty of peace was brought, and the self same cross that Charlemaigne usually ware called the cross of victory: taken out of the King's coffers, and there the two Princes swore the treaty: whereupon all the bells in the town rung, and all men were glad and rejoiced. It hath pleased the King since to attribute this honour to me, that I did him great service in furthering this accord. The Duke sent these news forthwith into Britain and the treaty with all, wherein he severed not himself from the said two Dukes, but named them his confederates. And sure the Lord Charles had now a good partage in respect of the treaty made in Britain, whereby he should have but a pension only of forty thousand franks as before you have heard. The Notes. 1 It was Commines himself, that gave the King advise not to refuse to go to Liege with the Duke. Annal. Burgund. 2 The peace of Peronne was sworn the fowerteenth day of October, anno 1468. Meyer lib. 17. fol. 346. pag. 1. where read also the conditions of the peace. How the King accompanied the Duke of Burgundy, making war upon the Liegeois, who before were his confederates. Chap. 10. THe next day after the treaty sworn, the King and the Duke departed from Peronne, and went to Cambray, and from thence into the country of Liege in the very beginning of winter, and in a marvelous foul season. The King had with him few soldiers or none, others than the Scottish men of his guard, but gave commandment that three hundred men of arms should follow after him. The Duke's army was divided into two bands, the one led by the Marshal of Burgundy (so often already mentioned) in the which were all the Burgundians, and the noble men of Savoye above named, besides great forces of the countries of Haynault, Luxembourg, Namure, and Lamburge, the other band the Duke himself lead: when they drew near the city of Liege they debated in the Duke's presence what was to be done. Some gave advise to dismiss part of the army, considering that the gates and walls of the city were razed the year before, and the citizens in utter despair of succour: the King himself being there in person against them, and offering in manner the self same conditions of peace on their behalf that were demanded. The Duke allowed not of this opinion, which was a happy turn for him, for if he had, he had marred all, but his suspicion of the King caused him to take the wisest course: & sure his captains opinion in thinking themselves too strong, proceeded either of great pride or of great folly. Notwithstanding I have often heard divers Captains give the like advise, some because they think thereby to win an opinion of hardness, and some for that they understand not the matters debated, but wise Princes weigh not such fond opinions. As touching this point, the King our Master had learned his lesson, for as he was slow and fearful in attempting any thing: so when he took once an enterprise in hand, he so throughly furnished himself of every thing thereunto appertaining, that he could not but obtain his purpose. Order was then given that the Marshal of Burgundy with his band should go before and lodge in the city, and if the citizens made difficulty to receive him, as it was thought they would not, because divers of them were already come to the Duke to treat of peace, that then he should attempt to enter by force. The said Marshal and his company went to Namur, and the next day departed thence, and the King and the D. arrived there. But when the Marshal approached near the city, this foolish people sallied forth to the skirmish and were easily repulsed, and a great number slain, the rest retired into the town, and at that very instant escaped their Bishop and came to us. Within the town was a legate sent thither by the Pope to understand of the variance between the Bishop and the people, and to pacify the matter. For the sentence of excommunication pronounced against them was yet unrevoked, because of their offences above rehearsed. This legate passing the bands of his commission, favoured altogether the people in hope to obtain the Bishopric for himself, and commanded them to take arms for their defence, and encouraged them to divers other follies. Notwithstanding now seeing the city in this danger, he issued forth with intent to fly, but was taken and all his train being to the number of five and twenty very well mounted. The Duke hearing these news seemed notwithstanding to take no notice thereof, but sent word to those that took him that they should lead him into some secret place, and make their profit of him as of some merchant, and in no wise to advertise him of this accident, alleging that if he came openly into his camp, he could not suffer them to keep him, but must of force deliver him, for honour of the sea apostolic. Notwithstanding they could not do as they were commanded, but fell at variance for him in such sort, that openly at dinner time certain that claimed part in the booty, came and complained to the Duke: wherefore he sent immediately and took him from them, and restored him all that he lost, and entertained him very honourably. This vaward led by the Marshal of Burgundy and the Lord of Hymbercourt, marched strait to the city, supposing to enter without resistance, and through covetousness (hoping to have the spoil thereof to themselves) refused the composition that was offered, neither thought it needful to tarry for the King and the Duke, being seven or eight leagues behind them, but marched with such speed that they arrived at the town by twilight, and entered into a certain suburbs leading strait to a gate that the citizens had somewhat repaired. There the Liegeois and they parled together but could not agree. In the mean time they were benighted, their lodgings were unmade, neither was the place large enough for the seat of their camp, beside that they were in great disorder, some walked up and down, some called their masters, their companions, and their captains: which folly and disorder Master john de Villette and other captains of the Liegeois perceiving, took hart and determined to issue forth, and their misfortune I mean the ruin of their walls, served them to good purpose in this enterprise: for they sallied forth where liked them best by the breaches thereof, and came in order of battle to the foremost ranks of the Burgundians. Farther, among the vines and little hills they assailed the pages and stragglers that walked their Master's horses without the suburbs by the which our men entered. A great number of good soldiers were there slain, but a greater number fled, for the night covereth all shame. To be short, the Liegeois so courageously executed their enterprise, that they slew at the least eight hundred: one hundred of them being men of arms. But the hardy and valiant soldiers of this vaward being in manner all men of arms and gentlemen of good houses, joined themselves together, and marched with ensign displayed strait to the gate, fearing the citizens salie there. The ways were marvelous deep, because of continual rain, in such sort that the men of arms being all on foot stood in mire above the ankles. Once all the citizens thought to salie forth at the said gate with great torches and lights, but our men had mounted four good pieces of artillery in the very mouth thereof, the which shot twice or thrice along the high street, and slew a great number, whereupon they all retired out of the suburbs, and shut their gates. But during this skirmish in the suburbs, the others that had sallied forth to assail the pages above mentioned, took certain carts near to the town, in the which they lodged themselves very uncommodiously, and tarried without the city from two of the clock after midnight, till six in the morning, but so soon as the day broke that one might descry another, they were repulsed, and in their retract master john de Villette, and one or two more of their captains hurt, who died all within two days after. How the King arrived in person with the Duke of Burgundy, before the city of Liege. Chap. 11. NOtwithstanding that sallies out of a town be sometimes necessary, yet are they very dangerous for those that defend the place, for the loss of ten men is more to them, than of an hundred to those that besiege them, first because their number is not equal, secondarily because they cannot put men into the town at pleasure, and lastly because haply they may lose one of their chief captains, which mishap causeth oftentimes the loss also of the place. These uncomfortable news were forthwith brought to the Duke, lying four or five leagues from the town, and the first report was, that his whole vaward was discomfited, yet that notwithstanding he and the whole army mounted on horseback, commanding that no word should be made to the King of this misfortune. And when he drew near the city on the contrary side to that where his vaward lay, he was advertised that all was well, and the loss nothing so great as was thought, neither any man of name slain but a knight of Flaunders named Monseur de Sergine, notwithstanding they sent him word that the valiant gentlemen and soldiers of his vaward were utterly wearied, and in great trouble and distress, for all that night they had stood upright in the mire by the town gate. Farther they told him that certain of the footmen that fled were returned so discouraged, that they seemed unfit for any great exploit. Wherefore they desired him for God's love to make haste, to the end the citizens might be forced to retire every man to the defence of his own quarter, and that it would please him to send them some victuals, for they had not one morsel of meat. The D. forthwith commanded two or three hundred to ride thither as fast as their horses could gallop, to comfort his soldiers, and sent after them all the victuals he could come by, and so was it high time, for by the space of two days almost and a night, they had neither eaten nor drunk, unless it were some one that carried a draft of wine in a bottle. Besides that, the weather was marvelous foul, neither could they possibly enter the town on that side they lay, unless the Duke embusied the enemy on the other side. A great number of them were hurt, and among the rest the Prince of Orange (whom I had forgotten to name before) who behaved himself that day like a courageous gentleman, for he never moved foot off the place he first possessed. The Lords of Lau and Vrfé did also very valiantly, but the number of the footmen that fled the night of the skirmish was at the least ten thousand. It was almost dark night when the Duke received this news, but after he had dispatched all his business he returned to his ensign and rehearsed the whole order of the skirmish to the King, who rejoiced to hear that all was so well, for the contrary might have turned to his prejudice. When they approached near the town, a great number of gentlemen and men of arms lighted on foot with the archers to take the suburbs which were easily won, and there the bastard of Burgundy (who had great charge in this army under the Duke,) the Lord of Ravastaine, the earl of Roucy, the Constable's son and divers other gentlemen lodged, even hard by the gate, which the enemies had also repaired as the former. The Duke lodged in the midst of the suburbs, but the King lay that night in a great grange, a quarter of a league from the town, where was very good lodging, being accompanied with a great number of men, as well of his own as of ours. This town is situate upon mountains and valleys, and in a marvelous fruitful soil , the river of Maz runneth through it: it is about the greatness of Rouen, and was at that time a marvelous populous city. From the gate where we lodged to the other where our vaward lay, the way was short through the town, but without, it was at the least three leagues going, so crooked and foul are the ways especially in winter, in the midst whereof we came thither. Their walls were all razed, so that they might saly forth where best liked them, and their defence was only a little rampire of earth: for the town was never ditched, because the foundation is hard and sharp rock. The first night of the Duke's arrival, our vaward was much refreshed and eased: for the force within the town was then divided into two parts. About midnight they gave us a hot alarm, whereupon the Duke issued forthwith into the street, and soon after arrived also the King and the Constable with great speed, considering how far off they lay. Some cried they sally out at such a gate, others spoke divers uncomfortable words, the dark and rainy weather increased also their fear. The Duke lacked no courage, but failed sometime in good order giving: and to say the truth, at this time he behaved not himself so advisedly as many wished, because of the King's presence. Wherefore the King took upon him authority to command, and said to the Constable, Lead your men into such a quarter, for if they salie that is their way: and sure both his words and behaviour showed him to be a Prince of great virtue and wisdom, and well acquainted with such exploits: notwithstanding this great alarm proved nothing, whereupon the King and the Duke returned to their lodging. The next morning came the King and lodged also in the suburbs in a little house hard by the Duke's lodging, accompanied with an hundred Scottish men of his guard, and his men of arms lying in a little village hard by him, which bred great suspicion in the Duke that he would either enter the city, or escape before it were taken , or peradventure work him some displeasure lying so near him. Wherefore he put into a great grange just between their two lodgings three hundred men of arms, being all the flower of his house, who broke down the panes of the walls to sally forth the more speedily if need so required, and these had their eyes continually upon the King's lodging which was hard by them. The siege continued eight days, during which space neither the Duke nor any of the company unarmed themselves. But the evening before the town was taken, the Duke determined to assault it the next morning being Sunday the 30. of October, the year 1468. and the token given to our vaward was this, that when they heard one bombard and two great serpentines discharged one incontinent after another, without more shot they should then courageously go to the assault, and the Duke on his side would do the like. Farther, the hour appointed for the enterprise was eight of the clock in the morning: the same night the assault was thus concluded, the Duke unarmed himself, which since the beginning of the siege he had not done, and commanded the whole army, especially those that lodged in the grange between his lodging and the Kings to do the like, to the end they might refresh themselves: but the selfsame night the citizens as though they had been advertised of this determination, concluded to make a salie out of the town on this side, as they had before on the other. The Notes. 1 Of the seat of this town read Guicci, pag. 370. 2 Basinus writeth that the Duke for divers considerations had rather have lacked the King's company then have had it, but that the King to blind the Duke with a pretence of good will offered himself to go with him, which report all the circumstances considered seemeth utterly repugnant to truth. How the Liegeois made a desperate salie upon the Duke of Burgundy's men, where he and the King were in great danger. Chap. 12. I Will now rehearse an example whereby you shall perceive how easily even a few enemies may work a great Prince displeasure, and how much it importeth Princes thoroughly to way their enterprises before they attempt them. Within this city there was not one man of war but of their own territory, they had with them neither knight nor esquire: for those few they had were either slain or hurt two or three days before in the sally above mentioned. They were unfurnished of gates, walls, trenches & artillery ought worth. To be short, within the town were none but the citizens themselves, and seven or eight hundred footmen of a little territory beyond Liege, called Franche-mount: true it is that the people of those parts have ever been accounted good soldiers. But now to the matter. These Liegeois despairing of succours, seeing the K. there in person against them, concluded to make a desperate saly, and to put all things in adventure, knowing themselves to be but lost men. Their enterprise was this, they determined that by the breaches of their walls hanging over the backside of the Duke's lodging, their best soldiers being six hundred men of the country of Franchemont should salie forth, leading with them for guides the hosts of the King's lodging and of the D. Farther there lay a privy way through the rocks, by the which they might come under covert almost to the lodgings of both these Princes before they were discovered, provided that they made no noise: and as touching our scouts that lay in their way, they made account either to kill them, or to be at the Prince's lodging assoon as they. Thus they resolved to follow these two hosts into their houses, where the two Princes lodged, without staying by the way in any place, hoping to steal upon them on such a sudden, that either they would kill them, or lead them away prisoners before their forces could come to rescue them, considering withal how short their retreat was into the town, and if the worst fell (that was to die:) they were fully resolved in the executing of such an enterprise to take their death in good part: for they saw themselves but lost men on all sides. They gave order also that all the people of the town with hue and cry, should issue forth at the gate opening upon the suburbs where we lay, trusting thereby to discomfit all our company that lodged there. Neither were they out of hope of a goodly victory, at the least they were sure of a glorious end. This their enterprise notwithstanding it had been desperate and dangerous, though they had been accompanied with a thousand valiant men of arms: yet these few failed not much to achieve it. For according to their determination, these six hundred men of Franchemont sallied forth by the breaches of their walls, about ten of the clock at night, and came on a sudden upon our scouts and slew them, three of them being gentlemen of the Duke's house, and if they had gone strait forth without any noise to the place appointed, undoubtedly they had slain both these Princes in their beds. But you shall understand that behind the Duke of Burgundy's lodging, there was a pavilion where the Duke of Alenson that now is, and Monseur de Cranmer lodged. There these Liegeois stayed a while and thrust their pikes through it, and slew a serving man within it: whereupon a noise arose in the camp which caused some to arm themselves, at the least to arise. From this pavilion they departed towards the two Prince's lodgings, whereunto adjoined the grange above mentioned, into the which the Duke had put three hundred men of arms. There they stayed a while also, and thrust their picks in at the panes of the walls which these men of arms had broken down to salie forth with the more speed. All the gentlemen that lay there had unarmed themselves not past two hours before to refresh them against the assault the next morning: in the which estate the Liegeois found them. Notwithstanding a few of them having put on their quiracies because of the noise they heard at the Duke of Alensons pavilion, fought with their enemies at the broken panes of the walls, and at the door, which was the only preservation of these two great Princes lives: for this delay gave a great many leisure to arm themselves and to come forth into the street. I lay that night in the Duke's chamber (which was very strait) with two other gentlemen of his privy chamber, and above him lodged twelve archers that kept the watch and sat up at dice, but the body of his watch stood by the town gate far from his lodging. To be short the Duke's host came with a band of Ligeois, and assailed his own house the D. being within it, upon such a sudden that we hardly had leisure to buckle his quirace about him and put a salad on his head: for immediately as we went down the stairs to issue forth into the street, we found our archers busied in defending the door and windows against the Liegeois: farther there was a marvelous noise in the streets, some cried God save the King, others God save the Duke, and others God save the King, kill, kill, kill. It was two Pater nosters while before our archers and we could get forth of the house, we knew not in what estate the King was, nor whether he were with us or against us, which much troubled us. Incontinent after we were issued forth with two or three torches, we met others in the streets with lights also, and saw fight and killing round about us, but the conflict soon ended: for men came running on all sides to the Duke's lodging. The first man of the enemies that was slain was the Duke's host, but he died not presently, for I myself heard him speak. To be short all the Liegeois that accompanied him, a very few excepted were also slain. They assailed in like manner the K. lodging, into the which his host entered and was slain by the Scottish men of his guard, who showed themselves tall fellows: for they never stirred from their Master's foot, but shot arrows continually which hurt more Burgundians than Liegeois. The citizens appointed to issue forth at the town gate sallied accordingly, but our watch being assembled together repulsed them incontinent, neither showed they themselves so desperate as these others. Immediately after these were beaten back, the King and the Duke met, doubting because of the number they saw slain, their own loss to be great: notwithstanding of their men few were slain, but many hurt. Undoubtedly if these Liegeois had not stayed at these two places above mentioned, especially at the grange where they found resistance, but had followed these two hosts being their guides, they had slain both the King and the Duke, and thereby peradventure discomfited the whole army. Both the Princes returned to their lodgings wonderfully abashed at this desperate enterprise, and forth sat in counsel to take advise what should be done touching the assault the next morning. The King seemed to stand in great doubt of the matter in respect of himself in very deed, for knowing how greatly the Duke doubted wars with France if he were once out of his hands: he feared if the city could not be taken by assault, that his return into his realm should be delayed, and peradventure himself put in prison for the Duke's better assurance. Whereby you may perceive in how miserable estate these two princes lived, which could by no means assure themselves each of other: for they had concluded and solemnly sworn a final peace not past fifteen days before, yet could all this put neither of them in assurance. How the city of Liege was assaulted, taken, and spoiled, and the Churches also. Chap. 13. THe King to rid himself of all danger, about an hour after his return from this salie above mentioned to his lodging, sent for certain of the Duke's principal servants that had been in counsel about the assault, and inquired of them what was concluded. They told him that the resolution was to assault the city the next morning, according to the order first appointed. Then he very wisely began to allege divers great doubts, which pleased well the Duke's men, for they all feared the assault marvelously both because of the great number of people within the town, and also because of the desperate salie made not passed two hours before: wherefore being desirous to stay the assault for two or three days, and take the town by composition, they went forthwith to the Duke to make report of the King's allegations, I myself being present when they came. There they rehearsed all the doubts the King alleged, and as many as they themselves could devise, but all they fathered upon the King, doubting that he would not take it well at their hands. The D. answered, that the King alleged these doubts only to save the citizens, & took it in evil part, saying that there could be no danger in the enterprise, considering that they within could make no counterbatterie, neither had any walls for their defence, adding also that the rampires they had made at the gates were already beaten down, wherefore he would use no further delays, but go to the assault the next morning, as it was concluded. Notwithstanding he would be contented that the King, if it so pleased him, should go to Namur till the taking of the town under this condition, not to departed thence till the issue of this enterprise were seen: which answer pleased none of them all, for every man feared the assault because of this salie. The Duke's answer was reported to the King, not in so hard terms as he delivered it, but in much milder language. The King understood the meaning of it well enough, and said he would not go to Namur, but be at the assault the next day among the rest. In mine opinion if he had been so disposed, he might very easily have escaped that night, for he had with him an hundred archers of his guard, and certain gentlemen of his house, besides three hundred men of arms that lodged hard by him: but undoubtedly where he stood upon his honour he would not be stained with cowardice. Every man reposed himself in his armour till morning, and some disposed of their consciences, because the enterprise seemed very dangerous. When it was broad day light, and that the hour appointed drew near, which was eight of the clock, the Duke commanded the bombard and the two serpentines to be discharged, thereby to advertise our vaward of the assault, which lay on the other side far from us, if you take the way without the town, but not far going through it, as before you have heard. They hearing the shot incontinent prepared themselves to the assault. The Duke's trumpets sounded, and his ensiegnes were anaunced towards the walls, their bands following them. The King stood in the midst of the street very well accompanied, for all his three hundred men of arms, his guard, and certain noble men, and gentlemen of his house were with him. And when we approached so near the walls that they and we should have joined, no resistance was found, neither any man upon the walls, save two or three of the watch, all the rest were gone to dinner, supposing we would not give the assault upon the Sunday, so that we found the cloth laid in every house at our entry. Small account is to be made of rude people unless they be led by some captain whom they reverence, although sometime in their fury they be greatly to be feared. These Liegeois were before the assault marvelously spent and wearied, partly because of their two sallies, wherein they lost a great number of their men and all their leaders, and partly because of the great labour & travel they had sustained the space of eight days: for because they lay open to the enemy on all sides, they were all forced to be continually upon the walls, and I suppose they thought to repose themselves this day because of the Sabaoth, but it chanced to them contrary to their expectation. On that side we entered was no resistance made, and less yet on the other where our vaward lay, which entered the town before us. Few were slain , for all the people fled by the bridge over the river of Maze towards the country of Ardennes, and from thence to other places for their more safety. On the side that we entered I saw but two men and one woman slain, neither think I that there died two hundred persons in all, for the rest fled or hid themselves in churches and houses. The King seeing no resistance, and the whole army (being as I guess to the number of forty thousand) throng into the town at two breaches, marched forward at leisure, to whom the Duke being entered a good way into the city suddenly returned, & accompanied him to the palace, from whence he went to the cathedral Church of Saint Lambert , which his men were about to break into by force to take the prisoners and spoil that was conveyed thither. And notwithstanding that he had appointed certain of his house to guard the said church: yet could they not do it because the soldiers assaulted both the doors. Wherefore the Duke himself went thither, and one man I saw him slay with his own hand , whereupon all the company disparkled, and the church was unspoiled. Notwithstanding in the end, they that were within it were taken and their goods also. The rest of the churches (being so many in number, that I have heard the Lord of Himbercourt, who knew the town well, report as many masses to be song there every day as in Rome ,) were in manner all spoiled under colour of taking prisoners. For mine own part I entered into none but the cathedral church, but thus I was advertised and saw also good proof thereof: for the Pope many years after excommunicated all those that withheld any of these church goods, unless they restored them, and the Duke appointed certain commissioners to go through his country, to see the Pope's commandment executed. The city being thus taken and sacked, about noon the Duke returned to the palace. The King had already dined, and seemed greatly to rejoice at the taking of the town, and commended also much the Duke's courage and valiantness, knowing that report thereof should be made to him, and that these good words would somewhat further his return into his realm, which was his special desire. After dinner the Duke and he met and communed together very pleasantly: and if the King commended his valiantness behind his back, I warrant you he dispraised it not before his face, which the Duke took in very good part. I must now return to speak somewhat of this miserable people that fled out of the city, for proof of a discourse I made in the beginning of this history touching inconveniencies I have seen ensue a battle lost by a King, a D. or a meaner Prince. These miserable souls fled through the country of Ardennes with their wives and children. But a Knight dwelling in those parts who ever to fore had taken part with them, slew now a great number of them, and to recover the conquerors favour, sent word thereof to the Duke reporting the number of those that were slain and taken, to be much greater than in deed it was: Notwithstanding that it were great, whereby he made his peace with the Duke and saved himself. Others fled towards Meziers upon the Maz being within the realm of France, but upon the way two or three of their Captains were taken, (one of the which was named Madoulet) who were lead to the Duke, and by his commandment put to death. Some of these people died also of hunger, some of cold, and some for lack of sleep. The Notes. 1 Some write that there were slain in one day at Liege 100000. and Munster writeth 40000. and 12000 women drowned in the river, which seemeth to disagree with Commines, who reporteth not above 200. to have been slain: notwithstanding our author must here not be understood so strictly as though there had not died above 200. in all, for his meaning is only that at the entrance into the town, there were not slain above two hundred, otherwise considering the number that were slain in Churches, houses, and flight it cannot be but that many thousands died, neither is our author's meaning otherwise. 2 Some copies have Saint Laurence, but the old copy Saint Lambert which Annal. Burgund. and Guicci. report to be the principal Church in Liege. 3 The Duke slew before the Church of Saint Lambert two or three archers with his own hand. La March. 4 There were in Liege to the number of 32. Churches and eight Colleges of priests. Meyer. four abbeys, four friaries, three nunneries, and without and within the town above an hundred Churches. Guicci. Hubertus. How King Lewis returned into France with the Duke of Burgundy's consent, and how the Duke proceeded in destroying the countries of Liege and Franchmont. Chap. 14. Four or five days after the taking of the town, the King began to solicit such of the Duke's servants as he held for his friends to move their Master for his departure, but he himself first broke the matter to the Duke after a sage and a wise sort, saying, that if he could stand him in any more stead he should not spare him, otherwise he desired to return to Paris to cause the treaty to be recorded in the Court of parliament: for the manner in France is to record all treaties there, otherwise they are of no force, notwithstanding the King's authority may do much therein. He required also the Duke, that the next summer they mought meet again in Burgundy, and make merry a month together, whereunto the Duke in the end agreed, mumbling somewhat to himself. Farther the Duke commanded the treaty to be read again before the King to know whether aught were passed in it that he misliked, putting him to his choice to allow or disallow thereof at his pleasure. Somewhat also he excused himself for bringing him to this siege. Lastly he besought him that one article mought be added to the treaty in favour of the Lords of Lau, and Vrfé, and Poncet of Riviere, to wit, that they mought be restored to all their estates and offices that they enjoyed before the wars began, which request misliked the King, for there was no reason why the Duke should require to have them comprehended in the treaty, both for that they were none of his partakers in the wars above mentioned , and also because they served the Lord Charles the King's brother not the Duke. Notwithstanding the King answered that he would grant his demand upon condition that he would accord the like to the Lords of Nevers and Croy, whereunto the Duke replied nought. This was a very wise answer of the King, for the Duke hated these Lords by him named so extremely, and held so goodly possessions of theirs, that he would never have condescended to restore them: of the other articles the King answered he would alter none, but confirmed the whole treaty as they two had sworn it at Peronne. Thus was it agreed that the King should return home, and the Duke accompanied him about half a league. But at their leave taking the King said thus unto him, if my brother who is now in Britain will not accept this partage that I have given him for your sake, what will you that I do . Whereunto the D. answered thus suddenly without farther deliberation, if he will not, I refer the order thereof to you two, of the which demand and answer sprang a great matter as hereafter you shall hear. Thus returned the King in great joy, being safe conducted by the Lords of cords and Meriens great bailiff of Haynault, to the frontiers of the Duke's dominions. The Duke abode still in the city of Liege, which was extremely handled I must needs confess, but sure they had well deserved so to be dealt with, because of the great cruelties they had continually used against the Duke's subjects ever since his grandfathers days. Besides that, they never performed any promise nor kept any treaty they made, and this was the fift year that the Duke himself had been there year by year in person, and concluded peace, which ordinarily the next year they broke. Farther they had continued excommunicated of long time, for their great cruelty against their bishop, whereof notwithstanding they made no account, neither would obey the commandments of the church on that behalf. Immediately after the King's departure, the Duke with small force determined to go into Franchemont, a country alitle beyond Liege, lying among sharp rocks and thick woods. From thence came the best soldiers the Liegeois had, and of this country were they that made the desperate saly above mentioned. Before his departure a great number of poor prisoners that hide themselves in houses at the taking of the town were drowned. Farther it was concluded that this city heretofore so populous, should be burned at three several times , and three or four thousand footmen of the country of Lambourg , being neighbours to the Liegeois, and almost of the same manners and language, were appointed to fire it, but to save the churches. First the great bridge built over the river of Maze was beaten down, than a great number were chosen out to defend the canons houses about the cathedral church, to the end they might have lodging that should say divine service. In like manner also divers were appointed for defence of the other Churches. This done the Duke departed into the country of Frachemont, and immediately after he was out of the town we saw a great number of houses on this side the river on fire: he marched forward and lodged four leagues off, yet heard we the noise as easily as if we had been there present: I wots not whether it were because the wind sat that way, or because we lodged upon the river. The next day the Duke departed thence, and those that were left behind in the town continued still the fire as they were commanded, but the Churches were all saved afew excepted, and above three hundred houses to lodge the Church men, which caused the town so soon to be replenished again: for much people returned to dwell with these Priests. Because of extreme frost and cold the greatest part of the Duke's army was forced to go on foot into the country of Franchemont, which had never a walled town in it but all villages. The Duke lodged five or six days in a little valley called Polleneg, his army was divided into two bands the sooner to destroy the country. All the houses he commanded to be burned, & all the iron mills broken, which is their only trade of living. Farther our men hunted the poor people out of great woods and forests where they lay hidden with their goods, and many they slew and took prisoners, and there the soldiers got good booties. The cold was more extreme than is almost credible: for I saw a gentleman that with cold lost the use of his foot and never recovered it, and a Page that had two of his fingers rotten from his hand, and in like manner a woman dead for cold and her child with her, whereof she was newly delivered. Farther by the space of three days all the wine that was drunk in the Duke's lodging was cut with hatchets: for it was so frozen in the vessels that we were forced to break them, and cut the wine being a mass of ice into small pieces, which men bore away in hats and baskets as best liked them. I could rehearse divers other strange accidents of the cold too long to write. To conclude at eight days end hunger drew us thence in haste, and the Duke departed to Namur, and so into Brabant, where he was honourably received. The Notes. 1 This was the treaty of Conflans at the conclusion whereof these three here named (as our auhor himself before rehearseth,) were the Duke's enemies and took part with the King: wherefore no reason it was that the Duke should seek to have them comprehended in the treaty as his friends, seeing at the conclusion thereof they were his enemies. 2 This des Murz the old copy nameth De Meriens, La March d'Emeries. Annal. Burgund. d'Aymeries. The towns name is Aymeries in Henault upon the river of Sambre, Guicci. in the description of Henault, yet the same author in his description general nameth the man d'Emery. Annal. Burgund. in another place nameth him d'Esmeriez. Meyer Aymericius and Emericius, so that I suppose it best to read it as I have translated it, but that des Murz is very corrupt I am out of doubt. 3 This city was divided into three quarters, as appeareth by Guic. description, for the which cause it was fired at three several times. 4 The old copy hath Lambourg as I have translated it, the new Luxembourg, as have also Annal. Burgund. but not well in mine opinion. For Lambourg is hard by Liege, but Luxembourg farther off. How the King by subtle means persuaded the Lord Charles his brother to take the Duchy of Guienne for Brie and champaign, to the Duke of Burgundy's discontentment. Chap. 15. THe King after his departure from the Duke returned with great joy into his realm, attempting nothing against the Duke for his evil usage at Peronne and Liege, but seeming to take all in good part. Notwithstanding sharp war arose afterward between them, but not soon, neither was this the chief cause thereof, (though happily it might in part further it:) for if this treaty had been concluded at Paris, it had passed in effect as it did at Peronne. But the Duke by his officers advise sought to advance the bonds of his dominions, besides that divers subtle practices were used to set these two Princes again at variance as you shall hear when occasion serveth. The Lord Charles of France the King's only brother and late Duke of Normandy, being advertised of this treaty made at Peronne, and the partage assigned to him thereby: sent forthwith to the King desiring him to accomplish the treaty and perform his promise. The King sent in like manner to him about that matter, and many messengers ran to and fro between them. The Duke of Burgundy sent also his ambassadors to the said Lord Charles, desiring him to accept no other partage than champaign and Brie, which by his means was granted him, showing him withal how great good will he bore him, sith notwithstanding he had abandoned him, yet would not he do the like as the sequel well declared, but had also comprehended the Duke of Britain in the treaty as his confederate. Farther he sent him word that champaign and Brie lay very commodiously for them both, because if the King should at any time attempt aught against him, he might within two days warning have succours out of Burgundy: the two countries bordering on upon another. lastly he advertised him that his partage was very good, and that he might levy in his countries, aids, customs, and subsidies, neither could the King claim any thing there but homage, resort, and sovereignty. This Lord Charles was a man doing little or nothing of himself, but wholly lead and governed by others: notwithstanding that he were above five and twenty years of age. Thus passed the winter which was well spent before the King's departure from us, messengers ran continually to and fro about this partage: for the King meant nothing less than to give his brother that he had promised, because he would not have him and the Duke of Burgundy so near neighbours. But he treated with his brother to take Guienne, (which is in manner all Aquitaine:) for Brie and champaign. The Lord Charles feared to displease the Duke of Bourgundy, and doubted if he yielded to the King's request, and he should not keep touch with him, that then he should lose both friend and partage, and so be left bare board. But the King being the subtlest prince than living, and the cunningest dealer in such treaties, perceiving that he should do no good unless he won those that were in credit with his brother, fell in communication of this matter with Oudet of Rye, Lord of Lescut afterwards Earl of Comminges (who was borne and married in the country of Guienne) desiring him to persuade his master to accept this partage being much better than that he demanded, & that they mought be friends and live together like brethren, adding also that this partage should be much more beneficial both for his brother and his servants, (especially for the said Oudet) than the other, and farther assuring him that without fail he would deliver his brother quiet possession of the said country. By this means was the Lord Charles won to accept this partage of Guienne to the Duke of Burgundy's great discontentation and his ambassadors there present. And the cause why cardinal Balue bishop of Angiers , and the bishop of Verdun were imprisoned, was for that the said Cardinal writ to the Lord Charles, advising him to accept none other partage than that the Duke of Burgundy had procured him by the treaty of Peronne, which also the King had sworn and promised (laying his hand within the said Cardinals) to deliver him, alleging withal such reasons to persuade him thereunto as he thought necessary, wherein he did clean contrary to the King's purpose. Thus the Lord Charles was made Duke of Guienne, the year 1469. and the possession of the country together with the government of Rochel delivered him, and than the King and he saw one another, and were together a long time. The Notes. 1 The Cardinal's imprisonment was because he persuaded the King to go to Peronne, and advised the Duke of Guienne to beware of poison, and not to take the partage of Guienne, Meyer. and for disclosing the King's secrets by letters to the Duke of Burgundy, Gaguin. But if the Duke of Guienne had been wise, he would of himself without persuasion have refused this partage. For when a man's enemy offereth him that that hath an appearance of good, let him ever refuse it: nam latet anguis in herba, as the sequel of this matter well declared, for the accepting of this partage, which the King alleged and that truly to be better than the other the Duke demanded, cost the Duke of Guienne his life, as here after shall appear. THE THIRD BOOK. How the King took occasion to make war anew upon the Duke of Burgundy, and how he sent a pursuivant of the parliament of Gaunt to summon him to appear at Paris. Chap. 1. THe year 1470. the King determined to be revenged of the Duke of Burgundy, supposing he had now found a time convenient so to do, for he privily solicited and caused also others to solicit the towns situate upon the river of Somme, namely Amiens, Saint Quintine, and Abbeville to rebel against the Duke, and to send for succours into France, and to receive them into their towns . For all great Princes (if they be wise) will seek ever some colour for their doings. And to the end you may perceive what cunning is used in France, I will show you how this matter was managed, for the King and the Duke were both abused, whereof arose hot and sharp war, which endured thirteen or fourteen years. The King desired greatly to move these towns above named to rebellion, pretending (to the end he might have the better means to practise with them) that the Duke advanced his limits farther than the treaty would bear: whereupon ambassadors ran to and fro, who under colour of their embassage practised continually as they passed through these towns, to the end above mentioned. In the said towns were no garrisons but all was quiet both in the realm, in Burgundy, and in Britain. And the Duke of Guien lived to all men's judgements in great amity with the King his brother. Notwithstanding when the King first moved this war, his meaning was not to take one or two of these towns only, but sought to stir all the Duke of Burgundy's subjects to rebellion, trusting to achieve his enterprise by this means. divers to obtain his favour entertained these practices, and reported their intelligence to be far greater than it was: for one promised to take this town, an other that, and yet indeed all was nothing. Wherefore notwithstanding that the King had just cause to be displeased for his evil usage at Peronne, yet if he had thought this enterprise would have fallen none otherwise out then it did, he would not have broken the treaty nor moved war: for he had made the peace to be proclaimed at Paris three months after his return into his realm, and began this war with some fear, but the great hope he had conceived of it, pricked him forward: and mark I pray you what cunning was used to further it. The Earl of Saint Paul Constable of France, (a very wise man,) and certain of the Duke of Given his servants, with divers others desired rather war then peace between these two great Princes, for two respects: The one they feared lest their great offices and pensions should be diminished, if peace continued. For you shall understand that the Constable had under his charge 4. hundred men of arms or lances paid by his own hands every muster, without controller: farther besides the fee and profits of his office, he had a yearly pension of thirty thousand franks and better, and received also the revenues of many goodly places that he kept. The other respect was this, they sought to persuade the King, and talked also to the like purpose among themselves, that his disposition was such, that his head could never be idle, wherefore unless he were busied with great Princes abroad he would be in hand with his servants and officers at home. For these two reasons therefore they sought to entangle him with wars: whereunto the better to persuade him the Constable promised to take Saint Quintine at all times when him listed, because his lands lay round about it, vaunting further that he had great intelligence in Flanders and Brabant, so far forth that he would make a number of towns to revolt from the Duke. The Duke of Guienne also being there present and all their principal servants, offered very earnestly and promised very faithfully to serve the King in this quarrel, and to lead with them four or five hundred men of arms that the said Duke held in ordinary pay: but their drift was other than the King supposed, as hereafter you shall hear. The King because he would seem to proceed with due advise and deep consideration, called a Parliament of the three estates of his realm at Tours, in the months of March and April in the year 1470. which was the first and last Parliament that ever he assembled. But to this Parliament came only such as were purposely named, and such as the King knew would not gainsay him in any point. There he caused divers enterprises to be discovered, that the Duke of Burgundy had attempted against the crown, and made the Earl of Eu openly to complain of him, saying, that the Duke detained from him contrary to all law and equity Saint Valery and certain otherlands, that he the said Earl held of the Duke as parcels of the signory of Abbeville, and the county of Ponthieu, the only cause whereof was, for that a little ship of war of Eu had taken a Flemish hoy laden with merchandise, the loss whereof the Earl offered to repay: further adding, that the Duke would constrain him to do him homage, and give him his faith against all men none excepted, which he would never do, because it should be prejudicial to the King's estate. At this assembly were divers lawyers as well of the Parliament of Paris as other places, who concluded according to the King's pleasure, that the Duke should be summoned to appear in the Parliament at Paris. The King knew well that he would answer disdainfully, or do somewhat prejudicial to the authority of the court, whereby he should have the juster pretence of war against him. Thus the Duke being in Gaunt was summoned as he went to mass by a pursuivant of the Parliament to appear at Paris: wherewith he was much abashed and discontented, and caused the pursuivant forthwith to be apprehended and committed to ward, where he remained certain days, but in the end was dismissed and sent home. Thus you see what preparation was made to invade the Duke of Burgundy, who being advertised thereof, levied a great band of men paid with home wages (as they termed them) which was a trifle they received to be in a readiness in their own houses. Notwithstanding they mustered monthly in the towns where they dwelled, and received their pay. But at three or four months end the Duke waxed weary of the charge and dismissed these men, banishing all fear because the King sent often to him, and so departed into Holland. He entertained no soldiers in ordinary pay for the safety of his country, neither held any garrisons in the frontier towns, whereof ensued great inconvenience: for there was daily practising in Amiens, Abbevile, and Saint Quintine to yield them again to the King. The Duke being in Holland was advertised by john late Duke of Bourbon, that shortly war should be made upon him as well in Burgundy as in Picardy, and that the King had great intelligence not only in his dominions but also in his house: with the which message he was marvelously abashed: for he was utterly unfurnished of men of war, because he had discharged the band above mentioned. Wherefore in great haste he passed the sea and went into Artois, and thence strait to Hedin, where he entered into jealousy both of some of his servants, and also of those practices that were entertained in the towns above mentioned: but his preparation for the wars went but slowly forward. For he believed not all that was told him. Notwithstanding he commanded two of the chiefest citizens of Amiens whom he suspected for these treaties to repair unto him, who so cunningly excused themselves, that he dismissed them without further inquire. Immediately after certain of his servants fled out of his house, namely the bastard Baldwine and others, which caused him to fear a greater train to be behind. Wherefore incontinent he made proclamation that all men should be in a readiness, but because winter was begun, and he but newly returned out of Holland few stirred. The Notes. 1 The King's colour was this, he would not seem to make war upon the Duke, but only to have sent men to these towns at their request, who because of the Duke's cruel exactions had prayed in aid of him as of their sovereign. 2 This sea was one of the streams of the river of Rhine that environ Holland. 3 This Baldwine was the Duke's base brother: the cause of his departure was for that he had attempted with others corrupted by the King to poison the Duke: notwithstanding afterward he recovered his favour, and was taken prisoner at the battle of Nancy. Meyer. How the towns of Saint Quintin and Amiens were yielded to the King: and for what causes the Constable nourished the war between the King and the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 2. TWo days after his servants departure, which was in the month of December the year 1470. the Constable entered into Saint Quintine and swore them to the King. Then the Duke perceived his affairs to be in bad estate, for he had no force with him, but had sent all his servants abroad to muster men in his dominions: Notwithstanding with those few he could levy being four or five hundred horse he went to dourlan's, minding to keep Amiens from revolting. There he abode five or six days: all the which space they in Amiens continually practised. The King's army lying not far off, showed itself before the town and was once refused: for part of the citizens held for the Duke: wherefore the Duke sent thither to make his lodging, and if he had been so strong that the might have adventured to enter in person, the town had never been lost, but he was afraid to go thither weakly accompanied: notwithstanding that divers of the town required him so to do. But when they of the contrary faction saw his fear that he durst not enter the town, they executed their enterprise, and rejoiced the King's forces. They of Abbeville thought to do the like, but the Lord of cords entered in thither for the Duke, and prevented their purpose. dourlan's is distant from Amiens but five small leagues, wherefore the Duke was forced to departed thence, so soon as he understood of Amiens revolt: from thence therefore he went to Arras in great haste and fear, doubting the execution of divers other such enterprises, for that he saw himself environed with the Constable's kinsfolks & friends: farther because the bastard Baudovin was fled, he entered into suspicion of his other brother the great bastard of Burgundy: notwithstanding his forces repaired to him by little and little. The King thought now that all had been his own, supposing the advertisements to be true that the Constable and the rest had given him of their intelligences, whereupon if he had not hoped, he would have wished this enterprise unbegun. It is meet I should hear declare what moved the Constable and the Duke of Guienne considering the great favour, courtesies, and benefits the Duke of Guienne had received at the Duke of Burgundy's hands, to kindle the fire between these two Princes that lay at rest in their dominions, and which way this war could turn to their profit. Somewhat I spoke hereof before, saying, that they did it to be in the more assurance of their estates and offices. For they feared if the King lived in peace he would keep some stir among them. Notwithstanding this was not the only cause that moved them. But you shall understand that the Duke of Guienne and they had been earnest suitors to conclude a marriage between the said Duke of Guienne, and the Duke of Burgundy's only daughter and heir (for son he had none) which matter they had often moved to the Duke, who in words showed himself not unwilling thereunto, yet notwithstanding would never conclude it, but entertained others also in hope thereof. Now mark how these men sought to achieve their enterprise by constraining the Duke of Burgundy to this marriage. Immediately after these two towns were taken, and the Duke gone to Arras to levy forces with all speed: the Duke of Guienne sent a secret messenger to him, who brought him three lines written with the said Dukes own hand, folded up in a small lump of wax, and containing these words. Endeavour yourself to appease your subjects, and you shall not fail of friends. Farther the Duke of Burgundy being at the first in exceeding great fear, sent to the Constable, desiring him to show himself favourable, & not to press forward this war begun without any defiance made. At the which message the Constable greatly rejoiced, supposing that he now held the Duke in such fear as he desired, which to increase, he sent him a speedy & uncomfortable answer, the effect whereof was, that his state stood in marvelous danger, so far forth that he saw no way for him to wind himself out of these troubles but one. Namely by giving his daughter in marriage to the D. of Guienne, which if he would do, he should then be succoured with great forces: for both the Duke of Guienne and divers others Lords would declare themselves for him against the King, and he also would restore him Saint Quintine and take his part, otherwise he said he durst do nothing, considering how strong the K. was, having both his army very well appointed, & also great intelligence in the Duke's dominions. This was the answer he sent, with divers other fearful messages. But I never knew man in my life come to good end that sought to put in fear and hold in subjection his master, or any other great Prince with whom he had to do, as in the end the Constable's example shall well declare. For notwithstanding that the King were then his master, and that the greatest part of his revenues lay, and all his children were resident in the Duke of Burgundy's dominions: yet continued he these practices against both these Princes, with intent to hold them both in fear each by other, which cost him dear in the end, and no marvel. For notwithstanding that every man desire to live out of subjection and fear, and that all men naturally hate these that hold them in awe: yet none so extremely as Princes. For I never knew Prince that hated not mortally all those that sought to put him fear. After the D. of Burgundy had received the Constable's answer, he perceived well no friendship to be in him, & farther that he was the only author of this war. Whereupon he conceived so extreme hatred against him, that after this he could never brook him, especially because by these fearful messages he fought to constrain him to marry his daughter at his pleasure: a vain attempt. For before the return of the Constable's answer, the Duke had recovered his spirits, and had a great army with him. You may easily perceive both by the message sent by the Duke of Guienne first, and the Constables answer afterwarn, that this was a compact matter between them, and the rather for that the like message or a more dreadful came soon after from the Duke of Britain, who sent also to the King's service a hundred Britons, all men of arms under the leading of the Lord of Lescut. Wherefore we may boldly say that this war was moved only to constrain the Duke of Burgundy to conclude this marriage, and that they did but abuse the King in persuading him to begin war: for they were all in manner lies that they told him of their intelligences in the Duke's dominions. Notwithstanding, in this voyage the Constable did the King great service, and showed extreme malice against the Duke of Burgundy, knowing that the Duke had conceived mortal hatred against him. The Duke of Guienne also served the King in these wars very well accompanied, so that the Duke of Burgundy stood upon hard terms. But if at the first he would have assured his daughter to the Duke of Guienne, both the said Duke of Guienne, the Constable, and divers other noble men with all their adherents would have revolted to him against the King, and done their endeavour to have pulled him upon his knees. But whatsoever man purposeth in such cases, God disposeth afterward of them at his pleasure. How the Duke of Burgundy took Piquigny, and afterward found means to make truce with the King for a year to the Constables great grief. Chap. 3. YOu have heard at large the cause of this war, at the beginning whereof both the Princes were blinded, invading each other and neither of them knowing the cause why, which was a marvelous cunning of the contrivers of this enterprise. For a man might have pronounced the old Proverb of these two Princes: that the one part of the world was not acquainted with the others manners nor actions. All these affairs above rehearsed since the beginning of these wars, chanced in very short space, for within less than fifteen days after the taking of Amiens, the Duke put himself into the field near to Arras, (for farther he retired not,) and from thence marched toward the river of Somme, and so strait to Piquigny, but upon the way thither he met with a messenger of the Duke of Britain on foot, who advertised him from the Duke his Master, that the King had given his said Master to understand of divers secrets, and among others of intelligences he had in many great towns of his dominions: namely Andwerp, Bruges, and Bruxelles, adding also that the King was determined to come and besiege him into what town soever he should retire, were it even into Gaunt. All the which advertisements I suppose the Duke of Britain sent in favour of the Duke of Guienne, hoping thereby to further much the marriage above mentioned. But the Duke of Burgundy took this message in evil part, and forthwith dispatched the messenger, willing him to tell his master that he was misinformed by some evil servants about him, who put these fears and doubts into his head, to the end he should not aid him as he was bound by their league. And farther that he knew not what towns Gaunt and the other cities were: in the which he said the King would come to besiege him: for they were too great to be besieged. He bade him farther to inform his Master in what sort he found him accompanied, and to advertise him that the world went otherwise with him than he supposed, for he was determined to pass the river of Somme, and to fight with the King, if he would come to stop him upon the way. last of all, he willed him to desire his Master on his behalf to join with him against the King, and to show himself a friend to the Duke of Burgundy, as he had showed himself to him by the treaty of Peronne. The next day the Duke of Burgundy approached near to a town upon the river of Somme called Piquigny, the seat whereof was marvelous strong. There he determined to make a bridge to pass the said river, but four or five hundred frank archers, and certain gentlemen, who by chance lodged at that present in the town, seeing the Duke pass by, sallied out to the skirmish upon a long causey, and issued forth so far from the place, that thereby they gave the Duke's men occasion to pursue them, who followed them so speedily that they slew a great number of them, before they could retire into the town, and took the suburbs into the which the causey lead. Then four or five pieces of artillery were bend against the town, notwithstanding that it were impregnable on that side, for that the river ran between the town and the Duke's battery. But these frank archers fearing (because they saw the bridge in hand) to be besieged also on the other side, abandoned the place and fled. The castle held two or three days and than yielded also by composition, and the soldiers departed in their doblets and their hose. The good success of this small exploit so much encouraged the Duke that he led his army before Amiens, where he built two or three lodgings, saying that he would keep the field, to see if the King durst come to fight with him, and in the end approached with his artillery so near the town, that it shot at random over and into it: in the which estate he lay there at the least six weeks. Within the town was the Constable and all the great officers of the realm: namely the Lord great Master, Admiral, Marshal, Seneshals, and others accompanied with fourteen hundred men of arms, and four thousand frank archers. The King in the mean time lying at Beawais made a great muster, being accompanied with the Duke of Guienne his brother, and Nicolas Duke of Calabria, son and heir to john Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, and only heir of the house of Anjou. Farther all the nobles of the realm subject to the Arriereban were come thither to him, who traveled earnestly (as I have been since informed) to understand the bottom of this enterprise, for they saw the troubles so far from pacification that the King was now more busied with wars then ever. They within Amiens determined to assail the Duke of Burgundy and his army, if the King would send his forces being at Beawais to join with them. But the King being advertised of this enterprise, sent forthwith to countermand it: for notwithstanding that in all appearance the success thereof was like to be good: yet was it not altogether void of danger, especially for those that should have sallied: for considering that they must all have issued forthwith on foot, and at two gates one of the which was hard by the Duke's camp: if happily they had been repulsed, they should have put both the town and themselves in great hazard. In the mean time the Duke sent one of his Pages to the King called Simon of Quincy, afterward bailiff of Troy with a letter of six lines written with his own hand, wherein he humbled himself to him, saying that he was very sorry he had thus invaded him for other men's pleasures, which he supposed he would not have done, if he had been well informed of their practices. The King's army sent into Burgundy had defeated all the force of the country in battle, and taken many prisoners. The number of the dead was not great, but the discomfiture was great, in such sort that the King's forces had already taken some places, and besieged other some, wherewith the Duke was somewhat abashed, notwithstanding he made the contrary to be bruited in his camp, saying that his army had obtained the victory. When the King had read the Duke's letter above mentioned, he rejoiced much thereat, both because of the reason above alleged , and also for that he soon waxed weary of all long enterprises. Wherefore he gave him a speedy answer, and directed a commission to certain in Amiens authorising them thereby to treat of truce. Whereupon divers truces were concluded one after another for four and five days: and in the end one so far as I remember for a year, to the Constables great discontentation: for undoubtedly whatsoever men have thought or can think to the contrary, he was then mortal enemy to the Duke, and many haughty words passed between them in such sort, that after this they never were friends as the sequel well declared. True it is that they sent afterward one to another, but all for practise sake, and each to make his profit by the other. For all that the Duke did was only to recover Saint Quintine, which the Constable ever when he stood in fear of the King promised to restore, and some of these treaties between them I have known so far advanced, that the Duke's men upon the Constables promise to be received, have come within two or three leagues of the town. But when the matter should be executed, he ever continued in his accustomed dissimulation, and sent a countermand, which his double dealing cost him dear in the end. He thought because of the seat of the town, the great number of men he had under his charge paid out of the King's coffers, and the variance between these two Princes (which himself nourished) to hold them both in fear, but his enterprise was too too dangerous: for they were both too great, too strong, and too subtle. When these armies were dismissed, the King returned into the country of Touraine, the Duke of Guienne into his own country, and the Duke of Burgundy into his: in the which estate these affairs remained awhile. The said Duke of Burgundy assembled all the estates of his dominions , and declared unto them what damage he had received by not having soldiers in ordinary pay as the King had: alleging that if there had been but five hundred men in a readiness to defend the frontiers, the King would never have moved this war, but they should have lived in peace. He showed further what great dangers they were like to fall into if this inconvenience were not speedily redressed: and pressed them earnestly for the payment of eight hundred light horse. In the end they agreed to give him a subsidy of six score thousand crowns over and above all other duties they yearly paid him, in the which subsidy Burgundy was not comprehended. But his said subjects for divers respects feared to put themselves into such subjection and slavery, as they saw the realm of France in by reason of these men of arms: which their fear was not without cause: for after the Duke had obtained five or six hundred men of arms in ordinary, he sought continually to increase the number, and began to attempt more boldly against his neighbours in such sort, that in the end these 120000. crowns grew to 500000. and the number of his men of arms augmented so excessively, that his subjects were greatly charged for their maintenance. To say my fancy of these ordinary men of arms, I think under a wise Prince they be well employed, but if he be otherwise, or happily at his death leave his children in their minority, the service wherein their governors employ them is not always profitable neither for the King, nor for his subjects. The hatred between the King and the Duke diminished not but still endured. Further the Duke of Guienne being returned into his country, sent often to the Duke of Burgundy, following still his suit for his daughter's marriage, who fed him continually with fair words, as he did every other man that required her. And I think verily that he neither was desirous of a son , neither would have married his daughter during his life: but have kept her to entertain men, thereby to obtain their friendship and aid. For he had so many great enterprises in his head, that all his life time could not suffice to achieve them, and those adventures almost impossible to be compassed: for half Europe would not have contented him. He had courage enough to attempt any thing, his body was able to endure as much labour and travel as was needful, he was furnished both of men and money, but he lacked fineness and cunning sufficient for the managing of his affairs. And what Prince soever desireth to be great (notwithstanding that he be accomplished with all other good parts:) yet if he lack an excellent wit all is to no purpose, which undoubtedly proceedeth of the mere grace of God. To be short, if part of the Duke's virtues and part of the King our masters had been tempered together, they would have made a perfect Prince: for undoubtedly in wit the King far excelled him, as it well appeared in the end. The Notes. 1 Of this army he spoke somewhat in the Duke of Bourbons advertisement sent to the Duke of Burgundy mentioned in the first chapter of this book, it was led by the Earl Dauphin d'Auuergne son to the Earl of Montpensier. Of this discomfiture read Annal. Burgund. pag. 945. 2 The reason was because he perceived the intelligences of the Constable and the rest to be untrue. 3 This assembly was held the 16. of june. Meyer. 4 But this subsidy of 120000. crowns was granted but for three years. Meyer. pag. 348. and 367. 5 The Duke desired no son, because than his daughter's marriage could not have stood him in such stead as now it did. Of the wars among the Princes of England during these troubles between King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 4. I Must now discourse of Edward King of England, because Note that from this place till the 7. Chapter, all these English affairs, fall into the years 1469. & 1470. these three great Princes, namely our King, the King of England, and the Duke of Burgundy, lived all in one age: in the which discourse, I will not observe the Historiographers usual order in writing, who set down the certain years and days when each thing happened, neither will I vouch examples out of ancient histories, for you know them better than myself, and in so doing I should but seem to reason of Divinity before a Doctor. But I will rudely advertise you of all that I have seen, known or heard, of these Princes of whom I writ. You live in the self same age that all these things happened, wherefore me think it needless so exactly to note the hours and seasons. I have before rehearsed what occasion moved the Duke of Burgundy to marry King Edward's sister, and said it was principally to fortify himself against the King, otherwise he would never have done it, for the great affection he bore to the house of Lancaster, whereof he was descended by his mother: for she was daughter to the King of Portugal, and her mother daughter to the Duke of Lancaster , so that as fervently as he loved the house of Lancaster, as extremely hated he the house of York. But you shall understand that at the time of this marriage, the house of Lancaster was utterly destroyed, and the house of York no more spoken of. For King Edward being both King and Duke of York reigned peaceably. During the civil wars between these two houses, were fought in England seven or eight cruel battles, and in them slain three or four score Princes and Lords of the blood royal, as before is rehearsed in this history. The rest that escaped being all young Lords, whose fathers died in these battles above mentioned, lived as banished men in the Duke of Burgundy's court, who received them as his kinsmen of the house of Lancaster, before his marriage with King Edward's sister. I have seen them in so great misery before they came to the Duke's knowledge, that those that beg from door to door were not in poorer estate than they: for I once saw a Duke of Excester run on foot bore legged after the Duke of Burgundy's train, begging his bread for God's sake, but he uttered not his name. He was the nearest of the house of Lancaster, and had married King Edward's sister , but when he was known, the Duke gave him a small pension to maintain his estate. They of the house of Somerset and divers others, were there in like manner, who died all afterwards in the wars. Their fathers and kinsmen had spoiled and destroyed the realm of France, and possessed the greatest part thereof many years, and afterwards slew one another, and those that remained alive in England and their children have died as you have seen. Yet men say, that God punisheth not now as he did in the children of Israel's time, but suffereth evil men and evil Princes to live unpunished. True it is that he threateneth not now by express messengers as he was wont: for he hath left examples enough to instruct us. Notwithstanding you may perceive by these discourses, joining thereto the great knowledge you have beside, that of evil Princes and such as have authority in this world, and abuse it to cruelty or tyranny, few or none escape unpunished though it happen not by and by after the fault committed, neither so soon happily as those that are afflicted desire. But to return to King Edward, the chief man in England that maintained the house of York was the Earl of Warwick. And on the other side the greatest champion of the house of Lancaster was the Duke of Somerset. The said Earl of Warwick might justly be called King Edward's father, as well for the training of him up, as also for the great services he did him, for the which the King had also highly advanced him, for besides his own inheritance which was great, he held goodly lands of the King's gift, aswell crown lands, as lands forfeited by attaindor. Farther he was deputy of Calais, and had divers other great offices, so that I have heard his yearly revenues valued at four score thousand crowns, besides his own inheritance. But in the end he fell at variance with the King his master, about a year (as I guess) before the Duke of Burgundy's coming before Amiens: which breach the said Duke furthered to the uttermost of his power. For the Earls great authority in England much discontented him, besides that they two were not friends, for the Earl had continual intelligence with the King our master. To be short, about this present or not long before, the Earl of Warwick's force was so great, that he seized the King his master into his hands, and put to death divers personages that he highly favoured, namely the Lord of Scales the Queen's father , and two of his sons, (the third being also in great danger) & with them divers other knights. He entertained the King his master for a season very honourably, and placed new servants about him, supposing that through simplicity he would soon forget the old. The Duke of Burgundy being not a little troubled with this adventure, practised secretly how King Edward might escape, and they two commune together, which enterprise had so good success, that the King escaped indeed, and levied men, and defeated certain of the Earls bands. He was a fortunate Prince in the field: for he won at the least nine great battles, fight himself on foot in every one of them. The Earl of Warwick unable to make resistance, advertised his friends what they should do, and embarked at leisure, accompanied with the Duke of Clarence, who had married his daughter and took part with him, notwithstanding that he were King Edward's brother. They transported with them both wives and children, and a great band of men, and sailed strait towards Calais: within the which was the Earl's lieutenant named the Lord of Vaucler , and divers of the said Earls household servants, who in stead of receiving their Master presented him the canon. Further you shall understand, that as they lay at anchor before the town, the Duchess of Clarence daughter to the Earl of Warwick was delivered of a son, and great entreaty was made, before Vaucler and the rest of the town would suffer two flagons of wine to be brought forth to her, which was great extremity of the servant towards the master. For it is to be supposed that the Earl thought himself well assured of this place, which is they very key of England: and the goodliest captainship in mine opinion in the world, at the least in Christendom: which I dare boldly avow, because I was there divers times during these wars, and heard also the Mayor of the staple report, that he would willingly farm yearly the deputyship of Calais of the King of England for fifteen thousand crowns. For the deputy receiveth the profits of all that they have on this side the sea, and of all safe conducts, and placeth also the greatest part of the garrison at his pleasure. The King of England favoured highly the Lord of Vaucler for this refusal made to his Captain, and granted him by his letters patents the office of Deputy, which the Earl his master before held: for he was a wise and an ancient knight, and one of the order of the garter. The Duke of Burgundy also who then lay at Saint Omer, conceived a marvelous good opinion of him, so far forth that he sent me to him, granting him a yearly pension of a thousand crowns, and desiring him to continue a true and faithful servant to the King his Master as he had begun: which at my coming thither, I found him fully determined to do, so that he swore in Staple Inn in Calais, (laying his hand within mine) to be faithful and true to King Edward, and to serve him against all men. The like oath all the town and all the garrison swore also. Farther I was by the space of two months almost continually resident at Calais, at the least posting daily between Calais and Bullen to entertain the said Vaucler: for you shall understand that during these English troubles, the Duke of Burgundy came to Bullen where he prepared a great army by sea against the Earl of Warwick, who at his departure from Calais, took many ships of the Duke's subjects, which advanced forward the war between the King of France and us. For the Earls men sold the booty in Normandy: whereupon the Duke of Burgundy arrested all the French Merchants that came to the Mart at Andwerp. Now because it is meet to understand as well the cunning and subtle, as the just and upright dealings of the world, (not to practise them, but to know how to avoid them,) I will rehearse unto you a sleight or subtility (term it as you list) that was cunningly conveyed. Farther I would that men should understand the practices as well of our neighbours as ourselves, to the end it may appear that in all places are both good and bad. When the Earl of Warwick came before Calais, thinking to enter into it as his only refuge: the Lord of Vaucler being a very wise gentleman, sent him word that if he entered the town he should cast away himself: considering that all England, the Duke of Burgundy, the people of the town, and a great part of the garrison: namely the Lord of Duras Martial there for the King of England, and divers others that had men in the town were his enemies: wherefore his best way should be to retire into France, and as touching the town of Calais he willed him not to trouble himself: for he would yield him good account thereof when time and occasion should serve. He did his Captain good service by giving him this advise, but showed himself thereby a very judas to his Master. For undoubtedly a more traitorous part was never played, considering both that the King of England had made him Deputy of the town of Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy given him so large a pension. The Notes. 1 Philippe daughter to john Duke of Lancaster was married to john King of Portugal, and had issue by him Isabella mother to Duke Charles. 2 This was Henry Holland Duke of Exeter, whose wife was Anne sister to King Edward the fourth, and his grandmother was Elizabeth daughter to john Duke of Lancaster by his first wife, but he died without issue. 3 Our chronicles name the Queen's father Earl of Rivers, and so doth afterward also our Author lib. 5. cap. 15. 4 This Vaucler was a Gascoine borne. How by King Lewis his aid, the Earl of Warwick chased King Edward out of England, to the Duke of Burgundy's great grief, who received him into his countries. Chap. 5. THe Earl of Warwick followed Vauclers' advise, and landed in Normandy, where the King honourably received him, and furnished him largely of money for his men's expenses, and appointed also the bastard of Bourbon Admiral of France being well accompanied, to defend the Englishmen and their ships against the Duke of Burgundy's navy, which was so mighty and strong that no man durst stir in these narrow seas for fear of it, making war upon the King's subjects both by sea & land, and threatening them every where. All this happened the summer before the King surprised Saint Quintine and Amiens, which was (as before you have heard) in the year 1470. The Duke of Burgundy's navy above mentioned was stronger than the Kings and the Earls joined together. For he had taken at Sluse many great ships of Spain, Portugal and Genua, and divers hulks of Almain. King Edward was a man of no great forecast, but very valiant, and the beautifullest Prince that lived in his time. He took no care for the Earl of Warwick's landing as the Duke of Burgundy did, who perceiving great tumults already arising in England in the Earl's favour, advertised the King often thereof. But he made small account of any danger, neither seemed to fear his enemy: which sure was great folly considering the great preparation he saw made. For the King armed all the ships to the sea that he could get, and manned them well, and provided furniture also for the English men. Besides this, he made a marriage between the Prince of Wales and the Earl of Warwick's second daughter. The said Prince was only son and heir to King Henry of England, who lived yet prisoner in the Tower of London. This was a strange marriage when the Earl had deposed and imprisoned the Prince's father, to cause him to marry his daughter, and to entertain also the Duke of Clarence, brother to the King of the other faction, who had just cause to fear his own estate, if the house of Lancaster recovered the crown. Thus we see that such enterprises are not achieved without dissimulation. At the self same time that this army above mentioned lay in a readiness to sail into England, I was at Calais to entertain the Lord of Vaucler, whose double dealing till that very instant I never perceived, notwithstanding that it had now continued the space of three months. But at that present, I desired him (because of the news we heard) to put all the Earl of Warwick's household servants being to the number of twenty or thirty out of the town, alleging that I was sure the King's army and the Earls were ready to departed out of Normandy where they lay, and if the Earl should happen suddenly to land in England, some such tumult might arise in the town of Calais by means of his servants, that he should not be master thereof. Wherefore I pressed him earnestly in all haste to put them out of the town, which he always heretofore promised me to do, but now he drew me aside saying, that he would be master of the town well enough, and required me to do this message to the Duke of Burgundy, that if he would be a friend to the realm of England he should endeavour himself to make peace and not war: which words he spoke because of the navy the Duke had on the sea against the Earl of Warwick. He told me farther, that peace might easily be made, because that day a gentlewoman passed through Calais to go into France to the Duchess of Clarence with certain overtures of peace from King Edward. And he said true indeed, but as he abused others, even so was he himself deceived by this gentlewoman: for she went about a great enterprise, which also she achieved to the prejudice of the Earl of Warwick, and his whole faction. Of this fine practice, & all other that have been managed on this side the sea, I writ the more at large because I am well assured that no man is able to make truer report of them then myself, at the least of those that have happened within these twenty years. The secret delivered to this woman was to counsel the Duke of Clarence not to cause the destruction of his own house, by setting up again the house of Lancaster, but to remember their ancient harred and division, adding that he might well assure himself that the Earl of Warwick having married his daughter to the Prince of Wales, and already done homage to him, would by all means possible seek to make him King. This gentlewoman so wisely executed the charge committed unto her, that she won the Duke of Clarence, who promised to revolt to the King his brother immediately after his return into England. She was a woman well advised and of few words, and because of her sex, had leave granted her to pass to her Meistres easilier than a man should, and as crafty a fox as this Vaucler was, this woman went beyond him, and was the only contriver of the enterprise, whereby the Earl of Warwick and his whole faction were utterly destroyed: wherefore it is no shame to be suspicious, and to have an eye upon those that pass to and fro, but great shame it is to be deceived, and undone through our own folly. Notwithstanding suspicions ought to be grounded upon some good presumption, for to be too suspicious is nought. You have heard, already how the Earl of Warwick's army, and the King's ships appointed to wafte him over were in a readiness to take sea, and how the Duke of Burgundy's navy being at Hancy lay prepared to fight with them. But it pleased God so to dispose of this voyage, that the self same night so great a tempest arose that the Duke's navy was forced to sever: part wherofran upon the cost of Scotland, and part into Holland: and not long after the Earl having a good gale of wind, passed into England without all danger. The Duke of Burgundy had advertised King Edward in what part the Earl would land, and had sent men purposely to him to solicit him to look to himself: but he little regarding the danger, passed forth the time in hunting, having none so near him as the Archbishop of York, and the Marquis of Montagu, the Earl of Warwick's brethren, who had promised and solemnly sworn to serve him against their brother and all others, wereunto he gave credit. Immediately after the Earls landing, great forces joined with him: wherewith the King being much abashed, began then, (but all too late) to look about him, and sent word to the Duke of Burgundy, desiring him that his navy might still keep the Sea to stop the Earl from retiring again into France (for upon the land he would match him well enough) which message pleased no man that heard it: for it had been much better to have kept him from landing, then to be constrained to hazard his estate in battle when he was landed. Five or six days after the Earl's arrival his power was so great, that he encamped within three leagues of King Edward. Notwithstanding the King's force was greater than his, if all his men had been faithful and true, and lay also in camp to fight with him. Further you shall understand that the King lodged (as himself told me) in a strong village, at the least a strong house into the which no man could enter but by a draw bridge, which was a happy chance for him: the rest of his army lay in other villages round about. But as he sat at dinner, suddenly one came running in, and brought news that the Marquis of Montague the Earl's brother and certain other were mounted on horseback, and had caused all their men to cry, God save King Henry. Which message the King at the first believed not, but in all haste sent other messengers forth, and armed himself, and set men also at the barriers of his lodging to defend it. He was accompanied with the Lord Hastings Lord Chamberlain of England, a wise Knight and of the greatest authority about him, who was married to the Earl of Warwick's sister, yet notwithstanding was true and faithful to his Master, and had three hundred horse under his charge in the King's army as himself told me. With the King was also the Lord of Scales the Queen of England's brother, and divers other valiant Knights and Esquires, who all perceived that this business went not well: for the messengers brought word that the report was true, and that the enemies assembled to assault the King. But God so provided for the King that he lodged hard by the sea side, near a place where a little ship laden with victuals that followed his army, and two hulks of Holland fraughted with merchandise lay at anchor: he had no other shift but to run to save himself in one of them . The Lord Chamberlain stayed awhile behind him, and talked with the lieutenant of his band and divers other particular men in the King's army, willing them to go to the enemies, but to bear true and faithful hearts to the King and him: which talk ended, he went aboard to the rest being ready to departed. Now you shall understand that the custom in England is, after the victory obtained, neither to kill nor ransom any man, especially of the vulgar sort: knowing all men then to be ready to obey them, because of their good success. Wherefore these soldiers after the King's departure received no harm. Notwithstanding K. Edward himself told me, that in albattels that he won, so soon as he had obtained victory he used to mount on horseback, and cry too Save the people and kill the nobles: for of them few or none escaped. Thus fled King Edward the year 1470. with two hulks and a little boat of his own country, accompanied with seven or eight hundred persons, having none other apparel than they ware in the wars, utterly unfurnished of money, and hardly knowing whither they went. Strange it was to see this poor King (for so might he now well be called) to fly after this sort pursued by his own servants, and the rather, for that he had by the space of twelve or thirteen years lived in greater pleasures and delicacies than any Prince in his time: for he had wholly given himself to dames, hunting, hawking, and banqueting, in such sort that he used when he went a hunting in the summer season, to cause many pavilions to be pitched to solace himself there with the Ladies. And to say the truth his parsonage served aswell to make court as any man's that ever I knew: for he was young, & as goodly a gentleman as lived in our age, I mean in this time of his adversity: for afterward he grew marvelous gross. But behold now how he fell into the troubles & adversities of the world. He sailed strait towards Holland, and at that time the Easterlings were enemies both to the English men and the French, and had many ships of war upon the sea, wherefore they were much feared of the English men, and not without cause: for they were very good soldiers, and had done them great harm that year, and taken many prizes. These Easterlings descried afar off the ships wherein the King fled, and seven or eight of them began to make sail after him, but in vain: for he was far before them, and fell upon the coast of Holland or somewhat lower: for he arrived in Freezland by a little town called Alquemare , as near the which as was possible his mariners cast anchor: for because it was ebbing water they could not enter the haven. The Easterlings came in like manner and anchored hard by them, minding to board them the next tide. Thus we see that one mischief never cometh without company. King Edward's good success was now clean altered, and his thoughts quite changed: for not past fifteen days before this misfortune, he would little have believed him that had told him that the Earl of Warwick should chase him out of England, and subdue the whole country in eleven days: for in that small space he brought it to due obedience. Further, he mocked the Duke of Burgundy for spending his treasure in defending the sea: and wished that the Earl were already landed in England. But what excuse could he make now for himself receiving so great loss through his own fault, save this, that such a mishap was not to be doubted: of which excuse a Prince grown to man's estate ought to be ashamed, for it will not serve. Wherefore let King Edward's example teach all Princes that think it shame to fear their enemies, to be wise in time: for notwithstanding that the greatest part of their servants through flattery uphold their sayings, and that themselves also by such words suppose to purchase an opinion of great courage: yet sure (whatsoever is said to their face) wise men account such language but mere folly: for it is great honour to fear that which is to be feared, and to provide for it accordingly. Further, a wise man in a Prince's company is a great treasure and jewel, if he may be believed and have leave to speak the truth. By chance the Lord of Gruteuse the Duke of Burgundy's lieutenant in Holland was at that present in the place where King Edward arrived, who being advertised by certain that the King sent to land, both of his arrival, and of the danger he was in of the Easterlings, gave commandment forthwith to the said Easterlings not to touch him: and went also himself into the King's ship to welcome him. And thus he landed being accompanied with his brother the Duke of Gloucester (who afterward named himself King Richard) and a train of fifteen hundred persons. The King had not one penny about him, but gave the Master of the ship for his passage a goodly gown furred with martin's, promising one day to do him a good turn: and as touching his train never so poor a company was seen. But the Lord of Gruteuse dealt very honourably with them: for he gave much apparel among them, & defrayed the King to La Hay in Holland whither he himself also waited upon him. Afterward he advertised the Duke of Burgundy of this adventure, who was marvelously abashed at the news, and had much rather have heard of the King's death: for he feared the Earl of Warwick, who was his mortal enemy, and bare now the whole sway in England. The said Earl soon after he was landed, found infinite numbers of men to take his part. For the army that King Edward left behind him, what for love, what for fear yielded to him in such sort, that every day his forces increased. And in this estate went he to London, where a great number of Knights and Esquires (who afterward did King Edward good service) took sanctuary, as also did the Queen his wife, who was there delivered of a son in very poor estate. The Notes. 1 The King embarked at Lyn. 2 Alquemare Meyer nameth Tessela. 3 King Edward landed in Holland the 9 of October. Meyer. How the Earl of Warwick took out of prison King Henry of England. Chap. 6. THe E. immediately after his arrival at London, went forthwith to the tower & took K. Henry out of prison, whom himself many years before had lead thither crying before him, Traitor, Traitor: but now he called him his sovereign Lord, and conveyed him to his palace at Westminster, where he sat him under the cloth of estate in the Duke of Clarence's presence, who little liked that sight. Farther he sent forthwith three or four hundred men to Calais to spoil and forray the country of Boulenois, whom the Lord of Vaucler (so often above mentioned) friendly received, and made then open declaration of the good will he had always borne the Earl his Master. The same day that the Duke received news of the King's arrival in Holland: I was come from Calais to Bulen (where the Duke then lay,) understanding nothing of this adventure, nor of the King's flight. The Duke was first advertised that he was dead, whereof he forced not greatly, for he loved the house of Lancaster much better than the house of York. Besides that he had with him the Dukes of Excester and Somerset and divers others of King Henry's faction, by whose means he thought himself assured of peace with the house of Lancaster. But he feared the Earl of Warwick, neither knew he how to entertain him that was come to him , I mean King Edward who was his brother in law, and of the same order: for the King ware the golden Fleece, and the Duke the Garter. The Duke forthwith sent me back again to Calais, accompanied with a gentleman or two of this new King Henry's faction, and gave me instructions how to deal with this new world, pressing me earnestly to go because it stood him upon to be well served in this business. I went as far as Tournehan a castle near to Guiens, and further durst not pass, because I found the people flying for fear of the English men, who were abroad and spoiled all the country. But I sent forthwith to the Lord of Vaucler desiring a safe conduct: for before I was accustomed to go without any, and was always honourably received: for the English men are very courteous and honourable in their entertainment. All this seemed strange to me: for I never had seen such sudden alterations in the world. I advertised the Duke the same night of the danger I should be in if I passed further, making no mention of the safe conduct I had sent for, because I doubted what answer I should receive thereof. The Duke sent me a ring from his finger bidding me go forward, and if I were taken prisoner he would redeem me: for he cared not greatly to endanger one of his servants at his need. But I had provided well for myself: for I received a safe conduct with very courteous letters from the Lord of Vaucler. Wherein he sent me word that I might go and come after my wonted manner. Whereupon I went to Guisnes, and found the captain at the castle gate, who offered me a cup of wine, without that he led me into the castle as he was accustomed, but he feasted and entertained honourably these gentlemen of King Henry's faction that accompanied me. From thence I went to Calais, where no man came forth to receive me after their wonted sort, but all men ware the Earl of Warwick's livery. Further, upon the gate of my lodging they made above an hundred white crosses and rhymes, signifying that the King of France and the Earl of Warwick were all one: all the which seemed strange to me. Soon after my coming to Calais, I sent to graveling, being but five leagues thence, commanding all English merchants and merchandises to be stayed, because the Englishmen had so spoiled the country. The Lord of Vaucler sent for me to dinner, being well accompanied, and wearing on his cap a white ragged staff of gold enamelled , being the Earl's cognisance, which all the rest that were with him ware likewise, and he that could not have it of gold, had if of cloth. It was told me there at dinner, that within less than a quarter of an hour after these news came out of England, every man ware the said cognisance: so speedy and sudden was the change. This was the first time that I began to consider how unstable and uncertain all worldly things are. The said Vaucler gave me very courteous language, and made certain excuses in the Earl his captains behalf, rehearsing also what great benefits he had received at his hands. But as touching the rest that were with him, I never saw men so far out of frame: for those that I took to have been the King's trustiest servants, were they that most threatened him: some I think for fear, but others in good earnest. Those household servants of the Earls, whom I had required the Lord of Vaucler heretofore to put out of the town, were now in great credit. Notwithstanding they never understood that I had moved the said Vaucler to any such purpose. In all communication that passed between them and me, I ever told them that King Edward was dead, whereof I said I was well assured, notwithstanding that I knew the contrary, adding further, that though it were not so, yet was the league between the Duke of Burgundy and the King and realm of England such, that this accident could not infringe it: for we would account him King whom they did. I said moreover, that because of the alterations that had happened in times past, these words, With the King and the Realm, were inserted into the league, for performance also whereof four of the best towns in England were in pledge to the Duke. The merchants required in any wise to have me stayed, because their goods were taken at Gravelin by my commandment as they said. In the end peace was thus concluded between them & me, that they should pay for all the cattle they had taken, or restore it again: for by agreement between the house of Burgundy & them, they might go into certain pastures thereabout, and take cattle for the provision of the town, at a price which they now paid, and prisoners they had taken none. Thus it was agreed that the league should remain firm and unviolable between us and the King and the realm of England, save that for Edward we named Henry. This appointment pleased well the Duke of Burgundy, for the Earl of Warwick was sending four thousand English men to Calais to make sharp war upon his dominions, neither could the D. pacify him by any means. Notwithstanding the rich merchants of London, divers of the which were then at Calais, in the end persuaded him to peace, because their staple of wools is there, which is a far goodlier thing than a man would believe: for it is almost incredible of how great value the wool is that is transported thither twice a year, and lieth there till merchants come to buy it. The chief vent whereof is into Flaunders and Holland, which was the principal cause that moved these merchants to labour so earnestly for peace, and for stay of the soldiers the Earl was sending over: which sure was a happy chance for the Duke of Burgundy, for it was even at the very same instant that the King took Amiens and Saint Quintine: and if both the realms had made war upon him at once, undoubtedly he had been undone. He traveled to appease the Earl of Warwick by all means possible, alleging that he would attempt nothing against King Henry, seeing he was himself of the house of Lancaster, and using such words as might best serve for his purpose. Now to return to King Edward, he came to Saint Paul to the Duke of Burgundy, and pressed him earnestly for aid to return home, assuring him that he had great intelligence in England, and desiring him for Gods love not to abandon him, considering he had married his sister, and that they were brethren of one order. The Dukes of Somerset and Excester laboured him to the contrary, to wit, to take part with King Henry. The Duke could not tell whom to please, and either party he feared to displease. But in the end because sharp war was already begun upon him, even at his very nose , he inclined to the Duke of Somerset and others above named, accepting their promises against the Earl of Warwick their ancient enemy. Wherewith King Edward there present was wonderfully disquieted. But the Duke's servants alleged the best reasons they could in excuse hereof, saying that the Duke used this dissimulation to avoid war with both the realms at once, adding thereto, that if he should be overthrown, he could not after aid him at his ease. Notwithstanding the Duke seeing that he could no longer stay the King there, but that needs he would return into England, and fearing for divers considerations altogether to discontent him: pretended openly that he would not aid him, and made proclamation that no man should go to his service: but covertly he delivered him 50000. gildons of the Saint Andrew's cross, and caused three or four great ships to be armed for him at La Vere in Zealand , which is a haven where all nations are received. Besides all this, he entertained for him secretly fowerteen ships of the Easterlings well appointed, who promised to serve him till he were landed in England and fifteen days after, which was great aid considering the time. The Notes. 1 He meaneth whether he should aid the King or no. 2 Our author reporteth this ragged staff to be black, but because the Earls of Warwick never gave it black but the Earls of Kent, I have translated it white, no whit doubting but that either the printer hath faulted here, or our author's memory failed him. 3 To wit by the Englishmen sent over by the Earl of Warwick. 4 Lafoy Vere, otherwise called Camphor is in the isle of Walkerens in Zealand not in Holland, and is the Scottish staple, wherefore I have been bold to amend the book. How King Edward returned into England, where he slew in battle first the Earl of Warwick, and then the Prince of Wales. Chap. 7. KIng Edward departed out of Flanders the year 1471. at the self Hear our English affairs begin the year, 1471. same instant that the D. of Burgundy went to Amiens against the King. The said Duke thought now howsoever the world went in England he could not speed amiss, because he had friends on both sides: King Edward immediately after his landing, marched strait towards London, because three or four hundred Knights and Esquires of his faction, together with others of the meaner sort, to the number of two thousand and better had retired themselves into the Sanctuaries of the city, which was a happy chance for him, for if he landed with small force. The Earl of Warwick being in the north parts with a great army, hearing these news made haste to be at London before him, rather for other respects than for that he greatly feared the revolt of the town, notwithstanding the contrary happened. For King Edward was received into the city with great joy and triumph the tuesday before Easter, contrary to the expectation of most men, for all the world accounted him as utterly undone. And undoubtedly if they had shut the gates against him, he had been past all recovery: for the Earl of Warwick was but a days journey behind him. There were three things especially (as I have heard) that caused the town to revolt. First, the gentlemen that were in the sanctuaries and the young Prince lately borne. The second, the great debts that the King owed in the town, in respect whereof the merchants to whom he was indebted thought it their best way to take part with him. The third, a great many women of honour and rich merchants wives, with whom in times past he had been familiar, persuaded their husbands and friends to incline to him. He stayed not passed two or three days in the town: for upon Easter even he departed with all the force he could levy, and marched against the Earl of Warwick, whom he met the next morning being Easter day: and as they stood in order of battle, the one in face of the other, suddenly the D. of Clarence the King's brother (who was reconciled to the King as before you have heard) revolted to the King with twelve thousand men and better , which no less astonished the Earl than encouraged the King, whose force was not great. But all this notwithstanding the battle was cruel and bloody. They were all footmen on both sides, of the King's vaward a great number were slain: then his battle and the Earls met, and joined so fiercely together, that the King himself fought in person more valiantly than any man of either army. The Earl of Warwick used never to fight on foot, but his manner was when he had led his men to the charge, to take horse, and if the victory fell on his side to fight among his soldiers, otherwise to departed in time. But at this battle he was constrained by his brother the Marquis of Montacute, a valiant knight, to light on foot and send away his horse. To conclude, in this battle died the Earl and his brother, with a great number of gentlemen, and the slaughter of the poor people was also great. For King Edward at his departure out of Flaunders, resolved to cry no more to save the people and kill the nobles: but he had conceived extreme hatred against the communality of England, both for the great favour they bore the Earl of Warwick, and for other respects also: wherefore at this battle he spared them not. Of the King's side died about fifteen hundred, and the field was valiantly fought. At the time of this battle the Duke of Burgundy lay before Amiens where he received letters from the Duchess his wife, that King Edward her brother was not a little discontented with him, alleging that the aid he gave him, was given in evil sort, and with evil will, so far forth that he was almost utterly forsaken of him: and to say the truth the King and he after this never loved one an other. Notwithstanding the Duke supposing that this victory would greatly further his affairs, caused the news to be published in all places. I had forgotten to tell you how King Edward finding King Henry at London, lead him with him into the battle above mentioned. This King Henry was a very simple man, and almost an innocent: and if I have not heard a lie, incontinent after the battle the Duke of Gloucester K. Edward's brother, (who afterward named himself K. Richard) slew this holy man K. Henry with his own hands, or caused him to be slain in his presence in some secret place . The Prince of Wales was landed in England when this battle above mentioned was fought, having in his company the Dukes of Excester and Somerset, with divers others of his kinsfolks and ancient followers of his house. His army was to the number of forty thousand, as I have been informed by divers that were with him: and if the Earl of Warwick would have stayed for him, it is very like the victory would have been theirs. But the Earl feared both the Duke of Somerset, whose father and brother he had slain: and also Queen Margaret the Prince's mother: wherefore he fought alone and would not tarry for them . Mark here by this example how long ancient factions and partialities endure, how much they are to be feared, and what great damage ensueth thereof. So soon as King Edward had obtained this victory, he marched incontinent against the Prince of Wales, where another cruel battle was fought: for the Prince's force was greater than the Kings, notwithstanding the lot of victory fell to the King, and the Prince was slain upon the place with divers other great Lords, and a marvelous number of common soldiers. The Duke of Somerset was taken, and the next day beheaded. In eleven days the Earl of Warwick subdued the whole realm of England, at the least brought it to obedience: and in one and twenty King Edward recovered it, having fought two great and cruel battles. Thus you see what sudden mutations have been in England. K. Edward caused many of the people to be put to death in many places, especially such as had made assemblies against him. And from that day forward reigned peaceably in England till his death, though not without great trouble and vexation of mind. I will here end my discourse of these English affairs, till time and occasion serve in some other place, only adding this, that of all the nations in the world, the English men are most desirous to try their quarrels by dint of sword. The Notes. 1 Our Chronicles report that the Duke turned on the King's side at Coventrie before the Kings coming to London: and they vary also in other circumstances from our author. 2 Our histories report otherwise of King Henry's death, for he was slain in the Tower, and not so soon after the battle. 3 Our Chronicles report that the Duke of Summer set was at Barnet field with the Earl of Warwick, and repaired afterward to the Queen, and was taken in the second battle, and then be he aded. 4 Our histories writ that the Prince was not slain in the battle but soon after, having had communication with King Edward. How the wars revived between King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy, by the solicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Britain. Chap. 8. I Will now return to our affairs on this side the sea, whereof I have made no mention since the Duke of Burgundy's departure from before Amiens, the King's return into the country of Touraine, and the Duke of Guienne his brother into Guienne. The said Duke of Guienne continued still his suit above mentioned for his marriage with the Duke of Burgundy's daughter, whereunto the said Duke in word ever showed himself willing, but in deed meant nothing less, both because he purposed to use her as an instrument whereby to entertain all the world, and a merchandise to put every man in hope of, and also for that he stomached the evil practices they had contrived to constrain him to this marriage perforce. The Earl of Saint Paul Constable of France busied himself in this treaty very earnestly, desiring that the marriage might seem to be effected by his only means and procurement. On the other side the Duke of Britain traveled therein, to the end the whole honour thereof might redound to him. The King was as busy as the best to break it off, though needlessly, as well for the two reasons above alleged, as also because the Duke of Burgundy was not desirous of so great a son in law, wherefore in vain the King troubled himself, but he could not see another man's thoughts. And sure he had just cause of fear, for if this marriage had taken effect, his brother should have been so mighty, that he and the Duke of Britain joined together, might have put the King's estate and his children's in great danger. In the mean time about these affairs many ambassadors passed to and fro as well secretly as openly. This often passing to and fro of ambassadors is a thing very dangerous: for under colour thereof many times evil practices are set abroach: yet notwithstanding ambassadors must of force both be sent and received. They that shall read this history will ask peradventure what remedy I can devise against this inconvenience, because it seemeth almost remediless. For answer whereunto I will show mine advise, notwithstanding that I know a number far better able to discourse hereof than myself. Ambassadors that come from perfect friends, with whom no occasion of quarrel can arise, must be well entertained, and permitted to come often to the Prince's presence, I mean if the Prince be wise and of comely parsonage, otherwise the less he be seen the better. Notwithstanding when he must of necessity be seen, let him be well appareled, and well instructed what to say, and use short speech according to Prince's amity, which usually is but short. But if ambassadors be sent openly or secretly between Princes that are in continual hatred and war, as all those have been that I have known or been conversant with in my time, sure there is great danger therein. Notwithstanding mine advise is, that ambassadors be well entertained and honourably received: for to send to meet them, to lodge them well, to appoint trusty and wise men to accompany them, are not only points of great courtesy, but also of great safety. For thereby you shall both understand who they are that resort to them, and also stay such as be light headed and discontented with the present estate, from bringing them intelligence: for there is no Princes court wherein all have contented minds. Further, they must have speedy audience, and soon be dispatched. For me think it a perilous matter for a man to harbour his enemy in his house, but to defray them, to lodge them well, and to give them presents is but courtesy. Further, in time of open war no practice nor overture of peace must be altogether broken off (because peradventure the lest of them may serve us to good purpose) but all must be continued and entertained, and all ambassadors heard, using them as before is said, and appointing sure watch to espy who go to bear them intelligence, and are sent to them either by day or night: but this must be done as secretly as may be. Further, for one ambassador they send to you, send you two to them: and though they be weary of your ambassadors, and forbidden any more to come: yet send still when time & occasion serveth. For no spy shall have such liberty to inquire and understand of all matters as they. And if you send two or three together, it is impossible for your enemy to have so good watch (I mean using them with good terms as ambassadors are to be used) but that some of them shall have conference and intelligence with one or other. Lastly, a wise Prince must always endeavour himself to have some secret friend or friends about his enemy, and beware as near as he may (for in such cases men cannot always do as they would) that his enemy have not the like about him. You will say peradventure that by such often sending I shall increase mine enemies insolency and pride. But I force not thereof: for by this means I shall understand his secrets, and in the end all the profit and honour shall redound to me. And notwithstanding that mine enemy may deal with me after the same sort, yet would I not cease from sending, but entertain all overtures and break off none, to the end I may always have occasion to send. For all men have not like wisdom, like cunning, nor like experience in these affairs, neither like occasion to travel for experience, and in these cases the wisest win the garland: whereof I will give you a manifest example. In all treaties of peace concluded between the English and French nations, the French have always showed more fineness, subtlety, and cunning than the English, so far forth that the said English men have a common proverb, as once they told me, when I treated with them: that in all battles fought with the French, ever or for the most part they have obtained honour and victory, but in all treaties that have been concluded between them they have ever received loss and damage. And sure in mine opinion I have known in this realm (especially of King Lewis his training up) men as sufficient to negotiate in a treaty of peace as any in the world. For those that are employed in these affairs must be mild men, and such as can bear patiently all rude words to compass their purposes for their Master's profit, and such only would King Lewis employ. I have been somewhat long in discoursing how ambassadors actions must diligently be observed, but not without cause: for I have seen and known so great falsehood and treachery used under colour thereof, that I could no sooner end my discourse. This marriage between the Duke of Guienne and the Duke of Burgundy's daughter was so earnestly laboured, that in the end some promise was made thereof both by mouth and letter. But I have known the like done to Nicholas Duke of Calabria and Lorraine son to john Duke of Calabria so often above mentioned, and to Philibert Duke of Savoy that last died, and to Maximilian Duke of Ostrich now King of Romans only son of Fredrick the Emperor, who also received a letter written with the damsels own hand by her father's commandment, and a diamond therewith. All which promises were made in less than three years space: yet am I well assured that during the Duke's life, none of them should have been accomplished, at the least with his consent. But this letter above mentioned furthered much Duke Maximilians' suit, as hereafter you shall hear. I writ not this to charge thereby the Duke of Burgundy, or any of those above mentioned, but only to rehearse the course of these affairs. Further, I persuade myself that rude and simple men will not busy their brains about the reading of this history: but Princes and Courtiers shall find in it good lessons and advertisements in mine opinion. During this treaty of marriage divers new enterprises against the King were in communication. With the Duke of Burgundy was the Lord of Vrfé, Poncet of Riviere, and certain other mean personages that ran to and fro, for the D. of Guiennes affairs. In like manner the Abbot of Begarde afterward Bishop of Leon was resident with him, for the Duke of Britain. These advertised the Duke of Burgundy that the King practised to corrupt the Duke of Guiens servants, and to withdraw them from him, partly by love, partly by force: adding also that he had already razed a certain place belonging to the Lord of Estissac, the Duke of Guiennes servant, and had begun divers other attempts against his brother, so far forth, that he had withdrawn from him certain of his household servants: whereby appeared manifestly (as they said) that he meant to take Guienne from him now as in times past he had done Normandy once granted him for his partage as before is mentioned. The Duke of Burgundy sent divers ambassadors to the King about these affairs, who ever excused himself , and accused his brother, saying that for his part he minded not to touch his brother's partage: but that his brother by seeking to enlarge his limits, was author of all these troubles. We have here to consider how troublesome, dangerous, and far from all good end the affairs of this Realm are, when it is in discord and civil dissension: for notwithstanding that at the beginning of the troubles all men hope shortly to see them at an end: yet is the contrary greatly to be feared, for though the fire be kindled at the first, but between two or three Princes or men of meaner estate: yet before two years be expired, all our neighbours shall be bidden to the banquet, as plainly may appear by this that followeth. At this very instant that I now write of, the D. of Guienne at the least his servants, and the D. of Britain desired the Duke of Burgundy in no wise to call the Englishmen to his aid: for seeing all that they did was for the good and benefit of the realm, they would not bring the ancient enemies of the crown into the realm: adding farther that if he would be in a readiness they should be strong enough of themselves, aswell because of their great forces as also of the good intelligence they had in the realm with divers Captains and others. And once it was my chance to be present when the Lord of Vrfé had communication with the Duke to this effect, and withal pressed him earnestly with all speed to levy his army. The Duke stood at a window and called me to him and said: Hear is my Lord of Vrfé that presseth me earnestly to levy the greatest force that possible I may, alleging that it shall be greatly for the benefit of the realm: what think you of this motion if I enter into the realm with my army, shall I do any great good there? I answered him merrily that I thought no: then said he: I love the realm of France better than my Lord of Vrfé weeneth, for where it hath one King I would it had six. During the treaty of marriage above mentioned, Edward King of England who thought verily that the marriage should have been accomplished: (wherein he was deceived, as was also the King) traveled earnestly with the Duke of Burgundy to break it off, alleging that the K. had no issue male, wherefore if he happened to die the crown should descend to his brother, whereby (if this marriage took effect) the realm of England should stand in great danger, so many signiories being united to the crown. This matter troubled marvelously though needlessly, not only the King of England, but also his whole Council in such sort, that they would give no credit to the Duke of Burgundy, what promise soever he made to the contrary. The said Duke notwithstanding the request above mentioned made unto him by the Dukes of Guienne and Britain, for not calling in strangers to his aid, was very desirous that the King of England should invade some part of the realm, and himself would have pleaded ignorance therein. But the Englishmen would not be won thereunto: for they so much feared the annexing of the house of Burgundy by this marriage to the crown of France, that they would at that time rather have aided the King, than invaded him. You see here all these Princes thoroughly busied and accompanied with a number of wise men, who (as the sequel well declared) foresaw a far of more by the one half than in their life time took effect: for they all through this continual toil and travel, in short space one after another ended their lives, each man rejoicing at others death as of a thing most desired. Soon after also followed their masters, leaving their successors troubles enough, all save the King our master who left his realm to his son, quiet both from foreign wars and civil dissension, so that he did more for him than ever he either would or could do for himself: for I never knew him in peace save only a little before his death. The Duke of Guienne at this present lay sick and in danger of death as some said, but others affirmed the contrary: his men pressed earnestly the Duke of Burgundy to put himself into the field, because the time of the year served fitly for that purpose, and advertised him that the King's army was abroad, and lay at Saint john d' Angelie, or at Xainctes, or thereabout. To be short, they laboured the Duke so importunately, that he went to Arras, and there assembled his forces, and marched towards the towns of Peronne, Roye, and Montdidier: his army was marvelous great, yea the greatest that ever he had before: for in it were twelve hundred Lances of his ordinary retinue, every one of them accompanied with three archers well armed and well mounted: farther in every company of these Lances were ten men of arms for a supply, besides the lieutenant and ensine bearer. The gentlemen of the Duke's dominions were likewise in very good order: for they were very well paid and led by valiant knights and esquires. And sure at that time these countries were marvelous rich. The Notes. 1 This Nicolas is named in other histories Marques du Pount. 2 The King made war upon his brother because he had restored the Earl of Armignac to all his possessions in Guienne, whom the King before had banished. Annal. Acquit. How the final peace treated of between the Duke of Burgundy and the King broke off because of the Duke of Guiens death, and how these two great Princes sought to deceive each other. Chap. 9 WHile the Duke was levying his army above mentioned, the Lord of Cranmer and the Chancellor of France named Master Peter Doriole, came to him twice or thrice from the King, and secretly treated with him of a final peace, which heretofore could never be concluded, because the Duke required the restitution of Amiens and Saint Quintine, whereunto the King would never condescend: but now partly because of the great preparation he saw made against him, and partly in hope to compass certain purposes whereof hereafter you shall hear, he agreed to yield them. The conditions of this peace were, that the King should restore to the Duke Amiens and Saint Quintine, and whatsoever else was in controversy between them. That he should abandon the Earls of Nevers and Saint Paul Constable of France, and permit the Duke to do with them and all their possessions at his pleasure, and seize them into his own hands if he could. That the Duke in like manner should abandon the Dukes of Guienne and Britain, and permit the King to do with them and their signiories at his pleasure. I was present when the Duke of Burgundy swore this treaty, and likewise the Lord of Cranmer, and the Chancellor of France in the King's name, who also at their departure from the Duke advised him not to dismiss his army, but to march still forward, to the end the King their Master might make the speedier delivery of the two places above named. Further Simon of Quinchy was sent with them to see the King swear and confirm this treaty, which his ambassadors had concluded: but the King delayed the confirmation a certain space, and in the mean time happened his brother's death. The D. being ready to departed from Arras received two several advertisements: one that Nicholas Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, heir of the house of Anjou, and son to john Duke of Calabria was coming to him about his daughter's marriage, whom the Duke honourably received, and put in great hope of his suit. But the next day being the 15. of May 1472. (as I remember) came letters from Simon of Quinchy the Duke's ambassador to the King, wherein he advertised his Master of the Duke of Guiennes death, and that the K. had already recovered a great part of his country. The like advertisements received he also incontinent from others, but reporting diversly of the said Duke's death. Soon after returned Simon of Quinchy from the King with a cold answer: for he refused to swear the treaty, which the Duke took very disdainfully as a matter tending to his contempt and dishonour. His men also in time of war as well for this as other causes spoke very villainous and opprobrious words of the King, and I warrant you the French requited them with the like. The Duke of Burgundy being almost out of his wits because of these news, by the persuasion of certain no less sorry for this accident than himself, writ letters to divers towns of the realm, charging the King with his brother's death, but little it availed, for no man stirred . Notwithstanding if the Duke of Guienne had lived, undoubtedly the King should have had enough to do: for the Britons were in a readiness to invade him, having greater intelligences in the realm than ever before: all the which failed by the Duke's death. The Duke of Burgundy in this fury put himself into the field, and marched towards Nesle in Vermandois, making foul and cruel war, contrary to his accustomed manner: for he spoiled and burned all the country as he passed. His vaward marched before him, and besieged the said town of Nesle being of no force: but the Duke himself lodged three leagues from it. Within the town were certain frank archers that slew a herald of the Duke's coming to summon them. Further, their captain came forth to parley under surety, thinking to bring the matter to composition but could not, and as he returned into the town (the truce yet continuing because of his sally) they within the town (notwithstanding that themselves stood open upon the wall no man seeking to hurt them) slew yet two other of the Duke's men, wherefore the truce was disavowed, & word sent to the Lady of Nesle being within the town, to come forth with all her household & stuff, which she did accordingly: and immediately after, the place was assaulted and taken, and the greatest part of them that were within it slain: all that were taken alive were hanged, save a few whom the soldiers for very pity let go, a number also had their hands cut off. It loatheth me to make mention of this cruelty: but because I was present, somewhat I am forced to write thereof. And sure either the Duke was marvelously passioned, in that he committed so cruel an act, or some great caused moved him thereunto. He alleged two, the one the Duke of Guiennes death, whereof he spoke very strangely upon other men's report: the other the grief he had conceived for the loss of Amiens and Saint Quintin above rehearsed. Some that shall read this that followeth, will think happily that there was small faith in these two Princes, or that I misreport them: I would be loath to misreport either of them. And to the King our Master, how much I am bound all the world knoweth. But to continue my history (right reverend father in God) in such sort as you have required, I am forced to utter that I know howsoever it passed. And I doubt not but these two, being compared with other Princes, shall seem noble, worthy, and honourable, and the King our Master wise above all the rest, who left his realm enlarged and in peace with all his enemies. Wherefore let us now consider whether of these two Princes sought to deceive the other, to the end that if hereafter this history happen to fall into the hands of some young Prince that hath to negotiate in such like affairs, he may by reading thereof be the better instructed how to look to himself. For notwithstanding that neither Princes nor enemies be always alike, nor deal alike, in like affairs: yet is it good to know the histories of times past. To speak therefore uprightly, I think both these Princes were fully bend each to deceive other, and tended both to one end, as you shall hear. Both of them had their armies abroad in a readiness. The King had already taken divers places, and during the treaty made sharp war upon his brother, whom the Lords of Courton, Patris, Foucart and divers others had already relinquished, & were received into the King's service. Further, his army lay about Rochel, having great intelligence in the town, for the citizens practised continually, as well because of the rumour of this treaty, as also because of the Duke's sickness. And I think the King's resolution was, if he could achieve his enterprise there, or his brother happened to die, not to swear the treaty: but if he found great resistance, to swear it, and perform his promise, thereby to avoid all danger. And sure he lost no time, but used great diligence, delaying also very cunningly Simon of Quingy the space of eight days, during the which delay, his brother died: further, he knew well the Duke of Burgundy so greatly to desire the restitution of these two towns above named, that he durst not flatly fall out with him. Wherefore he meant to delay him, and feed him forth with fair words fifteen or twenty days (as he did accordingly) to see in the mean time what would happen. Now that I have spoken of the King, and showed how he was purposed to deal with the Duke, it is fit I should also declare how the Duke was minded towards him, and thought to delude him, had not the Duke of Guiennes death happened. Simon of Quinchy by the King's request had a commission from the Duke his Master, commanding him immediately after the treaty sworn, and writings delivered for the confirmation thereof, to go into Britain to inform the Duke of Britain of the conditions of the peace, and in like manner the Duke of Guiennes ambassadors resident in Britain, to the end they might advertise their Master thereof at Bourdeaux: whereby the King meant to put the Britons into the greater fear, when they should see themselves abandoned of him that was their chief anchor hold. Now you shall understand that Simon of Quinchy had in his company a rider of the Duke's Escuirie called Henry a Parisian borne, a wise fellow and of good experience: who had a letter of credit to the said Simon written with the Dukes own hand, but his commission was not to deliver it till the said Simons departure from the King, and his arrival to the Duke of Britain at Nantes, where his charge was to deliver him the letter and this message withal. That he should will the Duke of Britain not to think that his Master would abandon the Duke of Guienne and him, for he would secure them both with body and goods, and that he had concluded this treaty to none other end but to avoid war, and recover the towns of Saint Quintine and Amiens: which the King in time of peace contrary to his promise had taken from him. And further to advertise the said Duke, that the Duke his Master would send an honourable embassage to the King (so soon as he should be seized of that he demanded) humbly to beseech him to end this war, and relinquish his enterprise against the said two Dukes, and not to give credit to the oath he had sworn, which he was no more determined to observe, than the King had observed the treaty ●ade before Paris called the treaty of Conflans: and the treaty which he had sworn at Peronne, and long after confirmed also. Further desiring him to call to remembrance, that he took these towns against his faith and promise in time of peace: wherefore he must hold himself contented if he recovered them after the same sort. And as touching the Earl of Saint Paul Constable of France, and the Earl of Nevers whom the King had permitted him to use at his pleasure, he would protest, that notwithstanding he hated them as he had just cause to do: yet would he forgive all their offences, and let them live in quiet, desiring the King to grant these two Dukes the like: and that it would please him to suffer all men to live in peace and safety, in such manner and form as he had sworn at Conflans, when they were all there assembled together: which if he refused to do, he would then secure his confederates. And it was determined that the Duke should be in camp when this embassage should be sent to the King. But God disposed otherwise of these purposes: for death which departeth all things, and changeth all determinations, set them otherwise a work, as partly you have understood already, and shall hereafter perceive more at large: for the King restored not these two towns, and yet had the Duchy of Guienne by his brother's death, as reason was. The Notes. 1 The Duke of Guienne died the 12. of May, but Meyer saith the 24. Annal. Acquit. the 11. Of his death read Annal. Burgund. lib. 3. fol. 946. Meyer. lib. 17. fol. 353. writeth thus of it. Rex fratri venenum miscet per Iordanum Abbatem, Divi joannis beenedictini nominis: where read also what Thomas Basinus Bishop of Lisieux writeth of the Duke's death, who compareth King Lewis to Cain, Atreus, Thyestes', Polynices, and Eteocles. Hollandiae scriptor saith thus: Rex ille, inquit idem, fecit quod Cain, qui unicum fratrem suum Abel interfecit. Dedit enim Rex mortiferun Carolo fratri venenum, quo non statim extinctus est, sed mensibus aliquot miserabiliter afflictus. Gaguin a French historiographer saith thus: The King was advertised of his brother D. Charles his death, who died at Bourdeaux poisoned by a certain Abbot, but not without the King's consent as the report went. Annal. Acquit. written by a French man seem to make King Lewis accessory to his brother's death. The Duke was poisoned as he sat at the table with the Lady of Mount soreau whom he entertained, and who was also poisoned with him. The King commanded the Abbot's process to cease, and the rest which were suspected: whereby he plainly bewrayed his own guilty conscience. How the Duke of Burgundy seeing that he could not take Beawais, before the which he had laid his siege, went to Rouen. Chap. 10. NOw to return to the war, you have heard how certain poor frank archers were handled at the taking of Nesle: thence the D. departed and went before Roye: within the which were 1500. frank archers and certain men of arms of the Arriereban. The Duke's force was never so great as at that present. The next day after his arrival, these frank archers fearing their lives, leapt down the walls and yielded themselves to him: and the third day they that yet remained within rendered themselves and the town by composition, leaving behind them both horse and harness, save that every man of arms brought forth a traveling nag. The Duke left men in the town and went to Mondidier which he began to raze, meaning utterly to destroy it & lay it desolate, but because of the good will he perceived the people of those parts to bear him, he caused it to be repaired, and left a garrison in it. From thence he departed, meaning to march strait into Normandy: but as he passed hard by Beawais the L. of cords who led his vaward, road to the town, and at his first arrival the suburbs before the Bishop's palace were taken by a covetous Burgundian named Master james of Montmartin: who had under his charge one hundred lances, and three hundred archers of the Duke's ordinary retinue. The Lord of cords scaled the town on the other side, but he lacked ladders, and those few he had were too short. He had two canons which shot twice at the town gate, and broke down a piece thereof: and if he had been furnished to have continued the shot, undoubtedly he had entered the town, but he was unprovided, because he came not for any such exploit. At his first arrival none were in the town but the citizens themselves, and the captain of the town called Loyset of Bailligny, with certain soldiers of the Arriereban, but not enough to defend the place. Notwithstanding it pleased God miraculously to preserve it as he manifestly declared. For the Burgundians that were with the Lord of cords fought hand to hand with the French at the breach made in the gate: whereupon the said Lord of cords sent word divers times to the Duke of Burgundy to make haste thither, assuring him that the town was his own. But in the mean time while the Duke was upon the way, one within devised to throw flaming faggots in their faces that were about to break down the gate: whereof they threw so great plenty, that the gate and the porch took fire in such sort, that the Burgundians were forced to retire till the fire ceased. Soon after arrived the Duke himself, who in like manner held the town as taken, the fire being once quenched which was very great, for all the porch was on fire. And undoubtedly if he had lodged part of his army on the other side of the town towards Paris, no man could have entered to relieve it. But it pleased God he should make doubt where none was: for because of a little brook that was to pass he made difficulty so to do then, and yet afterward when a great number of men were entered the town he would have done it, and was hardly dissuaded from it: notwithstanding that thereby he should then have endangered his whole army. All this happened the eight & twentieth of june in the year 1472. The fire above mentioned continued all day, and in the evening ten lances only of the King's ordinary retinue entered the town, as I was afterward informed: for I served yet the Duke of Burgundy, but we saw them not enter, both because every man was busied in making his lodging: and also because we had no force on that side the town. By break of day the Duke's battterie was bend against the walls: but soon after we saw two hundred men of arms enter the town: and had it not been for their coming, I think the citizens would have treated of a composition: which notwithstanding the Duke in this fury would never have granted: for he desired to take the town by assault, and if he had so done, undoubtedly he would have burnt it, which had been great pity: sure it was preserved by very miracle. After these men of arms were entered, the Duke's artillery shot continually the space of fifteen days, and the place was as well beaten as ever was any, in such sort that the breach was saultable: but the ditch of the one side of the burned gate stood full of water, so that we were forced to build a bridge over it: but on the other side we might come hard to the walls without any danger, save of one flanker which was so low that our artillery could not beat it. It is great danger and folly to assault a town so well defended as this was: for within it was the Constable (as I remember) or lay by it, I wots not well whether, the Marshal joachin, the Marshal of Loheac, the Lord of Crussoll, William of Valleu, Merry of Croy, Sallezarde, Thevenot of Vignoles, being all ancient captains, accompanied with an hundred men of arms of the King's ordinary retinue: besides a great number of footmen and others that were come thither with them. Yet the Duke contrary to the opinion of his whole army, determined to give the assault. And the night before, as he lay on his field bed in his clothes, according to his accustomed manner, he asked certain there present, whether they thought the town would abide the assault: who answered that they thought yea, seeing they were force sufficient to defend it: at the which answer he scoffed, saying that they should not find a man there the next day. In the morning by break of day the assault was given very courageously, and the breach no less valiantly defended. A great number went thronging on our new made bridge in such sort, that an ancient knight of Burgundy called Despiris was smothered there, who was the best man that died before the town. On the other side of the gate certain of our men got up to the top of the wall, but some of them never returned. They fought hand to hand a great while, and the assault continued so long, that fresh bands were appointed to succeed, the first being wearied: but because the Duke saw his men to labour in vain, he caused them to retire: yet notwithstanding they within sallied not, for they saw company enough ready to receive them. At this assault were slain twelve hundred soldiers , and the best man that died there was the above named Despiris. It was thought at the first that many more had been lost: for above a thousand were hurt. The next night they within sallied forth, but because their number was small, and the most of them on horseback, and thereby encumbered with the cords of our tents, they did no great exploit, but lost two or three gentlemen of their company, and hurt one of ours named Master james d'Orson, a very honest gentleman, and master of the Duke's Ordinance, who a few days after died of the said hurt. Seven or eight days after this assault, the Duke would have divided his army into two bands, and lodged part thereof at the gate towards Paris, contrary to all men's advise and to all reason, considering the great number of soldiers within the town. This should have been done at the beginning, but now it was too late. Wherefore seeing no remedy, he raised his camp in very good order , hoping that they within would issue forth to the skirmish, which notwithstanding they did not. From thence he marched into Normandy, because he had promised the Duke of Britain to come as far as Rouen, where the said Duke of Britain had promised in like manner to meet him. But because of the Duke of Guiennes death, he altered his mind, and stirred not out of his country. The Duke of Burgundy came before Eu, which was yielded unto him, as was also Saint Valery, and he burned all this quarter even hard to deep. He took likewise Neuf-chastell, and burned both it and all the country of Caux, or the greatest part, even hard to Rouen gates: further, he presented himself in person before the said town of Rouen: he lost many of his foragers, whereby his army was in great distress of victuals. In the end because winter approached he departed homeward, and his back was no sooner turned, but the French recovered Eu and Saint Valery, and took prisoners by composition seven or eight Burgundians that were within them. The Notes. 1 The French hath Chastellenies, which were places where certain courts of the inferior jurisdiction were held, to the which the country there about was bound to repair. 2 Annal. Franc. report that the Constable lay hard by the town, but moved not to defend it, for the which cause it was thought he had intelligence with the Duke. 3 Gaguin saith, that there were slain at the assault of Beawais 1500. men. 4 The Duke lay before Beawais six and twenty days, and levied his siege the 22. of july. Meyer. How the King made peace with the Duke of Britain, and truce with the Duke of Burgundy, and how the Earl of Saint Paul escaped for that time a conspiracy that these two Princes made against him. Chap. 11. ABout this time I came to the King's service in the year 1472. who received also the selfsame year, the greatest part of his brother the Duke of Guienne his servants. He lay then at Pont de See, making war upon the Duke of Britain: whither certain ambassadors came to him out of Britain, and from whence also he sent his ambassadors thither. Among the rest that came to him to the said town of Pont de See, were Philip of Essars, servant to the Duke, and William of Sousplenuille servant to the Lord of Lescute, the which Lord of Lescute seeing his Master the Duke of Guienne at the point of death, took sea at Bourdeaux and departed into Britain, fearing to fall into the King's hands: he embarked in time, and carried away with him the Duke of Guiennes Confessor , and a rider of his stable, who were charged with the Duke's death, and remained prisoners in Britain many years after. When these run to and fro had endured a while, the King in the end determined to have peace with the Duke of Britain, and to deal so liberally with the Lord of Lescute that he would thereby assuage the evil will he bore him, and win him to his service. For as he knew the Duke of Britain's forces, being governed by so worthy a man, greatly to be feared: so was he assured if he could win the Lord of Lescute to his service, that the Britons would labour for peace, because he was their only man of wisdom and experience in the country: besides that, generally the Britain's desire nothing more than peace with France: because continually a great number of them have good entertainment, and be in good estimation in this realm, & not unworthily: for sure in times past they have done great service here. Wherefore me think the King did very wisely in concluding this treaty, notwithstanding that some not considering so deeply thereof as himself did, thought otherwise of it. He had a very good opinion of the Lord of Lescute, & knew there was no danger in putting those offices and places of charge that he did into his hands, because he was a man of honour, & would never during these divisions have any intelligence with the English men, nor consent that the towns in Normandy should be yielded to them, but had been the only stay thereof, which was the cause of all his preferment. When the King had well debated this matter, he commanded Sousplenuille to put in writing all that his Master required, as well for the Duke as himself: which done, the King granted him all his demands being these: A pension of 80000. franks for the Duke: for his master the Lord of Lescute a pension of 6000. franks, the government of Guienne, the two Seneschalships of Lawns and Bordelois, the captainship of one of the castles of Bourdeaux, the captainship of Blaye, and of the two castles of Bayonne, of Dax, and of Saint Sever, 24000. crowns in ready money, the King's order, and the Earldom of Comminges. All the which the King granted and agreed unto, save that the Duke's pension was diminished by the one half, and continued but two years. Further, the King gave the said Sousplenuille 6000. crowns (which with the other 24. thousand given to his Master were to be paid in four years) a pension of 1200. franks, the Mayraltie of Bayonne, the Bailywick of Montargis, and certain other small offices in Guienne. All the which above rehearsed estates, his Master and he enjoyed till the King's death. Philip d'Essars likewise was made bailiff of Meaux, and lieutenant of the waters and forests throughout the realm of France, and had also a pension granted him of 1200. franks, and 4000 crowns in ready money: all the which offices and estates from that day till the King our Master his death they quietly enjoyed, and the Lord of Comminges continued during his life his trusty and faithful servant. The King having pacified all matters in Britain marched strait toward Picardy: for he and the Duke of Burgundy used always when winter approached, to make truce for six months, or a year, and some time more. After the which their wonted manner they made truce at this present, which the Chancellor of Burgundy with certain others came to the King to conclude. There the King's Commissioners read the final peace made with the Duke of Britain, whereby the said Duke renounced the league he was entered into with the English men and the D. of Burgundy: wherefore the King required the Duke of Burgundy's ambassadors not to comprehend the Duke of Britain in the truce as their confederate: whereunto they would not condescend, but agreed that the Duke of Britain should be at his choice to declare himself within the time accustomed, either the Kings confederate or theirs: alleging that heretofore also the said Duke had abandoned them by writing, yet had not departed from their friendship. Further adding, that though he were a Prince wholly led and governed by others, and doing little of himself: yet in the end he ever yielded to that which was best and most necessary for his estate. All this was done in the year 1473. During this treaty they murmured on both sides against the Earl of Saint Paul Constable of France: for the King and those that were nearest about him had conceived marvelous hatred against him. And the Duke of Burgundy hated him worse than they, as he had just cause to do: for I know the reasons that moved them both to bear him ill will. The Duke had not yet forgotten that he was the only occasion of the loss of Amiens and Saint Quintin, and perceived well that he nourished this war between the King and him. For in time of truce he spoke him as fair as was possible, but so soon as the war opened, he showed himself his mortal foe. Further, the Earl had sought to constrain him by force to marry his daughter to the Duke of Guienne, as before 〈◊〉 ●●ue heard. Besides all this there was yet another grudge: for while the Duke lay before Amiens, the Constable made a road into Henault, and among other cruel exploits burned the castle of Seure, belonging to a Knight named Master Baudovin of Launay: before the which time they used on neither side to fire any place. But in revenge thereof the Duke this last summer burned the country all the way his army passed, as before you have heard. Thus they began to practise the Constable's destruction: for the accomplishment whereof divers of the King's men conferred with such of the Duke's servants as they knew to be his mortal enemies: for the French had him in as great jealousy as the Duke of Burgundy had, and accused him as the only occasion of the war: wherefore all his treaties and practices with both parties were ripped up and discovered, and they both sought his death. Some man may peradventure ask hereafter, if the King alone were not of power sufficient to put him to death: whereunto I answer that he was not. For his lands lay just in the midst between the King and the Duke: further, he held Saint Quintin a great and strong town in Vermandois, and of his own Han, Bohain, and other very strong places near to the said Saint Quintin, the which he might man at all times with any nation at his own pleasure. He had charge under the King of four hundred men of arms well paid, of the which company himself was controller and took the muster, which was no small profit to him: for his companies were not complete. Besides all this he had a yearly pension of 45000. franks, and of every tun of wine that passed through his country into Flaunders or Henault, he received a crown for impost. He had also goodly signiories and possessions of his own inheritance, and great intelligence as well in France as in the Duke's dominions, where he had many kinsfolks and allies. The truce between the King and the Duke continued a whole year: all the which space this practice endured, and the King's men addressed themselves wholly to the Lord of Hymbercourt (so often before named,) who of long time had been the Constable's enemy: besides that, their hatred was lately increased. For in an assembly held at Roye, where the Constable and others were commissioners for the King: and the Chancellor of Burgundy and the Lord of Hymbercourt, with divers others for the Duke: as they conferred together of their affairs, the Constable gave the lie very shamefully to the said Hymbercourt, who answered thereunto, that he would not bear this reproach at his hands, were it not in respect of the King's honour, under whose safe conduct he was come thither as ambassador, and of the Duke his Master whose person he represented, and to whom he would make report of this injury done unto him. This only villainy and outrage so soon done, cost the Constable both lands and life as hereafter shall be declared more at large. Wherefore those that are in authority, yea and Princes themselves ought to take great heed how they injury any man by word or deed, and whom they injury: for the greater they are, the greater grief and sorrow is conceived of their words, because they that are injuried think that the great authority of the person that iniurieth them, will cause them the more to be marked and noted. And if he be their Master or Prince they utterly despair of benefit or good turn at his hands: and most men serve rather for the good they hope to have, than for that they have already received. But to return to the point, the King's men practised continually with Hymbercourt, and likewise with the Chancellor, as well because the words spoken at Roye touched him in part, as also because of the near friendship that was between Hymbercourt and him. And the matter was so earnestly pressed, that an assembly was held about it at Bowines a town near to Namur, whither the King sent the Lord of Courton governor of Lymosin, and Master john Heberge afterward Bishop of Eureux: and the Duke the said Chancellor and Hymbercourt, being the year 1474. The Constable being informed that they practised at Bowines to his cost, sent with all speed to both the Princes, advertising them he understood of all their doings, and so cunningly he wrought, that he persuaded the King that the Duke meant nothing but deceit, only to allure the said Constable to his friendship: whereupon with all speed the King sent to his ambassadors at Bowines, commanding them to conclude nothing against the Constable for certain reasons he would declare unto them, but to prolong the truce according to their instructions, for a year or six months I wots not well whether. But when the messenger arrived, he found the treaty already concluded, and the writings sealed and delivered the night before. Notwithstanding the ambassadors had so good intelligence together, and were so great friends each to other, that they delivered the writings back again: the contents whereof were, that the Constable for the reasons therein rehearsed, was declared enemy and traitor to both the Princes: who promised and swore each to other, that whether of them could first lay hands on him, should either put him to death within eight days, or deliver him to the other to do with him at his pleasure. It was also therein concluded, that he should be proclaimed by sound of trumpet enemy to both the Princes, and likewise all that should serve, help, aid, or favour him. Further, the King promised to deliver to the Duke the town of Saint Quintin, so often before mentioned, and to give him all the Constable's treasure and movables that should be found in the realm of France, with all such signiories and lordships as were held of the said Duke, and among the rest Han and Bohain, which are two very strong places. Lastly, a day was appointed when both the King and the Duke should send their forces to besiege him in Han. Notwithstanding for the reasons above rehearsed, this conclusion was clean broken off, and a day and place assigned where the Constable should come to commune with the King under safe conduct: for he stood in doubt of his person, because of the late treaty held at Bowines. The place assigned was three leagues from Noyon near to the town of La Fere, upon a pretty river which no man could pass, because the Constable's men had taken up all the bridges. In the said place was a narrow causey, overthwart the which a strong grate was built, whither the Constable came first, accompanied with all his men of arms, or the greatest part: for he had with him above three hundred gentlemen all men of arms: and he himself ware his quirace under a short gown ungirt. The King came accompanied with the Earl of Dampmartine Lord great Master of France, the Constable's mortal enemy, and with six hundred men of arms and better, and sent me before him to make his excuse to the Constable of his long stay: and soon after arrived himself, and they communed together: at which their communication were present five or six of the King's servants, and as many of the Constables, who excused his coming thither in arms, because he stood in fear of the Earl of Dampmartin as he said. To be short, in the end it was agreed that all offences past should be forgiven and forgotten: and the Constable passed through the grate to our side of the river, where the Earl of Dampmartin and he were made friends. That night he lodged with the King at Noyon, and the next morning returned to Saint Quintin thoroughly reconciled as he said. But when the King had well weighed this matter, and heard the murmuring of the people, he accused himself of great folly in going after this sort to commune with his servant, & stomached not a little, that he found the grate shut between them, considering that all the Constable's men of arms were his subjects and paid out of his coffers: wherefore if his hatred against the Constable were great before, sure this meeting much increased it: and as touching the Constable, his proud stomach was no whit abated. The Notes. 1 This Confessor was the Abbot of S. john d'Angely, who died prisoner at Nantes in Britain, in the great tower du Buffoy, where he confessed marvelous matters, and died very strangely. Annal. Acquit. 2 These places were those that remained in the Lord of Lescuts' hands by the treaty of Caen, mentioned lib. 1. cap. 15. A discourse very fit for this place, of the wisdom of the King and the Constable, with good advertisements to such as are in credit with Princes. Chap. 12. IF a man consider well this action of the Kings, he cannot but judge it to proceed of great wisdom: for I am of opinion that the Duke of Burgundy to recover Saint Quintin would easily have pardoned the Constable all his offences, notwithstanding any promise made to the King of the contrary: Further, as touching the Constable, though he were a gentleman of great wisdom and understanding, yet did he very unadvisedly, and it appeared that God had utterly bereft him of all good advise, in that he came thus disguised before the King his Master, whose subjects all the men of arms were that accompanied him: and to say the truth, his very countenance showed him to be astonished and abashed thereat: for when he came in person to the place, and found the grate shut between the King and him, he caused it forthwith to be opened, and passed to our side of the river, where undoubtedly he was in great danger. This his doing peradventure himself and his familiar friends accounted a worthy exploit: supposing the King to stand in fear of him, whom also they reputed a timorous Prince. And true it is that he was so at times when there was cause why: but not always when the world so judged of him. For you shall understand, that the civil wars with the Princes of his realm, out of the which he had wound himself by large gifts and promises, had beaten this lesson into his head, not to put any thing in adventure if he could compass his purposes by any other means: which caused a number of men to suppose all his doings to proceed of fear. But divers that upon this imagination attempted foolish enterprises against him, found themselves much deceived, namely, the Earl of Armignack and others, whom their fond attempts cost full dear. For the King knew when it was time to fear, and not to fear. Sure this praise I dare boldly give him (which though happily I have written before, yet deserveth again to be spoken) that he was the wisest man in adversity that ever I knew. But to return to my discourse of the Constable, who desired peradventure to hold the King in fear, at the least I suppose so (for I will not charge him with it, but writ this only for an advertisement to those that are in Prince's service, and understand not all alike the affairs of this world:) for mine own part, if I had a friend, I would advise him to endeavour himself that his Master might love him, not fear him: for I never knew man whose authority depended of the fear his Master had of him, that sped not evil in the end, and that by his Master's consent. Examples enough have been seen hereof in our time, or not long before. In this realm of the Lord of Trimoville and others: In England of the Earl of Warwick and his faction. I could name some also in Spain and in other countries. But those that shall read this discourse may peradventure be able to say more therein than myself. This their presumption oftentimes proceedeth of their good service: for they think their experience so great that they cannot be spared, and their deserts such that their Masters ought to bear all things at their hands. But Princes on the contrary side both say and think, that men are bound to do them service, and desire nothing more than to be rid of such malapert fellows. Touching the which point, I must needs speak somewhat of the King our Master: for once he told me in talking of those that do their Prince great service (naming withal his author from whom he received this opinion) that good service sometime vndooeth men: and is recompensed with great ingratitude, not always by the Master's forgetfulness, but many times through the servants own fault: who presuming upon their good service, behave themselves arrogantly, either towards their Masters or their fellows: Further, as touching those that come to preferment in Court, this was his opinion: that he is happier that receiveth a benefit of the Prince he serveth, without great desert, whereby he standeth bound to his Prince: than he that hath done so great service, that his Prince seemeth in debted to him: adding, that he for his part loved those better that were bound to him, than those to whom he was bound. Thus you see how hard it is to live in this world in any estate: wherefore greatly are they bound to God, whom he hath endued with understanding how to govern themselves in their vocation. This interview between the King & the Constable was in the year 1474. THE FOURTH BOOK. How the Duke of Burgundy being seized of the Duchy of Gueldres, sought to encroach farther upon the Almains, and how he laid his siege before Nuz. Chap. 1. THe same summer (as I remember) that the King and the Constable met, the Duke of Burgundy went to conquer the Duchy of Gueldres, upon a title worthy to be declared, to the end we may thereby consider the wonderful judgements and power of God. There was a young Duke of Gueldres named Adolph, who married his wife (being of the house of Bourbon, and sister to Peter Duke of Bourbon now living) in the Duke of Burgundy's court, for the which cause he was well favoured there. This Duke Adolph committed an horrible fact: for one evening he took his father named Duke Arnold prisoner as he was going to bed, and led him five dutch miles on foot bore legged in a marvelous cold night, and laid him in a deep dungeon the space of six months , where he saw no light but through a little hole. Wherefore the Duke of Cleves (whose sister the old Duke being prisoner had married) made sharp war upon this young Duke Adolph. The Duke of Burgundy sought divers means to agree them, but no good could be done. Wherefore in the end the Pope and the Emperor began to stir in this matter so far forth, that the D. of Burgundy under great curses, was commanded to take the old Duke out of prison, which he did accordingly: for the young Duke durst not withstand him, both because he saw so many good men against him, and also because of the Duke's great force. I have often seen them both together in the Duke of Burgundy's chamber, pleading their cause before a great assembly, and once I saw the good old man present the combat to his son. The Duke of Burgundy was very desirous to agree them, and offered the young Duke (whom he favoured) the title of Governor of Guelderland with all the revenues thereof, save of one little town near to Brabant called Grave, which should remain to the father, with the revenues of three thousand florins, a yearly pension of as much, and the title of Duke, as was but reason. I with others wiser than myself were appointed to make report of these conditions to the young Duke, who answered us, that he had rather throw his father headlong into a Well, and himself after, than agree to such an appointment, alleging that his father had been Duke forty four years, and that it was now time for him to govern. Notwithstanding he said that he would willingly agree to give him a yearly pension of three thousand florins, with condition that he should departed the country as a banished man, never to return: & divers other such like lewd speeches he used. This happened at the very same instant, that the King wan Amiens from the Duke of Burgundy, who was then with these two Dukes at dourlan's, whence because of the wars he departed in haste to Hedin, forgetting this matter. This young Duke put on French apparel , and departed with one only servant, to repair home into his country. But as he ferried over a water near to Namur, he paid a gildon for his passage, whereupon a Priest there present mistrusting who he should be, communed thereof with the ferry man, and viewed well the young Duke and knew him. There he was taken and led to Namur, where he remained prisoner till the Duke of Burgundy's death: after the which, the Citizens of Gaunt delivered him, and would perforce have constrained the Duke's daughter afterward Duchess of Ostrich to marry him. They led him also with them before Tournay, where being weakly accompanied in a certain skirmish he was miserably slain, in full revenge of his impiety against his father. The father during his sons imprisonment died: the Duke of Burgundy yet living, whom because of his said sons ingratitude and unnaturalness he made his heir, by the which title the Duke at this present conquered the said Duchy of Gueldres , where he found some resistance: but because he was mighty and in truce with the King, he easily subdued it, and held it all the days of his life, and his offspring possesseth it yet at this day, and shall do as long as it pleaseth God. This as I said at the beginning, I have rehearsed only to show, that such cruelty and impiety never remaineth unpunished. The Duke of Burgundy being returned into his country grew wonderful lofty and high minded, because he had gotten this Duchy into his claws, and began to find great sweetness in this Dutch enterprises, both for that the Emperor was a Prince of an abject mind, enduring all things rather than he would spend any thing: and also because without aid of the Princes of the Empire his own force was but small. Wherefore the Duke prolonged the truce with the King. Some of the King's servants were of opinion, that the King did unadvisedly to prolong the turce, and suffer the Duke to grow as he did. And sure they had some appearance of reason to lead them so to say, but because they lacked experience and had not seen the world abroad, they witted not what the matter meant. But others that understood the case better than they, and were able to say more therein, because they had traveled those countries, advised the King to prolong the truce, and permit the Duke to wear and weary himself against the country of Almain (the greatness and force whereof is almost incredible) alleging that after he had taken one place, or achieved one enterprise, he would forthwith attempt another: for one good adventure could not content his nature, wherein he was of disposition clean contrary to the King: for the Duke the more he was busied, the more he sought to busy himself. Wherefore they told the King that he could no way better be revenged of the Duke than by suffering him to run himself out of breath as he did, advising him withal rather to send him some small aid, than put him in any doubt of breach of the truce: further alleging, that it could not otherwise happen but that he must of necessity utterly consume himself against the greatness & force of Almain, because the Princes of the Empire would make resistance, were the Emperor never so simple a man: and so it came to pass in the end. There was a quarrel between two pretending title to the Bishopric of Coulon: one of the which was the Lantzgrave of Hesses' brother, and the other the Palzgrave of the Rhine his cozen . The Duke of Burgundy took part with the Palzgrave, and attempted to place him in the sea of Coulon by force, trusting thereby to seize some places of the country into his own hands, and to that end went and laid his siege before Nuz, a town near to Coulon, in the year 1474. He had so many great enterprises in his head, that in the end the burden thereof pressed him to the ground: for in the selfsame summer he both traveled with Edward King of England to pass with his army into France, being in a readiness by his suit and solicitation: and purposed also to achieve his enterprise in Almain which was this: If he had taken Nuz, he meant to man it well, and two or three other places above Coulon : whereby the city of Coulon being at his commandment , he might have gone up countermount against the river of Rhine into the country of Ferrette which he then held, and so all the Rhine should have been under his subjection even down to Holland, where it entereth the sea: upon the which river are more strong towns and castles than any realm christened except France. The truce with the King was prolonged for six months, which time being now almost expired, the King traveled to prolong it still, to the end the Duke might do his pleasure in Almain: whereunto the Duke would not agree because of his promise to the English men. I would gladly pass over this siege of Nuz, because it is out of the course of my history, for I was not present at it: notwithstanding somewhat I am forced to speak thereof, because of divers accidents depending thereupon. The said town of Nuz was marvelous strong, and within it was the Lantzgrave of Hesse , with many of his kinsfolks and friends, to the number of 1800. horsemen as I have been informed (who valiantly behaved themselves,) and of foot men sufficient. The Lantzgrave, as I have said, was brother to the Bishop elected, against him whom the Duke of Burgundy defended, who laid his siege before Nuz in the year 1474. His force was never so great as then, especially of horsemen: for because he meant to attempt somewhat in Italy, he had in pay a thousand Italian men of arms good and bad, under the leading of one called the Earl of Campobache a Neapolitan borne of the house of Anious faction, a dangerous and a traitorous fellow. In the Duke's camp served also james Galeot a valiant gentleman of Naples, and divers others, whose names for brevity I pass over. Further, he had in his army three thousand English men excellent good soldiers, and of his own subjects a marvelous number well armed, and who long had been trained up in the wars, besides great force of goodly pieces of artillery: all the which preparation he put in a readiness to join with the English men at their landing, who used as great diligence in England as they could. But it is long before an army can be levied there, because the King may attempt no war before he have assembled his court of Parliament, being the same in effect that the three estates in France, which me think is a very good and a laudable custom. For the King by that means is the stronger and the better served in all enterprises he taketh in hand with the consent of his estates, to whom when they are assembled he declareth his intent, and desireth aid of his subjects: for no subsidy is levied in England, but for invasion of France or Scotland, or such like enterprises of great charge, which then the people grant willingly and liberally, especially to pass into France: wherefore the Kings of England use often when money faileth them to levy an army, and make show as though they would invade Scotland or France. But after they have received money for a year, they lie abroad in camp three months, and then return home and dismiss their army: which practice King Edward was well acquainted with and used often. It was at the least a year before this English army could be in a readiness, but when it was furnished of all things necessary, the King of England advertised the Duke of Burgundy die thereof, who in the beginning of the summer went before Nuz, trusting in short space to put his Bishop in possession, and to retain certain places, as Nuz and others in his own hands, to what purpose you have heard before. I think verily that this proceeded of God, who beheld with a pitiful eye this realm of France: which undoubtedly the Duke might shrewdly have shaken, considering that his army was mighty and all of old soldiers, accustomed by the space of many years to enter and spoil this realm without any resistance, save only by defence of the strong towns. True it is that this proceeded of the King who would hazard nothing, partly for fear of the Duke's force, and partly for doubt of rebellion in his realm if he should receive an overthrow: for he knew himself not to be beloved of all his subjects, especially the nobility. And (if I may utter all) he hath eftsoons told me, that he knew his subjects well enough, and should find them rebellious if his assaires happened to have hard success: wherefore when the Duke of Burgundy entered into the realm, he manned the towns well by the which he passed: whereby in short space the Duke's army broke itself, and the King never endangered his estate: which undoubtedly proceeded of great wisdom. But all this notwithstanding the Duke's force being so great as it was: if the King of England's army had also entered in the beginning of summer, (as assuredly it would, had not the Duke so obstinately line before Nuz,) undoubtedly the realm had stood in great danger: for never King of England passed at once with so great force, nor so well disposed to fight. All the great Lords of England were there none excepted. Their men of arms were 1500. at the least, (which was much for the English men) all well appointed and well accompanied, and 14000. archers on horseback, besides a great number of foot men that served in the army, and in all their camp was not one Page. Further, the King of England had in a readiness three thousand men to land in Britain, to join there with the Duke of Britain's forces. I saw myself two letters written with the Lord of Vrfés own hands, (than servant to the Duke of Britain, but afterward Master of the horse to King Charles:) the one addressed to the King of England, and the other to the Lord Hastings Lord great Chamberlain of England . The contents whereof among divers other things were, that the Duke of Britain would do more in France by intelligence in a month, than the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy, (notwithstanding their great forces) in half a year: which words I think would have proved true, if the matter had come to execution. But God (who hath always loved this realm) disposed of these affairs, as hereafter you shall hear. These letters above mentioned, the King bought of one of the King of England's Secretaries, for three score marks of silver. The Notes. 1 This Duke Adolph married Katherine daughter to Charles Duke of Bourbon, and Agnes sister to Philip Duke of Burgundy. Meyer. 2 Duke Arnold lay in prison six years, Meyer. but he misseth the cushion: for other approved authors, and namely Guicciardin agree with Commines. 3 The French hath Mambourg or Membourg, which is as much as captain or governor: look more hereof in the pedigree of the Dukes of Gueldres. 4 Lest it seem strange that this young Duke, whom our author in this very Chapter reporteth to have been well favoured of the Duke of Burgundy should be stayed and imprisoned in his dominions: you shall understand that the Duke of Burgundy upon hope to be Duke arnold's heir himself, altered his mind, and of the young Duke's friend became his foe. 5 The Emperor stirred not against the Duke of Burgundy, for taking by force the Duchy of Gueldres which was held of the Empire, because the Dukes of Gueldres by the space of thirty years had done no homage to the Empire. The Duke subdued Gueldres, anno 1473. Meyer. 6 It was our author himself that gave the King this advise. Meyer. 7 This quarrel began anno 1473. Meyer. 8 The Palzgraves' name was Robert, his Chapter and he were at variance in such sort, that they had gotten him excommunicated, & chosen Harman the Lantzgrave of Hesses' brother to govern the charge. Then the Duke of Burgundy took upon him to place him again in his Sea, which appertained not to him, but to the Emperor and the Pope: in the end this Robert was taken and died in prison. 9 The league between the Duke and the Bishop was, that these places here mentioned (belonging to the Church of Coulon, should have remained to the Duke for his charges. Nuz was besieged the 28. of july. 1474. 10 Nuz is beneath Coulon, so that if the Duke had held that and three or four places above Coulon, the said city of Coulon being on all sides environed by him, must perforce have been at his commandment. 11 This Lantzgrave was Lodovicus, grandfather to Philip that last died. 12 The Lord Hastings was indeed but Chamberlain of the King house. How the town of Nuz was succoured by the Emperor and the Almains against the Duke of Burgundy, and of other enemies that the King procured the Duke. Chap. 2. THe Duke of Burgundy as you have heard, was now busied before Nuz, and found the enterprise of more difficulty than he supposed. The city of Coulon situate upon the river of Rhine, four leagues above Nuz, spent monthly in the wars 100000. gold gildons for fear of the Duke. And they and certain other towns above them had already put fifteen or sixteen thousand footmen into the field, who encamped on the other side of the river, directly over against the Duke, and planted great force of artillery upon the bank, thinking thereby to cut off his victuals that came up the stream out of Guelderland, and to sink the boats by canon shot. Moreover, the Emperor and the Prince's Electors of the Empire assembled together about this business, and concluded to levy an army: whereunto the King sent divers messengers to solicit them, to whom also they sent a Cannon of Coulon, of the house of Baviere, accompanied with another ambassador, who brought him a roll of the army the Emperor was resolved to levy, if he for his part would join in the enterprise. It is not to be doubted but that they received a good answer with promise of all they demanded: further, the King assured by letters as well the Emperor as divers Princes and towns, that so soon as the Emperor with his army should be come to Coulon, he would send twenty thousand men to join with him, under the leading of the Lord of Cranmer and Sallezarde. Thus this Dutch army prepared to march, being greater than is almost credible : for all the Princes of Almain as well spiritual as temporal, all the Bishops, towns, and commonalties had men there, yea, so great numbers every one of them, that (as I was informed) the Bishop of Munster, who is none of the richest Bishops, had in this army six thousand footmen, fourteen hundred horsemen, and twelve hundred wagons all covered with green: true it is that his Bishopric lieth near to Nuz . The Emperor was seven months in levying this army: which time expired, he came and encamped within half a league of the Duke of Burgundy: by divers of whose men I have been advertised, that though the King of England's army and the Dukes had been joined both together, yet should they not have been the third part of the Emperors, neither in men nor in tents and pavilions. Besides the Emperor's force was also this other army above mentioned, which lay directly over against the Duke on the other side of the river, and endamaged greatly his camp, and cut off much of his victuals. When the Emperor and the Princes of the Empire were come before Nuz, they sent to the King a Doctor of great authority with them called He sevare, afterward a Cardinal, who came to solicit the King to perform his promise, and send the forces whereof he had assured the Emperor by letters, otherwise to tell him that the Almains would conclude peace. The King put him in good hope that he would so do, and gave him a present of four hundred crowns, and sent with him to the Emperor one called john Tiercelin Lord of Brosse: notwithstanding the Doctor departed nothing well contented. During this siege marvelous practices were entertained. The King traveled to conclude peace with the Duke of Burgundy, at the least to prolong the truce, to the end the English men should not pass the seas. The King of England on the other side laboured to the uttermost of his power to persuade the Duke to departed from Nuz, and perform his promise by aiding him to make war in France, alleging that the summer was far spent. And the Lord of Scales a courteous Knight, nephew to the Constable of France, with divers others, was twice sent ambassador to the Duke to solicit him thereunto: but he was obstinate. Whereby it manifestly appeared, that God had troubled his wits and understanding: for all his life time he had laboured the English men to pass into France, and now when they were in a readiness, and all things prepared for the wars as well in Britain as elsewhere, he lay obstinately before a place impregnable. With the Emperor was a legate sent from the Pope, who road daily between the two camps to treat of peace. The King of Denmark came also thither, and traveled to pacify this controversy, being lodged in a little town hard by both the armies: so that the Duke might have departed to the English men with honourable conditions. Notwithstanding he would not, but excused himself to the King of England upon his honour, which he said should be stained if he levied his siege, with divers such like slender excuses. Hear you must note, that these were not those English men that in the time of Duke Philip his father had made war so long in this realm, but these were young soldiers utterly unacquainted with our French affairs. Wherefore the Duke proceeded very fond if he meant to use their help: for he should the first summer have been continually with them, leading them from place to place, and instructing them what was to be done. While the Duke lay thus obstinately before Nuz, war arose against him on two or three sides: for the Duke of Lorraine, who hitherto had been in peace with him, sent to defy him before Nuz, by the Lord of Crans persuasion, who to further the King's affairs alured the Duke of Lorraine thereunto, assuring him that it would turn greatly to his profit. Incontinent the said Duke of Lorraine put himself into the field, and spoiled all the Duchy of Luxembourg, and razed a place there called Pierre-forte, two leagues from Nancy. Further, by the King's procurement and certain of his servants, a league was made for ten years between the Swissers and certain towns upon the river of Rhine (namely, Basill, Strasbourg, and others) which before had been their enemies. Peace was also concluded between Duke Sigismond of Ostrich and the said Swissers, the conditions whereof were, that Duke Sigismond should take again the county of Ferrette , which he had engaged to the Duke of Burgundy for a 100000. florins. But this one article remained yet in variance between Duke Sigismond and them: namely, that the Swissers required passage through four towns of the county of Ferrette at their pleasure: which controversy was referred to the King's arbitrement, who pronounced sentence for the Swissers. Hereby you may perceive what enemies the King stirred up covertly against the Duke of Burgundy. As the matter was concluded, so also was it executed: for in a fair moon shine night Peter Archambaut governor of the county of Ferrette for the Duke of Burgundy, was taken prisoner, accompanied with eight hundred soldiers, who were all dismissed safe and sound save himself alone, whom they led to Basill , and there indited of divers extortions and outrages committed in the said county of Ferrette, and in the end strake off his head. Immediately after his death all the county of Ferrette yielded to Duke Sigismond, and the Swissers began to make war in Burgundy, and took Blasmond a town being the Marshals of Burgundy, who was of the house of Neuf-chastell, and besieged the castle of Hericourt, belonging also to the said house of Neuf-chastel, whither the Burgundians went to levy the siege, but were discomfited , and a great number slain. The said Swissers marvelously endamaged the country, and then returned home for that time. The Notes. 1 The city of Coulon took part with the Chapter against the D. of Burgundy's Bishop. 2 The Emperor had in pay in this army 80000. men. 3 But his Bishopric is on the other side the river of Rhine. 4 These towns were Strasbourg, Slecstat, Basill, Colmar, etc. 5 Ferrette in Dutch Pfirt. 6 The towns the Swissers desired passage through were Reinfeld, Loufenberg, Neustat, and Brissac. 7 Others call him Peter Hagenbach, but the variance ariseth because one nameth him by his surname, the other by his signiory: for he was called Peter Archambaut of Hagenbach. 8 Others writ that he was beheaded at Brisac a town near to Basill. 9 The Lord of Blasmond led this army, and in this battle the Burgundians lost 2000 men. Annal. Burgund. How the King won from the Duke of Burgundy the castle of Tronquoy, the towns of Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, and how he sought to persuade the Emperor Frederick to seize upon all that the said Duke held of the Empire. Chap. 3. ABout this time the truce ended between the King and the Duke, to the King's great grief, who gladly would have prolonged it, but seeing no remedy, he went and besieged a little castle called Tronquoy in the year 1475. in the very beginning of summer, the pleasantest time of the year. The castle in short space was taken by assault. The next day the K. sent me to parley with them that were within Montdidier, who yielded the place, & departed with bag & baggage. Thence I went the third day being accompanied with the Admiral of France bastard of Bourbon, to parley with them that were within Roye, who in like manner yielded the piece because they were utterly in despair of succours, which sure if the Duke had been in the country they would not have done. Notwithstanding both these towns were burned contrary to our promise. Thence the King departed, and laid his camp before Corbie which abode the siege. Goodly approaches were made to the town, and the King's artillery bet it three days: within it was the Lord of Contay and divers others, who yielded the place, and departed with bag and baggage: two days after, this poor town was also sacked and burned as the two former. Then the King thought to repair home with his army, trusting to persuade the Duke of Burgundy to make truce, considering the distress he was in. But a certain Lady whom I know well, yet will not name because she is still living, writ him a letter, willing him to lead his army to Arras, and into those parts: whereunto the King agreed, for she was a woman of honour. I commend her not in thus doing: for she was in no respect bound to the King. The King sent thither the Lord Admiral bastard of Bourbon with a great band of men, which burned many towns in those quarters, and spoiled all the country between Abbeville and Arras: whereupon the citizens of Arras, who were puffed up with pride because of their long prosperity, compelled the garrison of the town to issue forth. But being too weak to encounter with the King's forces they were put to flight, and pursued so speedily that many of them were slain and taken, together with all their captains, namely, Master james of Saint Paul the Constable's brother, the Lord of Contay, the Lord of Carency, and divers others: some of the which were near kinsmen to the Lady herself that caused this enterprise, so that she received great damage by the overthrow: but the King for her sake repaired all in time. The King sent to the Emperor (as you have heard) john Tiercelin Lord of Brosse, partly to solicit him not to make peace with the Duke of Burgundy, and partly to make his excuse for not sending his forces according to his promise: and further, to assure him, that he would shortly send them, and would also continue to spoil and endamage the Duke's dominions, as well in the marches of Burgundy , as also in Picardy. Lastly he made him a new owerture, which was, that they should swear each to other, not to make peace the one without the other, and that the Emperor should seize into his hands all the signiories that the Duke held, and aught to hold of the Empire, and proclaim them forfeited to him, and he would do the like with all those that were held of the crown of France, namely Flaunders, Artois, Burgundy and the rest. The Emperor though all his life time he had made small show of any valour, yet was he wise and of great experience, because of his ancient years. Further, these practices between us and him had continued so long that he waxed weary of the wars, notwithstanding that they cost him never a groat. For all the Princes of Almain lay there upon their own charge, as their manner is when the war concerneth the state of the empire. The Emperor answered the King's ambassadors after this sort: There was sometime near to a certain city in Germany, a great Bear that much endamaged the country, three good fellows of the which city being tavern haunters, came to a tavern where they were indebted, desiring their host yet once more to give them credit, promising him within two days payment of the whole debt: for they would take this Bear that did so much harm in the country, whose skin was worth a great sum of money, besides the presents that good folks would give them, whereunto their host agreed: and when they had dined, forth they went toward this beasts cave, near to the which when they approached, they met with the Bear unlooked for, and being stricken with sudden fear fled, one got up into a tree, the other fled towards the town, but the third the Bear took and overthrew, and foiled under her feet, holding her mussel hard to his ear. The poor soul lay flat upon the ground, as though he had been dead. Now you shall understand that the nature of a Bear is such, that whatsoever she holdeth in her claws man or beast, so soon as she seethe it leave stirring, she forthwith forsaketh it, supposing it to be dead, as also this Bear left this poor fellow, not doing him any great harm, and returned to her den. Then he seeing the danger past, arose and went towards the town. But his fellow that stood in the tree having beheld all this pageant, came down and ran crying after him to stay: and when he had overtaken him, desired him to tell him faithfully what counsel the Bear gave him in his ear, whereto she held her mussel so long: whereunto his fellow answered, that she bade him never to sell the bears skin till the Bear were slain. And with this fable paid the Emperor our King, not giving his ambassadors any further answer, as though he should have said, come hither according to your promise, and let us take this Duke if we can, and then make partition of his goods. The Notes. 1 This Contay is successor to him mentioned in the wars against the Liegeois. 2 This james is named in other histories Lord of Richebourg. 3 For in the marches of Burgundy, the Duke of Bourbon had given the Burgundians a great overthrow, as our author in the next chapter maketh mention. How the Constable began to be had in suspicion again, as well of the King as of the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 4. YOu have heard how Master james of Saint Paul and others were taken prisoners before Arras. Their captivity was to the Constables great grief: for the said Master james was a loving and natural brother to him. But this was not the only misfortune that fell upon him: for at this very instant was also taken the Earl of Roussy his son, governor of Burgundy for the Duke , and likewise his wife died, which was a virtuous Lady, and sister to the Queen of France, so that for her sake he had found great friendship and favour in our court. The practice begun against him still continued, which as you have heard was almost concluded at the assembly held thereabout at Bowines: after the which, the Constable never thought himself in assurance, but mistrusted both the Princes, especially the King, who seemed to repent the revoking of his letters there sealed. Further, the Earl of Dampmartin & others whom the Constable feared as his enemies, lay with their men of arms near to Saint Quintin's: wherefore he held himself within the town, and put into it three hundred footmen of his own tenants, having but small affiance in his men of arms. He lived in great trouble, for the King had often sent to him to solicit him to come forth to do him service in the marches of Henault, and to besiege Auennes at the same time that the Admiral with his band went to burn the country of Artois as you have heard, which commandment he obeyed but with great fear: for after he had lain a certain space before the said town of Auennes with a continual guard about his person, he retired into his own places, and sent the King word by one of his servants (who did his message to me by the King's commandment) that he had raised his siege, because he was certainly informed, that there were two in the army purposely hired by the King to kill him: whereof also he told so many apparent tokens, that he seemed indeed to have some notice thereof, so far forth that one of them was suspected to have disclosed somewhat to him, that he ought to have kept secret: but I will name no man, neither speak further hereof. The Constable sent often to the Duke of Burgundy's camp, I suppose to persuade him to relinquish his foolish enterprise, advertising the King also usually at his men's return of some such news as he thought would like him well, and withal what was the cause of his sending thither, hoping by this means to entertain him with fair words. Sometime also he gave him to understand, that the Duke's affairs had good proceeding, thereby to put him in fear. Further, doubting greatly that the King would invade him, he desired the Duke to send unto him his brother Master james of Saint Paul (being at Nuz before he was taken prisoner) and the Lord of Fiennes, with certain others of his kinsmen, promising to put them and their bands into Saint Quintin's (but without the Saint Andrews cross ) and to keep the town for the Duke, and restore it him shortly after: for performance also whereof he offered to give him his faith in writing. The Duke did as he required, and when the said Master james the Lord of Fiennes, and the rest of the Constable's kinsmen were twice come within a league or two of the town ready to enter, the Constable thinking the storm past, altered his mind, and sent a countermand. This did he thrice: so desirous was he still to live in dissimulation, and swim as it were between two streams, fearing marvelously both these Princes. Of this matter I have been informed by divers, but especially by Master james of Saint Paul himself, who thus reported the circumstance thereof to the King, when he was brought prisoner before him, where no man was present but myself alone. The said Master james answered frankly and without dissimulation to all the King's demands, whereby he won greatly his favour. First, the King asked him how many men he had with him to enter the town: whereunto he answered that the last time he had three thousand. Then the King inquired further, if he had entered and had been Master of the town, whether he would have held it for the King or the Constable. Whereunto he likewise answered, that the two first times he came but to comfort his brother, but the last (seeing his dissimulation to his Master and him) if he had entered and had been Master of the town, he would have held it for his Master, not offering his brother any outrage, nor doing any thing to his prejudice, save only that he would not have departed the town at his commandment. Soon after, the King delivered the said james of Saint Paul out of prison, and gave him charge of a goodly company of men of arms, and used his service till his death: of which his preferment his wise answers were the only cause. The Notes. 1 This overthrow the Duke of Bourbon gave the Burgundians, near to a place called Grey or Gy, not far from Chausteauguion, and in the battle was slain the Lord of Conches, others say but taken, and there were taken prisoners the Earl of Roussy, being governor of Burgundy, the Marshal of Burgundy, the Earl of joigny, the Earl of Saint Martin's son, Monseur de L'Isle, Monseur de Longey or Longny, the bailiff of Ampois, and the bailiff of Auxerre. This battle was fought on tuesday the 20. of june. 1475. and in it two hundred men of arms Lombard's were slain, Meyer. About this time also the Prince of Orange was taken prisoner, and by means thereof revolted from the Duke to the King. Annal. Burgund. 2 The Saint Andrew's cross is the Burgundians cognisance, and if they had entered with this cross upon their coats, the Constable could have no longer temporised with the King of France, but should forthwith have been proclaimed traitor. How the Duke of Burgundy levied his siege before Nuz by composition, and how the King of England his confederate sent to defy King Lewis. Chap. 5. I Have discoursed of divers affairs since I began with the siege of Nuz, because they all happened in that time, for the siege endured a whole year. There were two causes especially that moved the Duke to levy his siege: one the war the King made in Picardy, where he had burned two proper towns, and destoied a goodly champain country in Artois and Ponthieu. The other, the mighty army the King of England levied at his suit and solicitation: whom till now he could never persuade to pass into France, notwithstanding that he had laboured him thereunto all the days of his life. The said King of England and all his nobles were marvelously discontented with the Duke's delays, and besides entreaties used threatenings, and not without cause, considering the great charges they had sustained, and all to no purpose, the summer being now almost spent. The Duke gloried much that this Dutch army being so great that the like hath not been seen in our age nor many years before: and in the which were so many Princes, Prelates, and free cities joined together, was not able to raise his siege . But this glory cost him full dear: for he that hath the profit of the war, reapeth also the honour thereof. Notwithstanding the Legate above mentioned (who road continually between the two camps) made peace in the end between the Emperor and the Duke : and the town of Nuz was put into the said Legates hands to do therewith according to the determination of the Sea Apostolic. Now consider in how great distress the Duke of Burgundy was, being on the one side vexed with war by the King, and threatened on the other by the King of England his friend, so that notwithstanding he knew the town of Nuz to be brought to such extremity, that within less than fifteen days famine would have constrained them to yield to his mercy, yea within ten days (as one of the captains within the town, who afterward served the King advertised me:) yet for the reasons above alleged, he was forced to levy his siege in the year 1475. Let us now return to the K. of England, who led his army to Dover, there to embark to cross the seas to Calais. The force that passed with him at this present was the greatest that ever came into France, all of them being on horseback in very good order and well armed. All the nobles of the realm were there, a few excepted: they were 1500. men of arms very well mounted, and the most of them barded, and richly trapped after the manner of our wars, and well accompanied with horsemen of their retinue. They were at the least 15000. archers all mounted, and a great number of footmen and others, aswell to pitch their tents, (wherefore they were well furnished) as also to attend upon their artillery and enclose their camp, and in all their army they had not one Page: besides these there were three thousand English men appointed to land in Britain. This I have written before, but rehearse it here again, to the end you may perceive that God was purposed to trouble the Duke of Burgundy's wits, and preserve this realm which he hath ever more favoured than any other: otherwise it is to be thought that the Duke would so obstinately have lain before Nuz, a place so strong & so well defended, seeing all his life time till now he could never find the English men disposed to invade the realm of France, and knew them to be utterly unacquainted with our French wars till they be trained therein: for if he would have done any good with them, he should never have left them the first summer, but helped them and taught them to order and lead their battles after the manner of our wars: for there is no nation so ignorant and rude as the English men at their first landing in France, but in very short space they become excellent good soldiers, hardy and wise. But the Duke did clean contrary: for besides these other his oversights, he made them lose the summer: and as touching himself, his army was so broken, so poor, and in so evil order, that he durst not present it before them: for he lost before Nuz four thousand soldiers taking pay: some of the which were the best men he had . Thus you see how God disposed him in all points to do contrary both to that his affairs required, and also to the art of war, wherein himself had been exercised by the space of ten years more than any man living. When King Edward came to Dover, the Duke of Burgundy to further his passage sent five hundred boats of Holland and Zealand called Scuts, which are flat and low, built very commodiously for transporting of horses. But notwithstanding all this help they had from the Duke, and all the King of England could command himself, he was above three weeks in passing between Calais and Dover, yet are they but seven leagues distant: whereby you may perceive with how great difficulty a King of England invadeth France. And if the King our Master had been as well acquainted with the wars by sea as by land: King Edward had never passed over, at the least not that summer. But the King understood them not, and those that had charge of them much less. The King of England as I have said, was three weeks in passing: one ship of Eu took two or three of his small passengers. Before King Edward embarked, he sent from Dover to the King one herald alone called Garter a Norman borne , who brought a letter of defiance from the King of England in very good language, and so excellently well penned, that I am verily persuaded it was never of English man's doing. The contents of the letter were, that the King should yield unto him the realm of France being his inheritance, to the end he might restore the clergy and nobility to their ancient liberty, ease them of the great charges they sustained, and deliver them from the miseries they lived in: which if he refused to do, he protested what great mischiefs should ensue thereof, in manner and form as in such cases is accustomed. The King read the letter softly to himself, and afterward all alone withdrew himself into a wardrobe, and commanded the herald to be brought to his presence, to whom he made this answer: First, that he knew well the King of England was not passed the seas of his own motion, but by the persuasion of the Duke of Burgundy and the commonalty of England: secondarily, that the summer was now almost spent, and that the Duke of Burgundy returned from Nuz, as a man discomfited and utterly unfurnished of all things: thirdly, as touching the Constable he knew well (he said) that he had intelligence with the King of England, because he had married his niece , but would deceive the King his master, as he had deceived him: notwithstanding all the great benefits he had received of him, which he there rehearsed, adding thereunto, that the said Constable meant to live in continual dissimulation and entertain every man to make his profit of him: last of all, he alleged to the herald divers other reasons to persuade the King his Master to peace, and gave him with his own hands three hundred crowns, promising him a thousand more if peace were concluded: further, openly he gave him for a present a goodly piece of crimson velvet of thirty else. The herald answered, that he would travel the best he could for peace, and thought the King his Master would easily be won thereunto, but that no mention must be made thereof till he were on this side the sea: and then he willed the King our Master to send a herald to the English camp, to demand a safe conduct for certain ambassadors that he would send to the King of England, and to address his letters to the Lord Howard or the Lord Stanley, and to himself also to help to convey his herald. A great number there were without in the hall while the King talked with the herald, very desirous to hear the King's answer, and to see his countenance at his coming forth. When he had made an end, he called me to him, bidding me continually to entertain the herald, till some were appointed to bear him company, to the end no man might commune with him: and further, to give him a piece of crimson velvet of thirty else, which I did accordingly. Then the King began to talk with divers, rehearsing unto them the contents of these letters of defiance: and seven or eight he called apart causing the said letters to be read, and showing a good and assured countenance void of all fear: for he was glad of the comfort the herald had put him in. The Notes. 1 Melancthon writeth, that the Emperor would not hazard a battle neither with Mathias King of Hungary, nor Duke Charles: Quia sibi sciebat, Martem in genesi infoeliciter positum esse. But Berlandus saith, that the Duke fought with the Emperor. Meyer saith, that in a skirmish the Duke overthrew the marquess Albert of Brandenbourg, and slew 120. of his men, and took divers prisoners: and another time overthrew the Bishop of Munster, slew fifty, took sixteen, and chased the Bishop hard to the Emperor's camp: and likewise another time the Bishops of Mentz, Treves, Munster, and marquess Albert, and slew a great number of their men. And last of all, because the Emperor and the Duke contended whether of them should first departed from before Nuz, their footmen joined, and the Duke slew 1500. 2 Peace was concluded between the Emperor and the Duke 31. Maij. 1475. 3 The Emperor departed from Nuz 29. Junii, leaving the Duke there, who would not levy his siege before the Emperor's departure because of his honour, but soon after departed also the Duke. Meyer. 4 The Duke lost before Nuz 15000. men, Annal. Burgund. wherefore Meyer hath small reason to reprove our author for saying, that the Duke's army was in so poor estate that he durst not let the English men see it. 5 Hall in his Chronicle reproveth our author for reporting this Garter to be a Norman, saying that never Norman was King of heralds: which notwithstanding I Know not why we should believe: for he himself confesseth, that King Edward the fourth made a Gascoine, namely Vaucler, Deputy of Calais: a much higher and more dangerous office to be in a stranger's hand than this. 6 How the Queen of England was the Constable's niece, the pedigree in the end of this book will declare. Of the trouble the Constable was in, and how he sent letters of credit to the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy, which after were in part cause of his death. Chap. 6. I Must yet speak a word or two more here of the Constable, who was not a little troubled, as well for the lewd touch he had played the Duke of Burgundy about the restitution of Saint Quintin's, as also because he saw himself utterly disfavored of the King, so far forth that his chief servants, namely the Lords of Genly and Movy had already relinquished him, and were in the King's service: notwithstanding the said de Movy resorted still to him sometime. Further, the King pressed the Constable earnestly to come to him, offering to make him such recompense for the county of Guise as he required, and the King had often promised him. The Constable was willing to go, so that the K. would swear by the cross of S. Lou of Angiers to do him no harm, nor consent that any other should: alleging that he might as well swear thereby now as in times past he did to the Lord of Lescute: whereunto the King answered, that he would never give that oath to any man , but any other he would not refuse to swear. You may easily guess how much both the King and the Constable were troubled: for that no day escaped for a certain space but one or other passed between them about this oath. Wherefore if we well weigh our estate, man's life is very misery: for we toil and travel ourselves to shorten our own days, saying and writing a number of things clean contrary to our thought. To conclude, if these two were troubled on the one side, I warrant you the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy were no less troubled on the other. At one time in a manner, both the King of England landed at Calais and the Duke of Burgundy departed from before Nuz, who in great haste road strait to Calais to the said King with a very small train: for he had sent his army in such poor estate, as you have heard, to spoil the country of Barrois and Lorraine, to the end they might there make merry and refresh themselves: which he did, because the Duke of Lorraine had begun war upon him, and defied him before Nuz. But this sending of his forces into Lorraine, among divers other his oversights in his actions with the English men was not the least: for they thought at their landing to have found him with 2500. men of arms well appointed, and great force of other horsemen and footmen (for so he had promised, thereby to allure them to pass the seas:) and further, that he would have made war in France three months before their arrival, to the end they might find the King the wearier and the weaker: but God as you have heard, disposed otherwise of this matter. The King of England departed from Calais in company of the Duke of Burgundy, and passed through Bolaine, and from thence to Peronne, where the Duke gave the English men but cold entertainment: for he caused the gates to be straightly guarded, and would suffer but few to enter, so that the greatest part of them lodged in the fields, as they might well do: for they were well provided of all things necessary for that purpose. After they were come to Peronne, the Constable sent to the Duke of Burgundy one of his servants called Lewis of Creville, by whom he excused himself: for the withholding of Saint Quintin's, alleging that if he had restored it, he could have stood him in no stead in the realm of France: for he should utterly have lost his credit and intelligence there, but now seeing the King of England was come over in person, he promised to do hereafter all that the Duke should command him, whereof the better to assure him, he sent him a letter of credit directed to the King of England, but referring the matter of credit to the declaration of the Duke. Further, he gave the Duke his faith in writing, to serve and secure him, his friends and confederates, as well the King of England as others, against all men none excepted. The Duke delivered the King of England his letter, and withal the matter of credit, adding somewhat thereto of his own devise: for he assured the King that the Constable would deliver into his hands both Saint Quintin's and all his other places: which the King easily believed, partly because he had married the Constable's niece, and partly because he saw him in so great fear of the King our Master, that he thought he durst not fail of his promise made to the Duke and him, and the Duke believed it also. But the Constable meant nothing less, for the fear he stood in of the King our Master was not so great that it could force him so far. But he used still his wonted dissimulation, hoping by these fair messages to content them, and show them so apparent reasons of his doings, that they would not as yet constrain him to declare himself. Now you shall understand that King Edward and his men were nothing acquainted with our affairs, but went bluntly to work, so that they could not as yet smell out the cunning used here on this side the sea: for naturally the English men that never traveled abroad are very colerick, as are also all people of cold countries . The realm of France as you see is situate between both: for it is environed with Italy, Spain and Catalonia towards the east , and with England, Flaunders and Holland towards the west , and all along the country of champaign, Almain bordereth upon it: so that our country taketh part both of heat and cold, wherefore the French are of two complexions: but in mine opinion I never saw country in my life better seated than the realm of France. The King of England who rejoiced marvelously at this message sent by the Constable (although happily he had received some such promise before, but not so large) departed from Peronne with the Duke of Burgundy (who had no force there, for his army was in Barrois and Lorraine) towards Saint Quintin's, whereunto when they approached, a great band of Englishmen ran before, thinking (as I heard it reported a few days after) that the bells should have rung at their coming, & that the citizens would have received them with cross and holy water. But when they drew near the town, the artillery shot, and the soldiers issued forth to the skirmish, both on horseback and foot, so that two or three English men were slain, and some taken. Further, it reigned terribly, and in this estate returned they in great rage to their camp, murmuring against the Constable and calling him traitor. The next morning the Duke of Burgundy would have taken his leave of the King of England to departed to his army into Barrois, promising to do marvels in his favour. But the English men who naturally are suspicious, and were strangers in these countries, marveled much at his so sudden departure, (seeing they had passed the seas at his request) and were greatly discontented therewith, neither would they believe that his army was in a readiness. Besides that, the Duke could by no means repair the Constable's former credit with them: notwithstanding that he affirmed all his doings to be to a good end. The winter also which drew near dismayed them, so that they seemed by their words desirous rather of peace than war. The Notes. 1 The King would not swear by the cross of Saint Lou of Angiers, because who so touched that cross and for swore himself, died miserably within a year after. 2 The King of England landed at Calais the 4. of july. Meyer. 3 The reason is, Propter crassos humores quibus abundant eorum corpora, qui vehementiores excitant affectus, & innatam caloris vim quae etiam augetur per antiperistasin. 4 By the east he meaneth all seas to the great Ocean. 5 By the west he meaneth all west and north seas. How the King clothed a poor servant in a cote armour with a scutcheon, and sent him to speak with the King of England in his Camp, where he received a very good answer. Chap. 7. IN the mean time, even at the very instant that the D. of Burgundy was taking his leave, the English men took prisoner a gentleman's servant of the King's house named james of Grass, whom forthwith they led to the King of England and the Duke being together, and from them into a tent: where when they had examined him, the Duke took his leave to go into Brabant, and from thence to Maizieres, where part of his army lay. The King of England commanded the said servant to be dismissed, because he was their first prisoner. And at his departure the Lord Howard and the Lord Stanley gave him a noble saying: Do our humble commendations to the K. your Master if you can come to his presence. The fellow came in great haste to the King being at Compiegne with these news, who forthwith began to suspect him as a spy, because Gilbert of grass his Master's brother, was then very well entertained in the Duke of Britain's court, wherefore he was committed to ward, and straightly kept that night. Notwithstanding the King commanded divers to commune with him, by whose report his tale seemed void of all suspicion and fear. Wherefore they desired the King to vouchsafe to hear him, and according to their request the next morning he himself spoke with him, and when he had heard him, his irons were knocked off, but he remained still in ward. Then the King went to dinner debating with himself whether he should send to the English men or not. And before he sat down talked three or four words thereof with me. For you know (my Lord of Vienna) that oftentimes he communed very familiarly with those that were near about him, as I was then, and others after, & loved to talk in a man's ear: he called then to mind the herald of England's advise, which was, that he should not fail to send to the King of England so soon as he was landed, to demand a safe conduct for certain ambassadors that he would send to him: and further, to address his herald to the above named Lord Howard and the Lord Stanley. After the King was set to dinner, and had mused a while, as you know his manner was (which seemed strange to those that knew him not: for unless a man had beenwel acquainted with his behaviour, he would have judged him of no great wisdom, notwithstanding that his doings sufficiently declared the contrary) he bade me in mine ear to arise and dine in my chamber, and send for a certain servant of the Lord of halls, son to Merichon of Rochel, and to commune with him, to know whether he durst adventure to go to the K. of England's camp in a heralds' cote: which his commandment I executed forthwith, marveling much when I saw the said servant: for he seemed to me neither of parsonage nor behaviour fit for such an enterprise: notwithstanding he had a good wit and a very pleasant tongue, as I afterward perceived: the King had never spoken with him before but once. The said servant was marvelously astonished with my message, & fell down before me on his knees, as one accounting himself a dead man, but I comforted & confirmed him the best I could, promising him an office in the isle of Ré, & a sum of money, & to cheer him the better, told him that this proceeded of the English men themselves. Then I made him dine with me, none being present but we two, and one of my servants, and by little and little persuaded him to do as he was required. After I had been at dinner a while, the King sent for me, and I told him how I had wrought with this good fellow, naming divers others, who in mine opinion seemed fit for this purpose than he, but the King would none but him. Wherefore he came and talked with him himself, and confirmed him more with one word, than I had with an hundred. None entered into the chamber with the King save only the Lord of Villiers, than Master of the horse, and now bailiff of Caen. When the King perceived this good fellow to be well persuaded to go: he sent the said Master of the horse to fetch a trumpet banner, thereof to make this counterfeit herald a cote armour: for the King because he was not pompous as other Princes are, had neither herald nor trumpeter with him. Thus the Master of the horse and one of my men made his cote armour as well as they could: which being finished, the said Master of the horse fetched a scutcheon of a little herald of the Lord Admirals called Pleinchemin, which was fastened to our counterfeit herald: his boots also and his cloak were brought privily to him, and likewise his horse: whereupon he mounted no man understanding any thing of his journey. Further, a goodly budget was tied to his saddle bow, into the which he put his cote armour. Thus being well instructed what to say, he road strait to the English camp: where when he arrived with his cote armour on his back, he was stayed incontinent, and brought to the King of England's pavilion. Where being demanded the cause of his coming, he said that he came from the King to speak with the King of England, and had commandment to address himself to the Lord Howard and the Lord Stanley, whereupon they led him into a tent to dinner, and made him good cheer. After the King of England was risen from the table (for he was at dinner when the herald arrived) the said herald was brought before him, and the King gave him audience. His message was chiefly grounded upon the great desire the King had of long time to be in perfect amity with the King of England, to the end both the realms might live together in peace and quietness: adding further, that since the time he was first crowned King of France, he never had attempted any thing against the King of England or his realm : secondarily, he excused himself for receiving in times past the Earl of Warwick into his dominions, saying that he did it only against the Duke of Burgundy and not against him. Further, he declared unto him that the said Duke of Burgundy had for none other cause called him into France, but that by the occasion of his coming he might conclude a better peace for himself with the King. And if happily any others were furtherers thereof, it was only to amend the broken state of their own affairs, and for their own private commodity: but as touching the King of England's good success, they were altogether careless thereof: he put him also in mind of the time of the year, alleging that winter approached, and likewise of the great charges he sustained: lastly he said, that notwithstanding a great number in England, as well gentlemen as merchants desired war with France: yet if the King of England would incline to peace, the King for his part would condescend to such conditions, as he doubted not but he and his realm would allow of: lastly, to the end he might the better be informed of all these matters, he said: that if the King of England would grant a safe conduct for an hundred horse, the King his Master would send ambassadors to him well informed of their Master's pleasure, or if the said King of England should like better to assign the place of treaty in some village between both the armies, and to send Commissioners thither on both sides, the King his Master would willingly agree thereunto: and send the like safe conduct for his part. The King of England and part of his nobles liked these owertures very well, and granted our herald as large a safe conduct as he demanded, & gave him four nobles of gold in reward. Further, an English herald was sent back with him to the King, to bring the like safe conduct from him as the King of England had granted. And the next morning in a village near to Amiens the Commissioners of both Princes met, being these: for the King, the bastard of Bourbon Admiral of France, the Lord of Saint Pierre, and the Bishop of Eureux called Heberge: and for the King of England the Lord Howard, one called Chalanger , and a Doctor named Morton, at this present Chancellor of England and Archbishop of Canterbury. Some may think peradventure that the King humbled himself too much, but those that be wise will easily perceive by that I have above rehearsed, in how great danger the realm stood, had not God put to his helping hand, as well in causing the King to take this wise course, as also by troubling the D. of Burgundy's wits, who committed so many errors as you have heard in this action, & lost now through his own folly that which so long he had wished for and desired. Many secret practices lay hidded at that time among ourselves, as well in Britain as elsewhere, which would soon have broken forth into great inconveniences, had not this peace been speedily concluded. Wherefore I assure myself by that I have seen in my time, that God had then, and yet hath a special regard of this realm. The Notes. 1 King Lewis had forgotten that before this time he had attempted to restore Queen Margaret daughter to King Rene. Annal. Burgund. 2 Hall reporteth, that the French herald had given him a gilt cup and an hundred angels. 3 This Chalanger our chronicles name Sentleger. How truce for nine years was treated of between the Kings of France and England, notwithstanding all the lets and impediments that the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy made. Chap. 8. THe Commissioners of both the Princes met (as you have heard) the next day after our heralds return, for we lay within four leagues or less together. The said herald was well cheered, and had his office in the isle of Ré where he was borne, and the sum of money that was promised him. Many conditions of peace were treated of between our Commissioners. The English men after their wonted manner, first demanded the crown, at the least Normandy and Guienne, but they were no more earnestly demanded than strongly denied. Notwithstanding even at this first meeting the treaty was brought to a reasonable point: for both the parties desired peace: whereupon our ambassadors returned to the King, and the others to their camp. The King heard the English men's demands and last resolutions, which were these: That he should pay to the King of England presently before his departure out of France 72000. crowns . That the King that now is then Dauphin should marry King Edward's eldest daughter at this day Queen of England, and that she should have the Duchy of Guienne for her maintenance, or 50000. crowns yearly to be paid in the Tower of London by the space of nine years: which term expired, the King that now is and his wife should peaceably enjoy the revenues of the whole Duchy of Guienne, and then the King our Master to be clearly discharged of all payments to the King of England. divers other trifling articles there were, touching matter of traffic, which I overpass. lastly, this truce was to endure nine years between the two realms: all the confederates of both parties being comprehended therein, and namely on the King of England's behalf, the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain if they themselves would. Further, the King of England made a marvelous strange offer, which was, to name in writing certain noble men, who he said were traitors to the King and his crown. The King rejoiced marvelously at the report that his Commissioners made at their return, & sat in counsel about these overtures of peace: where among others I myself was present. Some supposed all this treaty to be mere deceit and cunning of the English men, but the King was of a contrary opinion: for he alleged first the time of the year, saying, that winter now approached, and that they had not one place to lodge in: secondarily, he declared the evil turns the Duke of Burgundy had done them, who was also departed from them. And as touching the Constable he did in manner assure himself, that he would put no places into their hands, because he sent hourly to him to entertain him, to assuage his malice, and to keep him from doing harm: lastly, he alleged the King of England's disposition, whom he knew well to be a Prince wholly given to his pleasures & delights. Wherefore he seemed to discourse wiselier than any man of the company, and better to understand than any other the matters there debated. He concluded therefore with all speed to pay this sum of money, and devised order how to levy it, and in the end commanded that every man should lend a portion the sooner to furnish it: for the King cared not what he did to rid the King of England out of his realm, save only that he would in no wise consent to put any places into the English men's hands: for rather than he would suffer that, he was fully determined to hazard all. The Constable who began to smell these practices, was stricken with sudden fear, because he had offended all the three Princes. Further, he doubted much the treaty almost concluded against him at Bowines. Wherefore he sent often to the King, and even at this present arrived at the Court one of his gentlemen named Lewis of Creville, with one of his Secretaries called john Richer who are both yet living. They delivered their message to the Lord of Bouchage and me before they spoke with the King, as his pleasure was they should. The news they brought liked the King well, because he meant to use them to good purpose as you shall hear. The Lord of Contay (servant to the Duke of Burgundy) lately taken prisoner before Arras as you have heard, went to and fro upon his word between the Duke and the King: and the King had promised to release him his ransom, and to give him a great sum of money if he could persuade his Master to peace. By chance he returned to the King the selfsame day that these two servants of the Constables arrived. Wherefore the King made him and me to stand in a great old press in his chamber, to the end he might hear and make report to his Master, of the language the Constable and his servants used of him. We being there placed, the King sat down on a form hard by the press, to the end we might the better hear Lewis of Crevilles and his companions message. Who began thus, that of late being by their Master's commandment with the Duke of Burgundy, to persuade him to departed from the English men's friendship: they found him in such a rage against the King of England, that they had almost won him not only to abandon the English men, but also to help to spoil and destroy them in their return home. And in uttering these words (the better to please the King) the said Lewis of Creville counterfeiting the Duke of Burgundy's gesture by stamping upon the ground and swearing Saint George, rehearsed many reproachful speeches that (as they said) the Duke used of the King of England. To be short, they uttered as many scoffs and mocks of the D. as was possible. The King made great sport with this matter, & bade the said Lewis of Creville to speak aloud, feigning himself to be grown somewhat deaf, and to tell him this tale again: which the other making no bones thereat, did with a good will. The said Contay (who stood with me in the press) was marvelously astonished at this talk, neither would have believed it unless himself had heard it. The Constables men's conclusion was this. They counseled the King, for avoiding of all these great dangers he saw hang over his head, to conclude a truce (for the which the said Constable offered to travel to the uttermost of his power:) and to put into the English men's hands (the better to content them) some small town or two to lodge them in this winter, saying, that were they never so bad, yet the English men would hold themselves contented with them. And it seemed by their talk, though they named no place, that they meant Eu and Saint Valery. By this means the Constable trusted to recover the King of England's favour, which he had lost because of the refusal made him of his places. But the King who thought it sufficient to have played his part by bringing the Lord of Contay to hear what language the Constable and his men used of the Duke his Master, gave them no evil answer, but said that he would send to his brother , to advertise him of such news as he knew, and so licenced them to departed. Notwithstanding, one of them before his departure swore to reveal unto him whatsoever he could learn touching him or his estate. The King had much ado to dissemble any longer when he heard them counsel him to put towns into the English men's hands. Notwithstanding, he gave them no such answer, whereby they might gather their counsel to be taken in evil part (because he feared that would the more increase the Constable's malice:) but sent one back with them to their Master: it was not far between him and us, for a man might go and come in very short space. When the others were departed, the L. of Contay & I came out of the press: the K. laughed marvelously, and was very merry with this pageant. But the said Contay was so far out of patience to hear such petit companions thus flout and scoff his Master (especially the Constable, pretending so great friendship to his Master, and treating with him of so many matters) that he thought every hour ten till he were on horseback to advertise the Duke his Master thereof. Wherefore he was dispatched with all speed, and wrote his instructions himself: he carried also with him a letter of credit, written with the Kings own hand, and so departed. The peace with the English men was already concluded as above is mentioned, and all these practices were abroach in one instant. The King's Commissioners had made report of their negotiation as you have heard, and the King of England's were also returned to him. Further it was concluded and agreed on both sides by the ambassadors that passed between them, that the two Princes should meet together, and after they had seen one another and sworn the treaty, the King of England should return home into his country, having first received the sum above mentioned of 720000. crowns, and leaving in hostage behind him, till he were passed the seas, the Lord Howard, and the Master of his horse called sir john Cheinie. Lastly, a pension of 16000 crowns was promised to be divided among the King of England's principal servants, of the which sum the Lord Hastings had two thousand. The rest had the Lord Howard, the Master of the horse, Master Chalanger, Master Montgomerie, and others: besides this, great sums of money and goodly presents of silver plate were given to King Edward's servants. The Duke of Burgundy hearing these news, came in great haste from Luxembourg where he lay, to the King of England, accompanied only with sixteen horse. The King being much astonished at this his so sudden arrival, asked him what wind drove him thither, perceiving by his countenance that he was displeased. The Duke answered that he was come to talk with him. The King demanded whether he would speak with him privately or publicly. Then said the Duke, have you concluded peace? I have quoth the King made truce for nine years, wherein both you and the Duke of Britain are comprehended, and I pray you agree thereunto. But the Duke grew marvelous hot, and spoke in English (for he could the language) rehearsing what noble acts divers Kings of England had done in France, and what great travel they had sustained to purchase honour and renown. Afterward he inveighed vehemently against this truce, saying, that he had not desired the English men to pass the seas for any need he had of their help, but to the end they might recover their own right. And to the intent they might perceive that he stood in no need of their coming: he protested that he would not make truce with the King, till the King of England had been three months at home in his realm: which talk ended, he departed and returned from whence he came. The King of England and his Council took these words in evil part: but they that misliked the peace commended much the Duke's speech. The Notes. 1 Meyer saith thus: Quinquaginta millia aureorum pro tributo Aquitaniae Septuaginta quinque millia praeterea soluta prae manibus Edwardo à Gallorum Rege. Annal. Acquit. say 65000. our chronicles and Gaguin 75000. But the truce saith Gaguin was concluded but for seven years. Introduction de la March saith 60000. crowns the yearly tribute, but in the second book cap. 1. the same author saith but 36000. 2 The King calleth the Constable brother, because the King and he had married two sisters, as our author maketh mention in this book cap. 4. How the King feasted the English men in Amiens, and how there was a place assigned for the interview of the two Kings. Chap. 9 THe King of England to the end the peace might be fully concluded, came and encamped within half a league of Amiens. The King was at the gate, from whence he might behold the English men a far off as they came. To say the truth they seemed but young soldiers: for they road in very evil order. The King sent to the King of England 300. carts laden with the best wines that might be gotten: the which carriage seemed a far off almost as great as the King of England's army. Many English men because of the truce repaired to the town, where they behaved themselves very undiscreetly, and without all regard of their Prince's honour. They came all in arms, and in great troops: and if the King our Master would have dealt falsely with them, so great a number might never so easily have been destroyed. Notwithstanding he meant nothing less, but studied to make them good cheer, and to conclude a sure peace with them for his time. He had caused to be set at the entry of the town gate two long tables, on each side of the street one, furnished with all kinds of delicate meats that provoke drink, and with the best wines that might be gotten, and men to wait upon them: of water there was no mention. At each of these tables he had placed five or six great fat gentlemen of good houses, thereby the better to content those that desired to drink. The gentlemen's names were these: Monseur de Cranmer, de Briqueber, de Bresmes, de Villiers, and others. So soon as the English men drew near the gate, they might behold this good cheer. Besides this, men purposely appointed took their horses by the bridles, saying that they would break a staff with them, and so led them to the table, where they were feasted according to the variety of the meats: which they took in very good part. After they were within the town, what house soever they entered into they paid nothing. Further, nine or ten taverns were well furnished at the King's charge of all things necessary: whither they went to eat and drink, and called for what they would, but the King defrayed all: and this cheer endured three or four days. You have heard how the Duke of Burgundy misliked the peace, which howsoever it displeased him, troubled the Constable much more, because he saw he had failed of his enterprise, and purchased himself hatred on all sides: wherefore he sent his Confessor to the King of England with a letter of credit, desiring him for God's love to have no affiance in the King's words and promises, but to accept the towns of Eu and S. Valerie, and there to lodge himself part of the winter: adding, that within two months he would find means to lodge him more commodiously. Other assurance hereof gave he him none: for his only meaning was to feed him forth with these fair words. Last of all, to the end he should not conclude a dishonourable treaty for greediness of a little money, he promised to lend him fifty thousand crowns, with divers other large offers. But the King had already caused the two places above mentioned to be burned, because he knew the King of England had intelligence that the Constable had persuaded him to put them into the English men's hands. King Edward's answer was, that the truce was already concluded, and that he would alter nothing therein, but if he had performed his promises, he would have made no such appointment: which answer drove the Constable into utter despair. You have heard of the English men's great cheer in Amiens, but one evening Monseur de Torcy came to the King and told him, that so great a number of them were in the town, that it stood in some danger. But the King was displeased with his message: wherefore every man forbore to bring him any more such news. The next morrow was one of the days that represented Childermas day that year , on the which the King used not to debate any matter, but accounted it a sign of some great misfortune towards him, if any man communed with him of his affairs, and would be marvelously displeased with those that were near about him and acquainted with his humour, if they troubled him with any matter whatsoever. Notwithstanding the same morning I now speak of, as he (being but newly risen) was saying his prayers, one brought me word that there were at the least nine thousand English men within the town: which news I hearing, determined to advertise him thereof. Wherefore I entered again into his closet, and said unto him: Sir, though this day represent unto you Childermas day, yet necessity enforceth me to inform you of that I hear. Then I advertised him at large of the great number of English men that were within the town, adding that they entered continually all armed, and that no man durst refuse them the gate for fear of displeasing them. The King was content to hear me speak, and forthwith arose from his prayers, saying, that he would not observe the ceremony of Innocents' that day, and bade me mount on horseback to see if I could speak with the English men's captains, to cause them to departed the town: further, he commanded me if I met any of his own captains, to bid them repair unto him, saying also, that he himself would come to the gate immediately after me. I did as I was commanded, and spoke to three or four English captains with whom I was acquainted, advertising them what I thought good to be done in this case: but for one they put forth of the town, twenty came in. The King sent immediately after me the L. of Gié now Marshal of France, to take order for this inconvenience: we two entered together into a tavern, where were spent that morning 111. shots, yet was it but nine of the clock. The house was full, some sang, some slept, and some were drunk: which when I saw, I perceived no danger to be of such men, and sent word thereof to the King: who came incontinent with a goodly train to the gate, and caused two or three hundred soldiers to arm themselves secretly in their captains houses, and placed some also upon the gate where the English men entered. Further, he commanded his dinner to be brought into the porters lodge, where he caused divers English gentlemen to dine with him. The King of England being advertised of this disorder, was ashamed thereof, and sent to the King desiring him to give commandment, that no English man should be suffered to enter the town: whereunto the King answered, that he would never so do: but desired him if it so pleased him, to send certain of the yeomen of his crown to keep the gate, and let in such as they should think good: and so the King of England did, whereupon a great number of English men departed the town by his commandment. It was then determined that for perfect conclusion of the peace, Commissioners should be appointed on both sides to assign a place for the interview of the two Kings. For our King, the L. of Bouchage and I myself were named: and for the King of England, the L. Howard, one called Challenger, and a herald. After we had ridden up and down and viewed all the river, we agreed in the end the pleasantest, safest, and most commodious place to be Picquigny, a town three leagues from Amiens, with a strong castle, belonging to the Vidame of Amiens. Notwithstanding that it were once burned by the Duke of Burgundy. The town standeth in a bottom, & the river of Some passeth through it, which is deeper there than a man's height, but very narrow. The country on both sides of the river through the which the two Kings should pass was very open and pleasant, save that when the King of England drew near to the river side, there was a causey at the least two bow shot long environed with a marsh (a very dangerous passage if we had not meant good faith.) Wherefore without doubt the Englishmen (as before I have said) are not so subtle and circumspect in these treaties and assemblies as the French. For (whatsoever men say of them) they go bluntly to work, but a man must have patience with them and give them no cross language. After the place was assigned, we determined to build a strong large bridge over the river, the work men and stuff we furnished. In the midst of this bridge a wooden grate was made like to a lion's cage, the space between each bar being no greater than that a man with ease might thrust in his arm: over the head it was boarded to keep off the rain, so broad that ten or twelve might stand covered under it on each side: over the bridge no man could pass: for the grate was framed clean overthwart it, and upon the river was but one boat with two men in it, to ferry over such as passed from the one side to the other. I will tell you what moved the King to make this grate in such sort that no man could pass through it, because it may peradventure stand some man in stead that shall have occasion to make the like. In King Charles the 7. youth, this realm was grievously plagued by the English men. For King Henry the 5. held the siege before Rouen, and had brought the town to great extremity: the most part of the inhabitants being either subjects to john Duke of Burgundy then living, or of his faction. Between the said Duke john of Burgundy and the Duke of Orleans great variance had been of long time, so far forth, that the whole realm or the greatest part was rend into two factions, whereby the King's estate was much weakened: for partiality never ariseth in any realm, but in the end the fire thereof is dangerous and hard to be quenched. This variance grew so hot, that the Duke of Orleans was slain at Paris about eleven years before . The Duke of Burgundy led a great army, with the which he marched towards Normandy, minding to levy the siege before Rouen , but to the end he might be the stronger, and the better assured of the King, it was agreed that the King and he should meet at Montereau faut Yonne, where a bridge was made and a grate overthwart it, with a little wicket in the midst bolted on both sides, so that a man might pass through with consent of both parties. The King came on the one side of the bridge, and the Duke on the other: being both accompanied with a great number of men of arms, especially the Duke. They fell in communication together upon the bridge: at the which were present on the Duke's side only three or four . But after they had talked a while, the Duke either through earnest solicitation of those that were with the King, or of a desire he had to humble himself before him, unboulted the wicket on his side, and the others on theirs. Three of the Duke's men went through before him, and then himself passed being the fourth and was immediately slain , and they also that accompanied him: wherefore ensued great miseries and calamities to this realm , as all the world can witness. This history was before my time, wherefore I forbear further to speak thereof: but thus the King rehearsed it to me word for word at the same time that this interview with King Edward was appointed: saying, that if there had been no wicket, no occasion had been to desire the Duke to pass through the grate, and then that great misfortune had not happened. The authors whereof were certain of the Duke of Orleans servants that was slain, who were then in great credit with King Charles. The Notes. 1 The King upon a supper slition kept holy twelve days in the year, viz. every month one, in remembrance of the Innocents' day: and the day here mentioned was one of them. 2 These eleven years was in the text but one year: the Printer for onze ans avoit having printed un an avoit. For the Duke of Orleans was slain ann. 1407. the 22. of November, and the King of England laid his siege before Rouen 1418. the last of july. but Meyer saith in june, and it was yielded to him the 19 or 16. as some writ of januarie 1419. which was eleven years and somewhat more after the Duke of Orleans death. 3 All author's report, that not only Rouen but tall Normandy was taken before D. john of Burgundy was slain: for Rouen was yielded to the English 1419. the 19 of januarie, and the Duke slain the same year in November, September, or August (for authors so diversly report the time) but Commines manner (as himself writeth) is not to stand so exactly upon times. Further, authors agree not among themselves about this matter. Lastly, this place may be understood, that when Duke john levied his army, his meaning was to raise the siege before Rouen, though he could not come time ynongh to execute his enterprise. Of the Duke's death read Meyer lib. 15. fol. 255. & 256. Chron. Fland. fol. 281. Annal. Burgund. etc. 4 Note that this notwithstanding, he was not King yet but Dauphin. 5 The French writers say each of them having ten Knights. 6 The French to excuse the Dauphin say, that Tanneguy du castle (sometime servant to the Duke of Orleans that was slain) slew Duke john with one blow of a battle axe, because of certain arrogant words used at that time to the Dauphin: whereas Commines and Meyer report that too great humility was cause of his death. Tanneguy du castle, Oliver Layet, Peter Frotier, and William Batilier slew Duke john and the Lord of Novaille with him, who drew his sword in the Duke's defence. Annal. Burgund. Introduct. de la March. Meyer. 7 For Duke Philip of Burgundy to revenge his father's death, entered into league with the English men. How the two Kings met and swore the treaty before concluded, and how some supposed that the holy Ghost came down upon the King of England's pavilion in the likeness of a white pigeon. Chap. 10. Our grate being finished as you have heard, the next day the two Kings came thither in the yeeere 1475. the 29. of August . The K. had with him about eight hundred men of arms, and arrived first at the grate: on the King of England's side stood all his army in order of battle, which undoubtedly was great both of horsemen and footmen: yet could not we discover his whole force. We on our side seemed but a handful to them, and no marvel: for the fourth part of the King's army was not there. It was appointed that each of the Kings should be accompanied at the grate with twelve persons, which were already named, of the noblest personages and such as were nearest about them. Moreover, on our side were four of the King of England's servants to view what we did, and as many of ours on their side. The King as I told you, arrived first at the grate, and twelve of us waited upon him, among whom were the late Duke john of Bourbon and the Cardinal his brother. It pleased him that I should wear that day a suit of apparel like his own: for he had used of long time, and that very often, to command one or other to be appareled like himself. The King of England came along upon the causey above mentioned with a marvelous goodly train, as was convenient for the majesty of a Prince: he was accompanied with the Duke of Clarence his brother, the Earl of Northumberland, and divers other noble men, namely the Lord Hastings his Chamberlain, his Chancellor, and others. But there were not passed three or four besides himself appareled in cloth of gold. Further, he ware on his head a black velvet cap with a marvelous rich jewel, being a Flower de luce set with stones. He was a goodly tall Prince, but inclined now to be somewhat gross, & I had seen him before much beautifuller than at this present: for sure when the Earl of Warwick chased him out of England, he was the goodliest gentleman that ever I set mine eye on. When he came within five foot of the grate, he took off his cap, and bowed down within half a foot of the ground: the King in like manner who was leaning upon the grate, used great reverence towards him: & when they came to embrace each other through the grate, the King of England again made low obeisance. Then the King began the talk and said: Cousin, you are most heartily welcome, there is no man in the world whom I have so much desired to see as you, and praised be God that we are met here to so good a purpose: hereunto the King of England answered in good French. This talk ended, the Chancellor of England, who was a Prelate and Bishop of Elie, began his oration with a prophesy (whereof the English men are never unfurnished :) which said that in this place of Picquigny an honourable peace should be concluded between the realms of France and England. The Bishop's oration being ended, the letters were opened that the King had delivered to the King of England touching the conclusion of the treaty: and the said Chancellor asked the King whether they were written by his commandment, and whether he avowed them: whereunto the King answered yea. Then the Bishop asked him again, if he held himself contented in like manner with those letters and writings that were delivered him on the King of England's behalf: whereunto the King answered as before. Then was the missal brought forth and opened: upon the which each of the Kings laid one of their hands, and the other upon the true holy cross, and swore both of them to keep and observe the articles concluded between them, namely the truce for nine years, wherein the confederates of both parties were comprehended, and the marriage of their children to be accomplished in manner and form as was comprehended in the treaty. After they had both sworn, the King (who had his words at commandment) began to enter into pleasant talk with the K. of England: saying that he should come to Paris to solace himself there with the Ladies, and that he would give him the Cardinal of Bourbon for his confessor, who would easily assoil him of that sin, if any were committed. The King of England took great pleasure in this talk, and answered with a merry countenanee: for he knew the Cardinal to be a good fellow. After some such like speeches passed between them, the King to show that he had authority among his men, commanded those that were with him to withdraw themselves, saying that he would commune with the King of England in secret: which they that accompanied the King of England seeing, retired without commandment. After the two Kings had communed awhile together, the King called me to him, and asked the King of England if he knew me, who answered, that he knew me well, and named the places where he had seen me, adding, that in times past I had taken pains to do him service in Calais during the time I was with the Duke of Burgundy. Then the King inquired of him, if the Duke of Burgundy would not be comprehended in the truce (as it was to be presumed because of his froward answer, that he would not) what it would please him that he should do? The King of England said, that he would offer it him yet once more, and if he refused to accept it, that then they two should do as they thought good. Afterward the King fell in talk of the Duke of Britain (which was the only end why he moved this question) & asked him in like manner of him. The King of England desired him earnestly to attempt nothing against the D. of Britain, saying that in his necessity he never found so faithful a friend: whereupon the King ended this communication: and then calling the company together again, with the most courteous and gracious language that might be, took his leave of the King of England, giving very good words in like manner to every one of his servants. And so the two Princes in a manner both at one instant departed from the grate and took horse. The King returned to Amiens, and the King of England to his camp, whither we sent from the court all kind of provision necessary for him, so far forth, that torches and lights were not forgotten. At this interview the Duke of Gloucester King Edward's brother, and certain others were not present, because they misliked the peace. Notwithstanding, afterward they were well enough persuaded to allow of it, so far forth that the said Duke of Gloucester came to Amiens to the King, who gave him many goodly presents of silver plate, and horses with all kind of furniture. After the King was returned from this meeting, upon the way he debated two points with me: the one, he found the King of England so willing to come to Paris that it liked him never a whit. For he is, quoth he, a goodly Prince, and much given to love: he may peradventure meet with some dainty dame at Paris, that will entertain him with so many sugared words, that she may happily make him desirous to return thither again. But his predecessors have sojourned too long both at Paris and in Normandy. I like not his company on this side the sea, but so long as he keepeth home, I wish to have him my good friend and loving brother. The other point was this, he was sorry that he found the King of England somewhat hard when he made mention of the D. of Britain: for the King was so desirous to persuade him to suffer war to be made in Britain, that afterward he solicited this matter anew by the Lords of Bouchage and Saint Pierre. But the King of England seeing himself thus earnestly pressed, answered in few words, that who so should make war upon the Duke of Britain, he would pass the seas yet once again in his defence: which answer being heard, the matter was no further mentioned. After the K. was returned to Amiens, even as he was going to supper, arrived three or four noble men of England such as had furthered the peace, and the Lord Howard (who was one of them) began to talk with the King in his ear, saying, that if it pleased him, he would find means to bring his Master to Amiens, and peradventure to Paris, to make merry with him, which offer though the King liked never a whit, yet made he show of great good liking thereof, and began to wash, not answering much to that point, but told me softly in mine ear, that the thing he most feared was happened, meaning this offer. After supper they fell again in communication of the selfsame matter, but with wise words the enterprise was broken off: for the King said, that with all speed he must departed to go against the Duke of Burgundy. Although these affairs were of great importance and sagely ordered on both sides: yet you see merry toys happened also among them which are not to be forgotten. But as touching the K. who will marvel (considering the great harms the English men have done in France but of late years) if he traveled his body, and spent his money to rid them friendly out of the realm, to the intent hereafter he might keep them his friends, at the least not have them his foes. The next day after this meeting, a great number of English men repaired to Amiens, some of them affirming that the holy Ghost had made this peace (for they grounded all on prophecies.) The reason that moved them so to say was, for that a white pigeon sat upon the King of England's pavilion the day of the interview, and would not remove thence notwithstanding any noise made in the camp. The cause whereof as some men judged, was, for that it had reigned a little, and afterward the sun shining very hot, the pigeon lighted upon this pavilion (being higher than the rest) to dry herself: which reason was given by a gentleman of Gascoine servant to the King of England, named Lewis of Bretailles, who was not a little offended with the peace. And because he and I were of old acquaintance, he talked familiarly with me: saying that we would deride the King of England for this treaty. I asked him how many battles the said King had won: he told me nine, in the which himself had been in person. Then I demanded of him again, how many he had lost: and he answered never but one, which was this we now bereaved him of: adding, that he received greater dishonour by returning home after this sort, than he had obtained honour in winning the other nine. Of this communication I advertised the King, who said he was a dangerous knave, and that some means must be found to stop his mouth: whereupon he sent for him, and made him dine at his own table, offering him very large offers and goodly offices if he would tarry in France. But seeing he would by no means be won thereunto, he gave him a thousand crowns in money, promising also a good turn to his brethren that were on this side the sea, and I gave him a watchword in his ear, to employ his credit to continue the friendship and amity begun between the two Princes. The King feared especially above all things lest some word should escape him at unawares, whereby the English men might gather that he derided them. And by chance the next morning after this meeting, as he was in his closet, and not past three or four of us with him, he spoke a merry word touching the wines and presents sent to the English camp: and as he turned about espied a merchant of Gascoine that dwelled in England, who was come to move a suit to him for a licence to ship certain Gascoine wines into England without impost, which was a suit that might much benefit the said merchant if he could obtain it. The King wondered when he saw him how he was gotten in thither, and asked him of what town he was in Guienne, and whether he were a merchant and married in England. The merchant answered yea, but that his wealth was not great. Incontinent before his departure thence, the K. appointed one to accompany him to Bourdeaux, and I communed with him by his commandment. Further, a good office in the town where he was borne was given him: the licence for the wines which he demanded was granted him, and besides this 1000 franks were delivered him for his wives charges upon the way, and he sent a brother of his into England for her, but went not himself. Thus the King condemned himself in this penalty for his over large speech. The Notes. 1 The old copy saith the 19 day, Meyer the 31. day, Gaguin the 28. of October. 2 The like reparteth iovius of the French. How the Constable after the truce made with the English men, sought to excuse himself to the King: and how truce was also concluded for nine years between the King and the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 11. THe selfsame day above mentioned, being the next day after the interview, the Constable sent letters to the King by a servant of his named Rapine (who was a trusty servant to his Master, and whom also the King preferred afterward) Monseur de Lude and myself were commanded to hear his message. Now you shall understand that Monseur de Contay was already returned from the Duke of Burgundy to the Court, about the practice above mentioned devised against the Constable: so that the said Constable knew not to what Saint he should vow himself, but remained in utter despair. Rapines message was very humble, tending to excuse his Master of the sundry evil reports that he knew had been made of him to the King, for that the end sufficiently declared, that he never meant to do otherwise than duty required. And to the intent he might the better assure the King of his true dealing, he promised so to practise with the Duke of Burgundy, that he would persuade him to help to destroy the King of England and his whole army, if it so pleased the King. And it seemed by his speech that his Master was in utter despair. We told him that we were in perfect amity with the English men, and would no war. But Monseur de Lude who was with me, adventured to ask him if he knew where his Master's treasure lay. I marveled to hear such a word pass him: for seeing this Rapine was a very trusty servant to his Master, this speech was sufficient to have caused the Constable to fly, and to understand in what estate he was, and what was a brewing for him, especially seeing the danger he had been in not past a year before. But I never knew man in my life neither here nor elsewhere, that could dislodge in time and shun the danger hanging over his head: some because they think they shall not be received nor be in safety in strange countries, and other some because they are too much affectionate to their goods, wives and children: which two reasons have been the cause of many a good man's undoing. After we had made report to the King of Rapines message, he called for one of his Secretaries, none being with him but the Lord Howard the King of England's servant, (who understood nothing of this practice against the Constable,) the Lord of Contay who was returned from the Duke of Burgundy, and we two that had talked with the said Rapine. Then he indicted a letter to the Constable, wherein he advertised him of all that was done the day before, namely, the treaty of peace. Further, he sen●●●● word that he was busied with divers affairs of great importance, and had need of such a head as his: which word was no sooner uttered, but he turned to the Englishmen and the Lord of Contay, saying softly to them, I mean not that we should have the body, but the head without the body. This letter was delivered to Rapine, who liked it marvelous well, especially those words that the King had need of such a head as his Masters, but he understood not the mystery thereof. The King of England also sent the King the two letters of credit that the Constable had written to him, and disclosed all the messages that he had sent him, whereby you may perceive how the Constable had behaved himself towards these three great Princes, and in what estate he was: every one of the three desiring his death. The King of England upon the receipt of his money departed, and marched in great haste towards Calais, fearing the D. of Burgundy's malice & his subjects, and not without cause: for whensoever his men scattered & singled themselves, some of them came short home. At his departure he left for hostages with the King, till his return into England according to his promise, the Lord Howard, and the Master of his horse called Sir john Cheiny. You have heard before at the entrance into these English affairs, that K. Edward had no great devotion to this voyage into France: for being come to Dover, before he embarked he began to practise with us. But there were two causes that moved him to pass the seas: one, the desire his whole realm had according, to their natural humour, to make war in France, and the rather at this present, because the Duke of Burgundy pressed the war so earnestly: the other, the hope he had to reserve to himself a great part of the subsidy levied in England for this voyage: for as before I have said, the Kings of England receive only the bare revenues of their lands, save when they levy money to make war in France. Further, K. Edward had devised this subtlety to appease his subjects: he had brought with him ten or 12. great fat paunches, as well of the city of London, as of other towns in England, who were the wealthiestmen of the commonalty, and had been the chiefest instruments both in persuading the King to pass into France, and also in levying this mighty army. The King caused them to be lodged in good tents, but that was not the life they were accustomed to lead: wherefore they soon waxed weary of it. At their first arrival they looked for the battle within three days after their landing. But the King of England alleged many doubts unto them, and endeavoured to put them in fear of the battle, and to persuade them to allow of the peace, to the end they might aid him at their return into England to pacify the murmuring and grudging of the people that happily might arise because of his return: for never King of England since King Arthur, passed at one time with so great force, and so many noble personages into France. But after the peace was concluded, the King of England repaired homeward with speed, reserving to himself a great sum of money levied in England for the payment of his soldiers; so that he obtained in effect all his purposes. His body could not away with such labour as a King of England must endure that mindeth to achieve any great enterprise in France. Further, the King our Master had made great preparation for resistance, though to say the truth he could not well have provided defence sufficient against all his enemies: for he had too many. Lastly, the King of England had a marvelous great desire to accomplish the marriage of his daughter with King Charles the 8. now reigning, which caused him to wink at a number of inconveniences, that turned after to the King our Master's great profit. After all the English men were returned home saving the hostages: the King took his journey towards Laon, and lodged in a little town upon the ma●●●es of Henault called Veruins, and to Auennes in Henault came the Chancellor o● Burgundy with the Lord of Contay and other ambassadors from the Duke. The King was very desirous at this time to conclude a final peace: for this mighty English army had put him in fear, and no marvel: for he had seen in his time of their doings in this realm, and would in no wise their return. The said Chancellor writ to the King, desiring that it would please him to send his Commissioners for the peace to a certain bridge in the midway between Auennes and Veruins, saying, that he and his colleagues would meet them there. The King sent him answer, that he would come thither himself; and notwithstanding that divers, whose advise he asked in this matter, persuaded him to the contrary: yet thither he went, leading also with him the English hostages, who were present when he received the Duke's ambassadors, the which came very well accompanied with archers and men of war. At this first meeting they did but salute the King, & then went to dinner. One of the English men began to repent him that the treaty was concluded, and said to me at a window, that if they had seen many such men with the Duke of Burgundy, peradventure they would not have made peace. Which words the Viscount of Narbonne (now Lord of Fovez) hearing, said: Were you so simple to think, that the Duke of Burgundy had not great force of such men? he had sent them only to refresh themselves: but you were so desirous to return home, that six hundred pipes of wine, and a pension the King giveth you, blew you quickly back into England. The English man in a great fury answered; I perceive now their sayings to prove true, that told us you would deride us for making peace. Call you the money the King giveth us, a pension? it is tribute, and by Saint George you may babble so much that you may soon make us to return. But I broke off their talk and turned it to a jest: notwithstanding the Englishman was discontented and cast out a word thereof to the King, who was marvelously offended with the Lord of Narbonne for his speech. The King communed not long at this first meeting with the Chancellor and the other ambassadors: for it was agreed that they should go with him to Veruines, where when they arrived he commanded M. Tanneguy du castle, and M. Peter Doriole Chancellor of France, and others to negotiate with them: much ado there was between them, many reasons alleged, and many demands made on each side. The King's Commissioners made report to him that the Burgundians used fierce and stout language, but that they had paid them with the like, and withal told him what their answers were. Which he much misliked, saying, that the like answers had been made divers times before, and that they treated not of a final peace, but only of truce; wherefore he would have no more such language used, but would himself commune with them: and thereupon caused the said Chancellor and the 〈◊〉 ●●bassadors to come into his chamber, out of the which all men were commanded to avoid, save the late L. Admiral called the bastard of Bourbon, Monseur de Bouchage, and myself. There the King concluded truce for nine years, wherein it was agreed, that every man should be restored to his former estate. But the ambassadors besought the King that the truce might not yet be proclaimed, to save the D. their Master's oath, who had sworn not to make truce before the King of England had been a certain space in his realm, lest he should think their Master had accepted his truce. But the King of England (who thought great scorn that the Duke would not be comprehended in his truce) being advertised that he treated with the King of an other, sent over into France a knight near about him called Sir Thomas Montgomery, who came to Veruins at the very same instant that the King treated with the Duke of Burgundy's ambassadors of this truce above mentioned. The said Sir Thomas required the King in the King his Master's name, to make no other truce with the Duke of Burgundy, than that which was already concluded between them two. Further desiring him not to deliver Saint Quintin's into the Duke's hands, & offering that if he would continue war with the Duke, his Master would be content the next summer to pass the seas again for him, and in his aid, with these conditions. First, that the King should recompense the loss the King of England should sustain by the wool custom of Calais, amounting yearly to 50000. crowns: which if the war opened with Flaunders were clearly lost. And secondarily, that the King should pay the one half of the English army, and the King of England the other. The King yielded great thanks to the King of England for this courteous message, and gave a goodly present of silver plate to the said Sir Thomas. Notwithstansting, as touching the war he excused himself, saying, that the truce was already concluded, being the very same that the King of England and he had made for the term of nine years, save that the Duke would have his letters apart. Thus to content the ambassador he excused the matter the best he could, and the said Sir Thomas returned into England, and the hostages with him. The King marveled much at the King of England's offers, at the report whereof I only was present. But it seemed to him a dangerous thing, to cause the King of England to pass the seas again, both because every trifle would breed quarrels between the French and English being in camp together; and also because it was to be feared that the Burgundians and they would easily concile themselves: wherefore he was so much the more desirous to conclude the truce with the Duke of Burgundy. The Notes. 1 The French having only Monseur de Narbonne, made Sleidan translate it the Bishop of Narbonne, whereas in deed he was Viscount of Narbonne not Bishop, as other authors affirm; and these words, (Qui an iourd'huy s'appele Monseur de Fovez) plainly prove: wherefore for avoiding of sleidan's error, I have put this word (Viscount) into the text, though it be not in the French. How the Constable's death was fully concluded and sworn between the King and the Duke of Burgundy, and how he went into the Duke's dominions, where by his commandment he was stayed and delivered to the King, and after put to death. Chap. 12. THe truce being concluded, the old practice against the Constable was revived: and to the end the process thereof should be short; they ratified all that was done before at Bowines, and the writings there made (as before you have heard) were again interchangablie delivered. In the said writings the King promised the Duke Saint Quintin's, Han, Bohain, and all the lands that the Constable held of the Duke, and all his movables wheresoever they were found . Further, the manner how to besiege him in Han (where he lay) was devised. It was also agreed that whether of the two Princes could first take him, should either put him to death within eight days, or deliver him to the other. All men incontinent began to fear this confederacy, so far forth that the Constables principal servants forsook him, namely Monseur de Genly and divers others. Further, he being advertised that King Edward had delivered his letters to the King and discovered all that he knew of him; and seeing also that his enemies had made truce, fell into great fear, and sent to the Duke of Burgundy, humbly beseeching him to give him a safe conduct to come and speak with him about certain affairs that greatly imported him. The Duke at the first made dainty to grant a safe conduct, but in the end sent him one. This mighty noble man had oft debated, whither he should fly to save himself: for he was informed of all that was done, and had seen the writings devised against him at Bowines. Sometime he consulted with certain of his servants, being Lorrains, determining to fly with them into Almain, carrying a great sum of money with him (for the way was very safe) therewith to buy some place upon the river of Rhine to remain in, till he were reconciled to one of the two Princes. Sometime he resolved to put himself into his strong castle of Han, which had cost him so much money, and which he had fortified to serve him at such a pinch, and furnished of all things as well as any castle that ever I knew. But he could not find men to his mind to put into the place, because all his servants were borne under the Dominions of one of the two Princes. And peradventure his fear was so great, that he durst not wholly discover himself and his estate to them; for I think a great many of them would not have forsaken him: neither was it so dangerous for him to be besieged of both the Princes as of one, for it had been impossible for the two armies to agree. But in the end he concluded to go to the Duke of Burgundy under this safe conduct, being accompanied only with fifteen or twenty horse, and road to Montz in Hainault, where the Lord Desmeriez great bailiff of Hainault and his especial friend lay. With him he sojourned a certain space, attending news from the Duke of Burgundy, who had lately begun war upon the Duke of Lorraine, because he had defied him when he lay at the siege before Nuz, and done much harm in the country of Luxembourg. The King being advertised of the Constable's departure, purposed so to order the matter, that he should never recover the Duke of Burgundy's favour: for he levied seven or eight hundred men of arms, and road with them in all haste to Saint Quintin's, knowing well what force was within the town; near to the which when he approached, certain of the Citizens came forth to receive him. The King commanded me to enter the town, and appoint every captain to his quarter, and so I did. First the soldiers entered, and then the King, who was very honourably received of the towns men: whereupon certain of the Constable's servants retired into Hainault. The King immediately advertised the Duke by a letter of his own hand, of the taking of Saint Quintin's; thereby to put him utterly out of hope to recover it by the Constable's means. Which news when the Duke understood, he sent word to the Lord Desmeriez great bailiff of Hainault, to guard the town of Montz in such sort, that the Constable could not departed, and farther to command him to keep his lodging: which commandment the bailiff executed accordingly, for he durst do no less. Notwithstanding, the guard was not strong enough for such a parsonage, if he had been disposed to escape. What shall we say here of Fortune? This noble man dwelled upon the frontiers of both these Prince's dominions being enemies, having strong towns in his hands, and four hundred men of arms well paid, of the which he was controller himself, and placed whom it pleased him, and had been their Captain the space of twelve years. He was a wise and a valiant knight, and of great experience, and had great treasure in ready coin: yet notwithstanding at this last pinch his courage so failed him, that he witted not what shift to make. We may well say, that fickle Fortune beheld him with a frowning countenance: or rather (if we will speak like good Christians) we must say, that such great miseries depend not upon Fortune: for Fortune is bu●● fantastical fiction of Poetry. Wherefore we must think if we will well weigh both the reasons above alleged, and divers others here unrehearsed, that God had utterly forsaken him and given him over. And if it were lawful for man to judge, as I know it is not (especially for me) I would say that in mine opinion all this misery fell upon him, because he traveled continually to the uttermost of his power to nourish the war between the King and the Duke of Burgundy, knowing his great authority and estate to depend thereupon: although to say the truth, the matter needed no great labour, for there was a natural antipathy between them. Who is so rude or ignorant to think that Fortune or any other like chance was able to cast so wise a man into the disgrace of both these Princes at once, (who in their lives never agreed in any thing save only this,) especially into the King of England's disgrace, who had married his niece, and loved entirely all his wives kinsmen, especially those of this house of Saint Paul. It is like therefore, yea it is most certain, that God had withdrawn his grace from him, in that he had purchased himself such hatred of all these three Princes, and had not one friend in the world that durst give him a night's lodging. Neither was it feigned Fortune that strake this stroke, but God alone. The like whereof hath happened, and shall happen to divers others, who after great and long prosperity fall into great adversity and trouble. After the Constable was arrested in Hainault by the Duke of Burgundy's commandment, the King sent word to the Duke either to deliver him into his hands, or execute him according to the tenure of the writings above mentioned. The Duke answered that he would so do, and commanded the Constable to be led to Peronne, and there straightly kept. Further you shall understand that the Duke had already taken divers places in Lorraine and Barrois, and at this present held the siege before Nancy, which was valiantly defended. The King had great force of men of arms in champaign, which held the Duke in fear: for the King was not bound by the truce to suffer him to destroy the Duke of Lorraine, who was retired into France. The Lord of Bouchage and divers other ambassadors sent by the King, pressed the Duke earnestly, to perform his promise & oath; and he answered ever that he would so do; but yet delayed it more than a month over and above the eight days wherein he should either have delivered the Constable, or put him to death. Notwithstanding in the end seeing the matter so earnestly pressed, and fearing that the King would hinder his enterprise in Lorraine, which he so much desired to achieve, to the end he might have the passage open from Luxembourg into Burgundy, and join all these Seniories together: for this little Duchy of Lorraine being his, he might come upon his own dominions from Holland, almost as far as Lions . For these considerations I say, he wrote to his Chancellor and the Lord of Himbercourt so often already mentioned, (which too had absolute authority in his absence, and were both of them the Constable's enemies, and evil willers) to go to Peronne and deliver the Constable at a day by him prefixed, to those that the King should there appoint to receive him, sending word withal to the Lord Desmeriez to deliver him to the said Chancellor and Himbercourt. The Duke of Burgundy in the mean time beat continually the town of Nancy: but there were good soldiers within it which valiantly defended it. Further, one of the Dukes own Captains, called the Earl of Campobache, a Neapolitan born, but banished thence for the house of Anious faction, was lately entered into intelligence with the Duke of Lorraine, heir apparent of the house of Anjou after the death of King Rene his mother's father. This Earl of Campobache promised to prolong the siege, and find means that such things should be lacking as were necessary for the taking of the town . Which his promise, he was very well able to perform, being then the greatest man in the Duke's army; but a false traitor to his Master, as hereafter you shall hear more at large. This was a preparative as it were of all those evils and miseries that fell afterward upon the Duke of Burgundy. The said Duke meant as I suppose, if he had taken the town before the day appointed for the Constable's delivery, not to deliver him at all. And on the otherside I think, if the King had had him, he would have done more in the Duke of Lorraines' favour than he did: for he was advertised of the Earl of Campobaches traitorous practices, but meddled not with them: yet was he not bound to let the Duke of Burgundy do what him listed in Lorraine, (notwithstanding for divers respects he thought it best so to do:) besides this he had great forces upon the frontiers of the said country of Lorraine. The Duke could not take Nancy before the day appointed for the Constable's delivery , which being come, the two above mentioned executed willingly their Master's commandment , and delivered him at the gate of Peronne to the bastard of Bourbon Admiral of France, and to Monseur de Saint Pierre, who led him to Paris. divers have told me, that within three hours after his departure, messengers came in post from the Duke with a countermand, to wit, that he should not be delivered before Nancy were taken, but it was too late. At Paris the Constable's process was made, and the Duke delivered all his letters that were in his hands, and all such evidence as served for the process. The King pressed the Court earnestly, and justices were appointed for the hearing of his cause, who seeing the evidence that both the King of England and the Duke gave against him, condemned him to die , and confiscated all his goods. The Notes. 1 Understand this as well of the movables he had in the King's dominions, as under the Duke. 2 The Duke desired Lorraine, not only for the cause here alleged by our author, but also to proclaim himself under that colour King of Sicily and Jerusalem. 3 This Campobache (as some report) wrought this treason, for that the Duke had once in his rage given him a blow. Meyer. 4 He took Nancy about the 19 of November, but lafoy March saith in the end of November. Meyer. 28. Novemb. 1475. and the Constable was delivered the 30. of November. 5 The Chancellor and Hymbercourt delivered him with such speed through evil will, whereas they ought to have staid till the second message had come from the Duke: for as saith Meyer. Ferebat consuetudo exiure militari civilique desumpta, ut in talibus gravibus rebus secundam semper praetores ministrique expectarent iussionem; at hoc isti duo odio gravissimo deflagrantes in comitem stabuli, gratúmque volentes facere regi mirum in modum sanguinem illius sitienti, non obseruaverunt. Si obseruassent ut debeant, fortassis & virum ipsum, & ducem Dominum suum seque ipsos planè seruassent. Siquidem statim post Caroli interitum ambo apud Gandawm accepêre talionem. 6 The Constable died the 19 of December 1475. Annal. Franc. Gaguin. Meyer. in whom read the causes of his death fol. 368. A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundy committed in delivering the Constable to the King contrary to his safe conduct, and what ensued thereof. Chap. 13. THis delivery of the Constable was marvelous strange; notwithstanding I speak it not to excuse his faults, neither to accuse the Duke, for sure he had just cause to seek his death. But me think that he being so great a Prince and of so noble and honourable an house, should not have given him a safe conduct, and then arrest him. And undoubtedly it was great cruelty to deliver him where he was sure to die, especially for covetousness. But soon after he had thus dishonoured himself by this deed, he received great losses and began to fall to ruin. So that if we well consider the works that God hath done in these our days, and daily doth, we shall easily perceive that he will leave no fault unpunished, and that these strange punishments are inflicted only by him, because they surmount far the works of nature. For his punishments are sudden, especially upon those that use violence and cruelty: who can not be mean persons, but mighty men, either in seniories or authority. This house of Burgundy had long flourished, for by the space of a hundred years or thereabout, (during the which time reigned four of this house) it was more esteemed than any other house in Christendom. For all those that were mightier than it, had suffered great afflictions and adversities, but it lived continually in perpetual felicity & honour. The first great Prince of this house was Philip surnamed the Hardy, brother to Charles the fift King of France, who married the daughter and heir of the Earl of Flaunders; being Countess not only of that country, but also of Artois, Burgundy , Nevers and Rethell. The second was john: the third was the good Duke Philip, who joined to his house the Duchies of Brabant, Luxembourg, Lambourg, and the Counties of Holland, Zealand, Hainault, and Namur. The fourth was this Duke Charles, who after his father's death was one of the richest and most redoubted Princes of Christendom; and had in movables, namely jewels, plate, tapestry, books, and naprie, more than three of the greatest Princes in Christendom. Of treasure in coin I have seen greater abundance in other Prince's Courts: for Duke Philip by the space of many years levied neither subsidies nor tasks: yet notwithstanding at his death, he left his son above three hundred thousand crowns in ready money, and in peace with all his neighbours, which long endured not: notwithstanding I will not impute the whole occasion of the wars to him, for others were as busy as he. His subjects immediately after his father's death, upon a small request granted him very willingly a subsidy (every country apart) for the term of ten years, amounting yearly to the sum of 350000. crowns: Burgundy not being comprehended therein. Yea and at the time he delivered the Constable, he levied yearly over and above the former sum more than 300000. crowns, and had above 300000. crowns in coin; and all the Constable's goods that came to his hands, amounted hardly to the value of 80000. crowns, for he had but 76000. in coin. So that the Duke committed this foul fault for small gain, yet was the punishment thereof great: for God raised up an enemy against him of small force, of young years, and of little experience in all things, and caused his servant whom he then most trusted, to become false and traitorous. He made also the Duke himself to mistrust his own subjects & faithful servants. Are not these such manifest tokens and preparatives as God used in the old Testament, against those whose good fortune and prosperity he meant to change into misery and adversity? Yet he never humbled himself before God, but even till the hour of death attributed all his good success to his own wisdom and prowess: before his death he was mightier than any of his predecessors, and more esteemed through the whole world. Before the Constable's delivery he was fallen into a marvelous mistrust or great disdain of his own subjects: for he had sent into Italy for a thousand men of arms Italians. Before Nuz also he had great forces of Italians in his camp: for the Earl of Campobache had under his charge four hundred men of arms and better. This Earl had no possessions for his maintenance, for because of the wars the house of Anjou had made in the realm of Naples (which house he served,) he was banished his country and lost all his lands, and served ever since his departure out of Italy in Provence or Lorraine under King Rene of Sicily, or Duke Nicholas son to Duke john of Calabria. After whose death the Duke of Burgundy gave entertainment to most of his servants, especially all his Italians: namely this Earl of Campobache, james Galeot a valiant honourable and faithful gentleman, and divers others. The said Earl of Campobache when he went into Italy to levy his men, received of the Duke of Burgundy 40000. ducats in priest for his company. But as he passed through Lions, he fell in acquaintance with a Physician named Master Simon of Pavy, by whom he advertised the King that if he would grant him certain demands, he would promise him at his return to deliver the Duke of Burgundy into his hands: the like offer made he also to Monseur de Saint Pray, than ambassador in Premont for the King. Again, at his return having his men of arms lying in the County of Marle, he offered the King that so soon as he should be in camp with his Master, he would not fail either to kill him, or take him prisoner; showing withal the manner how he would do it, which was this. The Duke road often about his camp to view it, mounted upon a little nag, and very slenderly accompanied, at some such time this Earl said he would assault him, and execute his enterprise. He made yet also another offer to the King, namely, if the King and the Duke met together in battle, to turn with his men of arms on the King's side, under condition that the King would grant him certain demands. The King detested much the treason of this man, and of a noble courage advertised the Duke of his practices by the Lord of Contay above mentioned. Notwithstanding the Duke would not credit the message, (supposing that the King sent him this advertisement to some other end) but loved the Earl all the better. Wherefore you may see how God had troubled his wits, in that he would give no credit to those manifest demonstrations the King showed him. Well, this Earl of Campobache was not so false and traitorous: but james Galeot was as true and trusty, who lived many years, and died with great honour and renown. The Notes. 1 Understand this of the County of Burgundy, not of the Duchy. THE FIFT BOOK. How the Duke of Burgundy making war upon the Swissers, was overthrown at the straits of the mountains near to Granson. Chap. 1. THe Duke of Burgundy having conquered the Duchy of Lorraine, and received Saint Quintin's, Han and Bohain, with all the Constable's goods of the King, treated with him of a final peace: for accomplishment whereof they two resolved to meet upon a bridge built over a river, like to that made at Piquigny, at the interview of the Kings of England and France. About the which meeting messengers passed to and fro, so far forth that the Duke was once purposed to dismiss the greatest part of his army, to the end his men (being in very evil order, as well because of the siege of Nuz, as also of this small war in Lorraine) might refresh themselves: and the rest to put in garrison into certain of the Earl of Romont's places, near to the towns of Berne and Fribourg; upon the which he was fully resolved to make war, because they had invaded his dominions while he was before Nuz, had helped to take the county of Ferrette from him (as you have heard) and had also conquered from the Earl of Romont part of his country. The King earnestly pressed him to come to the meeting appointed, to leave these poor Swissers in peace, and to refresh his army. The Swissers also seeing him approach so near them, sent their ambassadors to him, offering to restore all that they had taken from the Earl of Romont, who on the other side pressed him earnestly to secure him in person: whereupon the Duke altered his mind, and determined to march against them, leaving that course which in all men's opinions seemed best, considering both the time of the year, and the state of his army. Further, it was agreed between the King and him, that for the Duchy of Lorraine they should not fall at variance. The Duke departed out of Lorraine with this poor, weary, and defeated army, and entered into Burgundy, where the ambassadors of these ancient confederates of Almain commonly called Swissers, repaired again to him, making larger offers than before: for besides the restitution of the Earl of Romont's places, they offered to departed from all leagues that he should not allow of, especially their league with the King, and to enter into confederacy with him, and to serve him against the King with six thousand men well armed (and that for very small pay) as often as he should require: which offers he refused; for God was fully purposed to bring him to destruction. In those countries are certain towns called the new confederates, namely, Basill, Strasbourg, and divers other imperial cities situate near the river of Rhine, which in times past had been enemies to the Swissers in favour of Sigismond Duke of Ostrich, whose confederates they were during the wars between the said Swissers and him. But now all these towns joined with the Swissers, and a league was made between them for ten years, and peace also between Duke Sigismond and them: which league (as before you have heard) was concluded by the King's procurement, earnest suit, and great expenses, at the same time that the county of Ferrette was taken from the Duke of Burgundy, and his lieutenant there called Peter Archambault beheaded at Basill. The only cause of which inconvenience proceeded of this Archambault himself, which sure was a shrewd check to the Duke of Burgundy, being the very fountain of all his other miseries. Wherefore a Prince that hath lately joined a strange country to his dominions, aught to be circumspect what governors he placeth there. For whereas subjects newly conquered aught to be courteously entreated, to have justice truly administered, and to be better used than under their former government: this Archambault did the clean contrary, for he used great violence and extortion; whereupon ensued utter destruction to himself, his Master, and many a good man beside. This league above mentioned made by the King's only procurement, turned afterward to his great benefit, yea greater than the world weeneth, so far forth that for my part, I account it one of the wisest deeds that ever he did, and most to the damage of his enemies. For the Duke of Burgundy once destroyed, the King of France never found man afterward of his own subjects that durst lift up his finger against him: for they sailed all with his wind. Wherefore it was a worthy exploit to join Duke Sigismunde of Ostrich and these new confederates in league with the Swissers, whose ancient enemies they had been: and I warrant you it was never brought to pass without great expenses and many voyages. After the Duke of Burgundy had put the Swissers from all hope of peace, they returned to advertise their confederates thereof, and to make preparations for defence. The Duke led his army into the country of Vaulx in Savoye, which the Swissers (as you have heard) had taken from the Lord of Romont. There he won three or four places belonging to Monseur de Chasteauguion, which the Swissers held, and negligently defended. From thence he removed, and laid his siege before a town called Granson , belonging also to the said Lord of Chasteauguion, within the which were eight or nine hundred Swissers choice men: for because the place was near their country they had manned it well. The Duke's force was reasonable great, for divers bands came daily to him out of Lombardy, and the subjects also of this house of Savoy were in pay with him. He loved strangers better than his own subjects, notwithstanding that he might have levied in his own dominions great force of good soldiers: but the Constable's death together with certain other conceits he had in his head, caused him to mistrust his own people. His artillery was marvelous strong, and he lay in great pomp and triumph in his camp, to show his magnificence to the ambassadors that came to him out of Italy and Almain: for the which purpose also he had brought with him all his best jewels and plate, and great abundance of all kind of furniture. Moreover he had many fancies in his head touching the Duchy of Milan, where he trusted shortly to have great intelligence. After he had besieged this town of Granson, and battered it with the canon certain days, they yielded to his mercy , and he put them all cruelly to death. The Swissers were assembled, but in small number, as divers of them have told me: for they are not able to levy so great force in their country as the world supposeth, and at that time much less than now, because since most part of them have forsaken their husbandry and given themselves to arms. Further, of their confederates few were with them, because they were forced to succour the place in haste; but so soon as they were abroad in camp, they heard of their companions death. The Duke contrary to their opinion whose advise he asked, determined to meet them at the entry of the mountains where they yet lay, greatly to his own disadvantage: for he was encamped in a place very well seated for the battle, being fortified on the one side with his artillery, and on the other with a lake; so that by all presumption they could not have endamaged him. He had sent a hundred archers before him to keep a straight directly over against the mountain where the Swissers lay, and marched forward himself, and his enemies encountered him, the greatest part of his army being yet in the plain. The first ranks of his men thought to retire to join with the rest; but those that were behind, supposing these to fly, began to turn their backs, and by little and little the Duke's army retired towards his camp; some of them valiantly behaving themselves. But to be short, when they drew near to their camp, they never stood to defence, but fled all . So that the Almains won the Duke's camp, his artillery, all his tents and pavilions and his men's also, (whereof there was great abundance) and other riches and treasures infinite : for nothing was saved but the men only. Moreover the Duke lost here all his goodly jewels, notwithstanding in this battle were slain only seven men of arms; all the rest fled, and himself also. A man may justlier say of him that he lost this day honour and reputation, than of King john of France, who valiantly defending himself, was taken prisoner by the English men at the battle of Poitiers. This is the first misfortune that ever happened to this Duke: for all his other enterprises turned him either to honour or profit. But what a deadly wound received he this day by following his own brain, and despising good advise? what damage received his house hereby? in how miserable estate is it yet, and shall be we know not how long? how many men became his enemies, and declared themselves against him that the day before spoke him fair, and temporised with him? And for what quarrel began this war? forsooth for a load of sheeps skins taken by the Earl of Romont from a Swisser passing through his country. Sure if God had not utterly abandoned the Duke of Burgundy, it is not to be thought he would have put himself into so great danger for so small a trifle, considering both the offers made him, and the men he had to do with, by vanquishing whom he could obtain neither riches nor honour. For at that time the Swissers as touching their valour were not esteemed as they be now, and their poverty was so great, that a Knight of their country, who was one of their first ambassadors to the Duke, told me, that among divers other reasons he used to dissuade him from this war, this was one: that by conquering them he could gain nothing, because their country was barren and poor, and void of all good prisoners, so far forth that he thought verily if all their country men were taken, they should not be able to pay a ransom to the value of the spurs and bridle bits in his camp. But to return to the battle: the King being immediately advertised of all that was happened, by the sundry spies and messengers he had abroad in the country, most of them were strangers; rejoiced much at these news, and sorrowed only that so few were slain. Further, because of these affairs he lay at Lions, to the end he might the sooner be advertised of all that happened, and the better countermine all such enterprises as the Duke had in his head. For the King being a wise Prince feared lest he should join the Swissers to him by force. As touching the house of Savoy, the Duke disposed thereof as of his own: the Duke of Milan was in league with him: King Rene of Sicily was fully bend to have put the country of Provence into his hands. So that if his affairs had received good success, he should have held under his dominion all that lieth between the west and east seas, and have so bridled the subjects of this realm, that they could have stirred no way out of France but by sea without his permission: Savoy, Provence, and Lorraine being under his subjection. To every one of these Princes the King sent ambassadors. The one, namely the Duchess of Savoy was his sister, but friend to the Duke of Burgundy to the uttermost of her power. The other, to wit, King Rene of Sicily was his uncle, who hardly gave his ambassadors audience, but referred all matters to the Duke of Burgundy. The King sent also to these confederates of Almain, but with great difficulty; for because the passages were stopped, he was forced to send beggars, pilgrims, and such kind of men. The said confederates gave him a proud answer, that unless he would declare himself for them, they would make peace with the Duke, and join with the Burgundians against him: which notwithstanding that he greatly feared, yet thought he it not time as yet to discover himself the Duke's enemy, doubting also lest some of his messengers whom he sent about the country should be taken, and so all his practices discovered. The Notes. 1 These towns were Basill, Strasburg, Slecstat, Colmar, Sunggau, and Brisgau. 2 He laid his siege before Granson the 12. of February 1476. beginning the year at New years tied with 50000. men, and 500 pieces of artillery. Annal. Burgund. 3 Others writ but 400. 4 Others writ that they would not yield, unless the Duke would receive them to his mercy which he did, and yet after put them cruelly to death. 5 This battle was fought on Saturday the second of April or of March as some say, the Swissers at this battle were not above 5000. and the most arquebusiers. Annal. Burg. 6 All that the Duke lost that day was valued at three millions of crowns. Annal. Burgund. How after the overthrow at Granson, the Duke of Milan, King Rene of Sicily, the Duchess of Savoy and others, departed from their league with the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 2. LEt us now see how the world changed after the battle, and how the courage of the Duke of Burgundy and his confederates altered, and withal how wisely the King governed his affairs. For this shall be a goodly example for young Princes that attempt foolish enterprises, not considering what may ensue thereof: and despise the counsel of those whose advise they ought to use, notwithstanding that themselves be utterly void of all experience. First, the Duke himself sent the Lord of Contay to the King with a lowly and humble message, contrary both to his accustomed manner and to his nature. Mark here how suddenly he was changed even in a moment: he desired the King faithfully to keep the truce, and excused himself for not coming to the meeting appointed at Auxerre, promising shortly to meet him there or else where at his pleasure. The King received the said Contay very honourably, assuring him of all his demands: for as yet he thought it not time to declare himself, because he knew well the loyalty of the Duke's subjects to be such to their Prince, that he should soon be afloat again. Wherefore he was desirous to see the end of this war, without giving occasion to either party to make peace. But notwithstanding the good entertainment the King gave the said Contay, yet heard he many scoffs and taunts in the town: for ballads were openly sung in the commendation of the vanquishers, and reproach of his folly that was vanquished. So soon as Galeas Duke of Milan (then living) understood of this adventure, he rejoiced not a little thereat, notwithstanding that he were the D. of Burgundy's confederate: for he was entered into league with him for fear only, seeing the Duke so highly favoured in Italy. Wherefore the said D. of Milan sent in all haste to the King a citizen of Milan, a man of small appearance, who by mediation of others was directed to me, and brought me a letter from the Duke: whereof when I had advertised the King, he commanded me to hear his message. For he would not give him audience himself, because he was displeased with the Duke of Milan for abandoning his league with him, to enter into confederacy with the Duke of Burgundy, and the rather for that his wife was the Queen's sister. The said ambassadors message was, that his Master the Duke of Milan was advertised that the King and the Duke of Burgundy should meet to conclude a final peace and a league greatly to his Master's discontentation, & divers slender reasons he alleged to dissuade the K. from the conclusion thereof. But his last persuasion was, that if the K. would be bound to make neither peace nor truce with the D. of Burgundy, his M. would presently give him 100000. ducats. When the K. heard the substance of his embassage, he caused him to come to his presence, myself only being with him, and said thus briefly unto him: Hear is Monseur d'Argenton that advertiseth me thus and thus: tell your M. I will none of his money; for I levy once in a year thrice as much as he. And as touching peace or war, I will dispose thereof at my pleasure: but if your Master repent him that he hath forsaken his league with me, to enter into confederacy with the Duke of Burgundy, tell him I am contented that the league between us shall continue as it was first concluded. The ambassador gave him most humble thanks, perceiving him by his answer to be no covetous Prince, and desired that it would please him to cause the said league between him and his Master to be proclaimed in manner and form as it was first concluded, saying that he had power to bind his Master to agree thereunto. The K. was contented, and after dinner it was proclaimed, & an ambassador forthwith dispatched to Milan, where the league was again proclaimed with great solemnity. This is one blow adversity gave the Duke of Burgundy: for here is one mighty Prince suddenly fallen from him; who had sent a great and solemn embassage to enter into league with him but three weeks before. King Rene of Sicily was purposed to make the Duke of Burgundy his heir, and to put Provence into his hands, so far forth that Monseur de Chasteauguion that now is, and divers others were already gone into Piedmont with 20000. crowns to levy men to take possession of the said country for the Duke of Burgundy: but upon the news of this overthrow they fled, and hardly saved themselves; and as touching their money, the Lord of Bresse being then in those parts took it. The Duchess of Savoy hearing these news sent word thereof immediately to King Rene of Sicily, extenuating the overthrow, and willing him to be of good cheer, notwithstanding this small loss: but her messengers being Provincials were intercepted, and thereby King Renes practice with the Duke of Burgundy discovered. Whereupon the King sent forces to the frontiers of Provence , and ambassadors to the King of Sicily, desiring him to come to him and assuring him of good entertainment, which if he refused to do, he threatened by force to prevent this inconvenience. Wherefore in the end the King of Sicily agreed to repair to Lions to the King, where he was honourably received and well feasted. I was with the King and heard the words that passed between them at their first meeting: which being ended, john Coss Seneschal of Provence, a worthy gentleman and of a good house in the realm of Naples, said thus to the King. Sir, you must not marvel if the King my Master your Uncle offered to make the Duke of Burgundy his heir: for he was counseled thereunto by his servants, especially by myself, because you being his sister's son & his nephew, have done him so great wrong in taking from him the castles of Bar and Angiers, and handled him so ill in all his other affairs. Wherefore we meant to enter into this practice with the Duke of Burgundy, to the end that you hearing this news might endeavour yourself to repair the injuries you have done us, and acknowledge in the end the King our Master to be your Uncle: but we never minded to bring this treaty to a full conclusion. The King being a wise Prince took this practice in good part, which the said john Coss uttered indeed simply as it was meant; for he himself was the only contriver thereof. In short space all controversies between them were ended, and money was given to the King of Sicily and his servants. Further, the King feasted him with the Ladies, and used him in all points according to his own humour as near as he could; and of the Duke of Burgundy no more mention was made, but he was utterly abandoned of King Rene. This is another mishap that ensued this small adversity. The Duchess also of Savoye who of long time was thought great enemy to the King her brother, sent one Monseur de Montaigny (who was addressed to me) with a secret message to reconcile herself to the King, alleging divers reasons why she was fallen out with him, and wherein she stood in fear of him. Notwithstanding she was a very wise Lady and the King's sister indeed: for it appeared that she meant to temporize as he did, to see what would happen further to the Duke before she would abandon him. The King gave her better words than he was accustomed, and sent the messenger very good answers by me, willing him to desire his Mistress to come into France; and thus her man was dispatched. See here an other of the Duke of Burgundy's confederates practising to forsake him. Besides this, through the whole country of Almain enemies began to declare themselves against him, and all the Imperial towns, as Nuremberg, Francfort and divers others, joined themselves with these old and new confederates of Switzerland: so that all the world seemed to be persuaded the doing of him harm to be good service to God. The spoils of his camp enriched marvelously these poor Swissers, who at the first knew not what treasures were fallen into their hands, especially those of the ruder sort: one of the goodliest & richest pavilions in the world was torn all to pieces. There were that sold a number of silver plates and dishes for two sauce a piece, supposing them to be pewter. The Duke's great diamond being the goodliest jewel in Christendom, at the which hung a great orient pearl, was taken up by a Swisser, who put it again into the box where it was kept and threw it under a cart; but after returned to seek it, and sold it to a Priest for a guldon, who sent it to the Lords of their country, of whom he received three franks for it. They won also three goodly ballais rubies, called the three brethren, because they were in all points like, and another great ballais ruby called Lafoy hot, with a goodly stone called the round ball of Flaunders, the greatest and fairest stones in the world. Other infinite treasures they gained also; which since hath taught them to know what is money worth. Further, the victories they obtained, the account the King made of them ever after, and the sums of money he bestowed upon them, have marvelously enriched them. Every ambassador of theirs that came to him at the beginning of these wars, received goodly presents of him either in money or plate, whereby he assuaged the displeasure they had conceived against him for not declaring himself the Duke of Burgundy's enemy: for he sent them home well contented, with full purses and clothed in silks and velvets. Then began he also to promise them a yearly pension of 40000. guldons, which afterward he truly paid, but the second battle was passed first. Of this pension twenty thousand guldons were for the towns, and the other twenty thousand for the governors of the towns. And I think verily I should not lie, if I said that between the first battle of Granson and the King our Master's death, these towns and governors of the Swissers received out of France above a million of florins. When I name towns I mean but these four: Berne, Lucerne, Friburge, and Zurich, together with their cantons situate in the mountains. Swiss also is one of their cantons though but a village. Yet have I seen an ambassador of that village clothed in very simple apparel give his advise in every matter as well as any of the rest. The other two cantons are called Soleurre and Vnderwalde. The Notes. 1. For Provence was held of the crown of France, and therefore the King would not suffer his enemy the Duke of Burgundy to possess it. How the Swissers vanquished the Duke of Burgundy in battle near to the town of Morat. Chap. 3. NOw to return to the Duke of Burgundy, he levied men on all sides, so that within three weeks he had assembled a mighty army: for a great number of his soldiers that fled the day of the battle, repaired again to his camp. He lay at Losanna in Savoy, (where you my Lord of Vienna) assisted him with your counsel in a dangerous sickness he was fallen into, for sorrow and grief of the dishonour he had received, which so much altered him that I think after this battle of Granson, his wits were never so fresh nor so good as before . Of this new army he now levied I speak upon the Prince of Tarentes' report, who made relation thereof to the King in my presence. For you shall understand that the said Prince about a year before the battle, was come to the Duke of Burgundy with a goodly train in hope to marry his daughter and heir. And notwithstanding that his behaviour, apparel and train showed him indeed to be a King's son, and his father the King of Naples to have spared no cost in setting him forth: yet did the Duke but dissemble with him, and fed at the self same time with fair promises the Duchess of Savoye putting her in hope of this marriage for her son. Wherefore the Prince of Tarente called Don Frederick of Arragon and his Counsel misliking these delays, sent to the King our Master a herald of arms a wise fellow, who humbly besought him to grant the Prince his safe conduct to pass through his realm to the King his father who had sent for him, which he easily obtained of the King, because it seemed to tend to the Duke of Burgundy's dishonour and discredit. Notwithstanding before the Prince's messenger was returned to his Master, a great number of these confederated towns were assembled and encamped hard by the Duke of Burgundy. The said Prince obeying the King his father's commandment took his leave of the Duke the night before the second battle was fought, for at the first he was present, and behaved himself like a valiant gentleman. Some say (my Lord of Vienna) that he used your advise herein: for when he was here with the King I have heard both him and the Duke of Ascoly commonly called the Earl julio, and divers others affirm, that you wrote in Italy of the first and second battle, and told what should ensue thereof, long before they were fought. At the Prince's departure, great forces of these confederate towns were encamped (as I have said) hard by the Duke of Burgundy, and came to give him battle, meaning to levy the siege he held before Morat a little town near to Berne, belonging to the Earl of Romont. The said towns had in their army (as some that were at the battle have informed me) 35000. men, whereof four thousand were horsemen, the rest footmen well chosen and well armed; that is to say, 11000. pikes, 10000 halberds, and ten thousand arquebusiers. Their whole force was not yet assembled, and these only fought the battle, neither needed any more help. The Duke of Lorraine arrived at their camp a little before the battle, with a very small train, which his coming turned afterward to his great profit: for the Duke of Burgundy held then all his country, and a happy turn it was for him that they waxed weary of him in our Court, as all those that maintain a noble man overthrown usually do; notwithstanding he never understood thus much. The King gave him a small sum of money, and sent a good troop of men of arms to convey him safe through Lorraine; who brought him to the frontiers of Almain, and then returned home. This Duke of Lorraine had not only lost his Duchy of Lorraine, the County of Vaudemont, and the greatest part of Barrois (the rest being withheld from him by the King, so that he had nothing left:) but his subjects also, yea his household servants had voluntary done homage to the Duke of Burgundy: so that his estate seemed almost irrecoverable. Notwithstanding God remaineth always judge to determine such causes at his pleasure. After the Duke of Lorraine was passed through Lorraine into Almain, and had iourneied a few days, he arrived at the Almains camp with small force three or four hours before the battle began: which voyage (as before I have said) turned to his great honour and profit; for if his success had been bad, I think he should have found but cold entertainment in any place. At the very instant that he arrived, the battles marched on both sides. For the confederates had lain in camp three days or more in a strong place hard by the Duke of Burgundy, who was at the very first discomfited and put to flight : neither had he so good luck here as in the former battle, wherein he lost but seven men of arms; which happened because the Swissers had then no horsemen: but at this battle near to Morat (whereof I now speak) they had four thousand horsemen well mounted, the which pursued fiercely the Burgundians that fled. Further, their battle of footmen joined also with the Duke's battle, which was mighty and strong: for besides great force of his own subjects, and certain English men that served him; divers bands were newly come to him out of Piedmont and the Duchy of Milan. So that the Prince of Tarente at his being here with the King told me, that he never saw in his life so goodly an army: for he himself and divers others by his commandment numbering the force as it passed over a bridge, had told to the number of 23000. soldiers taking pay, besides those that followed the army and were appointed to serve at the artillery; which force me think was great, notwithstanding that many talk of millions, and report they wots not what, making armies five times greater than they are. The Lord of Contay who came to the King immediately after the battle, confessed in my hearing, that the Duke his Master lost there 8000. soldiers taking pay, besides the stragglers: so that the wholenumber of the dead (for aught I could ever learn to the contrary) amounted to 18000. which is not incredible, considering both the great force of horsemen that divers Princes of Almain had there; and also the great number of men that were slain in the Duke's camp, lying still at the siege before Morat . The Duke fled into Burgundy utterly discomforted, and not without cause; and held himself close in a town called La Riviere, where he assembled all the forces he could. The Swissers followed the chase but that night, and then retired without further pursuit of their enemies. The Notes. 1 The Duke after the battle of Granson retired first to joingne, from thence to Noseret, and then to Losanna. La March. 2 This proveth both Vitia animi scatere ad corpus, & animam sequi temperaturam corporis, which proceedeth of the great sympathy between the mind and body. Livy lib. 1. decad. 1. writeth thus; Longinquus morbus, Tulli mores prorsus immutavit. 3 The Duke laid his siege before Morat (called in Dutch Murten) the 9 of june 1476. with 40000. men. Annal. Burgund. and so had the Swissers also, Idem. Meyer saith the Duke had but 24000. and the Swissers 30000. 4 This battle was fought 22. day of june. 1476. Annal. Burgund. Meyer. 5 Others writ 17000. others 22700. others 26000. and of the Swissers but 50. Meyer saith the Duke lost 14000. 6 For better understanding of this place, we must know that after the Duke's vaward was overthrown, they within Morat issued forth and joined with the Duke of Lorraine, and entered perforce the Duke of Burgundy's camp lying before the said town of Morat, where they made a great slaughter, as our author here maketh mention. How after the battle of Morat the Duke of Burgundy took the Duchess of Savoy, and how she was delivered and sent home into her country by the King's means. Chap. 4. THis misfortune drove the Duke into utter despair: for he well perceived by the sequel of the first battle at Granson (between the which and this second there was but three weeks space ) that all his friends would abandon him. Wherefore by the advise of those that were about him, he made the Duchess of Savoy and one of her children now Duke of Savoy, to be led by force into Burgundy: but her eldest son was conveyed away by certain of her servants; for those that committed this outrage did it in great fear and upon a sudden. The cause that moved the Duke hereunto was partly fear, lest the Duchess should retire to the King her brother; and partly because all these misfortunes were happened to him (as he said) for succouring this house of Savoy. Thus was the Duchess led to the castle of Rowre near to Dyion, where a small guard was appointed over her. Notwithstanding every body that would, went to visit her, and among others the Lord of Chasteauguion, and the marquess of Rotelin that now are, between the which two and two of the Duchess' daughters the Duke of Burgundy endeavoured to make two marriages, which afterward were accomplished. Her eldest son called Philibert then Duke of Savoy, was led by those that stole him away to Chambery, where the Bishop of Geneva lay, who was also of the house of Savoy. This Bishop was altogether given to sloth and wantonness, and governed wholly by a Knight of the Rhodes : but the King so practised with him, and the Knight his governor, that they put into his hands the said Duke of Savoy, and a little brother of his called Le Prothonostaire, together with the castles of Chambery and Montmelian, and held also to the Kings use another castle where all the Duchess' jewels lay. When the Duchess was come to Rowre accompanied with all her women, and a great number of her servants; she perceiving the Duke of Burgundy to be busied in levying men, and those that guarded her not to stand in such fear of their Master as they were accustomed: determined to send to the King her brother to reconcile herself to him, and to desire him to deliver her out of this thraldom. For notwithstanding that she feared much to fall into his hands, because of the great and long hatred that had been between them: yet the misery wherein she was, forced her in the end thereunto. Wherefore she sent to him a gentleman of Piedmont called Riverol being steward of her house, who was directed to me. When I had heard his message, and advertised the King thereof, he commanded him to come to his presence: and after he had given him audience, answered, that he would not forsake his sister in this extremity notwithstanding their former variance: and that if she would enter into league with him, he would send for her by the governor of champaign, called Master Charles of Amboise Lord of Chaumont. The said Riverol took his leave of the King, and returned with speed to his Mistress, who rejoiced much at this news. Notwithstanding she sent yet again to the King upon the return of the first message, to desire a safe conduct and assurance therein, that she should departed out of France into Savoy, and that the Duke her son and his little brother, together with the places which the King held, should be restored to her: and further that he would help to maintain her authority in Savoy; and she for her part would forsake all confederacies, and enter into league with him. All the which her requests the King granted, and immediately sent a man purposely to the said Lord of Chaumont about this enterprise: the which was well devised and executed accordingly. For the said Lord of Chaumont went himself peaceably through the country with a good band of men to Rowre, from whence he led the Duchess of Savoy and all her train to the next place of the King's dominions. Before the dispatch of the Duchess' last messenger, the King was departed from Lions, where he had lain half a year to overthrow covertly the Duke of Burgundy's enterprises without breaking the truce. But if a man consider well the Duke's estate, the King made sharper war upon him by letting him run himself out of breath, and privily stirring up enemies against him, than if he had openly proclaimed war. For immediately upon the proclamation, the Duke would have relinquished his enterprise, and then all these mishaps had never fallen upon him. The King being departed from Lions continued still his journey, and from Rowenne went down the river of Loire to Tours, where at his arrival he received news of his sister's liberty; whereat he rejoiced not a little, and sent for her with all speed to come to him, and gave order for her charges upon the way. Moreover, when she drew near, he sent a great company of gentlemen to wait upon her, and went himself to receive her as far as the gate of Plessis du Parc; where at their first meeting with a merry countenance he said unto her: Lady of Burgundy you are heartily welcome. Then she knowing by his countenance that he did but sport, made him a wise answer saying. Sir, I am a true French woman, and ready to obey you in all you shall command. The King led her to her chamber, where she was very honourably entertained. True it is that he desired to send her home as speedily as might be, whereof she was no less desirous than he: for she was a very wise woman, and they were well acquainted the one with the others conditions. The whole charge of this matter was committed to me, first to provide money to defray her in her return: secondarily to seek silks and velvets for her: and lastly to put in writing the articles of their new league and amity. Moreover, the King endeavoured to dissuade her from the marriage of her two daughters above mentioned; but she made her excuse by the daughters themselves, who were obstinate therein: which when the King perceived he yielded unto them, and in mine opinion they were well bestowed. After the Duchess had sojourned at Plessis seven or eight days, the King and she swore thence forth to be friends each to other, and writings touching their amity were interchangeably delivered between them: which done, the Duchess took her leave of the King, who caused her safely to be conveyed into her own country, and restored unto her, her children, all the places that were in his hands, all her jewels, and all that belonged to her. They were both glad of their departure, and lived ever after as brother and sister even till their death. The Notes. 1 I suppose, yea I assure myself that the Printer hath here made a great fault, and that these three weeks, must be read three months. For the battle of Granson was fought the 2. of March or April, and this battle the 22. of june; which is much more than three weeks, and agreeth well with three months, and so also annal Burgundiae report the time. 2 The French hath un Commandeur de Rhodes, what this Commandeur is look in the notes of the 9 Chapter of the 7. book. How the Duke of Burgundy lived as it were solitarily the space of certain weeks, during the which time the Duke of Lorraine recovered his town of Nancy. Chap. 5. But to proceed in this history, I must now return to the Duke of Burgundy, who after the battle of Morat, which was in the year 1476. fled to the frontiers of Burgundy and kept himself close in a town called La Riviere; where he lay more than six weeks with intent to levy yet another army, wherein notwithstanding he proceeded but slowly: for he lived as it were solitarily, in such sort that all his doings seemed (as you shall hereafter perceive) rather to proceed of obstinacy than any reason. For the grief he had conceived of the first overthrow at Granson so inwardly vexed him, that he fell into a dangerous sickness; which so altered his complexion, that whereas before his choler and natural heat was so great that he drank no wine, but Tysan every morning ordinarily, and ate conserve of roses to refresh him: now this sorrow and grief had so much weakened his spirits, that he was forced to drink the strongest wine without water, that could be gotten. And further, to reduce the blood to the hart, his Physicians were feign to put burning flax into boxing glasses, and so to set them on his breast near to the hart. Of this his sickness (my Lord of Vienna) you can better write than myself, because all the time thereof you were continually with him to assist him with your advise, & caused him also to shave his beard, which before he ware long. But in mine opinion after this sickness his wits were never so fresh as before, but much weakened and decayed. Such are the passions of those that being fallen into great misfortunes seek not the true remedies, especially of proud and disdainful Princes. For in such a case the best and soveraignest remedy is to have recourse to God, to bethink ourselves if we have in any point offended him, to humble ourselves before him, and to acknowledge our faults: for he it is that determineth these causes, and to him no man may impute any error. The second remedy in such a case is to confer with some familiar friend, to reveal boldly unto him all our passions, and not to be ashamed to utter our grief to our dear friend: for that easeth and comforteth the mind, and by talking thus in counsel with a faithful friend, the spirits recover their former virtue and strength. The third remedy in such a case is to fall to some exercise & bodily labour: for seeing we are men such pensiveness & grief can not be passed over without great passions either public or private . But the Duke took the clean contrary course, for he hid himself & kept himself solitary; whereas he should have put to flight all such melancholic austerity. Further, because he was a terrible Prince to his servants, none durst presume to give him counsel or comfort, but suffered him to follow his own sense, fearing if they had gone about to persuade with him, it might have turned them to displeasure. During this six weeks space or thereabout that he sojourned at La Riviere with small force, (which was no marvel having lost two so great battles) many new enemies arose against him, his friends fell from him, his subjects being defeated and discomfited began to murmur and despise him, which is a thing usual (as before I have said) in such adversities. Further, many places in Lorraine were either razed or won from him, namely Vaudemont, Espinall, and divers others, and on every side enemies prepared to invade him, and the miserablest slaves were the hardiest. In this hurly burly the Duke of Lorraine assembled a small force & came before Nancy: of the little towns thereabout he held the greatest part; notwithstanding the Burgundians kept still Pont-à-mousson being four leagues distant from Nancy. Among those that were besieged within the said town of Nancy, was a worshipful knight called Monseur de Beures of the house of Croy, who had under him certain arquebusiers; within the town was also an English captain though but of mean parentage, yet very valiant called Colpin , whom I myself preferred with certain others of the garrison of Guisnes to the Duke's service. This Colpin had within the town under his charge a band of three hundred English men, the which grew weary of the siege (though they were troubled neither with battery nor approaches) because the Duke made no more haste to secure them. And to say the truth, he committed a foul oversight in that he approached no near to Lorraine, but lay thus in a place far off & where he could do no service: sith it stood him more upon to defend that he had already gotten, than to invade the Swissers in hope to revenge his losses. But his obstinacy turned him to great inconvenience, in that he would ask no man's advise, but trusted wholly to his own brain: for notwithstanding that they that were besieged continually, and earnestly solicited him to secure the place; yet lay he still upon no necessity, at the said town of Riviere six weeks or thereabout; whereas if he had done otherwise, he might easily have relieved the town. For the Duke of Lorraine had no force before it, and by defending the country of Lorraine the passage from his other seniories into Burgundy should ever have been open through Luxembourg and Lorraine. Wherefore if his wits had been such then as before time I had known them, he would sure have used greater diligence. During the time that they within Nancy looked daily for succours, Colpin above mentioned, Captain of the English band within the town, was slain with a canon shot greatly to the Duke of Burgundy's loss. For the presence of one man alone endued with virtue and wisdom, though but of base race and parentage, oftentimes delivereth his Master from great incoveniences. As touching the which point I commend above all others the wisdom of the King our Master: for never Prince feared so much the Loss of his men as he did. Colpin being thus slain, the English men within the town began to mutiny and despair of succours: for neither knew they of how small power the Duke of Lorraine was, nor what goodly means the Duke of Burgundy had to levy new forces. Further, because of long time the English men had made no wars out of their own realm, they understood not what the siege of a town meant. Wherefore they resolved in the end to parliament, and told Monseur de Beures captain of the town, that if he would not fall to composition with the Duke of Lorraine, they would compound without him. He notwithstanding that he were a trusty Knight lacked courage, and fell to entreaties and persuasions; whereas in mine opinion stouter language would better have prevailed: but God had already disposed hereof. If the town had been held but three days longer, it had been relieved. To conclude, the said de Beures agreed to the English men, and yielded the place to the Duke of Lorraine : and so departed he and all that were within it with bag and baggage. The next day or at the furthest within two days after the town was yielded, the Duke of Burgundy arrived there well accompanied considering his estate: for certain bands were come to him from Luxembourg, which had been levied in his other seniories. Before Nancy the Duke of Lorraine and he met; but no great exploit was done, because the Duke of Lorrains force was small. The said Duke of Burgundy continuing still his former enterprise, determined to lay his siege again before Nancy: wherefore better it had been for him not to have delayed so long upon selfewill the succouring of the town. But God giveth such extraordinary minds to Princes when he is purposed to alter their good success. If the Duke would have followed good advise, and manned well the small places about the town, he might easily in short space have recovered it: for it was unfurnished of victuals, and he had men enough, yea too many to have held it in greater distress. In the mean time he might commodiously have refreshed and repaired his army, but he took the contrary course. The Notes. 1 Cardanus giveth three natural remedies or purgations of sorrow: fasting, weeping, sighing. 2 This Colpin the new copy calleth throughout Cohin, but the old Colpin, and La March, jehannin Collepin, wherefore I have been bold to amend it according to the old copy. 3 Nancy was yielded the 6. of October. Meyer. Of the Earl of Campobaches great treasons, and how he kept the Duke of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would have revealed them to him before he was put to death, and how the said Duke made no account of the advertisement the King sent him. Chap. 6. During the time the Duke of Burgundy held before Nancy this siege, unfortunate to himself, to all his subjects, and to many others whom this quarrel in no wise concerned: divers of his men began to practise his destruction. For (as you have heard) many enemies were now risen against him on all sides, and among others Nicholas Earl of Campobache in the realm of Naples, whence he was banished for the house of Anious faction. This Earl after the death of Nicholas Duke of Calabria whom he served, having as I said before neither lands nor living; was received with divers others of the said Duke of Calabria's servants into the Duke of Burgundy's house, who at his first coming delivered him 40000. ducats in priest to go into Italy to levy therewith four hundred lances that were under the said Earls charge and paid by himself. From the which day forward even till this present he ever sought his Master's destruction, and now seeing him in this adversity began to practise a fresh against him, both with the Duke of Lorraine and also with certain of the King's captains and servants that lay in champaign near to the Duke's camp. To the Duke of Lorraine he promised so to order the matter, that this siege should take no effect. For he would find means that such things as were necessary both for the siege and battery should be lacking; which promise he was well able to perform, for the principal charge thereof was committed to him; neither had any man so great authority in the army under the Duke of Burgundy as he. But his practices with the King's captains touched the quick nearer: for he continually promised them either to kill his Master or take him prisoner, demanding for recompense thereof the charge of these four hundred lances, twenty thousand crowns to be delivered him in ready money, and some good Earldom in France. While this Earl was practising these treasons, certain of the Duke of Lorraines gentlemen attempted to enter the town of Nancy. Some of the which entered, and some were taken, among whom was one Cifron a gentleman born in Provence, who was the only man that entertained these practices between the Earl of Campobache and the said Duke of Lorraine. The D. of Burgundy presently commanded this Cifron to be hanged, alleging that by the law of arms after a Prince hath laid his siege before a place and made his battery, if any man attempt to enter to comfort those that are besieged he ought to die. Yet is this law not practised in our wars which are much crueler than the wars of Italy or Spain where it is put in use. But law or no law, the D. would that in any wise this gentleman should die, who seeing no remedy, sent word to the D. that if it would please him to give him audience he would reveal a secret to him that touched his life; whereof certain gentlemen to whom he uttered this speech went to advertise the Duke: with whom at their arrival they found the Earl of Campobache, come thither either by chance or of purpose to be always at hand, fearing lest Cifron whom he knew to be taken should reveal all his conspiracies: for he was privy to them all; and that was indeed the secret he would have discovered. The Duke made answer to these gentlemen that brought him this message, that he used this delay only to save his life, commanding him to open the matter to them: upon the which word the Earl of Campobache laid hold, persuading the Duke that so it should be best. For you shall understand that none of the Duke's counsel, neither any other persons were present with him at the debating of this matter, but this Earl only who had charge of the whole army, and a Secretary that was writing. The prisoner answered that he would utter it to no man but to the Duke only: whereupon the Duke commanded him again to be led to execution, and so he was. But upon the way thitherward, he desired divers gentlemen to entreat the Duke their Master for him; affirming this to be such a secret as the Duke would not for a Duchy but know. Many that were acquainted with him pitied him, & went to desire the Duke to vouchsafe him the hearing. But this traitorous Earl, who kept the Duke's chamber (being of timber) so straightly that no man might enter in: refused the door to these gentlemen, saying that the Duke had commanded him to be hanged with speed; and further sent divers messengers to the Provost to hasten the execution. Thus was this Cifron hanged to the Duke of Burgundy's great prejudice, and better had it been for him to have used less cruelty, and gently to have heard this gentleman; which if he had done, peradventure he had been yet living, his house flourishing, his dominions in safety, yea and much enlarged, considering the broils that have happened since in this realm. But it is to be thought that God had otherwise disposed hereof, because of the dishonourable part the Duke had played the Earl of Saint Paul Constable of France not long before. For you have already heard in this history how notwithstanding his safe conduct, he took him prisoner, delivered him to the King to put him to death, and sent also all the letters and writings he had of the said Constables serving for his process. And although the Duke had just cause to hate him even to the death, and to procure his death for divers considerations too long to rehearse, (so that he might have done it without staining his honour:) yet all the reasons that may be alleged on his behalf, cannot excuse his fault in that contrary to his promise & honour, having given him a sufficient safe conduct; he took him and sold him for covetousness, partly to recover the town of S. Quintin with other the said Constables places, lands and goods; and partly to stay the King from hindering his enterprise at Nancy when he first besieged it. For lying at that siege, after many delays he delivered the Constable, fearing lest the King's army being in champaign would have hindered his said enterprise if he had done otherwise. For the King threatened him by his ambassadors, because it was agreed between them, that whether of them could first lay hands upon him, should deliver him to the other within eight days, or put him to death. But the Duke had passed the term of the Constable's delivery many days as you have heard; so that the only fear of losing Nancy, and the greedy desire of having it caused the Duke to deliver him to the King. But even as in this place of Nancy he committed this foul fault, and afterward also in the same place at the second siege put Cifron to death, refusing to hear him speak, as one having his ears stopped and wits troubled: even so in the selfsame place was he himself deceived, and betrayed by him whom he most trusted, and peradventure justly punished for his false dealing with the Constable, in delivering him for covetousness to have the said town. But the judgement hereof appertaineth to God alone, neither speak I it to any other end but to declare this matter at large, and to show how much a good Prince ought to eschew such false and faithless dealing, what counsel soever be given him thereunto. For oftentimes those that give a Prince such advise; do it either to flatter him, or because they dare not gainsay him: and yet when the fault is committed, they are sorry for it, knowing the punishment both of God and man that is like to ensue. But such councillors are better far from a Prince than near about him. You have heard how God appointed this Earl of Campobache his deputy in this world, to take revenge of the Constable's death committed by the Duke of Burgundy, in the selfsame place, and after the same manner, or rather a crueler. For even as the Duke contrary to his safe conduct and the trust the Constable had reposed in him, delivered him to death: even so was himself betrayed by the trustiest man in his army (I mean by him whom he most trusted) and whom he had received into his service being old, poor, and destitute of living, and whom he yearly entertained with an hundred thousand ducats, wherewith this Earl himself paid his men of arms, besides divers other great benefits that he had received at the Duke's hands. And when he first began to conspire his death he was going into Italy with 40000. ducats, which (as you have heard) he had received in priest of the Duke to levy therewith his men of arms. Moreover, the better to execute his traitorous enterprise, he practised in two places, first with a physician dwelling in Lions called Master Simon of Pavia; & afterward with the King's ambassador in Savoy, as before I have rehearsed. Again at his return out of Italy, his men of arms lying in certain small towns in the county of Marle which is in Lannois, he began anew to practise against his Master, offering either to deliver into the King's hands all the places he held: or when the King should be in battle against his Master, a privy token to be between them; upon the sight whereof he would turn with all his company to the King against the Duke his Master. But this last overture pleased not the King. He offered yet further, so soon as his Master should be abroad with his army, either to take him prisoner or to kill him, as he went to view the seat of his camp; which last enterprise undoubtedly he would have executed. For the Duke's manner was when he alighted from his horse at the place where he encamped, to disarm himself all saving his quirace, and to mount upon a little nag, accompanied only with eight or ten archers on foot, or sometime two or three gentlemen of his chamber; in the which estate he used to ride about his camp, to see if it were well enclosed: so that the said Earl might with ten horses easily have executed his enterprise. But the King detesting the continual treasons of this man against his Master, especially this last being attempted in time of truce; and further not knowing thoroughly to what purpose he made these offers: determined of a noble courage to discover them to the Duke of Burgundy; and accordingly advertised him at large of them all by the Lord of Contay (so often before named) I myself being present when he declared them to the said Contay, who I am sure like a faithful servant revealed them to his Master. But the Duke taking all in evil part, said that if it were so, the King would never have advertised him thereof. This was long afore he laid his siege before Nancy; yet think I that he never spoke word thereof to the said Earl: for he loved him ever after rather better than worse. How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains, came to the town of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy, and how the King of Portugal who was in France, came to see the D. of Burgundy during the said siege. Chap. 7. LEt us now return to our principal matter, I mean the siege the Duke held before Nancy, which he began in the midst of winter with small force, evil armed, evil paid, and the most part sick. The mightiest in his camp practised against him as you have heard, and generally they murmured all, and despised all his doings, as in adversity commonly it happeneth: but none attempted aught against his person or estate, save this Earl of Campobache only; for in his subjects no disloyalty was found. While he lay there in this poor estate, the Duke of Lorraine treated with the confederated towns before named, to levy men in their territories to fight with the Duke of Burgundy lying before Nancy, whereunto all the towns easily agreed, but the Duke of Lorraine lacked money: wherefore the King sent ambassadors to the Swissers in his favour, and lent him also 40000. franks towards the payment of his Almains. Further, the Lord of Cranmer who was then the King's lieutenant in champaign, lay in Barrois with seven or eight hundred lances and certain frank archers led by very expert captains. The Duke of Lorraine by means of the King's favour and money, drew unto his service great force of Almains as well horsemen as footmen, besides the which the towns also furnished a great number of their own charge. Moreover, with the said Duke were many gentlemen of this realm, and the King's army as I said before lay in Barrois, which made no war, but waited to see to whether part the victory would incline. The Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with these Almains above mentioned, came and lodged at Saint Nicholas two leagues from Nancy. The King of Portugal had been in this realm at that present the space of nine months: for the King our Master was entered into league with him against the King of Spain that now is. Whereupon the said King of Portugal came into France, hoping that the King would lend him a great army to invade Castille by the frontiers of Biscay or Navarre. For the said King of Portugal held certain places in Castille bordering upon Portugal, and certain also upon the confines of France; namely, the castle of Bourgues, and divers others: so that if the King had aided him as once he was purposed, it is like his enterprise had taken effect: but the King altered his mind, and foded him forth with fair words the space of a year or more. During the which time his affairs in Castille daily impaired: for at his coming into France all the nobles in manner of the realm of Castille took part with him, but because of his long absence, by little and little they altered their minds, and made peace with King Ferrande and Queen Isabella now reigning. The King our Master excused his not aiding him according to his promise by the wars in Lorraine, alleging that he feared that the Duke of Burgundy (if he recovered his losses) would forthwith invade him. This poor King of Portugal being a good and a just Prince , resolved to go to the Duke of Burgundy his cousin german to treat of peace between the King and him, to the end that then the King might aid him: for he was ashamed to return into Castille or Portugal in this estate having done no good here in France; and the rather because he had taken this journey upon him very rashly, and contrary to the advise of the most of his counsel. Wherefore he put himself upon the way in the midst of winter to go to the Duke of Burgundy his cousin lying before Nancy: where at his arrival he began to treat with him according to the King's instructions. But perceiving it an impossibility to agree them because their demands were contrary in all points; after he had remained there two days he took his leave of the Duke of Burgundy his cousin, and returned to Paris from whence he came. The Duke desired him to stay a while, and to go to Pont-à-musson four leagues from Nancy to defend that passage: for the Duke was already advertised that the Almains army lay at Saint Nicholas. But the King of Portugal excused himself, saying: that he was neither armed nor accompanied for such an enterprise; and so returned to Paris, where he remained a long time, till in the end he entered into jealousy, that the King meant to take him prisoner and deliver him to his enemy the King of Castille. Whereupon he and two of his servants disguised themselves, purposing to go to Rome there to enter into religion. But as he iourneied in this disguised attire, he was taken by a Norman called Robinet le Beuf. Of this his departure the King our Master was both sorry and ashamed: and thereupon armed divers ships upon the coast of Normandy to convey him into Portugal; of the which fleet George Leger was appointed Admiral. The occasion of his war upon the King of Castille was for his sister's daughter. For you shall understand that his sister had been wife to Don Henry King of Castille that last died; and had issue a goodly daughter which liveth yet in Portugal unmarried. This daughter Queen Isabella sister to the said King Henry , held from the crown of Castille, saying that she was illegitimate; of the which opinion were also many others, alleging that King Henry was impotent to generation, for a certain impediment that I overpass. But whether it were so or no; notwithstanding that the said daughter were borne under the vail of marriage: yet remained the crown of Castille to Queen Isabella and her husband the King of Arragon and Sicily now reigning. This King of Portugal above mentioned, laboured to make a marriage between the said daughter his niece and King Charles the eight now reigning, which was the cause of this his voyage into France, that turned so greatly to his damage and grief. For soon after his return into Portugal he died. Wherefore (as I said in the beginning of this history) a Prince ought to beware what ambassadors he sendeth into a strange country. For if they had been wise that came from the King of Portugal into France to conclude the league above mentioned (whereat I myself was present, as one in commission for the King) they would have informed themselves better of our affairs in these parts before they had counseled their Master to enter into this voyage, which turned so much to his loss and damage. The Notes. 1 He meaneth a simple Prince of wit. 2 How the King of Portugal and the Duke of Burgundy were cousin germane, the Pedigree in the end of the work will declare. 3 The Pedigree in the end of the work will make this plain. 4 Before he calleth Rene King of Sicily, but King Rene had but the title not the possession. How the Duke of Burgundy refusing the good counsel of divers of his men, was discomfited and slain in the battle fought between him and the Duke of Lorraine, near to Nancy. Chap. 8. I Would have passed over this discourse of the King of Portugal, had it not been to show that a Prince ought to beware how he put himself into another Prince's hands, or go in person to demand aid. But now to return to the principal matter. Within a day after the King of Portugals departure from the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Lorraine and the Almains that served him, dislodged from Saint Nicholas, and marched to fight with the said Duke; and the self same day the Earl of Campobache to accomplish his enterprise departed from the Duke's camp , and revolted to his enemies with eight score men of arms, sorrowing only that he could do his Master no more harm. They within Nancy had intelligence of this Earls practices, which encouraged them to endure the siege. Further, one that leapt down the ditches entered the town and assured them of succours, otherwise they were upon the point to have yielded it. And to say the truth had it not been for the said Earls treasons, they could never have held it so long; but God was fully determined to bring the Duke to his end. The Duke of Burgundy being advertised of the Duke of Lorrains arrival, assembled his counsel contrary to his accustomed manner; for he was never wont to ask any man's advise, but in all matters to follow his own sense. Most of them counseled him to retire to Pont-à-musson, being but four leagues thence, & to man the places well which he held about Nancy, alleging that the Almains would departed so soon as they had victualled the town, and the Duke of Lorrains money fail him; so that he should not be able in long time to assemble the like force. They said further, that his enemies could not victual the town so well, but that before winter were half expired it should be in as great distress as at that present, and in the mean time, he might levy men: for I have been informed by those that perfectly understood it that he had not in all his army above four thousand soldiers, of the which hardly twelve hundred were able to fight. Money he lacked not, for in the castle of Luxembourg being not far thence, were at the least 450000. crowns, and men enough he might have recovered. But God would not give him grace to follow this wise advise, nor perceive how many enemies lodged round about him on every side: so that he took the worst course, and by the advise of certain harebrained fools determined to hazard the battle with these few terrified and heartless men; notwithstanding all the reasons alleged to him, both of the great force of Almains the Duke of Lorraine had, and also of the King's army that lay hard by his camp. When the Earl of Campobache was come to the Duke of Lorraine, the Almains commanded him to departed, saying, that they would have no traitor among them. Wherefore he retired to Condé a castle and passage near at hand , which he fortified with carts and other provisions the best he could, trusting that when the Duke of Burgundy and his men fled, some of them would fall into his hands, as indeed a great many did. But this practice with the Duke of Lorraine was not his greatest treason; for a little before his departure he conspired with divers in the Duke's army, resolving with them (because he saw no hope of killing or taking his Master prisoner) to revolt to the enemies at the very instant that the two battles should join; but sooner not to departed, to the end their sudden revolt might the more astonish and terrify the Duke's whole army. Further, he promised assuredly, if the Duke fled that he should never escape alive; for he would leave thirteen or fowerteene trusty fellows behind him, some to begin to fly at the very instant that the Almains should march: and other some to have an eye on the Duke to kill him if he fled, which enterprise he made full account to execute; and two or three I knew afterwards myself of those that were left behind for that purpose. After he had conspired these abominable treasons, he returned again to the Duke's camp, and then revolted from him (as you have heard) when he saw the Almains march, of whom being refused, he retired as I said before to this castle of Condy. The said Almains marched forward, being accompanied with great force of French horse men that had leave given them to be at the battle. divers also there were that lay in ambushes near to the place, to the end if the D. were discomfited they might get some good prisoner or booty▪ Thus you see the miserable estate this poor Duke of Burgundy was fallen into, by refusing good advise. When the two armies joined, the Duke's having been already twice discomfited, and being but small and in very evil order, was incontinent broken and put to flight; a great number escaped, the rest were either slain or taken, and namely the Duke himself died upon the place. Of the manner of his death , I will not speak because I was not there present: but I have communed with some that were there, who told me that they saw him stricken to the ground, & could not succour him because they were prisoners. Notwithstanding to their judgement he was not then slain, but after these came a great troop which slew him in the midst of them, stripped him, and left him among the dead bodies, not knowing who he was . This battle was fought the fift of january , 1476. upon Twelfth even. 1477. beginning the year as New years tide. The Notes. 1 He departed upon wednesday with 180. Meyer saith almost 200. men of arms, that is 800. horse, and on saturday departed the Lords of Dauge or Augy as Meyer nameth him, and Montfort with 120. men of arms, that is 480. horse, and upon sunday was the battle. Annal. Acquit. Meyer. Annal. Burgund. 2 The castle of Condy was the passage upon the bridge of the river of Moselle. Meyer. 3 The Duke lost in the battle of Nancy 3000. men. Annal. Burgund. 4 He had three wounds, one with a halberd in the side of his head, which clave his head down to the teeth, another with a pike through the haunches, and the third a push also with a pike by the fundament. Annal. Burg. He was born the 11. of November 1433. and was 34. years old when he began to govern: he lived 43. years, one month, and 26. days: and governed nine years, six months, and twenty days. Meyer. 5 The name of him that slew Duke Charles was claud of Bausmont, captain of the castle of Saint Dier in Lorraine. The Duke was mounted upon a black courser, and seeing his battles overthrown, took a little river supposing to have saved himself, but in the river his horse fell and overthrew him: and then this gentleman not knowing him, and by reason he was deaf not hearing the Duke, who cried to him for the safety of his life, ran upon him, slew him, stripped him, and left him lying stark naked in the ditch. Where the next day after the battle, his body was found so fast frozen in the ice, that when it was drawn forth a piece of his cheek tarried there behind. The Duke of Lorraine to his great honour solemnly buried him, himself and all his nobles accompanying the corpse in mourning attire. The place where the Duke was slain was hard by S. john's Church without Nancy, where the Duke of Lorraine erected a cross for a memorial thereof. The gentleman that slew him died soon after of melancholy, when he understood that he had slain so worthy and courageous a Prince. Champier. annal Burgund. 6 The battle at Nancy Meyer nameth the battle of jaruilla. 7 Being sunday, and as others write ann. 1477. but the variance both in this place and divers others between Commines and them is, because they end the year at New years tied, and he not before our Lady day, as by the course of his history is most plain. A discourse upon certain virtues of the Duke of Burgundy, and of the time his house flourished in prosperity. Chap. 9 I Saw at Milan since his death a signet that I have often seen him wear at his breast, which was a ring set with a camée, having very curiously cut into it an iron to strike fire , wherein his arms were graven. This ring was sold at Milan for two ducats, and he that stole it from him was a false knave, that had been a groom of his chamber. Many a time have I seen him made ready and unready with great reverence and solemnity, and that by great personages. But now when death came, all these honours fleeted away, and both he and his house were destroyed as you have heard, in the selfsame place where a little before he had consented for covetousness to deliver the Constable to death. I had known him in times past a mighty and honourable Prince; as much yea more esteemed and sought to of his neighbours, than any Prince in Christendom. Further, in mine opinion the greatest cause of God's indignation against him, was for that he attributed all his good success, and all the great victories he obtained in this world, to his own wisdom and virtue; and not to God, as he ought to have done. And undoubtedly he was endued with many goodly virtues: for never was Prince more desirous to entertain noble men, and keep them in good order than he. His liberality seemed not great , because he made all men partakers thereof. Never Prince gave audience more willingly to his servants and subjects than he . While I served him he was not cruel, but grew marvelous cruel towards his end: which was a sign of short life. In his apparel and all other kind of furniture he was wonderful pompous, yea somewhat too excessive. He received very honourably all ambassadors and strangers, feasting them sumptuously, and entertaining them with great solemnity. Covetous he was of glory, which was the chief cause that made him move so many wars: for he desired to imitate those ancient Princes, whose fame continueth till this present. Lastly, hardy he was and valiant, as any man that lived in his time: but all his great enterprises and attempts ended with himself, and turned to his own loss and dishonour; for the honour goeth ever with the victory. Yet to say the truth, I wots not well whether God powered out greater indignation upon him, or upon his subjects: for he died in battle without any long grief; but they since his death never lived in peace, but in continual war; against the which they have not been able to make resistance, because of their own civil troubles and divisions. Yea and another thing that most grieveth them is, that they that now defend them are strangers, who not long since were their enemies, namely the Almains. To conclude, since the Duke's death never man bore them good will, no not they that defend them. Further, if a man consider well their actions, it seemeth that their wits were as much troubled, as their Princes before his death: for they despised all good counsel, and sought all means to hurt themselves. In the which vale of misery they are still like to continue; or if happily they wade out of it for a season, like they are to fall into it again. Wherefore I am of a certain wise man's opinion of my acquaintance, that God giveth to subjects Princes, according as he will punish or chastise them; and likewise towards the Prince disposeth the subjects hearts, according as he will advance or abase him: and even so dealt he with the subjects of this house of Burgundy. For after three great, good and sage Princes, who governed them the space of 120. years or more, with great wisdom and virtue, he gave them in the end this D. Charles, who held them in continual wars, travel and charges, almost as much in winter as summer: so that a great number of rich wealthy men were either slain in these wars, or starved in prison. Their great miseries began before Nuz, and continued with the loss of three or four battles, till the hour of the Duke's death; who in this last battle wasted and consumed the whole force of his country, and lost all his servants that could or would have defended the estate and honour of his house. It seemeth therefore (as before I said) that this adversity hath countervailed all the time of their felicity. For as I say, that I have seen him a great, mighty and honourable Prince: so may I say also of his subjects: for I have traveled the best part of Europe in mine opinion, yet saw I never country in my life of the like greatness, no nor far greater, abound with such wealth, riches, sumptuous buildings, large expenses, feasts, banquets and all kind of prodigality, as these countries of Burgundy did, during the time that I was there. And if those that knew them not during the time that I speak of, think my report too large: I am sure others that knew them then as well as myself, will think it too little. But God with one blow hath laid flat on the ground this sumptuous building, I mean this mighty house that bred and maintained so many worthy men; that was so greatly esteemed both far and near, and obtained greater victories, and lived in greater honour during the time it flourished than any other: which great felicity and grace of God towards them continued the space of a hundred and twenty years. During the which time all their neighbours suffered great afflictions, namely, France, England and Spain, so far forth that all these at one time or other have come to crave help and succour of this house of Burgundy, as you have seen by experience, of the King our Master, who in his youth while his father King Charles the seventh reigned, lived in Burgundy the space of six years, with good Duke Philip, who lovingly received him. As touching the Princes of England, I have seen in the Duke of Burgundy's court King Edward's two brethren the Dukes of Clarence, and Gloucester who afterward named himself King Richard the third: and on the contrary side of the house of Lancaster that took part with King Henry, I have seen in manner all the noble men suing to this house of Burgundy for aid. To be short, as I have known this house honoured of all men: so have I also seen it at one instant fall down topsie turuy, and become the most desolate and miserable house in the world, both in respect of the Prince and also of the subjects. Such like works hath God brought to pass before we were borne, and will also when we are dead. For this we ought certainly to believe, that the good or evil success of Princes dependeth wholly upon his divine ordinance. The Notes. 1 Of the devise of the Fuzill read the chronicles of Flanders pag. 345. claud Paradin in his devices heroiques pag. 46. and Annal. Burgund. lib. 3. pag. 711. who saith that he gave the striking iron, because it is made in the form of B. which is the first letter of Burgundy. Further, he giveth the said iron striking against a stone with infinite sparkles flying from them, to signify that the cruel wars between the Duke of Burgundy and the realm of France had set all their neighbours on fire. 2 His meaning is that because he bestowed upon every man, he could not bestow much upon any one, whereby his liberality was the less apparent. 3 He meaneth in hearing their suits; for as touching matters of counsel he hath said before in divers places that he would never use any man's advise. How the King was advertised of the Duke of Burgundy's last overthrow, and how he governed his affairs after the said Duke's death. Chap. 10. But to proceed in our history, the King who had now laid posts in his realm (for before were never any) looked hourly for the certain news of this battle of Nancy, because of the occurrents he had already received of the Almains arrival, and of all the other circumstances above rehearsed: and was forthwith advertised of the Duke's overthrow. divers there were that waited diligently to bear him the first news hereof; for always he gave somewhat to him that first brought him tidings of any good news, withal not forgetting the messengers. Further, his delight was to talk of them before they came, and to promise reward to him that could bring him some good news. Monseur de Bouchage and myself being together, received the first word of the battle of Morat, whereof both of us jointly advertised the King, who gave to each of us two hundred marks of silver. Monseur de Lude who lodged without Plessis, was the first man that knew of the couriers arrival with the letters of this battle of Nancy, and commanded the said Courier to deliver him his packet, who durst not deny it him, because of the King's great favour towards him. The next morning by break of day the said de Lude came rapping at the door next to the King's chamber, which forthwith was opened to him; and in he went and delivered these letters sent from the Lord of Cranmer and divers others; notwithstanding none of them writ any certainty of the Duke's death: but some reported that he was seen fly, and was escaped. This news at the first so ravished the King with joy, that he witted not what countenance to show: notwithstanding two doubts there were that troubled him; the one, lest the Almains, if the Duke were taken, for greediness of money (whereof the Duke had plenty) would not only ransom him, but also conclude some treaty with him, and of his foes become his friends. The other, if the Duke were escaped thus thrice discomfited, whether he should seize into his hands his seniories of Burgundy or no, knowing them easy to be taken, because in manner all the force of the country was slain in these three battles. Touching the which point, his resolution (whereunto few I think but myself were privy) was, if the Duke were escaped alive, to command his army that lay in champaign and Barrois to enter incontinent into Burgundy during this great fear and astonishment of the people; and having seized all the country into his hands, he meant to advertise the Duke, that he did it only to save it for him, and defend it from the Almains. For because the said Duchy was held of the crown, he would for no good that it should be a pray for them: but whatsoever he had taken, he would faithfully restore; as undoubtedly he would, though many happily will not credit it. And no marvel; for they know not the reasons that would have moved him thereunto: but he altered this determination when he understood of the Duke's death. Immediately after the King (being at Tours) had received the letters above mentioned, which reported nothing of the Duke's death; he sent into the town for all his captains, and divers noble men, to whom he read these letters; whereat they seemed in appearance greatly to rejoice: but those that looked narrowlier into their behaviour, perceived that a great many of them forced their mirth, and wished with all their hearts, notwithstanding their outward show, that the world had gone otherwise with the Duke. The reason whereof peradventure was, because the K. heretofore had lived in great fear; but now they doubted, seeing him delivered of so many enemies, that he would alter many things, especially offices and pensions. For there were a great number in the company, that had borne arms against him both in the war called THE WEAL PVELIKE (whereof you have heard in the beginning of this history) and in divers other broils between him and the Duke of Guienne his brother. After he had communed a while with these noble men and captains, he went to mass; which being ended, he caused the table to be covered in his chamber, and made them all dine with him; the Lord Chancellor, and certain others of his counsel being also present. All dinner-while he talked of these affairs: but I and divers others marked with what appetite those that sat at the table dined. And undoubtedly there was not one of them (I wots not whether for joy or sorrow) that ate half a meals meat; yet were they not ashamed to eat in the King's presence, for every one of them had often before dined at his table. When the King was risen from dinner, he withdrew himself, and gave to divers, certain of the Duke of Burgundy's lands if he were dead, and soon after dispatched the Admiral of France, called the bastard of Bourbon and myself, giving us commission to receive into his allegiance as many as would become his subjects; and further: commanding us to departed incontinent, and to open all couriers packets that we should meet with, to the end we might be certainly informed whether the Duke were dead or alive. We departed in great haste, though in the extremest cold weather that ever I felt: and when we had ridden about half a days journey, we met with a Post, whom we commanded to deliver us his letters; the contents whereof were, that the Duke was found among the dead bodies , and known by an Italian Page that served him, and by his Physician called Master Louppe a Portugal borne, who sent word to Monseur de Cranmer of the Duke his Master's death, who incontinent advertised the King thereof. The Notes. 1 By what marks the Duke's body was knuwne, read Annal. Burgund. How the King after the Duke of Burgundy's death seized into his hands the town of Abbeville, and of the answer they of Arras gave him. Chap. 11. WHen we understood these news, we rid forthwith to the suburbs of Abbeville, and were the first that brought word of the Duke's death into those parts. At our arrival we found the towns men in treaty with Monseur de Torcy, whom they had loved of long time. But the soldiers and those that had been the Duke's officers, treated with us about the delivery of the town by a messenger whom we sent thither before us, so far forth that upon our promises they caused four hundred lances to departed the town, which the towns men seeing, immediately opened the gates to Monseur de Torcy, greatly to the hindrance of the captains and the other officers of the town; to seven or eight of the which we had promised both money and pensions (for we had commission from the Kïng so to do) whereof nothing was performed because the town was not yielded by their means. This town of Abbeville was parcel of those lands that King Charles the seventh engaged to Duke Philip of Burgundy at the treaty of Arras, under this condition, that for default of heir male they should return to the crown. Wherefore it is not to be marveled if so lightly they opened to us their gates. From Abbeville we rid to dourlan's, and sent to summon Arras the chief town of Artois, the ancient inheritance of the Earls of Flaunders, which hath always descended as well to the heirs females as males. Monseur de Ravastain and Monseur de cords, who were within the town condescended to come & treat with us at an abbey near the town called Mont Saint Eloy, bringing with them certain of the town. To the which treaty we agreed that I should go and certain with me, for because we supposed they would not yield to our requests: it was thought good that the Admiral should not go. Immediately after my arrival at the place assigned, the Lords of Ravastaine and cords being accompanied with divers gentlemen, and certain also of the town repaired thither. Among those that came to negotiate with us for the town, was their Recorder, called Master john de la Vaquerie, since that time chief precedent in the court Parliament at Paris. We required them at this meeting to open us the gates and to receive us into the town for the King, saying that he claimed both town and country as his by way of confiscation; adding that if they refused so to do they were like to be forced thereunto, seeing both their Prince was slain and their country utterly unfurnished of men of war, because of these three battles they had lost. The Lords above named made us answer by the said Master john de la Vaquerie, that this county of Artois appertained of right to the Lady of Burgundy, daughter and heir to Duke Charles, and descended to her by inheritance from the Lady Margaret sometime Countess of Flaunders, Artois, Burgundy, Nevers, and Retell, the which married with Philip the first, Duke of Burgundy, son to King john of France , and youngest brother to King Charles the fift: wherefore they humbly besought the King to keep the truce concluded between him and the late Duke Charles. Our communication was but short; for we supposed before our meeting, that this should be our answer. But the chief cause of my going into those parts, was to commune with certain of mine acquaintance there, and to draw them to the King's service: with some of the which I spoke, who soon after became his faithful servants accordingly. These countries were in marruellous fear and astonishment, and not without cause; for I think that in eight days they could not have levied eight men of arms. Further, in all those quarters were not above 1500. soldiers, horsemen and footmen, which lay towards Namur & in Henault, & were of those that escaped out of the battle where the Duke was slain. Their wonted terms and manner of speech were now clean altered; for they spoke lowly and humbly: which I writ not to accuse them, as though in times past their words had been more arrogant than became them; but the truth is when I was there they thought so well of themselves, that they used not such reverent language, neither to the King, nor of the King, as they have done sithence. Wherefore if men were wise, they would use such fair speech in time of prosperity, that in adversity they should not need to change their terms. I returned to the Admiral, to make report of my negotiation: immediately whereupon we were advertised that the King was at hand; for he set forth soon after us, and commanded letters to be written both in his own name, and divers of his servants names, to cause certain to repair to him; by whose means he trusted to bring all these seniories under his obedience. The Notes. 1 The pedigree in the end of this work will show, how all these titles descended to this Lady Margaret. A discourse not appertaining to the principal matters of the greatioie the King was in to see himself delivered of so many enemies, and of the error he committed touching the reducing of these countries of Burgundy to his obedience. Chap. 12. THe King rejoiced not a little to see himself thus delivered of all those whom he hated and were his principal enemies: of some of the which he had taken the revenge himself; namely the Constable of France, the Duke of Nemours, and divers others, his brother the Duke of Guyenne was dead whose inheritance was fallen to him. In like manner all they of the house of Anjou were dead, namely King Rene of Sicily, the Dukes of Calabria john and Nicholas, and their cousin the Earl of main, and afterward of Provence: the Earl of Armignac was slain at Lestore, and all their lands and goods fallen to the King. But because this house of Burgundy was greater and mightier than the rest, and had made sharp war with the English men's aid upon his father K. Charles the seventh, thirty two years without truce, and had their dominions bordering upon his, and their subjects always desirous to make war upon him and his realm: therefore he rejoiced more at their Prince's death, than at the death of all the rest. Further, he now fully persuaded himself, that during his life, no man neither within his realm, nor in the country's bordering upon it, would once lift up his finger against him. For he was in peace (as you have heard) with the English men, the which he traveled to the uttermost of his power to continue. But although he were thus void of all fear: yet did not God permit him to take the wisest course for the achieving of this his enterprise being of so great importance. And sure it appeareth both by that God showed then and hath showed since, that he meant sharply to punish this house of Burgundy, as well in the person of the Prince, as of the subjects, and of those that lived amongst them. For if the King our Master had taken the best course, the wars that have consumed them since had never happened. For if he had done as he ought to have done, he should have sought to join to the crown all those great Seniories whereunto he could pretend no title, either by marriage or by courteous dealing with the subjects; which thing he might then easily have accomplished, seeing the great fear, misery, and distress these countries were in at that time. And if he had thus done, he should both have rid them of many troubles, & enlarged and enriched his own realm through long peace, which by this means had been easily obtained. He might also hereby have eased his realm divers ways, especially of the charge of men of arms, who continually road up and down from one corner of the realm to another, oftentimes upon small occasion. While the Duke of Burgundy yet lived, he eftsoons debated with me what were best to be done if the said Duke happened to die. And then he discoursed marvelous wisely thereof, saying, that he would travel to make a marriage between the King his son now reigning, and the Duke's daughter, afterward Duchess of Ostrich, which if she refused because of the Dauphin his sons young age; then he would attempt to win her to marry some young Lord of this realm, to obtain thereby her friendship and her subjects, and recover without blows that he claimed to be his: in the which mind he continued till eight days before he understood of the Duke's death. But this wise deliberation he began somewhat to alter the self same day he received news thereof, and the very instant that he dispatched the Admiral and me. Notwithstanding he discovered not his purpose therein, but made promise to divers of lands and lordships that had been in the Duke's possession. How Han, Bohain, Saint Quintin and Peronne were yielded to the King, and how he sent Master Oliver his barber to practise with them of Gaunt. Chap. 13. THe King being on the way coming after us, received good news from all parts: for the castles of Han and Bohain were yielded unto him, and the citizens of Saint Quintin's of their own accord received Monseur de Movy their neighbour into the town for him. Further he assured himself of Peronne, which William of Bische held, and was put in hope both by us and others, that Monseur de cords would revolt to him. Further he had sent his barber called Master Oliver to Gaunt, in a village near to the which he was borne, and had dispatched divers others into other places, being in great hope of them all; but the most part of them served him rather with words than deeds. When he drew near to Peronne I went to meet him, and found him in a village, whither M. William of Bische and certain others came & presented him the keys of the town, whereof he was right glad. The King abode there that day, and I dined with him after mine accustomed manner: for his pleasure was that seven or eight at the least & sometimes more should ordinarily sit at his own table. But after dinner he withdrew himself, and seemed to be discontented with the small exploit the Admiral and I had done, saying: that he had sent Master Oliver his barber to Gaunt to bring that town to his obedience, and Robinet Dodenfort to Saint Omers, who was well friended there: and those he commended as fit men to receive the keys of a town, and put his forces into it. divers others also he named, whom he had sent to other great towns: and this matter he made Monseur de Lude, and two or three others to debate with me. It became not me to reason against him, nor gainsay his pleasure; but I told him that I feared Master Oliver and the others whom he named, would not so easily take these great towns, as they supposed. The King used this communication with me, because he had altered his mind, and hoped by reason of his good success in the beginning, that all the country would yield unto him. Moreover, he was counseled by divers (and was also of himself inclined thereunto) utterly to destroy this house of Burgundy, and to disperse the seniories thereof among divers men; some of the which he named, upon whom he was purposed to bestow the Earldoms, namely, Henault and Namur that border upon France: with the greater seniories, as Brabant, Holland, and the rest, he meant to win certain Princes of Almain to his friendship, to the end they might aid him in the achieving of his enterprise. All the which matters it pleased him to acquaint me with, because I had counseled him before to take the other course above rehearsed: wherefore he would that I should understand the reasons, why he followed not mine advise. Further he alleged, that this course should be most beneficial for his realm, the which had sustained infinite troubles, because of the greatness of this house of Burgundy, and the mighty seniories that it possessed. And sure as touching the world, his reasons carried great show (though in conscience me thought otherwise:) notwithstanding such was his wisdom, that neither I nor any of his servants could see so far into his affairs as himself did; for undoubtedly he was one of the wisest and subtlest Princes that lived in his time. But in such weighty affairs God disposeth the hearts of Kings and great Princes, which he holdeth in his hands, and directeth them into those ways that best serve for the executing of his determinations: for undoubtedly if it had pleased him, that the King should still have continued in that course, which he of himself had devised before the Duke's death; the wars that have been since, and yet are, had never happened. But we were unworthy on both sides to enjoy that quiet peace that was then offered us, which sure was the only cause of the King's error, not want of wit: for, as you have heard, in wit no man excelled him. I writ of these affairs at large, to show that when a man attempteth any great enterprise, he ought at the first thoroughly to debate it, to the end he may choose the wisest way; but especially to submit himself to God, and humbly to beseech him to direct him into the best course, which is the principal point, as appeareth both by the scriptures and by experience. I mind not here to blame the King, nor say that he erred in this behalf: for peradventure divers which knew and understood more than myself, were then and yet are of his opinion; notwithstanding the matter was not debated there nor elsewhere. Further, those that writ Chronicles, frame their style commonly to their commendation of whom they speak, omitting divers points, sometimes because they know not the truth of them. But as touching myself, I mind to write nothing but that is true, and which I myself either have seen or learned of such parties as are worthy of credit, not regarding any man's commendation. For no Prince is to be thought so wise, but that he erreth sometime, yea oftentimes if he live long, as should well appear by their actions, if they were always truly reported. The greatest Senates and Consuls that be or ever have been, have erred and do err, as we may read and daily see. When the King had reposed himself one day in this village near to Peronne, he determined the next morning to make his entry into the town; for it was yielded him as you have heard. And at his departure he drew me aside, and commanded me to go into the country of Poictou and the frontiers of Britain, telling me in mine ear that if neither Master Olivers' enterprise took effect, nor Monseur de cords revolted to him; he would cause all the country of Artois called La Leuée lying upon the river of Lis, to be burned; and that done return again into Touraine. I desired him to be good to certain who by my means were become his servants, and to whom I had promised in his name pensions and great rewards: whereupon he took their names of me in writing, and performed all that I had promised. Thus I took my leave of him for that time. But even as I was taking horse, Monseur de Lude came to me, whom the King for certain considerations favoured greatly. He was a man much given to his own private gain, and as he cared not to deceive and abuse any man: so was he also very light of belief, and often beguiled himself. He had been brought up with the King from his childhood, & knew which way to feed his humour, and had a very pleasant head. He came and said thus to me (wisely after a jesting manner) what depart you now when you should be made or never, seeing the great things that fall daily into the King's hands, wherewith he may enrich those that he loveth? For my part I look to be governor of Flaunders, and to make myself all of gold, in uttering the which words, he broke forth into great laughter: but I had no lust to laugh because I feared that this proceeded of the King. Mine answer was, that I would be right glad if his fortune might be such, and that I trusted the King would not forget me. A certain knight of Hainault was come to me not passed half an hour before my departure, who brought me news of divers with whom I had persuaded by letters to put themselves into the King's service. The said knight and I are kinsmen, and he is yet living, wherefore neither will I name him, nor those of whom he brought me this advertisement. His offer in few words was to yield unto the King the chief places and towns in Hainault. Whereof I advertised the King even as I was taking my leave; who after he had talked with the said knight, told me that neither he nor those others whom I named were such as he had need of. He misliked one for this point, and another for that, and their offer seemed unto him nothing: for he thought to obtain all that he desired without them. Again, after my departure the King made Monseur de Lude to commune with the same knight, who was much discontented with the said de Ludes words, and departed incontinent without entering into farther treaty, because the said de Lude and he would never have agreed in any point. For whereas this knight was come out of Hainault to get somewhat at the King's hands whereby to enrich himself: the said de Lude at the first meeting asked him what the towns would give him to commend their cause to the King. I think verily that this refusal the King made to these knights proceeded also of God; for since that time he would have made good account of them if he could have drawn them to his service. But peradventure God would not accomplish his desire in all points either because of the reasons above alleged, or for that he would not suffer him to usurp this country of Hainault (which is held of the Empire) both because he had no title thereunto, and also because of the ancient league between the Emperors and the Kings of France, whereof the King himself also seemed afterward to take notice. For he held Cambray, le Quesnoy, and Boissi in Hainault, whereof Boissi he yielded again, and restored Cambray being an Imperial town to neutrality as it was before. Athough I myself were not present at these actions, yet was I informed how they passed: for I had good means to understand of them because I was acquainted, and had been brought up in both these Prince's dominions, and have since also communed with divers that were the principal managers of these affairs on both sides. The Notes. 1 This Boissi libr. 6. cap. 3. he calleth Bouchain: and so out of doubt it should be read here. How Master Oliver the King's barber failing to execute his enterprise at Gaunt, found means to put the King's forces into Tournay. Chap. 14. MAster Oliver (as you have heard) was gone to Gaunt, and carried letters of credit to the Lady of Burgundy Duke Charles his daughter, having also commission to persuade with her apart, to put herself into the King's government . But this was not his principal charge: for he doubted that he should not obtain leave to commune with her apart; and though he did, yet supposed he that he should not frame her to his request. But his hope was to raise some great tumult in this town of Gaunt, which hath ever been inclined to rebellion, and was the easier to be moved thereunto at this present, because under Duke Philip and Duke Charles they had lived in great awe, and lost divers privileges by the treaty made with the said Duke Philip, after their wars with him ended. Duke Charles also had taken one privilege from them, concerning the election of their Senate, for an offence made the first day he entered into the town as Duke: whereof because I have made mention before, I will here write no further. All these reasons encouraged Master Oliver the King's barber to proceed in his enterprise, so far forth that he discovered his purpose to some such of the citizens, as he thought would give ear unto him, offering (besides divers other promises) to cause the King to restore them their privileges that they had lost. But notwithstanding that he were not in their townhouse to speak publicly to their Senate, because he meant first to assay if he could do any good with this young Princess; yet was his enterprise smelled out: wherefore after he had sojourned a few days in Gaunt, he was sent for to declare his message; whereupon he repaired to the Prince's presence, being appareled much more sumptuously than became one of his calling, and delivered his letters. The said Lady sat in her chair of estate, having about her the Duke of Cleves, and the bishop of Liege, with divers other noble men, and a great number of her subjects. When she had read her letter, she commanded him to declare his message. But he answered that he had nothing to say but to herself alone. Whereupon it was told him, that this was not the manner of their country, especially to commune in secret with this young Lady being unmarried. But he still continued his former answer, that he had nothing to say but to herself apart. Whereupon they threatened to make him say somewhat else: which words put him in fear. And I think verily, that when he came to deliver his letter, he had not bethought him what to say: for this was not his principal charge, as you have heard. Thus Master Oliver departed for this time without further speech. Some of the Council began to scorn him, as well because of his base estate, as of his foolish speech and behaviour, but especially they of Gaunt (in a little village near whereunto he was borne) scoffed and derided him, so far forth that suddenly he fled thence, being advertised if he staid there any longer, that he should be thrown into the river; which I think would have proved true. The said Master Oliver named himself Earl of Melun, a little town near to Paris whereof he was captain. From Gaunt he fled to Tournay, a town in that country subject to neither Prince, but marvelously affectioned to the King: for it is his after a sort, and payeth him yearly six thousand franks; but in all other respects liveth in liberty, and receiveth all sorts of men: it is a goodly town and a strong, as all the inhabitants thereabout can testify. The churchmen and citizens have all their possessions and revenues in Henault and Flaunders, in both the which countries it is situate. Wherefore they used always during the long wars between King Charles the seventh and Philip Duke of Burgundy, to pay yearly unto the said Duke ten thousand franks; the which sum I have seen them pay also to Duke Charles: but at the time that Master Oliver came thither, they were quit of all payments, and lived in great wealth and quietness. Although Master Olivers' charge above mentioned were too weighty for him to deal in, yet was not he so much to be blamed, as they that committed it to him: for notwithstanding that his enterprise had such success, as it was ever like to have; yet showed he himself wise in that he afterward did. For perceiving the said town of Tournay to be situate upon the frontiers of both the countries above named, and very commodious to endamage them both, if he could put the King's forces that lay in those parts into it; and knowing further, that the towns men would never consent thereunto, because they never took part with either Prince, but showed themselves friends indifferently to both: he sent word secretly to Monseur de Movy (whose son was bailiff of the town, but not resident there) that he should bring his company which he had within S. Quintin's, and certain other bands that lay in those quarters, to the town of Tournay; who at the hour appointed came to the gate, where he found Master Oliver accompanied with thirty or forty persons, who partly by favour, and partly by force caused the gate to be opened, and received the King's men; wherewith the people of the town were well enough contented, but not the governors: of whom Master Oliver sent seven or eight to Paris, whence they departed not during the King's life. After these men of arms, entered also divers other soldiers, who did great harm afterward in the two countries above named: for they spoiled and burned many goodly villages and fair farms, more to the damage of the inhabitants of Tournay, than of any other for the reasons above alleged. To be short, so long they spoiled that the Flemings arose, and took out of prison the Duke of Guelderland (whom Duke Charles had held prisoner) and made him their captain: and in this estate came before the town of Tournay, where they lay not long, but fled in great disorder; and lost many of their men, and among the rest the Duke of Gueldres, who had put himself behind to maintain the skirmish (being evil followed) was there slain, as afterward you shall hear more at large. Wherefore this honour and good success that happened to the King, and the great loss his enemies received, proceeded of the said Master Olivers' wisdom and judgement: so that peradventure a wiser man, and a greater parsonage than he, might have failed to achieve the like enterprise. I have spoken enough of the great charge this sage Prince committed to this mean person, unfit to manage so weighty a cause; only adding, that it seemed that God had troubled the King's wits in this behalf. For, as I said before, if he had not thought this enterprise far easier than indeed it was; but had appeased his wrath, and laid down his greedy desire of revenge upon this house of Burgundy, undoubtedly he had held at this day all those Seniories under his subjection. The Notes. 1 The King claimed this Lady as his ward, because divers of her dominions, namely Flaunders, Artois, etc. were held of the crown of France: besides that, he was her godfather, which was the cause why he commanded this Oliver to move this request. Of the ambassadors the Lady of Burgundy daughter to the late Duke Charles sent to the King, and how by means of Monseur de cords the city of Arras, the towns of Hedin and Bollein, and the town of Arras itself, were yielded to the King. Chap. 15. YOu have heard how Master William Bische yielded Peronne to the King. The said Bische was a man of base parentage, borne at Molins-Engibers in Nivernois; but enriched and greatly advanced by Duke Charles of Burgundy, who made him captain of Peronne, because his house called Clery (being a strong and goodly castle that the said Bische had purchased) was near unto it. But to proceed, after the King had made his entry into the town, certain ambassadors came to him from the Lady of Burgundy, being all the greatest and noblest personages that were able to do her any service: which was unadvisedly done to send so many together; but such was their desolation and fear, that they witted not well what to say or do. The above named ambassadors were these; the Chancellor of Burgundy called Master William Huguenot, a notable wise man, who had been in great credit with Duke Charles, and was highly adaunced by him. The Lord of Himbercourt (so often before mentioned in this history) was there also, (who was as wise a gentleman, and as able to manage a weighty cause as ever I knew any) together with the Lord of la Vere, a great Lord in Zealand, and the Lord of Grutuse, and divers others as well noble men as church men, and burgesses of good towns. The King before he gave them audience, traveled both generally with them all, and apart with every one of them to draw them to his service. They all gave him humble and lowly words, as men in great fear. Notwithstanding, those that had their possessions far from his dominions in such countries as they thought to be out of his reach, would not bind themselves to him in any respect, unless the marriage between his son the Dauphin and the said Lady their Mistress took effect. But the Chancellor and the Lord of Himbercourt, who had lived long in great authority, wherein they still desired to continue; and had their lands lying near to the King's dominions; the one in the Duchy of Burgundy, the other in Picardy near to Amiens: gave ear to his offers, and promised both to serve him in furthering this marriage, and also wholly to become his the marriage being accomplished: which course he liked not (though it were simply the best) but was displeased with them, for that they would not then absolutely enter into his service. Notwithstanding he showed them no countenance of displeasure because he would use their help as he might. Moreover, the King having now good intelligence with Monseur de cords captain and governor of Arras, by his counsel and advise required these ambassadors to cause the said de cords to receive his men into the city of Arras : for at that time there were walls and trenches between the town and the city, but the town was then fortified against the city ; and now contrariwise the city is fortified against the town. After divers persuasions used to the said ambassadors, that this should be the best and readiest way to obtain peace in showing such obedience to the King, they agreed to his demand, especially the Chancellor and Himbercourt, and sent a letter of discharge to the said de cords, wherein they advertised him of their consent to the delivery of the city of Arras. Into the which so soon as the King was entered, he raised bulwarks of earth against the gates of the town, and in divers other places near to the town. Further, because of this discharge, Monseur de cords and the men of war that were with him, departed out of the town , and went whither them listed, and served where them best liked. And as touching the said de cords, he now accounting himself discharged of his Mistress service, by the ambassadors letters above mentioned; determined to do homage to the King, and to enter into his service; both because his house, name, and arms were on this side the river of Somme (for he was called Master Philip of Crevecoeur, second brother to the Lord of Crevecoeur:) and also because the territories so often above mentioned, which the house of Burgundy had possessed upon the said river of Somme, during the lives of Duke Philip and Duke Charles, returned now without all controversy to the crown. For by the conditions of the treaty of Arras, they were given to Duke Philip, and his heirs males only. Wherefore seeing Duke Charles left no issue but his daughter, the said Master Philip of Crevecoeur became without all doubt the King's subject: so that he could commit no fault by entering into the King's service, and restoring to him that which he held of him, unless he had done homage anew to the Lady of Burgundy. Notwithstanding men have reported, and will report diversly of him for this fact: wherefore I leave the matter to other men's judgements. True it is that he had been brought up, enriched, and advanced to great honour by Duke Charles, and that his mother for a certain space was governess of the Lady of Burgundy in her childhood: and further, when the Duke of Burgundy died, he was governor of Picardy, Seneschal of Ponthieu, Captain of Contrary, governor of Peronne, Montdidier and Roye, and Captain of Bolloin and Hedin. All the which offices he holdeth yet at this present of the King; in such manner and form, as after the Duke's death the King our Master confirmed them unto him. After the King had fortified the city of Arras (as you have heard) he departed thence to besiege Hedin, leading thither with him the said de cords, who had been captain of the place not past three days before, and his men were yet within it, and made show as though they would defend it for the Lady of Burgundy, saying; that they had sworn to be true unto her: but after the artillery had beaten it two or three days they fell to parliament with the said de cords their late captain, and yielded the town to the King. But this was indeed a compact matter between the King and them. From thence the King went before Bolloin, where the like was also done: but they held, as I remember, a day longer than the others. This was a very dangerous enterprise if there had been soldiers in the country; and that the King knew well enough, as he afterward told me: for divers in Bolloin, perceiving this to be a mere collusion between the soldiers and him, traveled to put men into the town, if they could have levied them in time, and to have defended it in good earnest. During the space of five or six days that the King lay before Bolloin, they of Arras perceiving how they had been abused, and considering in what danger they stood, being environed on every side with a great number of soldiers, and great force of artillery: traveled to levy men to put into their town, and write thereabout to their neighbours of Lisle and Dovay. At the said town of Dovay was Monseur de Vergy, and divers others whose names I remember not, with a few horsemen escaped out of the battle of Nancy. These determined to enter the town of Arras, and levied all the force they could, being to the number of two or three hundred horse good and bad, and five or six hundred footmen. But they of Dovay (whose peacocks feathers were not yet all pulled) constrained them spite of their teeth to departed the town at noon day, which was great folly, and so came of it. For the country beyond Arras is as plain as a man's hand, and between Dovay and Arras are about siue leagues. If they had tarried till night (as they would if they might have been suffered) they had sure accomplished their enterprise. But when they were upon the way, they whom the King left in the city of Arras, namely Monseur de Lude, john de Fou, and the Marshal of Loheacs company being advertised of their coming, determined with all speed to issue forth and encounter them, and to put all in hazard rather than to suffer them to enter the town: for they well perceived that if they entered the town, the city could not be defended. Their enterprise was very dangerous, yet they executed it valiantly, and put to flight this band issued out of Dovay; the which also they so speedily pursued, that they were all in a manner either slain or taken, and amongst the prisoners was Monseur de Vergy himself. The next day the King arrived there in person, rejoicing much because of this discomfiture, and caused all the prisoners to be brought before him, and of the footmen commanded a great number to be slain, to put thereby those few men of war yet remaining in those quarters, into the greater fear. Moreover, Monseur de Vergy he kept long in prison, because he would by no means be brought to do him homage; notwithstanding that he lay in close prison & in irons: But in the end having been prisoner a year and more, by his mother's persuasion he yielded to the King's pleasure; wherein he did wisely. For the King restored him to all his lands, and all those he was in suit for. He gave him farther ten thousand franks of yearly revenues, and divers other goodly offices. They which escaped out of this discomfiture, being very few in number entered the town, before the which the King brought his artillery and laid his battery. The artillery was goodly and great, and the battery terrible; but the town wall and the ditch nothing strong: wherefore they within were in great fear, the rather because the town was utterly unfurnished of soldiers. Furher, Monseur de cords had intelligence within it; & to say the truth, the city being in the King's hands the town could not be defended: wherefore they fell to parliament and yielded it by composition, which notwithstanding was evil observed; whereof Monseur de Lude was partly to blame. For divers burgesses and honest men were slain in the presence of him and Master William de Cerisay, who marvelously enriched themselves there: for the said de Lude told me that he got during the time of his being there twenty thousand crowns, and two timbers of Marterns. Moreover, they of the town lent the King 60000. crowns, which sum was much too great for their ability; but I think it was repaid them, for they of Cambray lent 40000. which I am sure were restored, as I think were these also. The Notes. 1 This request the King made as Tutor and Godfather to the young Lady, in which respect also the said ambassadors did as he required. 2 Arras was cut in two, to wit into the town and the city; the town under the Dukes of Burgundy was fortified and the draw bridge was drawn into the town: but the King beat down the fortification of the town, and fortified the city, and altered also the draw bridge, and drew it up into the ccitie, whereas before it was drawn up into the town. 3 If the King had demanded the town of Arras, the ambassadors would never have granted it, because it was the whole strength of the country: but by obtaining the city (at that time not greatly accounted of because it was utterly unfortified,) he got the said de cords discharge, who soon after procured him both the town of Arras, and the greatest part of the country of Artois. 4 For they were willing to yield it, but because they would departed like soldiers, and without suspicion of treason they desired to have the cannon brought before it. How the citizens of Gaunt having usurped authority over their Princess after her father's death, came in embassage to the King, as from the three estates of their country. Chap. 16. THe same time the siege lay before Arras, the Lady of Burgundy was at Gaunt in the hands of her mutinous subjects greatly to her loss; but to the King's profit: for always ones loss is an others gain. These citizens of Gaunt so soon as they understood of Duke Charles his death, thinking themselves thereby clearly delivered out of captivity: apprehended their Senators being to the number of six and twenty, and put them all or the greatest part to death; pretending that they did it because the said Senators the day before had commanded one to be beheaded, though not without desert, yet without authority (as they said,) their commission being determined with the Duke's death, by whom they were chosen into that office. They slew also divers honest men of the town that had been the Duke's friends; amongst whom were some, that when I served him dissuaded him in my presence from destroying a great part of the town of Gaunt, which he was fully resolved to have done. Further, they constrained their Princes to confirm all their ancient privileges, both those they lost in the time of Duke Philip by the treaty of Gawres, & those also that Duke Charles took from them. The said privileges served them only for firebrands of rebellion against their Princes, whom above all things they desire to see weak and feeble. Moreover during their Prince's minority, and before they begin to govern, they are marvelous tender over them; but when they are come to the government they cannot away with them, as appeareth by this Lady whom they loved dearly and much tendered before her coming to the state. Further, you shall understand that if after the Duke's death these men of Gaunt had raised no troubles, but had sought to defend the country: they might easily have put men into Arras, and peradventure into Peronne; but they minded only these domestical broils. Notwithstanding while the King lay before the town of Arras, certain ambassadors came to him from the three estates of the said Ladies countries. For at Gaunt were certain deputies for the three estates, but they of the town ordered all at their pleasure, because they held their Princess in their hands. The King gave these ambassadors audience, who among other things, said: that they made no overture of peace; but with consent of their Princess; who was determined in all matters to follow the advise and counsel of the three estates of her country. Further, they required the King to end his war in Burgundy and Artois, and to appoint a day when they might meet to treat friendly together of peace; and in the mean time that he would cause a surcease of arms. The King had now in a manner obtained all he desired, and hoped well of the rest. For he was certainly informed, that most of the men of war in the country were dead and slain, and knew well that a great many others had forsaken the said Ladies service, especially Monseur de cords, of whom he made great reckoning, and not without cause; for he could not have taken by force in long time, that which by his intelligence he obtained in few days, as before you have heard: wherefore he made small account of these ambassadors demands. Further, he perceived these men of Gaunt to be such seditious persons, and so inclined to trouble the state of their country, that his enemies by means thereof should not be able to advise, nor give order how to resist him. For of those that were wise, and had been in credit with their former Princes, none were called to the debating of any matter of state, but persecuted, and in danger of death: especially the Burgundians whom they hated extremely, because of their great authority in times past. Moreover, the King (who saw further into these affairs than any man in his realm) knew well what affection the citizens of Gaunt had ever borne to their Princes, and how much they desired to see them affeebled; so that they in their country felt no smart thereof. Wherefore he thought it best to nourish their domestical contentions, and to set them further by the ears together; which was soon done: for these whom he had to do with, were but beasts; most part of them towns men unacquainted with those subtle practices, wherein he had been trained up, and could use for his purpose, better than any man living. The King laid hold upon these words of the ambassadors, that their Princess would do nothing without the consent and advise of the three estates of their country, and answered that they were evil informed of her pleasure, and of certain particular men about her: for he knew very perfectly, that she meant to govern all her affairs by the advise of certain particular persons, who desired nothing less than peace: and as touching them and their actions, he was well assured they should be disaduowed. Whereunto the ambassadors (being not a little moved, as men unacquainted with great affairs) made a hot answer, that they were well assured of that they said, and would show their instructions, if need so required. Whereunto answer was made, that they should see a letter, if it so pleased the King, written by parties worthy of credit, wherein the King was advertised, that the said Lady would govern her affairs by four persons only. Whereunto the others replied, that they were sure of the contrary. Then the King commanded a letter to be brought forth, which the Chancellor of Burgundy, and the Lord of Himbercourt delivered him at their last being with him at Peronne. The said letter was written partly with the young Ladies own hand; partly by the Dowager of Burgundy Duke Charles his widow, and sister to King Edward of England; and partly by the Lord of Ravastain brother to the Duke of Cleves, and the said young Ladies nearest kinsman: so that it was written with three several hands, but signed with the name of the young Lady alone; for the other twain set to their hands only to give it the greater credit. The contents of the letter were, to desire the King to give credit to those things, whereof the Chancellor and Himbercourt should advertise him. And further, it was therein signified unto him, that she was resolved to govern all her affairs by four persons; namely, the Dowager her mother in law, the Lord of Ravastain, & the above named Chancellor and Himbercourt, by whom only and none others, she humbly besought him to negotiate with her; because upon them she would repose the whole government of her affairs. When these citizens of Gaunt, and the other ambassadors had seen this letter, it heated them thoroughly; and I warrant you those that negotiated with them, failed not to blow the fire. In the end the letter was delivered them, and no other dispatch of importance had they, neither passed they greatly of any other: for they thought only upon their domestical divisions, and how to make a new world, never looking further into this business; notwithstanding that the loss of Arras ought to have grieved them much more than this letter: but they were towns men (as I said before) unacquainted with these affairs. They returned strait to Gaunt where they found their Princess accompanied with the Duke of Cleves, her nearest kinsman, and of her blood by his mother : he was an ancient man, brought up continually in this house of Burgundy, where he received a yearly pension of six thousand guildons; wherefore besides that he was their kinsman, he resorted thither ofttimes as a pensioner to do his duty. The Bishop of Liege and divers noble men were there also, partly to wait upon this young Lady, and partly for their own particular affairs. For the said Bishop entertained a suit there to discharge his country of a payment of thirty thousand guildons or thereabout, which they gave yearly to Duke Charles by the treaty they made with him, when the wars above mentioned ended. All the which wars began for the said Bishop's quarrel, so that there was no cause why he should move this suit; but rather seek to keep them still in poverty; for he received no benefit there more than of his spiritual jurisdiction and of his domains, (which also were but small in respect of the wealth of his country, and the greatness of his diocese.) The said Bishop (brother to the Dukes of Bourbon john, and Peter now living) being a man wholly given to pleasures and good cheer, and little knowing what was profitable or unprofitable for himself: received into his service Master William de la March , a goodly valiant knight, but cruel and of naughty conditions; who had been enemy of long time both to the said Bishop and also to the house of Burgundy for the Liegeois cause. To this de la March the Lady of Burgundy gave fifteen thousand guildons, partly in favour of the Bishop, and partly to have him her friend: but he soon after revolted both from her and from the said Bishop his Master, and attempted by force through the King's favour to make his own son Bishop. Afterward also he discomfited the said Bishop in battle, slew him with his own hands, and threw him into the river, where his dead corpse floated up and down three days. But the Duke of Cleves was come thither in hope to make a marriage between his eldest son and the said Lady, which seemed to him a very fit match for divers respects; and sure I think it had taken effect if his sons conditions had liked the young Lady and his servants: for he was descended of this house of Burgundy, and held his Duchy of it, and had been brought up in it; but peradventure it did him harm that his behaviour was so well known there. The Notes. 1 This Duke of Cleves was called john, whose father Adolph had married Marie sister to Duke Philip of Burgundy. Meyer lib. 17. pag. 257. but Annal. Burgund. say that Adolph was son to one of Duke Philip's sisters, but corruptly, as the pedigree in the end of this work will declare. 2 The Bishop of Liegeois revenues are nine thousand pound starling. Guicchiar. 3 This de la March was named Aremberg, how he died after this murder read Berlandus, fol. 77. How they of Gaunt after their ambassadors return, put to death the Chancellor Huguenot, and the Lord of Himbercourt against their Princess' will, and how they and other Flemings were discomfited before Tournay, and their general the Duke of Gueldres slain. Chap. 17. NOw to proceed in the history. After these ambassadors were returned to Gaunt, the council was assembled, and the Princess sat in her chair of estate, accompanied with all her noble men, to give them audience. Then the ambassadors made rehearsal of the commission she gave them, touching principally that point that served for their purpose, and saying that when they advertised the King, that she was determined to follow in all points the advise and counsel of the three estates of her country: he forthwith answered that he was sure of the contrary, and because they avowed their saying, offered to show the said Ladies letters in that behalf. The Princess being therewith moved, suddenly answered in the presence of them all that it was not so, assuring herself that the King had not showed her letter. Then he that spoke being Recorder of Gaunt or Brucels, drew the letter out of his bosom before the whole assembly and delivered it her. Wherein he showed himself a lewd fellow and an uncivil in dishonouring openly after such a sort this young Lady, who ought not so rudely to have been dealt with: for though she had committed an error; yet was it not publicly to be reform. It is no marvel if she were greatly ashamed thereof; for she had protested the contrary to the whole world. The Dowager of Burgundy, the Lord of Ravastain, the Chancellor, and the Lord of Himbercourt were all four there present also. The Duke of Cleves and divers others who had been put in hope of this young Lady's marriage, stormed marvelously at this letter, & then began their factions to break forth. The said Duke was ever persuaded heretofore that Hymbercourt would further his suit for his son: but now perceiving by this letter his hope to be frustrate, he became his mortal foe . The Bishop of Liege, and his minion Master William de la March who was there with him, loved him not for the things done at Liege, whereof the said Hymbercourt had been the chief instrument. The Earl of Saint Paul son to the Constable of France, hated both him and the Chancellor; because they two delivered his father at Peronne to the King's servants, as before you have heard at large. They of Gaunt also hated them both, not for any offence made, but because of the great authority they had borne: whereof undoubtedly they were as worthy as any man that lived in their time, either here or there; for they were ever true and faithful servants to their Master. To be short, the same day at night that this letter was showed, the above named Chancellor and Hymbercourt through the furtherance as I am persuaded of their enemies above named, were apprehended by the citizens of Gaunt, which danger notwithstanding that they were forewarned of by their friends; yet had they not power to avoid, as it hath often happened to divers others. With them was also apprehended M. William of Clugny than Bishop of Therovenne, & since of Poitiers; and all three imprisoned in one place. They of Gaunt proceeded against them by colour of process (contrary to their accustomed manner in their revenge) and appointed certain of their Senate to hear their cause: with whom they joined in commission one of this house of La March, deadly enemy to the said Himbercourt. First they demanded of them, why they caused Monseur de cords to deliver the city of Arras to the King, but thereupon they stood not long; notwithstanding that they had nothing else justly to charge them with. But this was not it that grieved them: for neither cared they to see their Prince affeebled by the loss of such a town; neither had they the wit to consider what great damage might ensue thereof to themselves in tract of time. Wherefore they rested chief upon two points ; the first, they charged them that they had received bribes of the town of Gaunt, namely for a suit in law, which of late the said town had obtained by their sentence pronounced by the said Chancellor, against a particular man whom they had in suit. But of all this matter of bribery, they acquitted themselves very honourably; and as concerning that particular point where they of Gaunt charged them, that they had sold justice, and taken money of them to pronounce sentence on their behalf: they answered, that the town of Gaunt obtained their suit, because their cause was good; and as touching the money they took, they never demanded it, nor caused it to be demanded, but received it being offered. The second point was, that during the time they were with the late Duke Charles their Master, and also being his lieutenants in his absence, they had done divers things against the privileges and state of their town, and that whosoever doth against the privileges of Gaunt, aught to die. But this point touched them no whit: for they were neither their subjects nor citizens, neither able to infringe their privileges; and if the Duke or his father took any of their privileges from them, they did it by the treaty made between them, after their long wars and divisions: but the others that were left them (being more than was requisite for their profit) were never broken, but kept and observed. Well, notwithstanding the answers these two notable men made to these two points (for of the principal matter first objected against them, no word was spoken) yet the Senate of the town condemned them to die as they stood at the bar, because (as they said) they had broken their privileges, and received bribes after judgement given upon the matter in law above mentioned. These two worthy personages hearing this cruel sentence, were not a little astonished, and no marvel: for they saw no way how to escape, being in their enemies hands: notwithstanding they appealed to the King and his court of Parliament, trusting by this means to delay their death, to the end their friends in the mean time might devise some way to save them. Before their arrainment, they racked them extremely against all order of law. Their process endured but six days, and (notwithstanding their appeal) after sentence pronounced, they gave them but three hours respite to confess them, and bethink them of their soul's health. Which time expired, they led them into their market place, and set them upon a scaffold. The Lady of Burgundy (afterward Duchess of Ostrich) being advertised of their condemnation, went to the townehouse to make request and supplication for their lives: but perceiving that she could do no good there, she went to the market place, where all the people were assembled together in arms, and there saw the two noble men above named, standing upon the scaffold. The said Lady was in her mourning apparel, having nothing on her head but a kerchief, which was an humble and simple attire) and ought of right to have moved them to pity. There she desired the people with weeping eyes, and her hair lose about her shoulders, to have pity upon these her two servants, and to restore them unto her. A great part of the people were willing that her pleasure should be done, and that they should not die; but others would in no wise give ear unto her: whereupon they bent their pikes the one against the other. But those that desired their death were the stronger, and cried to them that stood upon the scaffold to dispatch them; immediately whereupon both their heads were stricken off: and in this estate returned this poor Lady to her court sorrowful and comfortless; for these two were the principal persons, in whom she had reposed her whole confidence. After they of Gaunt had done this exploit, they removed from about the said Lady, the Lord of Ravastain, and the Dowager Duke Charles widow her mother in law, because they had also written part of the letter above mentioned, which Himbercourt and the Chancellor delivered to the King, and they of Gaunt redelivered to their Princess after their return, as before you have heard. Further, they usurped all power and authority over this poor young Lady: for so might she now well be called, both because of the great damage she had already received by the loss of so many notable towns, irrecoverable by force, considering his power in whose hands they were, although by favour, friendship, or composition some hope yet remained; and also because she was in the hands of the ancient enemies and persecutors of her house, which was a great misfortune to her. Notwithstanding these citizens of Gaunt in all their public actions have ever showed more gross folly than cunning, and no marvel: for they that carry credit and authority among them, are for the most part, wealthy men of occupation, unacquainted with weighty affairs, and little understanding what belongeth to the government of a state. Their cunning consisteth but in two points; the one, that they study by all means possible how to weaken and impoverish their Prince: the other, that when they have made a fault, and find the party offended too strong for them, they crave pardon with greater humility, and buy peace with larger gifts than any people in the world; yea and know what instruments to work by, and what persons to labour for obtaining of peace, better than any town that ever I knew. After they of Gaunt had taken by force the government of their Princess, put the two above mentioned to death, and removed from about her those that misliked them; they began every where to place and displace officers at their pleasure, and to banish and spoil all those that had best served this house of Burgundy, not regarding their good or evil desert: but above all other men they hated the Burgundians, especially so far forth that they banished them all, and traveled to make them the King's servants and subjects as much as the King himself did, who solicited them thereunto by fair words, wise persuasions, large gifts and promises, and sought also to constrain them by great force which he had in their country. Moreover these men of Gaunt meaning to begin their government with some case of novelty, took out of prison (as already is mentioned) the Duke of Gueldres, who of long time by Duke Charles his commandment had been held prisoner for the causes above rehearsed, and him they made general of an army which they among themselves, namely the towns of Bruges, Gaunt, and Ypre, levied and sent to Tournay to set fire on the subburbes thereof, which was little for their Princess profit. For 200. soldiers sent in time to Arras or ten thousand franks to have entertained men to put into it, when the siege came before it; would have done both her and them much more service than ten such armies as this. For this army could do no good but fire a few houses in a place, whereof the King made small account: for he levied neither tasks nor subsidies there, but their wit was not able to reach thus far. After the Duke of Gueldres was come before Tournay with this army being to the number of twelve or fifteen thousand men, very well paid by the towns abovementioned, he set fire on the suburbs. But within the town were three or four hundred men of arms which sallied out and charged his men on the back as they retired, & incontinent put them to flight. But the D. himself being a valiant Prince, turned against his enemies meaning to maintain the skirmish, to the end his men might have leisure to retire: but being evil followed he was overthrown and slain, and a good number also of this people; yet was the King's force that did this exploit very small. The Flemings army retired with this loss, for there was but one band of them defeated. The Lady of Burgundy (as I have heard) and her friends rejoiced much at this news; for the brute ran for a certainty that they of Gaunt were determined to compel her by force to marry this Duke of Gueldres, which willingly she would never have done for divers reasons above rehearsed. The Notes. 1 With the letter the King had also uttered the message, that the Chancellor and Him●●rcourt brought, which was to treat of a marriage between the Dauphin and this Lady, which also they offered the King to further; and this was the cause why the Duke of Cleves became Himbercourts' enemy. 2 The causes of the chancellors and Himbercourts' death, read in Berlandus fol. 69. A discourse upon this point that wars and divisions are permitted of God for the chastisement of Princes and evil people, with divers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Princes, which happened in the author's time. Chap. 18. I Cannot imagine for what cause God hath so long preserved this town of Gaunt, the fountain of so many mischiefs, and of so small importance for the benefit of the country where it is situate. For it yieldeth no commodity to the common wealth, much less to the Prince: neither is it comparable to Bruges, which is a place where there is greater traffic of merchandise and resort of strangers in my opinion, than in any town in Europe; so that the destruction thereof should be an irrecoverable loss. But it seemeth that God hath created nothing in this world neither man nor beast, without an enemy to hold it in fear and humility; and for that purpose serveth this town of Gaunt very well . For there is no country in Christendom more inclined to all wanton pleasures, pomps and delicacies than this country of Flaunders, notwithstanding they are good Christians there, and serve and honour God well. But it is not this nation only, to whom God hath given as it were a continual prick, to put them in mind of their duty: For to France he hath given the English men for enemies; to the English men the Scots; to the realm of Spain Portugal, I will not say Granado: for they are enemies of the faith; notwithstanding hitherto the said country of Granado hath much troubled and endamaged the realm of Castille. Against the Princes of Italy, the greatest part of the which hold their lands by no title, unless it be given them in heaven (whereof we can but divine) and who rule cruelly and violently over their subjects by extreme exactions and levies of money: God hath raised up the free states of the said country, namely Venice, Florence, Genua, and sometime Bononia, Senes, Pisa, Luques, and others, which in divers points are contrary to the Princes, and the Princes to them, each of them having an eye upon other, that none grow too great. But to speak more particularly of the state of Italy; against the house of Arragon God hath raised the house of Anjou; against the Sforces (which usurp the place of the viscounts in the Duchy of Milan) the house of Orleans; against the Venetians, the Princes of Italy, as before I have said, and besides them the Florentines; against the Florentines their neighbours of Senes, Pisa, and the Genuois; and against the said Genuois their own evil government, and want of faith each to other, which is so universally known, that every man can tell thereof: for their factions are in league the one against the other, as appeareth by the Fourgouze , Adorni, d'Orie, and others. Now to speak of Almain; you have always the house of ostrich and Baviere at variance, and particularly them of Baviere divided among themselves. In like manner the house of ostrich hath particularly opposite to it the Swissers; the beginning of which their variance arose but about a little village called Swiss , unable to arm six hundred men, whereof the other Swissers bear their name; who are now so increased, that two of the Duke of Austriches best towns, namely Zurich and Fribourg be of their cantons. Moreover, they have obtained great victories, and slain of the Dukes of Ostrich in the field . divers other quarrels also there are in Almain, as the Duke of Cleves against the Duke of Gueldres; the Dukes of Gueldres against the Dukes of juliers: the Easterlings who inhabit so far northward, against the Kings of Denmark. And to speak generally of Almain, there are so many strong places there, so many men inclined to mischief, to spoil, to rob, and that use force & violence one against another upon small occasions, that it is wonder to see: for a man that is able to maintain but himself and his servant, will proclaim war against a great city or a Duke, that under colour thereof he may the better rob and spoil: for he will have some small castle situate upon a rock to retire into, where he entertaineth twenty or thirty horsemen, which run down to rob and spoil the country at his commandment. These men are very seldom punished by the Princes of Almain, because they use their help when they need their service: but the towns, if they take any of them, punish them cruelly, and often besiege and destroy their castles. Further, the said towns have soldiers always in pay for their defence. Wherefore it seemeth that these Princes and towns of Almain are preserved, the one to force the other to that is right and good. And it is necessary that such divisions should be not only there, but through the whole world. I have hitherto spoken but of Europe; for I am not well informed of Asia and Africa: yet we hear that they are divided and make war one upon another as we do, yea after a much beastlier sort. For I know in this part of Africa bordering upon us, divers places where they sell one another to the Christians, as also well appeareth by the Portugals, who have bought and daily do buy of them many slaves. But I doubt how well we may upbraid this to the Sarracens, sith in some part of Christendom they do the like: notwithstanding those countries are either under the Turks dominion, or next neighbours to him; as for example some part of Greece. It seemeth then that such divisions are requisite through the whole world, and that these pricks and stings before spoken of which God hath given every estate, and in a manner every particular person, are necessary. And surely for mine own opinion (speaking as a man unlearned, and one that will maintain no opinion not to be maintained) I think they are necessary indeed, especially because of the beastliness of some Princes, and the wickedness of othersome, who having wit and experience sufficient, do notwithstanding abuse it. For a Prince or any other man of what estate or condition soever he be, having power and authority where he dwelleth over the rest, if he be learned & have seen and read much, is thereby either much amended or impaired, for much learning maketh the evil worse, and bettereth the good : Notwithstanding, it is to be presumed that learning rather amendeth a man than empaireth him: for if men be but ashamed of themselves when they know they do evil, it sufficeth either to keep them altogether from doing evil , or at the least from doing so much evil as otherwise they would. For although they be not good indeed, yet shame will cause them to make a show of goodness: whereof I have seen divers examples of great personages, whom learning oftentimes hath withdrawn from doing evil, joined with the fear of God's punishments, whereof they have more understanding than ignorant men which never saw nor read any thing. Wherefore those Princes that know not themselves, but lack wit, either because they have been evil brought up, or because nature hath graffed folly in them, can never understand how far the power and authority extendeth that God hath given them over their subjects. For they never read it themselves, neither are informed by them that know it; nay few that understand it are admitted to their presence; and if some one be, yet dare he not instruct them in it for fear of displeasure; or if happily at any time he put them in mind thereof no man will abide him, at the least he shall be accounted but a fool, peradventure also it may be taken in evil part, and so turn him to displeasure. But to proceed, it is manifest that neither natural reason, neither knowledge, neither fear of God, neither love towards our neighbour, is sufficient to keep us from using violence against others, from withholding other men's goods, nor from ravishing by all means possible that which appartaineth to others. For if great Princes withhold towns and castles from their kinsfolks or neighbours, none of these reasons can move them to restore them: and after they have given forth some colour or forged some pretence to withhold them, all their subjects commend their proceed, at the least such as are near about them, and hunt after their favour. Of mean persons that be at variance I speak not, for they have a superior who sometimes doth justice to the parties, at the least he that hath a good cause, and followeth it earnestly, and defendeth it stoutly, and spendeth frankly, shall in process of time have right, unless the Court, that is to say, the Prince's authority under whom he liveth, be against him. Wherefore it appeareth most manifestly, that God is constrained and forced as it were of necessity to show many examples among us, and to beat us with many rods, because of our negligence, or rather wickedness: but in Princes especially negligence and ignorance is very dangerous, and much to be lamented, because the good or evil government of their Seniories dependeth wholly upon them. For if a Prince being mighty and having a number of soldiers in ordinary, by whose means he levieth great sums of money at his pleasure, as well to pay them, as to spend in all kind of wantonness not necessary, will diminish none of this foolish and excessive expenses; further if all men seek to flatter him, and no man dare show him what is good, either for fear of displeasure, or because he knoweth it will not prevail: who can redress this inconvenience but God alone? True it is, that God talketh not to men now as in times past, neither are there Prophets now a days by whose mouth he speaketh: but his word is dispersed through the whole world, and well enough known to all those that will understand and know it; so that no man can excuse himself by ignorance, at the least none that have had space and time to live & are endued with natural wit. How shall those Princes then escape that govern their Seniories after such sort, that by force they levy what they list, and by tyranny maintain their authority, and hold their subjects in so great thraldom, that the least commandment they give toucheth life? Some punish under colour of justice, and have lawyers ever at hand ready in all points to execute their commandments, and to make a deadly sin of a venial. If they have not matter enough against a man, they find means to delay the hearing of the cause, or the taking of the depositions to hold the party still in prison, or to undo him by charges, waiting continually if any man will come to accuse him that is thus held in prison, and to whom they wish evil. If this way be not colourable enough, nor speedy enough for their purpose, they devise other readier ways alleging that it was necessary to do thus and thus for examples sake, and make the case as heinous as pleaseth them: with others that hold of them and be of some power, they go more plainly to work, saying, thou dost against thine allegiance thou owest me, thou disobeiest me, and so proceed by force to take from him that is his if they can, (if they do not, it is no thank to them) causing him to live in great trouble and unquietness. Their neighbours that be strong and mighty they meddle not with; but if any be weak, he can rest no where for them: for either they say that he hath aided their enemies, or they make their men of arms to live in his countries, or buy quarrels to have colour to assault him, or find some occasion to destroy him by aiding his neighbour against him, and lending him forces to invade him. Such of their subjects as have been in authority, and served well their predecessors, they put out of office because they live too long, and place new men in their rooms. The Church men they encumber and trouble about their benefices, to the end they may thereby wring some thing from them to enrich some one of their darlings, at the suit eftsoons of those that have not deserved it, and at the request of such men and women as at times can prevail much with them. The nobility they hold in continual travel and charge under colour of their wilful wars, which they take in hand without the counsel or advise of their estates, and of such as they ought to make privy thereunto before they attempt them: for these they be that spend both goods and lives in the wars: wherefore it is reason they should understand the cause of them before they begun. Their subjects they paul in such sort that they leave them nothing; for notwithstanding that they pay them tasks and subsidies above their ability: yet seek they not to redress the disorder of their men of arms, which live continually upon their people without payment, doing beside infinite mischiefs and injuries as all the world knoweth. For they are not contented with such cheer as they find in the husband man's house and is set before them; but beat also the poor men, and constrain them to go forth to buy them wine, bread, and victuals: and if the good man have a fair wife or a daughter, he shall do wisely to keep her out of their sight. Notwithstanding, seeing these men of arms are duly paid, this inconvenience might easily be redressed, and order given that their pay should be made at every two months end at the furthest; so should they not be able to allege any pretence of their mischievous doings under colour that they want pay: for the money is levied, and at the years end there is not one penny owing them. I speak this for our realm which is more afflicted and plagued with these men of arms than any other country that I know. But none can redress this matter but a wise Prince: other realms bordering upon us have other scourges. Wherefore to continue this discourse, is there any King or Prince that hath power to levy one penny upon his subjects besides his domains, without leave and consent of those that must pay it, unless it be by tyranny and violence? A man will say that sometime the Prince can not tarry to assemble his estates, because it would require too long time. Whereunto I answer, that if he move a war offensive, there needeth no such haste: for he may have leisure enough at his own pleasure to make preparation. And further, he shall be much stronger and much more feared of his enemies, when he moveth war with the consent of his subjects than otherwise. Now as touching a war defensive, that cloud is seen long before the tempest fall, especially when it is foreign war; and in this case good subjects ought not to complain, nor refuse any thing that is laid upon them. Notwithstanding such invasion cannot happen so suddenly, but that the Prince may have leisure at the least to call together certain wise personages, to whom he may open the causes of the war, using no collusion therein, neither seeking to maintain a trifling war upon no necessity, thereby to have some colour to levy money. Money is also necessary in time of peace to fortify the frontiers for defence of those that dwell upon them, lest they be taken unprovided; but this must be done measurably. In all these matters the wisdom of a sage King sufficeth; for if he be a just Prince, he knoweth what he may do, and not do, both by God's law and man's. To be short, in mine opinion of all Seniories in the world that I know; the realm of England is the country where the common wealth is best governed, the people least oppressed, and the fewest buildings and houses destroyed in civil wars, and always the lot of misfortune falleth upon them that be authors of the war. Our King is the Prince in the whole world that hath least cause to allege that he hath privileges to levy what him listeth upon his subjects, considering that neither he nor any other Prince hath power so to do. And those that say he hath, do him no honour, neither make him to be esteemed any whit the mightier Prince thereby; but cause him to be hated and feared of his neighbours, who for nothing would live under such a government. But if our King or those that seek to magnify and extol him should say, I have so faithful and obedient subjects that they deny me nothing I demand, and I am more feared, better obeyed, and better served of my subjects than any other Prince living, they endure patiently whatsoever I lay upon them, and soon forget all charges past: This me think (yea I am sure) were greater honour to the King than to say; I levy what me listeth, and have privileges so to do, which I will stoutly maintain. King Charles the fift used no such terms, neither did I ever hear such language proceed from any King, but from divers of their servants, who thought they did their Master's great service in uttering such speeches: but in mine opinion they misbehaved themselves towards their Prince, and used such language partly because they would seem to be good servants, and partly because they knew not what they said. But for a manifest proof of the French men's loyalty and obedience to their Prince, we need allege none other example than that we ourselves have seen of late by experience; when the three estates were assembled at Tours, after the death of our Master King Lewis the eleventh, which was in the year of our Lord 1483. A man might then have thought that this good assembly was dangerous for the King's estate; yea, and divers there were of mean calling, and less honesty, that said then and have often said since, that it is treason to make mention of assembling the estates, and a thing tending to the diminishing of the King's authority: but they themselves are those that work treason against God, the King, and the common wealth; neither do any use these speeches but either such as are in authority without desert and unworthy thereof; or such as are common tale-carriers, and accustomed to talk of trifling matters; or such as fear great assemblies, lest their doings should there be ripped up and reprehended. At this assembly I now speak of, all men of what estate soever they were, thought the realm much weakened and impoverished, because it had paid by the space of 20. years or more great and excessive subsidies; yea so great, that they surmounted yearly by the sum almost of three millions of francs all subsidies that ever were levied in France. For King Charles the seventh levied yearly but eighteen hundred thousand franks : but King Lewis his son levied at his death seven and forty hundred thousand , besides the charges of the artillery and such like expenses. And sure it was a pitiful thing to behold the miserable estate of the poor people. But one good property had the King our Master, that he hoardward up no treasure, he took all and spent all, and bestowed more upon fortification of towns and places for the defence of his realm, than all his predecessors joined together. He gave also much to churches, but in some respects he had done better to have given less: for he took from the poor to give to them that had no need. But there is no man perfect in the whole world. Well to proceed. Notwithstanding that this realm were so impoverished and oppressed divers ways: did the people yet after the King our Master's death raise any sedition against the K. that now is? the nobility and commons took they arms against their young King? went they about to choose an other? sought they to diminish his authority, or to bridle him that he should not use the authority of a King? I think no, and to say the truth how could they? though divers glorious fools said they might. But his subjects did clean contrary; for they all repaired to him, as well the Princes, as the gentlemen and Burgesses of good towns: they all acknowledged him for their King, and did him homage and fealty, and the Princes and nobility presented their requests in writing, humbly kneeling upon their keenes. Further, they chose among themselves a counsel of twelve men, and the King being but thirteen years of age commanded upon report of the said counsel. Moreover at this assembly certain supplications were made, and bills exhibited in the presence of the King and his Counsel in great humility for the common wealth of the realm, referring all to the King and his Counsel's pleasure. They granted the King without any denial all that was demanded, and all that was showed in writing to be necessary for the maintenance of his estate. The sum the King demanded was two millions and a half of franks, which was enough and enough again, yea rather too much than too little without some extraordinary accident. Further, the said estates humbly required, that at two years end they might assemble again: saying, that if the King had not money enough, they would give him more at his pleasure. They promised moreover if he had wars, or that any enemy should invade him, to adventure their bodies, to spend their goods, & not to refuse any thing for his service. Are subjects that give thus liberally to be choked with privileges whereby the Prince may take what him listeth? shall not the King do justlier both before God and the world to levy after this sort, rather than by extraordinary will? seeing no Prince, as I have said before, hath authority to command money but by grant; unless he will use tyranny and incur the danger of excommunication. But a number of Princes are very beasts, not knowing what is lawful or unlawful for them to do in this behalf. Subjects there are also that offend their Prince and refuse to obey him, and secure him in time of need: yea in stead of aiding him when he hath great affairs in hand contemn him and stir up rebellion and sedition against him, contrary to the allegiance that they own him. When I say Kings or Princes, I mean either themselves or such as govern under them: & when I say subjects, I mean such subjects as have pre-eminence & bear sway in the common wealth. The greatest mischiefs are wrought commonly by those that are mighty, for the weak desire peace & quietness. When I say mighty, I mean aswell women as men, sometime & in some places where they have rule and authority, either because of their husband's affection towards them, or because they govern their affairs, or for that their Seniories are their wives inheritance. If I should write of men of mean calling in this world, my discourse would be too tedious. Wherefore it shall suffice to speak of great estates, because in them the power and justice of God is most apparent. For although two hundred thousand mishaps chance to a poor man, no man regardeth them: but attributeth them either to poverty or evil looking to; as for example, if he be drowned or break his neck, they say this chanced because he was alone, so that hardly men will give ear to it. But if some misfortune fall upon a great city it is otherwise talked of, yet not so much as when it chanceth to a Prince. What is the reason then that God showeth his justice rather upon Princes and great men, than upon men of low degree? because mean and poor men find enough in this world to punish them when they offend; yea oftentimes they are punished without desert, either for examples sake, or for their goods, or peradventure through the judges fault: sometime also they deserve punishment, and then it is reason that justice be done. But as touching great Princes or Princesses and their governors and counsellors: again, as touching provinces and towns, rebellious and disobedient to their Princes and governors, who will search out their lives? Who will inform the justice of their actions? What justice will take notice thereof? or who will punish their faults? I speak of the evil not of the good, but few there are of those. What is the cause then that moveth both them and all others to commit these faults above rehearsed, and many more (which for brevity I overpass) not regarding the power and justice of God? I answer, that it is lack of faith, and in those that are ignorant lack of wit and faith together, but especially of faith, which in mine opinion is the only fountain of all mischiefs. I mean such mischiefs as fall upon those that complain, that they are trodden under foot, & oppressed by those that are mightier than they. For if men were fully persuaded the pains of hell to be such as indeed they are, and believed firmly (as we ought all to believe) that who so hath taken aught by violence, or possesseth aught that his father or grandfather took wrongfully: shall never enter into the joys of paradise, unless he make full satisfaction and restitution of all that he withholdeth from his neighbour; (whether it be Duchies, Earldoms, towns, castles, movables, meadows, ponds, or mills, every man according to his estate) there is no man living, be he poor or rich, or of what estate and condition soever he be, that would withhold aught that is not his own. No, if all men believed this firmly, it is not to be thought, that there is either Prince, Princess, or any other man through the whole world, what estate or condition soever he be of, be he high or low, spiritual or temporal, man or woman, that would wittingly withhold any thing from his subject or neighbour, wrongfully put any man to death, hold him in prison, take from one to give to enrich another, or seek to procure dishonesty to his kinsfolks and servants for his wanton pleasures, as for women, and such like, which is the filthiest attempt that may be made. No undoubtedly we would never do as we do, if we had a steadfast faith, and believed that which God and his Church commandeth us to believe, under pain of damnation: knowing our days to be short, and the pains of hell horrible and endless. Wherefore we may conclude, that all mischiefs proceed of want of faith. For example whereof, when a King or Prince is taken prisoner, and feareth to die in prison, is there any thing in the world, be it never so dear unto him, that he will refuse to give for his deliverance? as appeareth by King john, who being taken prisoner by the Prince of Wales at the battle of Poitiers, paid for his ransom three millions of franks, and yielded to the English men all Aquitaine (at the least all that he held in his hands) with a number of other cities, towns and places; yea in a manner the third foot of his realm: whereby he brought his realm into such poverty, that many years after they used leather money, with a little stud or nail of silver in the midst thereof. And all this gave he and his son King Charles surnamed the Wise, for his ransom. And if they would have given nothing, yet would not the English men have put him to death, but his greatest pain had been imprisonment. But admit they had put him to death, yet had not that pain been so great by the hundred thousandth part, as the least pain in hell. Why gave he then all this great ransom above rehearsed, destroying his children and subjects? but only because he believed that which he saw and perceived well, that he could not otherwise be delivered. But peradventure when he committed the fault, for the which this punishment fell upon him, his children, and subjects: he believed not firmly, that the offence he made against God and his commandments, should be punished. Now to conclude, there is no Prince, or very few, that will restore one town they withhold from their neighbour, for the love of God, or to eschew the pains of hell; and yet King john gave all this to deliver his body out of prison. I asked a question before, who will search out great men's faults, who will inform the justice of them, and who will be the justice to punish them? Whereunto I now answer, that the information shall be the lamentable cry and plaint of their subjects, whom they tyrannize and oppress so many ways without any compassion, the sorrowful lamentation of widows and orphans, whose husbands and fathers they have wrongfully put to death; by means whereof their wives and children have ever after lived in affliction and misery; and generally the complaints of all those whom they have persecuted either in their persons or goods. These, I say, shall give information against them by their great mourning, wailing, and piteous tears, and shall accuse them before the Lord God, who will be the just judge thereof, and peradventure will not delay the punishment till the world to come; but will also punish them in this world: which punishment proceedeth of lack of faith, because they had not a firm and steadfast belief in God's commandments. We must therefore of necessity confess, that God is forced to show such tokens and examples, to the end both Princes themselves and all the world may believe, that these punishments fall upon them for their misbelief and sins, and that God showeth his mighty power and justice upon them, because none other in this world but he, hath power over them. At the first happily they amend not their lives for God's scourges, be they never so great and long. But no misfortune falleth upon a Prince, upon those that govern his affairs, or upon those that rule great commonalties, but the issue is hurtful and dangerous to the subjects. When I say misfortunes, I mean none but such as cause the subjects to smart; for to fall from a horse, to break a leg, to be punished with a sharp ague, are no misfortunes to a Prince, because he may be cured of them, and peradventure they may do him good, and teach him wit: but I call these misfortunes, when God is so displeased with a Prince, that he will no longer suffer him to reign, but show his power and justice upon him. For than first he weakeneth his wits, which is a shrewd blow for all those that have to do with him, he troubleth his house, and suffereth it to fall into division and disquietness: and the Prince himself is so far in God's disgrace, that he flieth the counsel and company of the wise, and advanceth none but young fools, void of wit, oppressors, flatterers, and such as sooth him in all his sayings. If he take one penny, they bid him take two; if he threaten a man, they bid hang him, and after that sort in all other actions. Further, they give him counsel in any wise to cause himself to be feared, and they also behave themselves cruelly and proudly, trusting by this means to hold men in awe of them, as though authority were their inheritance. Those whom such Princes, by the advise of these new Counsellors have banished and displaced, having served many years, and being well acquainted and friended in their country, will storm at this usage, and for their sakes their friends and well willers also; and peradventure such injury shall be offered them, that they shall be forced either to defend themselves, or to fly to some Prince their neighbour, who perchance is enemy to him that banisheth and chaseth them, and so by inward division strangers shall enter into the land. Is any plague or misery so great, as wars betwixt friends and acquaintance? Is any malice so rank and deadly? As touching foreign enemies, when the subjects are linked together they may easily make resistance, because their enemies have no intelligence nor acquaintance in the realm. Think you that an unwise Prince being accompanied with fools, can smell a far off how great a mischief division among his subjects is? or believe that it can hurt him? or proceedeth of God? he eateth and sleepeth no whit the worse for it; he hath neither fewer horses in his stable, nor fewerrobes in his wardrobe, but many more companions. For he allureth men unto him by promises, and by parting among them the spoils and offices of those whom he hath banished; he giveth also of his own to win thereby fame and renown: but when he shall least think of it, God will raise up an enemy against him whom peradventure he never mistrusted. Then will he wax pensive, and suspect those whom he hath injuried, yea he will fear such as indeed own him no evil will: yet notwithstanding he will not have his refuge to God in this extremity, but seek to redress this inconvenience by force. Have we not seen in our days examples hereof even among our next neighbours? Have we not seen the late King of England Edward the fourth of that name, heir of the house of York, utterly destroy the house of Lancaster, under the which both his father and he had lived many years? Further, the said King Edward having done homage to King Henry the 6. being of the house of Lancaster, did he not afterward hold him prisoner many years in the tower of London, the chief city of the realm, where in the end he was put to death? Have we not also seen the Earl of Warwick principal governor of all the said King Edward's affairs, (after he had put to death all his enemies, especially the Duke of Somerset) in the end become deadly enemy to his Master, give his daughter in marriage to the Prince of Wales son to King Henry, attempt to set up again the house of Lancaster, pass with the said Prince into England, discomfited in the field, and slain both he, his brethren and kinsfolks, and divers other noble men of England, who in times past had done the like to their enemies? After all this, the children of these when the world turned, revenged themselves; and caused in like manner the others to die, which plagues we may be assured happened not but by the wrath of God. But (as before I said) the realm of England hath this special grace above all other realms and dominions, that in civil wars the people is not destroyed, the towns be not burned nor razed, but the lot of fortune falleth upon the soldiers, especially the gentlemen whom the people envy to too beyond reason: for nothing is perfect in this world. After King Edward was quiet in his realm and received yearly out of France fifty thousand crowns paid him in the tower of London, and was grown so rich, that richer he could not be, he died suddenly as it were of melancholy, because of our King's marriage that now reigneth, with the Lady Margaret the Duke of Austriches daughter. For so soon as he was advertised thereof he fell sick, and began then to perceive how he had been abused touching the marriage of his daughter, whom he made to be named the Lady Daulphinesse. Then also was the pension which he received out of France taken from him, which he called tribute, although indeed it were neither the one nor the other, as before I have declared . K. Edward left by his wife two goodly sons, one Prince of Wales, the other D. of York, and two daughters. The D. of Gloucester his brother took upon him the government of his nephew the Prince of Wales, being about ten years of age, and did homage to him as to his sovereign Lord, and lead him to London pretending that he would there crown him King, hoping by that means to get the other brother out of the Sanctuary at London, where he was with his mother, who began already to be jealous of his proceed. To be short, by means of the Bishop of bath (who having been sometime of K. Edward's Council, fell afterward into his disgrace, and was put in prison, and made to fine for his deliverance,) the D. of Gloucester executed this exploit, which you shall now hear. This Bishop advertised the Duke that K. Edward being in love with a certain Lady, promised her marriage upon condition that he might lie with her, whereunto she consented, so far forth that the said Bishop married them together, none being present but they two and he himself. Which matter this Bishop being a jolly courtier never disclosed during K. Edward's life, but caused also the said Lady to conceal it, so that it was kept secret. After this the said King falling again in love, married the daughter of an English knight, called the Lord Rivers, being a widow, and mother of two sons. But after K. Edward's death, this Bishop of bath revealed this matter to the D. of Gloucester, whereby he egged him forward not a little to the executing of his mischievous pretended enterprise. For the said D. murdered his two nephews, crowned himself King by the name of Richard the third, proclaimed his brothers two daughters bastards in open parliament, took from them their arms, and put to death all the faithful servants of the late King his brother, at the least as many as he could lay hands on. But this cruelty remained not long unpunished: for when the said King Richard thought himself safest, and lived in greater pride than any King of England did these hundred years (having put to death the Duke of Buckingham, and having a great army in a readiness) God raised up an enemy against him of no force, I mean the Earl of Richmond then prisoner in Britain, but now King of England, of the house of Lancaster, though not This error of Commines touching K. Henry the 7. you shall find controlled by the pedigree in the end of this book. the nearest to the crown , whatsoever men say, at the least so far as I can learn. The said Earl told me a little before his departure out of this realm, that from the fift year of his age he had lived continually like a prisoner & a banished man. And indeed he had been fifteen years or thereabout prisoner in Britain to Duke Frances that last died, into whose hands he fell by tempest of the sea as he fled into France, accompanied with the Earl of Pembroke his uncle. I myself saw them when they arrived, for I was come of a message to the D. at the same time. The Duke entreated them gently for prisoners, & after King Edward's death lent the said Earl great force of men, & a great navy; with the which he sent him having intelligence with the Duke of Buckingham, (who for this cause was afterward put to death) to land in England: but the wind was against him, and the seas so rough, that he was forced to return to deep, and from thence by land into Britain. From whence soon after he departed with his band into France without taking leave of the Duke, partly because he feared to overcharge the Duke; (for he had with him five hundred English men,) and partly because he doubted lest the Duke would agree with King Richard to his prejudice: for he knew that King Richard practised with him to that end. Soon after, the King that now is appointed three or four thousand men to waft him over only, and delivered those that accompanied him a good sum of money and certain pieces of artillery: and thus passed he over in a ship of Normandy to land in Wales where he was borne. King Richard forthwith marched against him; but a knight of England called the Lord Stanley, who was married to the Earl's mother, joined himself with the Earl, and brought unto him at the least 26000. men . The battle was given, King Richard slain, and the Earl crowned King in the field with the said Richard's crown. Will you say that this was fortune? No, no, it was the judgement of God: and for further proof thereof mark this also. Immediately after the King had murdered his two nephews, he lost his wife, whom some say he murdered also. Further, he had but one only son, who died in like manner incontinent after this murder. This example would have served better hereafter when I shall speak of King Edward's death; for he was yet living at the time my former Chapter treateth of: but I have rehearsed it here to continue my discourse which I am fallen into. In like manner we have seen of late the crown of Spain altered after the death of Dom Henry that last died. For the said Dom Henry had to wife the King of Portugals sister last deceased, by whom he had issue a goodly daughter, which notwithstanding succeeded not her father, but was put from the crown under colour of adultery committed by her mother. But the matter ended not without great contention and war: for the King of Portugal took part with his niece, and divers great Lords of Castille joined with him: yet notwithstanding the said Dom Henry's sister, wife to the son of Dom john King of Arragon, obtained the crown and possesseth it yet at this day: and thus this partage was made in heaven as divers others are. Further, you have seen of late days the King of Scotland and his son being thirteen years of age in battle, the one against the other: the son and his faction prevailed, and the King was slain upon the place . This King murdered his own brother, and was charged with divers other crimes, namely the death of his sister and such like. You see also the Duchy of Gueldres out of the right line, and have heard what impiety the Duke last deceased used against his father. divers other examples I could rehearse which should manifestly appear to be punishments and scourges of God, which scourges are the principal cause of wars, whereof ensue mortality and famine, all the which evils proceed of lack of faith. Wherefore I conclude, considering the wickedness of men especially of great men, who know not themselves, neither believe that there is a God: that it is necessary for every Prince and governor, to have an adversary to keep him in fear and humility, otherwise no man should be able to live under them or near them. The Notes. 1 He meaneth that this town of Gaunt is situate where it is for a plague to the whole country of Flaunders, which otherwise because of the great abundance thereof, would soon forget God. 2 Fregosi and Fregosini in other histories. 3 This division began anno 1309. between the Abbot of Einsidlen and the village of Suitz, and the said Abbot demanded aid of Leopolde Duke of Ostrich. 4 As for example, Leopolde Duke of Ostrich brother's son to the former that began this division, whom they slew at the battle of Sempache 9 julij. ann. 1386. 5 The reason hereof read in Aristot. Politic. lib. 1. cap. 2. & Problem. Anthonii Zimarae 12. 6 Shame cometh of knowledge, so that if a man do a fault, and for lack of learning know not that it is a fault, he can never be ashamed of it, nor seek to amend it. 7 1800000. franks are 225000. pound starling after eight sauce to the English shilling, and the French liver at two shillings six pence starling. 8 4700000. franks are 587500. pound starling. 9 That is 2500000. franks, which amounteth to 312500. pound starling. 10 For it was due by the conditions of the treaty. 11 How King Henry the seventh was next▪ heir of the house of Lancaster, the pedigree in the end of the work will declare, where also Philip de Commines error is controlled. 12 Our Chronicles say but 3000. and some 5000. 13 This King that slew his father in battle was james the 4. who married Margaret sister to King Henry the 8. THE sixth BOOK. How the Duchy of Burgundy was yielded to the King. Chap. 1. NOw to return to the principal matter, and to proceed in this history, written at your request, my Lord of Vienna: while the King brought under his subjection the places and towns above named in the marches of Picardy, his army lay in Burgundy, the general whereof in appearance, was the Prince of Orange that now is, who was borne in the county of Burgundy, and a subject thereof; but lately revolted the second time from Duke Charles: wherefore the King used his help; for he was a great Lord, well friended, and well beloved both in the said county, and also in the Duchy of Burgundy. But the Lord of Cranmer was the King's lieutenant, and he it was in truth that had the charge of the whole army, and in whom the King reposed his principal trust, and sure he was a wise man and faithful to his Master, but somewhat too greedy of his own gain. The said Lord of Cranmer when he drew near the country of Burgundy, sent the Prince of Orange before him with certain others to Digeon, to persuade with the citizens to become the King's subjects: which enterprise so well they achieved by the said Princes means, that the town of Digeon, and all the other places of the Duchy of Burgundy yielded to the King, Aussonne and certain castles excepted, which held yet for the Lady of Burgundy. The King had promised the Prince of Orange many goodly estates, and to restore him to all his grandfathers inheritance in the county of Burgundy: for the which he was in suit with the Lords of Chawerguion his uncles , whom (as he said) Duke Charles had favoured to his prejudice. For this cause had been often pleaded before him with great solemnity, and once the Duke being accompanied with a number of lawyers, gave judgement against the Prince, at the least thus he reported: wherefore he forsook the Duke's service, and went to the King. But Monseur de Cranmer after he was entered into all these towns above mentioned, and had gotten into his hands all the best places that should descend to the said Prince by right of inheritance: refused to yield them to him, notwithstanding both the King's promise, and the said Prince's request. The King also wrote often to him about this matter without all collusion, knowing that he much misused the Prince: notwithstanding he feared to displease the said de Cranmer, because he had the charge of the whole country, neither thought he that the Prince either would or could have caused the country of Burgundy to rebel, as afterward he did, at the lest the greatest part thereof. But I will here leave these Burgundy's affairs, till another convenient place shall serve to speak further thereof. The Notes. 1 This Prince of Orange was john de Chaslons: the Prince of Orange that now is, is of the house of Nassaw. 2 The old copy hath Chasteauguion. Annal. Burgund. Chaumergnon. Annal. Franc. Chawerguion, and so undoubtedly it is to be read: for Chasteauguion was brother to this Prince of Orange. Gaguin. How the King entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundy, to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Duke's dominions. Chap. 2. THose that hereafter shall read this history, and happily understand the affairs both of this realm and the countries bordering upon it better than myself, will marvel that since the death of Duke Charles, I have hitherto by the space almost of one whole year made no mention of the English men, and will wonder that they suffered the King to take the towns bordering so near upon them, namely Arras, Bolloin, Ardres, and Hedin, with divers other castles, and to lie so long with his camp before Saint Omer . But you shall understand that the reason thereof was, for that our King in wisdom and sense surmounted far Edward King of England then reigning: for notwithstanding that the said King Edward were a most valiant Prince, and had won in England eight or nine battles, wherein he fought always himself on foot greatly to his renown; yet were these troubles but by fits, so that his head was not continually busied in matters of state: for immediately after the victory obtained, he returned to his former sports and pleasures, till another storm arose. For you shall understand, that when war beginneth in England, in ten days or less the one or the other getteth the garland. But our affairs in France passed not after that sort, for besides the war itself, the K. was forced to have an eye continually upon divers places as well of his own realm as of his neighbours, but especially by all means possible to content the King of England, and to entertain him by ambassadors, presents, and smooth words, to the end he should not intermeddle with our affairs. For the K. knew well the English men as well Nobles and Commons as the Clergy, to be naturally inclined to make war upon this realm, aswell under colour of the title they pretend thereunto; as also in hope of gain. For they trust to have ever such success here as their predecessors have had, whom God permitted to obtain in this realm many great victories, and large dominion both in Normandy and in Guienne, the which they had possessed by the space of three hundred and fifty years , when King Charles the seventh first recovered it. During the which time they enriched the realm of England with great spoils and much treasure, that they got aswell of the Princes and noble men of France, a great number of whom they took prisoners; as also of the towns and places which they subdued. Notwithstanding they should hardly have had such success in the King our Master's time: for he would never have endangered his estate in battle as King Charles the sixth did at Agincourt, where all the nobility of France lighted on foot to fight with the English men; but would have proceeded more warily if the matter had come to execution, as you may perceive by the course he held in sending King Edward home. Wherefore the King well perceived that he must in any wise keep the King of England and his principal servants his friends, whom he saw altogether inclined to quietness and very greedy of his money: for the which cause he paid duly at London the pension of fifty thousand crowns, which they called tribute. And further gave yearly sixteen thousand crowns to the said Kings principal servants, whose names were these: the Lord Chancellor; the Master of the Rolls who now is Chancellor; the Lord Hastings Lord great Chamberlain, a man of singular wisdom and virtue, and in great authority with his Master, and not without cause, for he ever served him faithfully; Sir Thomas Montgomery; the Lord Howard, afterward Duke of Norfolk & partaker with the wicked King Richard; the Master of the Horse called Master Cheiny; Master Challenger, and the Marquis Dorset the Queen of England's son by her first husband. Further, he gave goodly presents to all the ambassadors that came to him, were their messages never so sharp and bitter, and sent them home with such goodly words & Princely rewards, that they returned well contented. And notwithstanding that some of them understood that he did all this only to win time, the better to achieve his enterprise in the conquest of the Duke of Burgundy's dominions: yet winked they at it because of the great riches they received at his hands. To all these above named he gave beside their pensions many goodly presents, so largely that the Lord Howard over and above his pension received of him in less than two years space in money and plate four and twenty thousand crowns. To the Lord Hastings also L. great Chamberlain of England, he gave at one time a present of plate to the value of ten thousand marks. The acquittances of all which great personages are yet to be seen in the chamber of accounts at Paris, save of the Lord Hastings Lord great Chamberlain of England, which is an high office, for there is never but one alone in it. This L. Chamberlain was long laboured before he would become the King's pensioner, myself being the only man that persuaded him thereunto. For I won him first to Charles Duke of Burgundy's friendship during the time I served him, who gave him yearly a pension of a thousand crowns; whereof when I had advertised the King, he would in like manner that I should be a means to make him his friend and pensioner: for in times passed during Duke Charles his life, and after his death also in favour of the Lady of Burgundy, he had always been the King's extreme enemy, and traveled once to persuade the King of England to aid the said Lady against the King our Master. I began this friendship by letters, and the King gave him a pension of two thousand crowns, which was double the sum he received of the Duke. Further, the King sent to him one of the stewards of his house called Peter Cleret, charging him to bring with him the said Lord Chamberlains acquittance, to the end hereafter it might appear that the great Chamberlain, Chancellor, Admiral, and Master of the Horse of England, besides divers others, had been the French Kings pensioners. The said Peter Cleret was a wise fellow, and communed privily alone with the Lord Chamberlain at his lodging in London; where, after he had declared his message from the King: he presented him his two thousand crowns in gold (for the King never gave but gold to strangers) which money when the Lord Chamberlain had received, Peter Cleret humbly besought him for his discharge, to give him an acquittance; wherein the said Lord Chamberlain made difficulty. Then Cleret desired him to give him only a letter of three lines to the King to testify the receipt of the money, lest the King being a suspicious Prince should think that he had converted it to his own use. Which reasonable demand the Lord Chamberlain hearing, answered thus: Sir, you require but reason, but this gift proceedeth of the King your Master's liberality not of my request; if it please you that I shall receive it put it here into my sleeve, and other letter or testimonial get you none of me. For I will not for my part that any man shall say that the Lord great Chamberlain of England hath been pensioner to the French King; nor that my acquittances be found in his chamber of accounts. Whereunto the said Cleret replied not, but departed leaving the money behind him; and at his return made report thereof to the King, who was not a little displeased with him for that he brought no acquittance: but as touching the said Chamberlain, he commended and esteemed him more than all the King of England's other servants, and his pension was ever after paid without acquittance. After this sort lived the King with the English men. Notwithstanding the King of England was oftentimes earnestly pressed by this young Princes for aid, and therefore sent ambassadors often to negotiate with the King our Master about these affairs, desiring him to grant her either peace or truce. Now you shall understand that those that were at the debating of these matters in England, especially in their parliament, (which is an assembly of the three estates, where divers wise men were present that smelled our dissimulation a far off, and received no pension of the King as the others did) were very desirous; and yet the commons of the realm more desirous, that the King of England should send aid without further delay to the said Lady: saying, that we here did but abuse them, and that the marriage should never be accomplished: alleging that at the treaty made at Picquigny between the two Kings, we had faithfully sworn and promised that the King of England's daughter whom they had already called the Lady Daulphinesse, should be sent for into France within a year; which term was now long expired. But what reasons soever the subjects made, the King would give no ear thereunto, but alleged divers excuses to the contrary. And to say the truth, he was a very corpulent man and much given to pleasures, neither could his body endure the toil of the wars. Further, he had wound himself out of great troubles and was loath to enter into them again. The covetousness also of the 50000. crowns yearly paid him in the tower of London qualified his mind. Besides all this, his ambassadors that came hither were so courteously entertained and so well rewarded, that they departed ever well contented; but they never received any resolute answer: for the King sought only to protract the time ever saying, that ere it were long he would send to the King their Master certain noble men with such assurance of those matters he stood in doubt of, as he knew well would content him. According to the which promise, within three weeks or a month after these ambassadors departure, sometime more, sometime less, (which was no small delay in such a case) he used to send ambassadors to the K. of England: but at every voyage sundry men, to the end that if the former had made any overture not performed, the latter might played ignorance therein. They also that were sent, persuaded so well the King of England that we meant nothing but good faith, that he lay still, and never stirred: for both he and the Queen his wife so much desired this marriage, that partly for this cause, and partly for the other reasons above alleged; he was content to wink at this war, which some of his Counsel told him plainly to be very prejudicial to his realm. But he feared the breach of this marriage, because men began already to scoff at it in England, especially such as desired rebellion and civil war. Now to discourse a little upon this point. You shall understand that the King our Master never meant to accomplish this marriage, because there was no equality between the age of the two parties: for King Edward's daughter at this present Queen of England, was much elder than the Dauphin now reigning. But by these dissimulations a month or two was gained in running to and fro, by which means the King foded forth his enemy one whole summer, wherein he might have done him harm. For undoubtedly if the King of England had not hoped upon this marriage, he would never have suffered the King to take the places bordering so near upon the English dominions, but have sought to defend them: and if at the beginning he had declared himself for the Lady of Burgundy, the King who was by nature timorous, and would put nothing in adventure, had never weakened this house of Burgundy as he hath. Thus much I writ chief to show how these affairs passed; and secondarily, to the end that if hereafter those that have to manage great affairs happen to read this history, they may thereby learn how to help themselves in the like case: for be their wisdom never so great, yet a small advertisement doth good many times. True it is, that if this Lady of Burgundy would have consented to marry the Lord Rivers the Queen of England's brother, she should have been aided with great force: but this had been an unequal match; for he was but a poor Earl, and she one of the greatest inheritors in her time. Many practices were entertained between the Kings of France and England; and amongst others the King offered him, that if he would join with him, and pass over in person into the Lady of Burgundy's countries, he would be contented that the King of England should hold the country of Flaunders without homage, and also the Duchy of Brabant: offering further, to conquer for him at his proper costs and charges four of the greatest towns in Brabant, and to put them into the King of England's hands, to wage him 10000 English men for four months, to the end he might the better sustain the charge of the wars, and to lend him great store of artillery, and men and carriage to convey it, and attend upon it, with this condition, that the King of England should conquer the country of Flaunders, during the time the King our Master invaded on the other side. Whereunto the King of England made answer that the towns of Flaunders were strong and great; and both that country, and also the country of Brabant hard to be kept if they were conquered: adding further, that this war liked not the English men because of their intercourse with those countries. But seeing it pleased the King to make him partaker of his conquest, if he would give him certain towns he had already conquered in Picardy, as Bolloin and divers other which he named; he would then be contented to declare himself for him, and send men to serve him if he would pay them, which was a very wise answer. The Notes. 1 The King could not take Saint Omer, for the Lord of Chanteraine valiantly defended it. Read De la March lib. 2. cap. 9 pag. 410. 2 Others writ but 295. others 296. and others 299. How the marriage between the Lady of Burgundy and Maximilian Duke of Ostrich, afterwards Emperor, was concluded and accomplished. Chap. 3. divers practices were entertained (as before you have heard) between these two Kings to delay time; but in the mean while the Lady of Burgundy's force still diminished: for of those few men that remained alive after her father's death, divers revolted from her to the King, especially after Monseur de cords was entered into his service; for he led away a great troop with him. Others necessity forced to shrink from her, because they dwelled either within the towns the King had already conquered, or near unto them. Some also put themselves into his service to be enriched; for no Prince dealt so liberally with his men, as the King our Master did. Moreover, civil dissensions and factions among themselves increased daily in the great towns, especially in Gaunt, which bore the greatest sway in the country, as you have heard. For the Lady of Burgundy divers marriages were mentioned; for all men were of opinion, that either she must get her a husband to defend that she yet held, or marry the Dauphin, thereby quietly to possess all. Some desired greatly that this marriage with the Dauphin might take effect, she herself especially, before the King delivered the letters above mentioned, sent unto him by her Chancellor and the Lord of Himbercourt: but others disallowed of this marriage, both because of the said Daulphins young age (for he was but nine years old) and also because of the marriage promised in England: and these laboured for the Duke of Cleves son. Others there were that traveled for the Emperor's son Maximilian now King of Romans. The said Lady had conceived extreme hatred against the King for the delivery of the letters above mentioned, which was the only cause of the two noble men's death, and of the dishonour she received when her letters were openly redelivered her before the assembly, whereof you have heard. Further, the delivery of the said letters seemed also to be the only occasion that moved them of Gaunt to banish so many of her servants from her, to remove from about her, her mother in law and the Lord of Ravastaine, and to put her women in such fear, that they durst not open a letter before they of Gaunt had seen it, nor commune with their Mistress in her ear. Wherefore she began now to remove from about her the Bishop of Liege, who was of the house of Bourbon, and an earnest suitor for her marriage with the Dauphin, which sure had been a very honourable match for her, had not the said Dauphin been so young, notwithstanding the Bishop had no regard thereof. To be short, the said Bishop departed to Liege, whereupon every man gave over that suit. It had been hard to deal in this business to the contentation of all parties, and I think who so should have intermeddled in it, should have had but small thank for his labour in the end: wherefore every man forbore to speak therein. Notwithstanding before her marriage was fully concluded, there was an assembly held about it, whereat the Lady of Hallevin the Princess of Burgundy's principal woman was present, who said (as I have heard reported) that they had need of a man not a child, and that her Mistress was a woman grown and able to bear children, which should be the only stay of the country. This opinion took place, notwithstanding some blamed this Lady for speaking thus frankly; but others commended her, saying, that she had spoken but of such marriage as was most necessary for the estate of the country. There was now no more to do but to find a fit man. And I think verily if it had so pleased the K. she would willingly have married the Lord of Angoulesme that now is ; so much desired she to continue her alliance with the house of France. But God was minded to make another match whereof peradventure the sequel is yet unknown. Notwithstanding this, we are able to say by that is already past, that of the said marriage many great wars have arisen both here and there, which perchance had never happened if she had married the Lord of Angoulesme: whereas by reason of this other match both the countries of Flaunders and Brabant have suffered great afflictions. The Duke of Cleves was at Gaunt with the said Lady, making friends there in hope to conclude a marriage between her and his son: but she had no fancy thereunto; for both she & those that were about her, misliked much his sons conditions. Wherefore some began to motion a marriage between her and the Emperor's son now King of Romans, the which in times past had been so far forth treated of between the Emperor and Duke Charles, that it was concluded between them two. Further, the Emperor had a letter written with the Ladies own hand by her father's commandment, and a ring set with a diamond. The contents of the which letter were, that according to the pleasure of her Lord and father, she promised to the said Duke of Ostrich the Emperor's son, to accomplish the marriage concluded between both their parents, in such manner and form as her said Lord and father should appoint. From the Emperor came certain ambassadors to the said Lady being at Gaunt, who received letters at Brussels commanding them to stay there, because Commssioners should be sent thither to treat with them, which was the Duke of Cleves doing, who was loath of their coming, and sought to send them home discontented. But the said ambassadors passed forth that notwithstanding, for they had good intelligence in the Lady's court, especially with the Dowager of Burgundy, who was removed from the said Lady, as you have heard, because of the letter above mentioned. She advertised them (as it was reported) that they should not stay at Brussels notwithstanding these letters, instructing them further what they should do at their coming to Gaunt, and assuring them that the said Lady and divers about her were well disposed to their suit. The Emperor's ambassadors followed her advise, and rid strait to Gaunt, notwithstanding the message above mentioned. Wherewith the Duke of Cleves was not a little discontented, but he was not acquainted with the disposition of the said Lady and her women. The Council concluded that these ambassadors should have audience, & their message being heard: the Princess should bid them heartily welcome, & tell them that she would take advise with her Council, which words being uttered, she should withdraw herself without farther communication. Whereunto she agreed. The ambassadors when audience was given them, presented their letters and declared their message, which was, that her marriage had been concluded between the Emperor and the Duke of Burgundy her father with her consent; as appeared both by her letters written with her own hand which they there showed, and also by the diamond which they said she had sent and given in token of marriage. Moreover, the said ambassadors required her on their Master's behalf, that it would please her to accomplish the said marriage according to the will and promise both of her said Lord and father, and also of herself. Further, desiring her to declare before the assembly there present, whether she had written the said letter or not, and whether she minded to perform her promise. Whereunto the said Lady without further deliberation answered, that she had sent the said diamond, and written the letter by the commandment of her Lord and father, and would perform all that was contained therein. Then the ambassadors gave her humble thanks, and returned with joyful minds to their lodging. But the Duke of Cleves was highly displeased with this answer, being clean contrary to her counsels resolution, and told her that she had done unadvisedly. Whereunto she answered that she could do no otherwise because her promise was past, which she would not break. Which words the Duke hearing, and knowing divers about her to be of the same opinion: determined soon after to return home into his own country and relinquish his suit. Thus was this marriage concluded, for the accomplishment whereof Duke Maximilian came to Colen, where certain of the Lady's servants met him, and brought him money, whereof I think they found him bare enough: for his father was the hardest man either Prince or private man that lived in his time. The said Emperor's son being accompanied with seven or eight hundred horse was conveyed to Gaunt, where the marriage was accomplished, which at the first was more unprofitable than profitable to the Lady's subjects; for the Almains in steed of bringing money with them, had money given them. Their number was not sufficient to withstand the King's forces, and their conditions agreed not with her subjects manners: for they had lived under rich Princes which gave goodly offices, kept honourable and pompous houses both in furniture and fare, and had sumptuous apparel, both for themselves and their servants: but the Almains are of a clean contrary disposition, for they are rude fellows and live grossly. I doubt not but that by sage and wise advise and by the special grace of God, the law Salic was ordained in France which barreth women from the crown, to the end the realm fall not into the hands of a strange Prince & nation. For neither the French men nor any other people can easily digest the government of a stranger. And to say the truth there is no great signory but in the end the dominion thereof remaineth to the natural country men, as appeareth by the realm of France, a great part whereof the English men possessed the space of four hundred years; and yet now hold nothing therein but Calais, and two little castles, the defence whereof costeth them yearly a great sum of money: the rest they lost much sooner than they won; for they lost more in a day, than they got in a year. The selfsame appeareth also by the realm of Naples, the isle of Sicily, and the other provinces possessed by the French men many years, where now is no memorial of their being there, save only their ancestors graves. For notwithstanding that men may away with a strange Prince being wise, & accompanied with a small train well disposed; yet can they hardly digest a great number of strangers: for if the Prince bring with him a great multitude, or send for great forces upon occasion of wars, quarrels will arise between them and the subjects of the country, because of the diversity of their manners and conditions, and because they will not forbear to offer the subjects wrong, and are not beloved as the natural country men be: which inconvenience then happeneth especially, when strangers seek to have the highest offices and estates, and the government of the affairs in the commonwealth. Wherefore a Prince that goeth into a strange country, had need to be wise and careful in setting all things in good order: for if he lack this virtue of prudence, which proceedeth especially of the grace of God, whatsoever other good parts be in him, all is but lost; and if he live a man's age both he and those that live under him shall taste of great troubles, especially in his old age when his subjects and servants despair of amendment. After this marriage above rehearsed was accomplished, their affairs amended not, for the Princes were both very young, and Duke Maximilian for his part simple and of small understanding, aswell because of his young years , as also for that he was in a strange country, and utterly unacquainted in his education with any matter of state. Lastly, he wanted force sufficient for any great exploit, so that for these causes these countries fell into great miseries, wherein they yet remain and are like to remain. Sure it is a grievous plague when a Province is forced to seek a strange Prince to govern it. Wherefore God hath showed great grace to the realm of France by the law above mentioned, which barreth women from the crown: for by such marriages with strangers a private house (I confess) may be enriched, but to a great realm such as this, many inconveniences should thereof ensue. Soon after this marriage accomplished, or while they were treating thereof: the King won the country of Artois. It sufficeth me to rehearse the substance of these affairs, and if I fail otherwise in the exact computation of the time a month or two, I trust the Readers will hold me excused. The King's good success daily increased; for no man withstood him, by means whereof he won every day some place or other, unless truce or some owerture of peace were made: which notwithstanding could never be brought to conclusion because both the parties were unreasonable. Wherefore the war continued still. Duke Maximilian and the Lady of Burgundy had issue the first year Archduke Philip now living . The second year they had a daughter called Margaret now our Queen . The third year they had a son named Francis of Francis Duke of Britain , who christened him. The fourth year she died with a fall from her horse or of an ague: but true it is that she fell, & some said she was with child. Her death was a great loss to her subjects, for she was a virtuous and liberal Lady, well-beloved of her people, & more reverenced and feared of them than her husband; and no marvel, for she was Lady of the land. She loved her husband entirely well, and was well reported of all men. She died in the year 1482. The King held in Hainault the towns of Quesnoi-le Count, and Bouchain, the which he restored again, whereat divers wondered, considering that he seamed not desirous of peace, but rather to take all and leave this house of Burgundy nothing. And sure I think if he could easily have dispersed and given away all the Seniories thereof, he would utterly have destroyed it indeed. But two causes there were, as he afterwards told me, that moved him to render these places: the one, he said that a King ought to make more account of places of force and defence within his own realm where he is anointed and sacred, than of those that are out of his realm, as these two were. The other was because of the solemn oath and league that is between the Kings of France and the Emperors, that they shall not encroach the one upon the other, and these places above mentioned were situate in the Empire, and were restored the year 1477. The same cause moved him to leave Cambray also, and to restore it to neutrality, and to say the truth, they received him into the town under that condition. The Notes. 1 This was Charles Duke of Angoulesme father to King Francis the first. 2 Maximilian was borne the 22. of March 1459. and this marriage was accomplished in August 1477. Introduct. de la March, so that he was eighteen years old and six months when he was married. 3 This is Philip father to the Emperors Charles the fift and Ferdinand, he was borne the 23. of june 1478. and died the 25. of September 1506. 4 This Margaret is she whom they of Gaunt against her father's will betrothed to King Charles the 8. as Commines writeth in this book cap. 9 The said King Charles never accomplished the marriage with her, but being grown to man's estate, sent her home to her father, as Commines writeth, lib. 7. cap. 3. Afterward she married the Prince of Castille as is mentioned lib. 8. cap. 17. and lastly Philibert Duke of Savoy. She was borne anno 1480. de la March. 5 This Francis was borne anno 1481. Introduct. de la March, he died a child, and another son also, as other historiographers report, named George. 6 Or rather the fift, for she was married anno 1477. and died 1482. as our author in the 7. chapter of this book reporteth. She was borne anno 1457. and King Lewis christened her. Meyer. Annal. Burgund. 7 She died 2. of March an. 1482. by reason that through womanly bashfulness she would not suffer her thigh which was broken with the fall from her horse to be cured, but chose rather to die. How King Lewis by the conduct of Charles of Amboise his lieutenant, recovered divers towns in Burgundy, which the Prince of Orange had caused to revolt from him. Chap. 4. THe war endured still in Burgundy, where the King could not achieve his enterprise, because the Prince of Orange being revolted from him was made lieutenant of the Burgundians, and had some aid of the Almains for his money, but not in favour of Duke Maximilian: for as touching him, there never came man into the country for his service, at the least during the time I now write of. But these Almains were certain bands of Swissers that served the Prince of Orange as adventurers, but not as Maximilians waged soldiers: for the Swissers are not friends nor well willers of the house of Ostrich: other aid this country of Burgundy had little; notwithstanding enough it might have had if their payment had been good. And as touching aid, no man might better have given it than Duke Sigismunde of ostrich, Duke Maximilians' uncle , whose dominions bordered upon these countries of Burgundy, especially the County of Ferrette, which a few years before he sold for 100000. gildons, to Charles Duke of Burgundy, and took it afterwards again without paying back the money , by the which title he yet possesseth it. He was a man of small wisdom, and little regarding his honour, and in such friends men find small help. Further, he was one of those Princes above mentioned that understand nothing of their own affairs, further than it pleaseth their servants to acquaint them with, who are ever plagued for their beastliness in their age as this Duke Sigismunde was. For his servants during these wars, made him take part with whom them listed; so that for the most part he joined with the King our Master against his nephew, and would have given his inheritance being very large from his own kindred to a strange house: for he never had child, notwithstanding that he were twice married. But now within these three months by the persuasion of another faction of his servants, he hath conveyed a present estate of his whole patrimony to the said Maximiliam his nephew King of Romans', reserving to himself a pension only amounting to the third part of his revenues, without any further power or authority in the country. But (as I have heard) he hath often repent him thereof; and if I have heard a lie, yet it is like enough to be true. Such is the end of all Princes that live like beasts, against whom I inveigh thus vehemently, because of the great office and charge that God hath given them in this world. Notwithstanding those that are bereft of their wits ought to be free from all reproach; but sure those that have good wits and healthful bodies, and yet employ their time in nothing but folly and idleness; are not to be moaned when any misfortune falleth upon them: as on the other side those that spend their time according to their age, sometime in wisdom and council, and sometime in honest ' recreation, are greatly to be commended, and happy be the subjects that live under such a Prince. This war in Burgundy endured long, because of the Swissers small aid above mentioned; notwithstanding the King's force was much too strong for them: besides that the Burgundians lacked money; for the which cause the garrisons that were in the strong places turned by intelligence. Monseur de Cranmer the King's lieutenant there, laid the siege before Dolle the chief city of the county of Burgundy, the force within it being so small that he despised it, which turned to his loss: for they sallied forth and assaulted him on a sudden, and took part of his artillery, and slew certain of his men, which was a great dishonour to him, and put him also into the King's disgrace; who being troubled with this accident determined to send a new governor into Burgundy, partly because of this misfortune, and partly because of the great pillings and pollings the said de Cranmer had used in the country, which were in deed too excessive. Notwithstanding before his departure he overthrew a band of Almains and Burgundians, and took prisoner Monseur de Chasteauguion , the greatest Lord in Burgundy. Other exploit none was done that I have heard of, notwithstanding the report went, that the said de Cranmer behaved himself there very valiantly as touching his own person. The King; as before I said, determined for the reasons above alleged, to place a new governor in Burgundy, not diminishing any whit of the said de Crans profits, offices, or estates, save only that he took from him all his men of arms, except half a dozen or a dozen archers, left to accompany him home. This Monseur de Cranmer was a very gross man, and willingly departed to his own house, where he lived at ease. The King placed in his room Master Charles of Amboise Lord of Chaumont a valiant, wise, and diligent gentleman. Moreover, he practised to win all the Almains that made war against him in Burgundy, to his service, not so much to use their help, as thereby to conquer the easilier the rest of the country. The King sent also to the Swissers, whom he called the Lords of these Almain leagues, making them many goodly offers; for he promised a yearly pension of 20000. franks to their towns, which be four, Berne, Lucerne, Zurich, and I think Fribourg was the fourth. Their Cantons also, as I suppose, received part of this pension, which be three villages situate in the mountains, namely Swiss, whereof the whole country is named; Soleurre, and Ondreval: other 20000. franks he promised yearly to the said Swissers governors, and to certain particular men that should further his affairs. Moreover, he enroled himself one of their Burgesses, & desired to be their principal confederate, and to have writings thereof; wherein though they made some difficulty at the first, because the Duke of Savoy had ever been their chief confederate: yet in the end they granted him his demands, and promised to send continually to his service 6000. men under this condition, that their entertainment should be monthly four gildons and a half, which band continued in pay till the King's death . A poor Prince had not been able to do this, but sure it turned greatly to the King's profit, though in the end I think it will be their destruction. For now they flow so with money, especially with gold (wherewith before they were unacquainted) that they are ready to fall at variance among themselves, otherwise no man should be able to annoy them. For their country is so poor, and so full of mountains, and themselves so good soldiers, that few would seek to invade them. After these treaties were ended, and all the Almains in Burgundy won to the King's service, the Burgundians force was clean broken. To be short, after divers new enterprises achieved by the governor the Lord of Chaumont, he besieged Rochfort a castle near to Dolle, defended by Master claud de Vauldray, and yielded by composition. Afterward he besieged the town of Dolle, from the siege whereof his predecessor in this office was raised (as before you have heard) and took it by assault. The report was that some of these Almains lately received into the King's service, thought to have entered the town to defend it; but so many frank archers thronged in with them, not understanding their treason, but only for desire of gain, that after they were once entered, they fell all to the spoil, and burned and destroyed the town. A few days after the taking whereof, the governor besieged Aussonne a very strong town, but he had good intelligence within it. And before he brought the siege thither, he writ to the King, desiring that the offices of the town might be bestowed upon certain whom he named: which request was forthwith granted. Although I were not present at these actions, yet understood I of them, both by the reports made thereof to the King, and also by the letters written to him; the which oftentimes I myself perused to make answer thereunto by his commandment. The force within Aussonne was but small, and the captains had intelligence with the governor, by means whereof within five or six days the place was yielded. Thus was all Burgundy conquered, save three or four castles situate upon mountains, namely jeu, and certain others, and the town of Bezanson which is imperial, not subject to the county of Burgundy, but environed therewith; and therefore at the commandment of the Prince thereof. The governor entered into it for the King, and came forth again; they of the town doing unto him all such services as they were accustomed in times past to do to the Princes of Burgundy. Thus was all Burgundy subdued by the governors great diligence, whereunto the King earnestly pressed him, doubting that he would leave some place unconquered, to the end his help might be needed there still, and he not be called from thence to serve the King in some other place. For Burgundy is a fruitful country, whereof he disposed as of his own; so that both the Lord of Cranmer before named, and this governor also, filled their bags well there. The country remained quiet awhile under the government of the said Lord of Chaumont: notwithstanding certain places, namely Beaune, Verdun, and others rebelled soon after: at the which time I myself was there, sent thither by the King, with the pensioners of his house, who never had captain over them before, but sithence continually. The said places above rehearsed were soon recovered by the wisdom and conduct of the governor, and by his enemies lack of conduct and good order. Whereby you may perceive, what difference God of his goodness hath set between man and man: for to that part which he meaneth to protect and defend, he giveth the wisest men, and likewise wisdom to those that are in authority to employ the wisest. Further, he hath always showed and doth daily show himself in all things a defender and protector of our Kings, not only of our Master that dead is, but of the King likewise now reigning, notwithstanding that sometime they taste also of his scourges. They that lost again these towns thus revolted, were force sufficient to have defended them, if they had with speed put themselves into them: but through their negligence they gave the governor leisure to levy men, which was great folly; for they knew well enough his estate, considering the great favour all the country bore them. Wherefore they ought to have entered with speed into Beaune, being a strong town, and of defence, as the others were not. The selfsame day that the governor went to besiege a little beggarly town called Verdun, being well informed of the state thereof: these Burgundians entered there, minding to put themselves into Beaune. They were six hundred choice men horsemen and footmen, partly Almains, and partly of the county of Ferrette, led by certain expert gentlemen of Burgundy, of the which Simon of Quinchy was one. But they spent time at Verdun while they might have entered into Beaune, which the governor could never have recovered, if they had once been within it. But for lack of good counsel, they stayed a night too long in Verdun, where they were besieged and taken by assault. Afterward Beaune was also besieged, and all that was lost recovered, since the which time our enemies were never of any force in Burgundy. I was at this present in the country with the King's pensioners (as you have heard) from whence the King revoked me, because of a certain letter written to him, wherein he was advertised that I forbore to lodge our men of arms in certain Burgesses houses of Dyion. This with another small suspicion conceived of me, caused him suddenly to send me to Florence: to which his commandment I obeyed as reason was, and departed so soon as I had my dispatch. The Notes. 1 This Sigismond was not uncle to Maximilian, as other histories report, but cousin german to his father; for Ernestus father to the Emperor Friderick, and Fridericus Seinor this Duke Sigismunds' father were brethren, sons to Leopold Duke of ostrich, slain in battle by the Swissers anno 1386. 2 He sold it ann. 1469. 3 Others writ that the money was paid to a merchant of Basill to the Duke of Burgundy's use, and the payment signified to the said Duke, who would not accept it unless it were paid at Bezanson. 4 This was the Prince of Oranges brother who came to levy the siege that Monseur de Cranmer held before Gy, where he had besieged the said Prince of Orange, with him were slain 14. or 15. hundred. 5 Before lib. 5. cap. 2. he reporteth these 40000. franks to be florins, and so in mine opinion it should be read here. 6 When these Swissers began first to be entertained, then were the frank archers cassed, which was anno 1480. 7 The old copy raseth Verdun and hath Semur, which the Annals of France call Sennier: saying, that both this and Verdun also rebelled. How Monseur d'Argenton during these wars of the conquest of Burgundy, was sent to Florence, and how he received homage of the Duke of Milan in the King's name for the Duchy of Genua. Chap. 5. MY voyage into Italy was about a quarrel that arose between two great houses, very famous in those days, the one the house of Medicis, the other the house of Pacis; the which Pacis by the supportation of the Pope and Ferrande King of Naples, thought to have slain Laurence of Medicis & all his adherents: notwithstanding of him they failed; but his brother julian they slew in the great church of Florence, and with him one called Francis Noly, a servant of this house of Medicis, who stepped forth before the said julian to save him. Laurence de Medicis being sore hurt retired into the vestry of the church, the doors whereof are of copper, & were made by his father's commandment. A servant whom he delivered out of prison but two days before, did him good service that day, and received many wounds for him. This murder was committed while high mass was sung: for the time agreed upon for the execution was when the Priest that sung mass began Sanctus. But the success of the enterprise answered not their expectation. For supposing all to have been fully accomplished: certain of them went up to the palace, minding there to have slain all the Lords of the town being to the number of nine, which have the whole government of the city, and change at every three months end. But they that attempted this enterprise were evil followed by their companions, by means whereof when they came to the top of the palace stairs, one shut a door after them: whereupon they seeing themselves not past four or five were astonished and witted not what to say, which the Lords of the town that were above and their servants perceiving, looked out at the windows, and saw all the town in an uproar and hard Master james of Pacis with his companions cry in the midst of the market place before the palace, Liberta Liberta, and Popolo Popolo: which were words whereby they thought to allure the people to take part with them, which notwithstanding the people did not, but held themselves quiet. Whereupon Master james de Pacis and his companions seeing the evil success of their enterprise, fled out of the place as men astonished. Which when the Lords and governors of the town being within the palace perceived: they took immediately those five or six that were come up evil accompanied, and evil followed, with intent to have slain them and taken the government into their hands; and commanded them presently to be hanged at the bars of the palace windows, the archbishop of Pisa being one of them. Further, the said governors perceiving all the city to take part with them & the house of Medicis: gave commandment forthwith, that all found men flying should be stayed at the passages and brought back to the town; at the which instant Master james of Pacis was taken, and with him one sent thither by Pope Sixtus, being a captain of certain bands under the Earl Hieronimo, which Earl was also of the conspiracy. The said Pacis with his companions was in like manner immediately hanged at the bars of the palace windows: the Pope's servant was beheaded; and besides these divers were taken in the town, who were all hanged in this heat, of the which Francis de Pacis was one. There were as I guess hanged in all fowerteene great personages, besides certain servants slain in the town. A few days after this uproar, I arrived at Florence from the King, having used great diligence after my departure out of Burgundy, for I stayed no where but two or three days with the Duchess of Savoye the King's sister, who entertained me very honourably. From thence I went to Milan, where I sojourned also two or three days, and demanded aid of them to succour the Florentines, with whom at that time they were in league, which my request they willingly granted, both because of the King's demand, & also for their leagues sake: wherefore they sent forth at that present three hundred men of arms, and soon after other bands. But to proceed, the Pope excommunicated the Florentines immediately after this fact committed, and caused forthwith his own forces and the King of Naples forces to march. Their army was strong and great, and they had in pay a number of good soldiers. They besieged first a little fort near to Senes called the Chastellennie, which they took with divers other places so that the Florentines were in great distress: for because they had lived long in peace, they were unacquainted with the wars, neither understood the danger they were in. Laurence de Medicis their chief governor in the town was but young, and ruled altogether by young men, yet the whole city rested upon his opinion. Moreover, they had but few Captains, and their force was very small: but the general of the Popes and King Ferrand of Naples army was the Duke of Urbin, a valiant and wise Prince, and a good captain. In their camp were also the Lord Robert of Arimini, who since hath been a man of great estimation, the Lord Constantine of Pesaro, and divers others that accompanied the King of Naples two sons, the Duke of Calabria, and the Lord Dom Frederic, (who are all yet alive;) besides a great number of other valiant soldiers. Thus they took all the places that they besieged; but not so speedily as we would have done in France, because they understood not what appertained neither to the siege nor defence of a town so well as we: but sure as touching the leading of an army, & giving order both for victuals & all other things necessary for a camp, they pass us far. The favour the King showed the Florentines stood them in some stead, though not so much as I wished; but I had no forces there to aid them with, save only my train. I stayed at Florence and in their dominions about a year, altogether upon their charge: they used me very honourably, and till the last day my entertainment rather amended then impaired. Then the King called me home, and as I passed through Milan, I received homage for the Duchy of Genua of the Duke of Milan, called john Galeas, at the least of the Duchess his mother, who did homage to me as the King's deputy in her sons name. From thence I returned to the King our Master, who received me graciously and acquainted me with his affairs more than ever before, and appointed me also to be his bedfellow, notwithstanding that I were unworthy of that honour, and that divers others were fit for that place than myself: but he was so wise that no man could fail to please him if he executed his commandments, without adding aught thereto of his own brain. The Notes. 1 This Archbishop's name was Francis Saluiat, and this uproar was the 27. of April anno 1478. Of Monseur d'Argentons return out of Italy into France, and of the battle of Guinegate. Chap. 6. AT my return the King our Master looked somewhat aged, and his body was disposed to sickness, but his disease broke not forth as yet. His affairs he governed with great wisdom, and the war endured still in Picardy, wherewith he was not a little discontented, as were his enemies also in the said country: but they could not remedy it. The Duke of ostrich now King of Romans having the Flemings this year at his devotion, laid the siege before Therovenne: but Monseur de cords the King's lieutenant in Picardy, levied all the forces the King had in that country, and the frontiers thereabout, to the number of eight thousand frank archers, and went to secure the place. Whom when the Duke of ostrich perceived to approach, he levied his siege, and marched against him: the two armies met at a place called Guinegate. The Duke had of Flemings to the number of twenty thousand or better, and certain Almains together with three hundred English men, led by an English Knight that had served Charles Duke of Burgundy, called sir Thomas Abrigan. The King's horsemen being much stronger than their enemies, broke the Duke's horsemen, and pursued them and Master Philip of Ravastain their captain as far as Air, whereupon the Duke joined himself with his footmen. The King had in this army at the least 1100. men of arms of his ordinary retinue : all the which followed not the chase; but Monseur de cords who was general did, and Monseur de Torcy with him, which was a valiant deed, but against the law of arms; for the captains of the vaward and rearward ought not to follow the chase. Some of the Duke's horsemen retired, under colour of defending the strong places; but others fled in good earnest. The Duke's footmen fled not, yet were they upon the point so to do; but they had with them on foot two hundred valiant gentlemen their leaders, among whom were the Lord of Romont of the house of Savoye, the Earl of Nassaw, and divers others yet living. The courage of these gentlemen stayed the footmen, which was a wonder, considering they saw their horsemen broken. The King's frank archers fell to spoil the Duke's carriage, and the stragglers that followed it, as victuallers, and such like: but certain of the Duke's footmen set upon them, discomfited them, and slew some of them. The Duke's loss was greater than ours; for more of his men were taken, and more slain : but the honour of the field was his. And I think verily if he had returned to Therovenne, he had not found a man neither in it, nor in Arras; and it was greatly to his loss, that he durst not attempt so to do. But in such cases men are not always informed of the best: and to say the truth, great cause he had to fear that enterprise. I speak of this battle but by hearsay; for I was not present at it: notwithstanding to continue the order of my history, somewhat I was forced to write thereof. I was with the King when these news were brought him, which undoubtedly nipped him at the very hart; for he was not accustomed to lose, but had such success in all his attempts, that fortune seemed to be at his commandment, which undoubtedly his wisdom greatly furthered. For he would hazard nothing, neither feared any thing more than a battle; and as touching this now mentioned, it was fought without his knowledge. His armies he made so strong, that few Princes were able to encounter them; he was better furnished of artillery, than any King that ever reigned in France: he attempted always to take places upon a sudden, especially such as he perceived to be evil fortified; which after he had once gotten, he furnished so well both of men and artillery, that it was impossible for his enemies to recover them. Further, if the captain of any strong place, or any other within it, would practise to yield it for money, he was sure of a copes mate, neither would he shrink were the sum never so great that was demanded, but liberally give it. He was afeard at the first when news was brought him of this battle, supposing the truth had not been told him, but that his whole force had been overthrown, knowing, if it were so, all to be lost that he had conquered over this house of Burgundy in those parts, and the rest in great danger: but when he understood the truth, he took the matter patiently, and was well enough contented with Monseur de cords. Notwithstanding he purposed to give order, that no more such enterprises should be attempted without his knowledge. From this day forward he resolved to treat of peace with the Duke of ostrich, so that it might be wholly to his own advantage, and that he might thereby so bridle the said Duke, by means of his own proper subjects (whom he knew to be inclined to practise against their Prince) that he should never be able to do him harm. Moreover, he was very desirous to redress all disorders in his realm, especially the long delays of processes and suits in law: which thing the better to compass, he minded to bridle the Court of parliament, not by diminishing their number or authority, but many things were done there against his mind, for the which he hated it. He was also desirous to reduce his whole realm to one custom, and one kind of weight and measure: and further, that all the laws and customs should be written in the French tongue, in a fair book to avoid the pillings and pollings of the Counsellors in law, which are more excessive in this realm than in any other, as the nobility hath good cause to know. And undoubtedly if God had spared him life and health five or six years longer, he would have done much good in the realm, as great cause he had to do; for he had more oppressed it than ever had any of his predecessors: but neither authority nor persuasions could have won him to unburden his people till it had come of himself, as in his latter days sure it would if God had preserved him from sickness. Wherefore it is requisite to do good while a man hath leisure, health, and understanding. The treaty the King desired to make with the Duke and Duchess of Ostrich, and their dominions, was this: he meant by means of the citizens of Gaunt to treat of a marriage between the Dauphin his son now our King, and the daughter of the said Duke and Duchess, under these conditions, that if the marriage were accomplished, they should permit him quietly to enjoy the counties of Burgundy, Auxerrois, Masconnois, and Charolois; and he for his part would restore unto them Artois, reserving only to himself the city of Arras, in such sort as he had fortified it: for the town was now nothing worth, considering the fortification of the city. For before the King took Arras, the town was fortified with ditch and rampire against the city; but now the city was fortified against the town, and held for the King by the Bishop: wherein the King did contrary to the Princes of this house of Burgundy. For they always at the least by the space of these hundred years, made Bishop whom they listed, and placed a captain in the town beside: but the King to increase his authority did clean contrary, and caused also the town walls to be beaten down, and the city to be fortified: so that now the city shutteth upon the town, a great ditch being between both. Wherefore the King indeed offered nothing; for whoso hath the city, hath the town at commandment. Of the Duchy of Burgundy, the county of Bolloin, the towns situate upon the river of Somme, the territories of Peronne, Roye, & Montdidier no mention was made. After these owertures were once set on foot, they of Gaunt furthered them to the uttermost of their power, and used very rudely the Duke and Duchess his wife, as did also divers other great towns of Flaunders and Brabant, which were fully bend to follow the proceed of them of Gaunt, especially Brucelles, which was grown so wealthy, because of the continual residence that Duke Philip and Duke Charles of Burgundy had made there: (as did also at this present the Duke and Duchess of ostrich) that the wealth ●nd quietness wherein they had lived under these two Dukes above named, made them forget God and their duty to their Prince: so that they procured themselves that misfortune, which afterward, as you have seen, fell upon them. The Notes. 1 The old copy saith but 500 men of arms. 2 There were slain at the battle of Guinegate 11000. Burgundians, and 5000. French men. Gaguin. How King Lewis being visited with sickness, lost his wits, and lay speechless, sometime recovering, and eftsoons falling into his disease again: and how he behaved himself in his castle of Plessis les Tours. Chap. 7. ABout this time in the year 1479. in the month of March truce was made between these two Princes. The King was very desirous of peace especially in those parts, so that it might be altogether for his adventage. For he began now to wax old and sickly; so far forth that once being at dinner at Forges near to Chinon, he was suddenly taken in all parts of his body and lost his speech: he was taken up from the table and held to the fire, and the windows shut; to the which notwithstanding that he desired to go, yet some of his freiends held him and would not suffer him so to do, meaning all for the best. This disease took him in the year of our Lord 1480. in the month of March: he lay altogether speechless, he knew no man, and his memory was wholly taken away. At the which instant you (my Lord of Vienna) came thither, and served him at that time in steed of a Physician: for you gave him a glister, and caused the windows to be opened, and the air to be let in; whereupon immediately he recovered his speech and his memory after a sort, and took horse and returned to Forges: for this disease took him in a village a quarter of a league thence whither he went to hear mass. He was diligently tended & made signs what he would have done: among other things he desired that the official of Tours might be called to shrive him, and made signs also that I should be sent for, for I was gone to Argenton being ten leagues thence: when I came, I found him at the table with Master Adam Fumee, (who sometime had been King Charles the seavenths' Physician, and was at that present Master of the requests,) and another Physician called Master claud: he understood little what any man said, notwithstanding grief he felt none, he spoke plainly almost never a word, but made signs that I should be in his chamber. I waited upon him the space of 15. days at his table, & about his person as one of the grooms of his chamber, which I accounted great honour to me, and thought myself in duty bound so to do. After two days he recovered his speech & his memory after a sort: and because he thought that no man understood him so well as myself, his pleasure was that I should always be by him, and he confessed himself to the official in my presence, otherwise they would never have understood one an other. He had not much to say, for he was shriven not long before, because the Kings of France use always to confess themselves when they touch those that be sick of the King's evil, which he never failed to do once a week. If other Princes do not the like, they are to blame, for continually a great number are troubled with that disease. After he was somewhat recovered, he began to inquire who they were that held him by force from going to the windows, whose names when he heard, forthwith he banished them the Court; so that they never came afterward to his presence, & some of them also he put out of office. From others, namely the Lord of Segre and Gilbert de grass Lord of Champeroux he took nothing, but commanded them to departed. Many wondered at this toy, blaming him for so using them, considering that all that they did was for the best, and they said truth: but Prince's imaginations are strange, and a number are bold to prattle of them that understand them not. The King feared nothing so much as the diminishing of his authority being marvelous great, for the which cause he would not be disobeyed in any point. Further, he remembered that when King Charles his father fell into the disease whereof he died, he entered into suspicion that his servants sought to poison him at his sons request : which fancy sank so deeply into his head that he refused his meat. Wherefore it was concluded by the advise of his Physicians, and of his chiefest and trustiest servants, that he should be forced to eat: the which was executed very orderly and advisedly by those that served him, for cooliz was powered into his mouth, but soon after this force he died. The King our Master who had ever misliked this ordering of his father, stomached marvelously that he had been held thus perforce; but yet made show of much greater displeasure than indeed he had conceived thereof. The chief cause that moved him so to do was fear, lest they should Master him in all other things, especially in the expedition of his weighty affairs, under colour of the imperfection of his wits. After he had dealt thus roughly with these above named, he inquired what his Council had done during the time of his sickness, and what dispatches they had made, whereof the Bishop of Alby, his brother the governor of Burgundy, the Marshal of Gié, and the Lord of Lude had the whole charge: for these were present when his sickness took him, and lodged all in two little chambers underneath him. Further, he would needs see the letters and packets that had been brought and came hourly. The principal whereof were showed him, and I read them before him: he made a countenance as though he understood them, and took them into his hands, feigning that he read them, notwithstanding that indeed he understood never a word. Sometime also he spoke a word or two, or made signs what should be the answer to these letters; but little or no thing was dispatched, for we expected an end of his disease, because he was a Master with whom it stood us upon to deal circumspectly. This sickness held him about fifteen days, and then his wits and speech he recovered perfectly, but his body was marvelous weak; for the which cause we feared greatly a relapse, the rather because naturally he was inclined to give but small credit to Physicians. Immediately after he was well recovered, he restored Cardinal Ballue (whom he had held in prison fowerteene years) to liberty. Whereunto notwithstanding that he had been required oftentimes before, both by the Sea Apostolic and others, and all in vain: yet now he purchased the absolution of that fault himself, by a bull sent from our holy father the Pope by his own procurement. When his disease first took him, they that at that present were about him held him for dead, and sent forth divers commandments for the revoking of an excessive and cruel subsidy lately laid upon his subjects, by the advise of the Lord of cords his lieutenant in Picardy, wherewith were waged ten thousand footmen, to be always in a readiness, & 2500. pioneers, the which were called the Soldiers of the camp. Moreover, he appointed fifteen hundred of his ordinary men of arms to accompany them, and to fight on foot when need so required. He caused also a great number of carts to be made to enclose them, and tents and pavilions, imitating therein the D. of Burgundy's camp. The charge of this army amounted yearly to 1500000. franks . When these soldiers were in a readiness, and furnished of all things necessary, he went to see them muster in a valley near to Pont de l'Arche in Normandy, where the band of the six thousand Swissers above mentioned mustered also, the which never saw the King but at this time only. After all was ended, the King removed to Tours, where he fell again into his former disease, and lost his speech as before, and was by the space of two hours in such case that all men held him for dead. He lay in a gallery upon a mattress of straw, divers standing about him. Monseur de Bouchage and I vowed him to Saint claud, and all the rest that were present vowed him also. Immediately whereupon he recovered his speech, and soon after arose and walked up and down the house, but his body was marvelous feeble. The second fit of sickness took him in the year 1481. notwithstanding he road up and down the country as before, and went to Argenton to my house, where he lay a month marvelous sick. From thence he went to Tours, where (notwithstanding that he still remained sick) he took upon him his voyage to Saint claud, to whom as you have heard he was vowed, and at his departure thence commanded me to go into Savoye against the Lords of Chambre, Miolant, and Bresse, because they had taken prisoner the Lord of Lins in Dauphin, whom he had appointed governor of Duke Philibert his nephew. Yet notwithstanding covertly he aided these Lords against whom I went. He sent also a great band of soldiers after me, whom I led to Mascon against the Lord of Bresse, but he and I agreed well enough secretly. Further, the Lord of Chambre made a composition with the Duke of Savoye at Thurin in Piedmont where he lay, whereof he advertised me; and immediately thereupon I caused my forces to retire. He led the said Duke to Grenoble, whither the Marshal of Burgundy, the marquess of Rothelin, and myself went to receive him. The King commanded me to return home, and to meet him at Beavieu in Beaviolois, where when I arrived, I wondered to see him so lean and bare, much more to ride up and down the country, but his noble hart carried him. At Beavieu he received letters, that the Duchess of ostrich was dead of a fall from her horse; for she rid a fierce hobby that threw her upon a block, notwithstanding some say she died not of the fall, but of an ague: but howsoever it were, she died soon after the fall, to the great damage of her subjects & friends, who since her death never had quietness nor good success. For this people of Gaunt and the other towns bare much more reverence to her than to her husband, because she was Lady of the country. She died in the year 1482. The K. told me these news in great joy, adding, that the two children remained in the citizens of Gaunts custody, whom he knew to be inclined to sedition & rebellion against this house of Burgundy. Further, he thought the time now come when he might do some great exploit, seeing the D. of ostrich was but young, his father yet living, his countries troubled on every side with wars, and himself a stranger and weakly accompanied. For the Emperor his father was too extremely covetous, for the which cause his son found the less favour. The King immediately after the Duchess death, began to practise with the governors of Gaunt, by means of Monseur de cords, and to treat of a marriage between the Dauphin his son, and the said Duke's daughter called Margaret, at this present our Queen. The said de cords addressed himself wholly to two men, the one a pensioner of the town called William Rive, a subtle crafty fellow; the other the clerk of their Senate named Coupe Nole, who was a hosier, but in great credit with the people: for such men of occupation, when they are most unruly, are there best esteemed. The King returned to Tours, and kept himself very close, so that few saw him: for he waxed jealous of all men, searing that they would take the government from him, or diminish his authority; for the which cause he removed all those from him, that he had most favoured, and had been nearest about him, not diminishing their estates in any respect: but he sent them away some to their offices and charges, and some to their houses, but this endured not long, for soon after he died. He did divers strange things which caused as many as saw them to think him out of his wits; but they were not thoroughly acquainted with his conditions. As touching suspicious, all great Princes are suspicious, especially those that be wise, and have had many enemies, and have offended many as the King our Master had. Further, he knew himself not to be beloved of the nobility of his realm, nor of a great number of the commonalty. Besides this, he had more charged his people than ever had any of his predecessors: notwithstanding he was desirous now in his latter days (as before I said) to have eased them, but he should have begun sooner. King Charles the seventh by the persuasion of divers wise and valiant Knights that had served him in the conquest of Normandy and Guyenne (which the Englishmen held,) was the first that began to levy subsidies at his pleasure, without the consent of the States of his realm; and to say the truth, cause there was then so to do: for the charges were marvelous great, as well for the manning of the countries newly conquered, as also for the defeating of the companies of robbers, which went about spoiling the realm. For the which cause the nobility of France consented to the King, and had certain pensions promised them in consideration of the sums of money that should be levied upon their lands. If this King had always lived and those of his council that were about him, he would sure greatly have enlarged his realm. But considering what happened after his death, & is like further to happen, he charged marvelously his soul, and the souls of his successors by this fact: for he gave his realm a cruel wound, which will bleed this many a year, by entertaining in continual pay a terrible band of men of arms, after the manner of the Italian Princes. The said King Charles levied in his realm at the hour of his death but 1800000. franks all manner of ways, and had in ordinary about seventeen hundred men of arms, the which he kept in good order, and so placed in divers provinces for the defence of his realm, that many years before his death they rid not spoiling up and down the country, to the great quietness & comfort of his people. But the King our Master levied at his death 4700000. franks, he had in pay four or five thousand men of arms, and of footmen for the camp and in garrison, above five and twenty thousand: wherefore it is not to be marveled if he had many fancies and imaginations in his head, and thought himself not well-beloved. But sure as these matters caused him greatly to fear some; so had he a sure confidence in many of those whom he had brought up and highly advanced, of the which I think there were a number, whom death itself could never have withdrawn from doing their duty. There came into Plessis du Parc, (which was the place where he lay) very few besides his household servants, and the archers of his guard being four hundred, of whom a great number all the day long kept watch and ward at the gate, walking up and down the place. No noble man or great parsonage lodged within the castle, neither might be suffered to enter in, save only the Lord of Beavieu Duke of Bourbon his son in law. The said stell of Plessis he had made to be environed with a grate of great iron bars, & at the entry into the ditches thereof had caused sharp spears of iron, every one of them having many heads, to be masoned into the wall. He caused also four strong watch houses of iron to be built, and a place to be made in them where men might stand and shoot at ease, which was a sumptuous thing to behold, and cost above 20000. franks. In the end he put into these houses forty crossbow men, which were day and night in the ditches, & had commission to shoot at every man that approached near the castle after the shutting of the gates, till they opened in the morning. Further, he had an imagination that his subjects would be very ready to take the government into their own hands when they should see convenient time. And sure some there were that consulted to enter into Plessis and dispatch the affairs at their pleasure, because nothing was dispatched; but they durst not attempt it, wherein they did wisely, for the K. had given good order for that matter. He changed often both the grooms of his chamber and all his other servants, saying, that nature delighteth in variety; and he had with him to bear him company one or two very mean men and of evil report, who might well have thought if they had been wise, that immediately after his death they should at the least be put out of office and spoiled of all they had, as also it happened. These informed him of no message that was sent him, not of any matter that was written to him, were it never so important, unless it touched the preservation of the State, or the defence of his realm: for that was his only care to be in truce and peace with all men. He gave to his Physician ordinarily every month ten thousand crowns, and in five months he received of him 54000. He gave also goodly lands to churches; but this gift was made void, and not without cause, for the clergy men had too much. The Notes. 1 It was forty days: but because the old copy hath 15. days, and that himself also afterward in this very chapter saith thus; This sickness held him about fifteen days, I have been bold to amend it. 2 King Lewis was suspected to have poisoned his father by Adam Fumée his father's physician, who was imprisoned by King Charles, but soon after advanced to honour by King Lewis, who so marvelously rejoiced at the first news of his father's death (being the self same day that his father died, which was strange, King Lewis being then at Genappe in Brabant) that in the self same place he built a chapel to our Lady. 3 It was 15000. but the old copy had 1500000. and so undoubtedly it is to be read: for for 15000. franks will hardly maintain 100 soldiers a year. How the King caused the holy man of Calabria to come to Tours, thinking that he could heal him: and what strange things the said King did to maintain his authority during his sickness. Chap. 8. AMong men famous for devotion, he sent into Calabria for one Friar Robert, whom he called the holy man, because of his holy life, and in whose honour the King that now is, caused a Church to be built at Plessis du Parc, in place of the chapel near to Plessis at the bridge foot. This eremite being twelve years of age entered into a rock, where he remained till he was forty three years old, or there about, to wit, even till this present that the King sent for him by one of the stewards of his house, whom the Prince of Tarente the King of Naples son accompanied thither. For the said eremite would not departed thence, without permission both of the Pope and of his Prince; which was great wisdom in so simple a man. He builded in the place where he lived two Churches, and never ate since the time he entered into this straight kind of life, either fish, flesh, eggs, any kind of whitmeate, or of fat. I never saw in my time a man of so holy life, nor by whose mouth the holy Ghost seemed rather to speak; for he never had been scholar, but was utterly unlearned: true it is that his Italian tongue caused somewhat the greater admiration of him. This eremite passed through Naples, being honoured and received, as if he had been a great Legate sent from the Sea Apostolic; both by the King and by his children, with whom he communed of the affairs of the Court, as if he had been a Courtier all the days of his life. From thence he went to Rome, where he was visited by all the Cardinals, and had audience given him thrice of the Pope, communing with him alone, and sitting each time hard by him in a goodly chair three or four hours together; which was great honour to so simple a person. His answers were so wise, that all men wondered at them; so far forth that our holy Father gave him leave to erect a new order, called the hermits of Saint Francis. From thence he came to the King, who honoured him as if he had been the Pope himself, falling down before him, and desiring him to prolong his life: whereunto he answered as a wise man should. I have often heard him talk with the King that now is, in presence of all the nobility of the realm, and that within these two months, and sure he seemed by his words, to be inspired with the holy Ghost, otherwise he could never have communed of such matters as he did. He is yet living, and may change either to better or worse: wherefore I will speak no further of him. Some mocked at this hermits coming, whom they called the holy man; but they knew not the deep cogitations of this wise King, neither had seen the occasions that moved him to send for him. The King lay in his castle of Plessis accompanied with few besides the archers of his guard, and troubled with these suspicions above rehearsed. Notwithstanding he had given good order for this inconvenience, for he left none of those whom he suspected either in town or country, but made his archers to cause them to departed and to convey them away. No man debated any matter with him, unless it were of some great importance that concerned himself: he seemed rather a dead corpse then a living creature, for he was leaner than a man would believe: he appareled himself sumptuously, yea more sumptuously then in all his life before; for he ware no gown but of crimson satin furred with good martens: he gave gifts to whom it pleased him without any suit; for no man durst move any suit to him, nor debate any matter with him: he punished faults sharply to the end he might be feared, and not lose his authority as himself told me: he changed officers, cassed companies of men of arms, diminished pensions, or took them clean away, and told me but a few days before his death that he passed away the time in making & undoing of men. To be short, he caused himself to be more spoken of within his realm then ever was any King, and all for fear lest men should think him dead. For as I said, few saw him but when they hard of his doings; all men stood in fear of him, so far forth that they hardly believed him to be sick. Out of the realm he had men in all places, as for example in England he had some to feed K. Edward still with hope of his daughter's marriage, & he paid truly both him and his servants all that was due unto them. Out of Spain he received goodly words and fair promises of perfect friendship and amity, and great presents from all places: he made a good horse or a good mule to be bought for him whatsoever it cost; but this he did not in this realm, but in some strange country to persuade men that he was in health. Dogs he sent for round about, into Spain for a kind of Spanish greyhound, called in French alan; into Britain for little beagles, greyhounds and spaniels, which he paid dear for; into Valence for little rugged dogs, which he made to be bought above the owners own price; into Sicily he sent for good mules, especially to some officer of the country, for the which he paid double the value; to Naples for horses, & for divers strange beasts into divers countries, as into Barbary for a kind of little lions, no greater than little foxes, which he called Adites; into Denmark and Sweden for two kind of strange beasts, one of the which were called Helles , being of shape like a Hart, and of the greatness of a buff, with horns short and thick; the other Rengiers , being of the bigness and colour of a buck, save that their horns be much greater: for each of the which two beasts he gave to the merchants that sold them 4500. guildons. But when all these strange things were brought him he made no account of them, no, very seldom spoke with those that brought them. To be short, he did so many such like strange things that he was more feared now both of his neighbours and subjects than ever before, which was his only desire, for to that end did he all this. The Notes. 1 Gesnerus de Quadrupedibus lib. 1. fol. 1. and Munster in the third book of his cosmography in his treatise of Prussia (where this beast is found) name this beast in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin Alces, in Dutch Elch, Ellend, Hellend, and Ellent: which is not far from the name here given. The Moscovites name it Lozzos. 2 This beast, saith Munster Cosmog. lib. 4. is found in Lapponia or Lappenland, a country in Sweden. The Lapponians call it Reen, as he writeth in the same place, and Gesner also de Quadrup. lib. 1. fol. 950. The Romans, saith Gesner, name it Rangiferus, the Germans Rein (and Reinen, saith Munster) Reiner, Rainger, Renschieron: the French men Rangier (as he is here named) or Ranglier. How the marriage between the Dauphin and the Lady Margaret of Flaunders was concluded, and how she was brought into France: whereupon Edward King of England died for sorrow. Chap. 9 But to return to the principal matter, namely, the perfect conclusion of this our history of King Lewis, and of the affairs of all those great Princes that lived in his time: we must show how the treaty of marriage was concluded between the King that now is, than Dauphin, and the daughter of the Duke and Duchess of ostrich, by means of the citizens of Gaunt, to the King of England's great grief, who then well perceived the hope to be frustrate, which he had conceived of the marriage between his daughter and the said Dauphin now King of France: which he and the Queen his wife had so greatly desired, that they would never credit any man that advertised them to the contrary, were he English man or stranger. For the Council of England had debated this matter with him, at the same time that the King conquered that part of Picardy that joineth to Calais, alleging, that after he had subdued that, he might easily attempt to take Calais and Guisnes. The like was also told him, by the ambassadors resident in England for the Duke and Duchess of ostrich, and by the Britons, and divers others: but he believed no whit of all this, which incredulity turned much to his loss. Notwithstanding I suppose, it proceeded rather of covetousness than ignorance: for he feared the loss of the fifty thousand crowns the King paid him: besides that, he was loath to leave his ease and pleasures, whereunto he was marvelously addicted. About the conclusion of this marriage, an assembly was held at Halots in Flaunders, whereat the Duke of ostrich now King of Romans, was present, together with certain deputies for the three estates of Flaunders, Brabant, and the other countries belonging to the said Duke and his children. The citizens of Gaunt did many things there contrary to the Duke's mind; for some they banished, and some they removed from about his son: in the end they told him how great desire they had to see this marriage accomplished, thereby to obtain peace, & forced him to consent thereunto. The Duke was very young, and accompanied with few noble men: for all the subjects of this house of Burgundy (very few excepted, I mean of great personages, that could have given him counsel or aid in these affairs) were, as you have heard, either dead, or revolted to the King. As touching himself, he was come thither very slenderly accompanied, and now having lost his wife, being Lady of the country, he durst not give them so stout language, as before he was accustomed. To be short, the King being advertised of all these actions by Monseur de cords, rejoiced much thereat, and a day was appointed when this Lady should be brought to Hedin. Not long before the conclusion of this marriage, to wit, in the year 1481. the town of Air was yielded for a sum of money to Monseur de cords, by the Lord of Croy of the country of Artois, who held it for the Duke of ostrich, and the Lord of Beures his captain. The town is very strong, situate in the country of Artois, and the delivery thereof increased the Flemings desire to further this marriage, because it standeth upon the very entrance into Flaunders. For notwithstanding that they wished the weakening of their Prince, yet were they not willing to have the King so near a neighbour to their frontiers. After these matters above mentioned were fully concluded, ambassadors came to the King out of Flaunders and Brabant, but all depended upon them of Gaunt; both because of their force, because the children were in their hands, and for that they were always the ringleaders of all tumults. There came also from the King of Romans for the pacifying of his dominions certain Knights, young men like himself, and of small experience, whose names were Master john de Bergues and Master Baudovin de Launoy, and certain Secretaries. The King was brought marvelous low with sickness, so that hardly he suffered himself to be seen, and made great difficulty to swear the treaty, because he was loath to come abroad in sight: notwithstanding in the end he swore it. It was very avantageous for him; for in all assemblies that had been held heretofore about this marriage, he never required but the county of Artois or Burgundy, one of the two: but now the Lords of Gaunt (as he termed them) caused them both to be yielded unto him, together with the counties of Masconnois, Charolois, and Auxerrois; yea and if it had lain in them to have put into his hands, Hainault and Namur, and all the seniories of this house of Burgundy, being of the French language, they would willingly have done it, thereby to affeeble their Prince. The King our Master being a wise Prince understood well, that no account was to be made of Flaunders, nor the Earl thereof, without he had the country of Artois, which lying between the King of France and the Flemings, is as it were a bridle to them. For in the country of Artois are levied very good soldiers, to scourge the Flemings when they play the fools. Wherefore by taking away from the Earl of Flaunders the country of Artois, he left him the poorest Prince in the world, and without all obedience of his subjects, save only at the pleasure of them of Gaunt. After this embassage was returned home, the said Lady was led to Hedin, and delivered into the hands of Monseur de cords in the year 1483. She was conveyed thither by the Lady of Ravastain, bastard daughter to Duke Philip of Burgundy, and was received there by the Duke and Duchess of Bourbon that now are, and by the Lord of Albret, and divers others sent thither by the King; who led her to Amboise where the Dauphin lay. If the Duke of ostrich could have rescued her before she was passed out of his dominions from them that conveyed her, he would willingly have done it: but they of Gaunt had sent her well accompanied. And as touching the said Duke, all his subjects began to disobey him, so far forth that a great number took part with them of Gaunt, because they had his son in their hands, and removed from him, and placed about him such as pleased them: and among the rest that were resident at Gaunt, was the Lord of Ravastain brother to the Duke of Cleves, principal governor of the said young infant called Duke Philip, who is yet living, and like to be a great Prince, if God spare him life. Whosoever rejoiced at this marriage, the King of England was highly displeased therewith; for he accounted it great reproach and dishonour to be thus deluded, and feared both the loss of the pension the King paid him, which the English men called Tribute; and also that the contempt hereof would stir his subjects to rebellion against him, because he would give no ear to good advice. Further, he saw the King with great force near to his dominions: for the which causes he conceived such inward grief when he heard these news, that soon after he ended his life, some say of a catarrh. But whatsoever his disease were, the report goeth, that the sorrow conceived of this marriage caused the disease, whereof he died soon after in the month of April, anno 1483. It is a foul fault in a Prince, to trust more to his own brain, than to the advice of a great number: for it causeth oftentimes both great sorrow, and also loss irrecoverable. Immediately after King Edward's death, the King our Master was advertised thereof, and seemed nothing joyful of the news: but soon after received letters from the D. of Gloucester, who had usurped the crown of England (signing his letters by the name of Richard,) & cruelly murdered the King his brothers two children. This King Richard sought the King's friendship, & was desirous, as I suppose, to have this pension paid also unto him. But the K. would make no answer to his letters, neither give his messenger audience, but esteemed him a wicked & cruel tyrant. For after K. Edward's death, the said Duke of Gloucester had done homage to his nephew as to his sovereign Lord and King, and yet immediately thereupon committed this murder, and caused in open parliament the said King Edward's two daughters to be degraded & proclaimed bastards, under colour of a certain matter which he proved by the testimony of a bishop of bath, who sometime had been in great credit with King Edward, but afterward fell into his disgrace, and was laid in prison, and made to fine for his deliverance. This Bishop affirmed that King Edward being in love with a certain gentlewoman in England (whom he named) promised her marriage to have his pleasure of her, which promise he said was made in his presence, and thereupon the King lay with her, minding only to abuse her. Such pastimes are very dangerous, especially when such poofe may be brought forth: But I have known many a courtier that would not have lost a good adventure that liked him in such a case for want of promise. This wicked Bishop buried revenge in his hart the space of twenty years. But God plagued him for his wickedness: for he had a son whom he loved entirely, and whom King Richard so much favoured, that he meant to give him to wife one of these two daughters, degraded from their dignity, at this present Queen of England and mother of two goodly children. The said son being in a ship of war by King Richard his Master's commandment, was taken upon the coast of Normandy, and because of the contention that fell between those that took him: led to the court parliament of Paris, and there put in prison in the petit Chastellet, where in the end he starved for hunger and poverty. As touching King Richard he lived not long unpunished: for God raised up an enemy against him even at This error you are admonished of before. that very instant being poor, having no right to the crown of England, as I suppose, and of no estimation, save that as touching his own person he was well conditioned, and had endured many troubles. For the greatest part of his life he had been prisoner in Britain to Duke Francis, who entertained him well for a prisoner from the eighteenth year of his age. This Earl of Richmond being furnished by the King with a small sum of money, and three thousand men levied in Normandy, of the unthriftiest persons in the country: passed over into Wales, where his father in law the Lord Stanley met him with six and twenty thousand men at the least. And within three or four days after he encountered this cruel King Richard, who was slain in the field, and the Earl crowned King, and reigneth yet at this day in England. Of this matter I have made mention before, but it was not amiss to rehearse it here again, to show thereby how God hath plagued in our time such cruelty almost immediately after the fault committed. divers other such like punishments hath he showed also in this our age, if a man would stand to rehearse them all. How the King behaved himself towards his neighbours and subjects during the time of his sickness, and how divers things were sent him from divers places for the recovery of his health. Chap. 10. THis marriage of Flaunders so much desired by the King was thus accomplished, as you have heard, by means whereof he had the Flemings at his commandment. Britain which he so much hated was in peace with him, but lived in continual jealousy because of the great number of soldiers he had in garrison upon their frontiers. Spain was quiet, and the King and Queen thereof desired nothing more than his amity and friendship: for he kept them in fear and continual charge, because of the country of Roussillon which he held from the house of Arragon, being engaged to him by john King of Arragon, father to the King of Castille now reigning, under certain conditions yet unperformed. As touching the Princes & Seniories of Italy, they desired to have him their friend, and were in league with him, and sent often their ambassadors to him. In Almain he had the Swissers as obedient to him as his own subjects. The King of Scotland and Portugal were his confederates: part of the realm of Navarre was wholly at his devotion: his subjects trembled before him, and his commandments were executed incontinent without delay or excuse. As touching those things that were thought necessary for his health, they were sent him out of all parts of the world. Pope Sixtus that last died, being informed that the King of devotion desired to have the corporal upon the which Saint Peter song mass, sent it him incontinent, with divers other relics, which were conveyed back again to Rome. The holy viol which is at Reims and never had been removed thence, was brought into his chamber to Plessis, and stood upon his cupboard at the hour of his death: he was determined to be anointed therewith as at his coronation. But many supposed that he would have anointed all his body with it, which is unlikely, for the said holy viol is very small, and containeth not much oil. I saw it both at the time I now speak of, and also when the King was buried at Nostre-dame-de-Clery. The Turk that now reigneth sent an ambassador to him, who came as far as Rhive in Provence : but the King would not hear his message, neither permit him to pass any further. The said ambassador brought him a great role of relics remaining yet at Constantinople in the Turks hands, all the which he offered him together with a great sum of money, if he would keep in safe custody the said Turks brother, who was then in this realm in the hands of the knights of the Rhodes, and is now at Rome in the Pope's keeping. By all this above rehearsed a man may perceive how great the King our Master's wisdom and authority was, how he was esteemed through the whole world, and how all things as well spiritual of devotion and religion; as also temporal, were employed for the prolonging of his life. But all would not help, there was no remedy, needs he must go the way his predecessors went before him, one great grace God showed him, that as he created him wiser, liberaller, and more virtuous in all things than the Princes that reigned in his time, being his enemies and neighbours; and as he surmounted them in all good things: so did he also pass them in long life though not much. For Duke Charles of Burgundy, the Duchess his daughter, King Edward, Duke Galeas of Milan, King john of Arragon, were all dead a few years before him: but between the death of the said Duchess of Ostrich, of King Edward, and of him, there was no space to speak of. In all these Princes there was both good and evil, for they were all men; but to speak uprightly, there were in him many more virtues & ornaments appertaining to the office of a King, than in any of the rest. I have seen them in manner all, and knew what was in them, and therefore I speak not at random. The Notes. 1 It was Reims in the French, but that undoubtedly was false: the old copy hath Rhine or Rhine: others Rins: the Italian Rises. 2 King Lewis drank children's blood to recover his health. Gaguin. How King Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Dauphin his son to come to him a little before his death, and of the commandments and precepts he gave both him and certain others. Chap. 11. IN this year 1483. the King desired to see the Dauphin his son, whom he had not seen of long time; for he kept him close and permitted no man to come to him, both because of the child's health, and also for fear lest he should be taken from the place where he remained, and under colour of him some rebellion arise in the realm. For so had certain noble men in times passed by means of himself made an assembly against King Charles the seventh his father, he being then but eleven years of age : which war was called lafoy Praguerie, but it soon ended, for it was rather a broil of court than a war. Above all things, he recommended unto his said son the Dauphin certain of his servants, and commanded him expressly not to change certain officers: rehearsing to him how after King Charles his father's death, he coming to the State, put out of office all the valiant and worthy knights of this realm that had served his father in the conquest of Normandy and Guienne, in chase the English men out of France, and restoring the realm to peace and quietness, (for himself found it both quiet and rich:) which his hard dealing with the said knights, turned greatly to his prejudice, for thereof sprang the war called THE WEAL PUBLIC in this story above mentioned, which had almost set him besides his crown. Soon after his communication with the Dauphin his son, and the accomplishment of this marriage above mentioned; he fell upon a monday into the disease whereof he died: his sickness endured till the saturday after being the 30. of August, in the year 1483. And because I was present at his death, I mind to speak somewhat thereof. When this disease took him he lost his speech as before, which being recovered he felt his body weaker than ever it was, notwithstanding that he were so low brought before that he could hardly lift his hand to his mouth, and looked so poorly and miserably, that it pitied every man's hart that saw him: he accounted himself now as dead. Wherefore he sent incontinent for the Lord of Beavieu now Duke of Bourbon his son in law, commanding him to go to Amboise to the King his son, (for so he termed him:) he recommended also unto him divers of his servants, and gave him the whole charge and government of the young King, and commanded expressly that certain whom he named should not come near his son, alleging divers good reasons on that behalf. And if the said Lord of Beavieu had observed his commandments, at the least part of them (for some were unreasonable and not to be observed) I think he should thereby have benefited both the realm and himself, considering what hath happened since in France. Soon after he sent also the Chancellor, and all the officers of the law to the said King his son, and in like manner part of the archers of his guard, and his Captains, and all his hawks and hounds with all that appertained thereunto. Further, as many as came to visit him, he commanded to go to Amboise to the King (for so he termed him) desiring them to serve him faithfully, and by every one of them he sent him some message or other; but especially by Steven de Verse, who brought up the said young King, and was the first groom of his chamber, and already advanced to the bailiwicke of Meaux, by the King our Master. His speech never failed him after he recovered it, neither were his wits so fresh at any time as then: for he purged continually, by means whereof all fumes voided that troubled his head. In all the time of his sickness he never complained as other men do when they feel pain: at the least I myself am of that nature, and so have I known divers others, and men say, that complaining assuageth grief. The Notes. 1 Others writ that he was 16. years old: this was was anno 1439. and King Lewis was borne anno 1423. so that he was 16. years old when the Praguerie began, and so undoubtedly it should be read here. A comparison between the sorrows and troubles that King Lewis suffered, and those he caused divers others to suffer: with a rehearsal of all that he did, and all that was done to him, till his death. Chap. 12. HE discoursed continually of some matter or other, and that very gravely, and his disease endured from monday till saturday night. Wherefore I will now make comparison between the troubles and sorrows he caused others to suffer, and those he suffered himself before his death, because I trust they have carried him into paradise, and been part of his purgatory. For notwithstanding that they were not so grievous, neither endured so long, as those which he caused divers others to suffer; yet because his vocation in this world was higher than theirs, by means whereof he had never been contraried, but so well obeyed that he seemed a Prince able to have governed all Europe: this little trouble that he endured contrary to his accustomed nature, was to him a great torment. He hoped ever in this good eremite that was at Plessis whom he had caused to come to him out of Calabria, and continually sent to him: saying, that if it pleased him he could prolong his life. For notwithstanding all these commandments given to those whom he sent to the Dauphin his son, yet came his spirits again to him, in such sort that he was in hope to recover: and if it had so happened, he would easily have disparckled the assembly sent to this new King. But because of the vain hope he had in this eremite, a Doctor of divinity and certain others thought good to advertise him that his only hope must be in the mercy of God: and they devised that Master james Cothier his Physician, in whom he had reposed his whole confidence, and to whom he gave monthly ten thousand crowns in hope he would prolong his life: should be present when this speech should be used to him. This was Master Oliver his barbers devise, to the end he might wholly think upon his conscience, and leave all his other imaginations conceived of this holy man, and of the said Master james his Physician. But even like as he had advanced the said Master Oliver and others too suddenly without any desert, to a higher estate than was fit for them: even so they took upon them boldly to do such a message to so great a Prince otherwise than became them, not using that reverence and humility that was to be used in such a case, and such as they would have used whom he had brought up of long time, and lately commanded out of his presence for the suspicions conceived of them. And again, like as unto two great personages whom he had put to death in his time, (to wit the Duke of Nemours, and the Earl of Saint Paul: for one of the which he repent him at his death, and for the other not;) he had sent a sharp message of death by Commissioners appointed thereunto; the which briefly pronounced their sentence unto them, and forthwith gave them confessors and but a very short space to dispose of their consciences: even so the above named signified his death unto him rudely and in few words saying; Sir it is reason we do our duties, hope no more in this holy man, nor any other thing, for sure you are but dead: therefore think upon your conscience, for your hour is come, and every one of them said somewhat briefly to him to that effect. But he answered, I trust God will help me, and peradventure I am not so sick as you suppose. What a sharp corosife was it to him to hear these news and this cruel sentence? for never man feared death more than he, nor sought so many ways to avoid it as he did. Moreover, in all his life time he had given commandment to all his servants, as well myself as others, that when we should see him in danger of death, we should only move him to confess himself & dispose of his conscience, not sounding in his ears this dreadful word Death, knowing that he should not be able patiently to hear that cruel sentence: notwithstanding he endured both that and divers other punishments till the very hour of death more patiently than ever I saw any man. To his son whom he called King, he sent many messages and confessed himself very devoutly, and said divers prayers answerable to the Sacraments he received, which also he himself demanded. He spoke as heartily as if he had not been sick, and talked of all matters touching the King his sons estate; and among other things gave commandment that the Lord of cords should not departed from his son by the space of half a year after his death: and further, that he should be entreated to attempt nothing against Calais nor elsewhere; saying, that notwithstanding he had devised these enterprises for the King's profit, and the benefit of the realm: yet were they very dangerous, especially that of Calais, for fear of moving the English men thereby to war Further, he willed especially that after his death the realm should rest in peace the space of five or six years, a matter which he would never yield unto during his life though very needful: for notwithstanding that it were great and large, yet was it in poor & miserable estate, especially because of the passing to and fro of the men of arms, who continually removed from one country to an other. He gave order also that no quarrel should be picked in Britain, but that Duke Francis should be suffered to live in quiet, and not be put in any doubt or fear of war, neither yet any other neighbour bordering upon the realm, to the end the King and the realm might rest in peace till the King were of years to dispose thereof at his own pleasure. Thus you see how undiscreetly his death was signified to him, which I have rehearsed because I began to make a comparison between those evils which he had caused divers of his subjects to suffer, and those he himself suffered before his death, to the end you may perceive that notwithstanding they were not so grievous, nor so long (as I have said:) yet were they grievous to him considering his nature, which demanded obedience, & had been better obeyed than any Prince in his time; so that one half word contrarying his mind was to him a grievous punishment. Five or six days before his death he had all men in suspicion, especially all that were worthy of credit and authority, yea, he grew jealous of his own son, and caused him to be straightly guarded, neither did any man see him or speak with him but by his commandment: at the length he began to stand in doubt also of his daughter, and of his son in law now Duke of Bourbon, and would needs know what men entered into Plessis with them, and in the end broke off an assembly that the Duke of Bourbon his son in law held there by his commandment. Moreover, at the same time that his said son in law and the Earl of Dunois (returning from the convoie of the embassage that came to Amboise to the marriage of the King his son and the Queen) entered into the castle of Plessis, with a great band of men: the King who caused the gates to be straightly kept, being in the gallery that looketh into the court of the said castle; caused one of the captains of his guard to come to him, whom he commanded to feel as he talked with the said noble men's servants whether they wore any brigandines under their cloaks, not making show as though he came purposely for that intent. Hereby you may perceive if he caused divers others to live in fear and suspicion under him: whether he were paid now with the like himself; for of whom could he be assured, mistrusting his son, his daughter, and his son in law? Wherefore thus much I will say not only of him, but of all other Princes that desire to be feared: that they never feel the revenge thereof till their age, and then their penance is to fear all men. What great grief think you was it to this poor King to be troubled with these passions? He had a Physician called Master james Cothier, to whom he gave in five months 54000. crowns, after the rate of 10000 the month, and 4000 over, besides the Bishopric of Amiens for his nephew, and other offices and lands for him and his friends. The said Physician used him so roughly, that a man would not give his servant so sharp language as he gave the King; and yet the King so much feared him, that he durst not command him out of his presence: for notwithstanding that he complained to divers of him, yet durst he not change him as he did all his other servants, because this Physician once said thus boldly unto him; I know that one day you will command me away as you do all your other servants, but you shall not live eight days after, binding it with a great oath. Which words put the King in such fear, that ever after he flattered him, and bestowed gifts upon him, which was a marvelous purgatory to him in this world, considering of how many noble men and gentlemen he had been obeyed. Moreover, he had caused divers cruel prisons to be made, as for example, cages being eight foot square, and one foot more than a man's height, some of iron, and some of wood, plated with iron both within and without with horrible iron works. He that first devised them was the Bishop of Verdun, who incontinent was himself put into the first that was made, where he remained fowerteene years. Many have cursed him for his devise, and among others myself, for I lay in one of them under the King that now reigneth the space of eight months. He had also caused certain Almains to make terrible heavy irons to lay men in, among the which there was a fetter to put on their feet very hard to be opened like to a carquan, with a weighty chain, and a great iron ball at the end thereof, heavy beyong all measure. These irons were called the King's nets. Notwithstanding I have seen divers gentlemen lie in them as prisoners, who came forth afterward with great honour, and were advanced by him to great estates: as for example, a son of the Lord of Grutuze of Flaunders taken prisoner in the wars, whom the King afterward richly married, and made one of his chamber, & Seneschal of Anjou, and gave him charge of a hundred lances; and in like manner the Lord of Piennes and the Lord of Vergy taken prisoners also in the wars, who both had charge of men of arms under the King and other goodly offices, and were of the privy chamber either to him or his son. The like happened also to the Lord of Richbourg the Constable's brother, and to one Roquebertin of the country of Cathelonie being likewise taken prisoners in the wars, whom he afterward highly advanced with divers others of divers countries too long to rehearse. But now to return to the matter. As in his time these divers and sundry cruel prisons were devised: even so he before his death lay in the like, yea in a much crueler prison than any of them, and was in greater fear than they that stood in fear of him, which I account as a great grace towards him, and as part of his purgatory, and rehearse it only to show that every man of what estate or condition soever he be, is punished either secretly or openly, especially those that punish others. Further, the King a little before his death enclosed his castle of Plessis with a grate of iron bars, and at the four corners of the said castle caused four strong-watch houses of iron to be built. The said grate was made directly over against the castle wall round about the castle on the outer side of the ditch, which was very steep. He caused also to be masoned into the wall a great number of iron spears, each of them having divers heads set close together. Moreover, he appointed ten crossbow men to be continually in the said ditches, and to lie in the four iron houses built in the bottom of the said ditches, and gave them commandment to shoot at every man that approached near to the grate, before the gate opened. He knew well that this fortification was to no purpose against a great force or an army, but that he doubted not: his only fear was, that certain noble men of his realm having intelligence in the castle, would attempt to enter into it in the night, partly by love and partly by force, and take the government upon them, and make him live as a man bereft of his wits, and unworthy to rule. The castle gate never opened before eight of the clock in the morning, neither was the draw bridge let down till that hour, and then entered his officers, and the captains of his guard placed the ordinary warders, and appointed archers to the watch both at the gate and within the court, as if it had been a frontier town straightly kept: neither entered any man without the King's commandment but by the wicket, save the stewards of his house, and such like officers that went not to him. Is it possible then to hold a King (I mean using him like a Prince) in a straighter prison than he held himself? The cages wherein he held others were about eight foot square, and he being so great a Prince had but a little court in the castle to walk in, yea and seldom came he into that: for usually he kept himself in the gallery, from whence he never stirred but when he went to mass, at which time he passed through the chambers, and not through the Court. Think you that he was not in fear as well as others, seeing he locked himself in after this sort, kept himself thus close, stood in such fear of his children and nearest kinsmen, and changed and removed his servants from day to day, whom he had brought up and whose good estate depended wholly upon him, in such sort that he durst trust none of them, but bound himself in these strange chains and bands? The place I confess was larger than a common prison, so was his estate greater than a common prisoners. But a man will say peradventure, that other Princes have been more suspicious than he, whereunto I agree: but none sure in our time, neither any so wise as he, nor that had so good subjects as he had: & as touching them, peradventure they were cruel tyrants, but he never punished any without desert. All this above written I have rehearsed, not so much to publish the suspicions of the King our Master: as partly to prove that the patiented enduring of these passions, being equal with those he had caused others to endure; and of this sickness being sharp and troublesome to him, and the which he feared greatly before he fell into it; is to be accounted as a punishment God gave him in this world, to ease him in the world to come: and partly to give an example to those that shall come after him, to have some more compassion on their people than he had, and to be less rigorous in punishing than he was. Notwithstanding for my part I am not able to accuse him, neither saw I ever a better Prince; for though himself pressed his subjects, yet would he suffer none other so to do friend or foe. After all these fears, sorrows, and suspicions, God (according to his accustomed goodness) wrought a miracle upon him, healing him both in soul and body: for he took him out of this miserable world, being perfect of sense, understanding, and memory, having received all his sacraments without all grief to man's judgement, and talking continually even within a Pater noster while of his death; so that he gave order for his funeral, and named those that should accompany his body to the grave; saying ever, that he trusted to die on no day but saturday, and that our Lady, in whom he had ever put his confidence, and always devoutly served, had purchased him this grace, and sure so it happened: for he ended his life upon saturday the 30. of August in the year 1483. at eight of the clock at night, in the said castle of Plessis, where he fell sick the monday before. His soul, I trust, is with God, and resteth in his blessed realm of paradise. A discourse upon the misery of man's life, by the examples of those Princes that lived in the author's time, and first of King Lewis. Chap. 13. SMall hope may mean and poor men have in worldly honours, seeing this mighty King, after so long trouble and travel about them, forsook them all, & could not prolong his life one hour for all that he could do. I knew him & served him in the flower of his age, & in his great prosperity; yet never saw I himfree from toil of body and trouble of mind. Above all pastimes he loved hunting & hawking in their seasons, hunting especially. As touching women, he was free from that vice all the time that I served him: for a little before my coming to him, he lost one of his sons, whose death he much lamented; and soon after made a solemn vow to God in my presence, never to accompany with any woman but the Queen his wife. Whereunto notwithstanding that he were bound by the laws of marriage; yet was it much that he had such stay of himself, especially the Queen being none of those in whose beauty a man could take great delight, but otherwise a very virtuous Lady. In this pastime of hunting he took almost as much pain as pleasure; for the toil was great, because he ran the Hart to death by force. Besides that, he arose very early in the morning, and oftentimes went far, neither could any weather make him leave his sport. Sometime also he returned very weary and in manner ever displeased with one or other: for this game is not always made as they wish that have the ordering thereof: notwithstanding in all men's opinions, he for his part understood it better than any man in his time. In this pastime he exercised himself continually, lodging about in the villages till wars began. For almost every summer there was somewhat to do between Duke Charles of Burgundy and him: but when winter approached they used to make truce. He had great wars also for the county of Roussillion with King john of Arragon, the King of Spain's father that now liveth. For notwithstanding that they were very poor, and in war with their subjects, namely them of Barselonne and others, and that the son were of no force: (for he expected the inheritance of King Friderike of Castille his wives brother, which afterward fell to him) yet because they had the hearts of the subjects of the said country of Roussillion, they made great resistance against him, which cost the King and his realm full dear: for many a good man died and was slain there, and infinite treasure was consumed in those wars; for they endured long. Thus you see that the pleasure the King had was but one small time in the year, and that joined with great toil and travel of his person: when his body was at rest, his mind was occupied, for he had to do in many places, and busied himself as much with his neighbours affairs as with his own, seeking to place men in their houses , and to bestow the offices therein at his pleasure. When he was in war he desired peace or truce, which notwithstanding when he had obtained, he could not long away with. He meddled with many trifling matters in his realm, which he might well have passed over: but such was his disposition and life. And to say the truth, his memory was so excellent that he forgot nothing, but knew all the world, all countries, and all men of estimation round about him; so that he seemed a Prince worthier to govern the whole world than one realm alone. Of his youth I am able to say nothing, for I was not with him at that time; notwithstanding what I have heard, that I will report. Being but eleven years of age he was busied by certain Princes and others of the realm, in a war against K. Charles his father, called lafoy Praguerie, which endured not long. And when he was grown to man's estate he married the King of Scotland's daughter , and during her life never ioied with her : after her death because of the factions and troubles that were in the King his father's court, he retired into his own country of Dauphin, whither a great number of gentlemen accompanied him, yea many more than he was able to maintain. While he was in Dauphin he married the Duke of Savoys daughter, and soon after fell at variance with his father in law, so that sharp war arose between them. King Charles seeing his son so well accompanied with gentlemen and men of arms, determined to go against him in person with great force, and to chase him out of the country by strong hand: wherefore he put himself upon the way, and endeavoured to withdraw his sons men from him, commanding them as his subjects under pain of his displeasure to repair unto him. Whereunto divers obeyed, to the King our Master's great grief; who seeing his father's indignation against him, determined (notwithstanding that his force were great) to departed thence, and leave the country to his father's disposing. And in this estate traveled he through Burgundy with a small train to Duke Philip, who received him very honourably, furnished him with money to maintain his estate, and gave yearly pensions to his principal servants, namely to the Earl of Cominges, the Lord of Montauban & others, and bestowed also during his being there divers large gifts upon his other servants. Notwithstanding, because he entertained such a number, his money failed often to his great grief, so that he was forced to borrow some where or other, otherwise his men would have forsaken him; which undoubtedly is a great trouble to a Prince unaccustomed thereunto. Thus you see that he was not without vexation and anguish of mind during his abode in this house of Burgundy: for he was forced to faun both upon the Duke and his principal servants, lest they should wax weary of him, for he was there a long time, to wit, the space of six years. Besides that, his father sent ambassadors continually to the Duke, requiring him either to put him forth of his dominions or send him back to him. Wherefore it is to be thought that he was not idle nor without great vexation of mind. All these things considered: when may a man say that he lived in joy and pleasure? Sure in mine opinion from his childhood till his death he was in continual toil and trouble, so that if all his pleasant and joyful days were numbered, I think they should be found but few: yea I am fully persuaded, that for one pleasant there should be found twenty displeasant. He lived about threescore and one years; notwithstanding that he had conceived an imagination that he should never pass threescore, saying, that no King of France of long time passed that age, some say none since Charles the great. Notwithstanding the King our Master when he died was well forward in the threescore and one year. Duke Charles of Burgundy what rest or quietness had he more than the King our Master? True it is that in his youth he was not much troubled, for he attempted nothing till the two & twenty year of his age, but lived till that time in health and at his ease. But then he began to busy himself with his father's officers, whom his father maintained against him: for the which cause he absented himself and went into Holland, where he was well received and had intelligence with them of Gaunt, and sometime also went thither himself. He had not one penny of his father, but this country of Holland was marvelous rich and gave him goodly presents, as did also divers great towns of his other Seniories, hoping thereby to win his favour in time to come. For it is a common thing, especially among the vulgar sort, to love better, and seek rather to him whose power is growing, than to him who is already so great that he can be no greater . For the which cause Duke Philip, when men told him that they of Gaunt loved his son marvelous well, & that he could skill of their humour: was wont to answer, that their Prince in expectation they ever loved dearly; but their Prince in possession they hated ever extremely, which saying proved true. For after D. Charles began to reign over them they never loved him, and that they well declared as before I have rehearsed: he also for his part bore them as little good will, notwithstanding they did his posterity more harm than they could do him. But proceed, after the time that Duke Charles moved war for the towns in Picardy, which the King our Master had redeemed of Duke Philip his father, and joined himself with the Princes of this realm, in the war called THE WEAL PUBLIC: he never was quiet, but in continual travel both of body and mind. For his hart was so inflamed with desire of glory, that he attempted to conquer all that lay about him. All summer he kept the field with great danger of his person, and took upon himself the charge and care of the whole army: all which trouble seemed yet not sufficient to him. He was the first up and the last down, as if he had been the poorest soldier in his camp. If he rested from wars at any time in winter, yet was he busied all day long from six of the clock in the morning, either in levying of money, or receiving ambassadors, or giving them audience. In this travel and misery ended he his days, and was slain of the Swissers before Nancy, as you have heard; so that a man may justly say, that he never had good day from the time that ambition first entered into his mind, till the hour of his death. And what got he by all this travel? what needed he thus to have toiled himself, being so rich a Prince, and having so many goodly towns and seniories under his subjection, where he might have lived in great joy and prosperity, if it had so pleased him? I must now speak of Edward K. of England, who was so great & mighty a Prince. In his youth he saw the Duke of York his father discomfited and slain in battle, & with him the Earl of Warwick's father , the which Earl of Warwick governed King Edward in his youth, and all his affairs; yea to say the truth made him King, and was the only man that defeated his enemy King Henry, who had reigned many years in England, and was lawful King both in mine opinion, and in the judgement of the whole world. But as touching great realms and seniories God holdeth them in his hand, and disposeth of them at his pleasure; for all proceedeth of him. The cause that moved the Earl of Warwick to serve the house of York against King Henry, who was of the house of Lancaster, was this. The Earl of Warwick and the Duke of Somerset fell at variance in King Henry's court, who was a very simple man: the Queen his wife being of the house of Anjou, daughter to Rene King of Sicily, took part with the Duke of Somerset against the Earl. But considering that they had all acknowledged both King Henry and his father and grandfather for their lawful Princes: the said Lady should have done much better to have taken upon her the office of judge or mediator between them, than to take part with either of them, as the sequel well declared. For hereupon arose war, which continued nine and twenty years: during the which space many bloody battles were fought, and in the end, all in manner both of the one party and the other slain. Now to speak a word or two of factions: surely they are marvelous dangerous, especially among great men, who are naturally inclined to nourish and maintain them. But you will say peradventure, that by this means the Prince shall have intelligence of all things that pass, and thereby hold both the parties in the greater fear. In truth I can well agree that a young Prince use this order among Ladies: for by this means he shall have pleasure and sport enough, and understand of all their news: but to nourish factions among men, yea among Princes and men of virtue and courage, nothing can be more dangerous, because by that means he shall kindle an unquenchable fire in his house: for forthwith one of the parties will suppose the King to be against them, and then to fortify themselves take intelligence with his enemies. The factions of Orleans and Burgundy prove this point sufficiently; for the wars that sprang thereof continued threescore and twelve years, the English men being parties in them, who thought to have conquered the whole realm. But to return to King Edward, he was very young when his father was slain, and the beautifullest Prince in the world: but after he had vanquished all his enemies, he gave himself wholly to pleasures, as to dames, feasting, banqueting, and hunting; in the which delicacies he continued about sixteen years , to wit, till the Earl of Warwick and he fell at variance, in the which wars notwithstanding that the King were chased out of his realm; yet continued he not long in that estate: for he soon returned, and having obtained the victory, more abandoned himself to all pleasures than before. He feared no man, but fed himself marvelous fat, by means whereof in the flower of his age diseases grew upon him, so that he died in a manner suddenly, of an Apoplexy, and his heirs males lost the crown, as before you have heard. In this our age reigned also two valiant and wise Princes, namely Mathias King of Hungary, and Mahomet Ottoman Emperor of Turkey. This King Mathias was son to a valiant knight called the white knight of Vallachie , a gentleman of great wisdom and virtue, who governed long the realm of Hungary, and obtained many goodly victories against the Turks , who border upon the said realm, by reason of the Seniories they have usurped in Greece and Slavonie . Soon after his death King Lancelot came to man's estate , who was right heir not only of the realm of Hungary, but also of Bohemia and Polonia. He by the counsel of certain caused the white knights two sons to be apprehended, alleging that their father had usurped too great rule and authority in the realm, and that the sons being gentlemen of great courage might peradventure attempt the like. Wherefore the said King Lancelot resolved to lay them both in prison, and incontinent put the elder to death , and sent the said Mathias prisoner to Bude the chief town of Hungary, where he remained not long. And I suppose that God took in good part the great services his father had done. For soon after King Lancelot was poisoned at prague in Bohemia , by a gentlewoman of a good house (whose brother myself have seen) of whom he was enamoured, & she likewise of him; so far forth that she being displeased with his marriage with the daughter of Charles the seventh King of France now called Princess of Vienna (against his promise made to her) poisoned him in a bathe, as she gave him a piece of apple to eat, having conveyed the poison into the haft of her knife. Incontinently after King Lancelot's death, the Barons and Nobles of the realm assembled to choose a new King: for the custom of the country is, when the King dieth without issue, that the Nobles may proceed to an election. And while they were there in great division about their chose; the white Knight's widow mother to Mathias came into the town with a goodly train: for because she had great treasure left her by her husband; she was soon able to levy great forces: and further, I think she had good intelligence both in the town and also among the Nobility, because of the great sway her husband had borne in the realm. She road strait to the prison and took her son out of it . Whereupon part of the Barons and Prelates there assembled for the election, fled for fear, the rest chose the said Mathias King, who reigned in the realm with as great prosperity as any King these many years, and hath been as highly praised and commended, yea more in some points than any of his predecessors. He was one of the valiantest men that lived in his time, and obtained great victories against the Turks, without all damage to his own realm, the which he enlarged on all sides, aswell towards Bohemia the greatest part whereof he held, as also towards Valachie where he was borne, and towards Sclavonie. In like manner upon the frontiers of Almain he won the greatest part of Ostrich from the Emperor Frederic now reigning, and possessed it till his death, which happened in the year 1491. in Vienna the chief town of Ostrich. This King governed his affairs with great wisdom, aswell in peace as war: but a little before his death perceiving himself to be feared of his enemies, he grew marvelous pompous and sumptuous in his Court, and amassed an infinite quantity of goodly stuff, jewels and plate, for the furniture of his house. All his affairs were dispatched by himself or by his direction. Before his death his subjects stood in great fear of him, for he waxed cruel, and soon after fell into a grievous and uncurable disease being but young, to wit, eight and twenty years of age , or thereabout. He died having spent his life in much more labour and travel than pleasure. The Turk above mentioned was a wise and noble Prince, but using wiles and subtlety more than courage and valour. True it is that his father left him great, for he had been a hardy Prince, and wan Adrianople , which is as much to say, as the city of Adrian. This Turk that I now write of, took in the three and twentieth year of his age the city of Constantinople . I have seen his portraiture when he was of those years, the lineaments whereof made show of an excellent wit. It was a shame for all Christendom to suffer the town so to be lost: for he took it by assault, and the Emperor of the East whom we call Emperor of Constantinople, was slain himself at the breach , with a number of valiant men, & divers women of great estate and noble houses ravished: to be short, no cruelty was omitted. This was his first exploit, but not his last, for he continued till his death in achieving great enterprises: so that I heard once an ambassador of Venice tell Duke Charles of Burgundy that he had conquered two Empires, four realms, and two hundred cities. He meant the Empires of Constantinople & Trapezonde ; the realms of Bosne , Syria, Armenia, and I think Morea was the fourth, in the which the Venetians held two places. He conquered also divers goodly Isles in the sea, called Archipell , near to the said Morea, with the Isles of Nigrepont and Mitilene: he subdued in like manner the greatest part of Albany and Sclavonie. And as his conquests were great against the Christians, so were they also against them of his own law, of whom he destroyed many a great Prince, as the Caraman and divers others. The greatest part of his affairs he governed by his own wisdom, as did our King and the King of Hungary also: who were three of the greatest Princes that reigned these hundred years. But the courtesy and course of life of the King our Master, and his good usage both of his own servants and strangers, far passed both the others; and no marvel, for he was the most Christian King. As touching worldly pleasures this Turk had his fill; for he spent the greatest part of his life in them, and had he not been so much addicted to them, undoubtedly he would have done much more mischief. There was no fleshly vice that he was free from, but in gluttony he passed, and according to his diet, diseases fell upon him: for every spring (as I have heard those report that have seen him) his legs swelled as big as a man's body, notwithstanding they broke not, but the swelling assuaged of itself. No surgeon could tell the cause of this disease save only that it proceeded of gluttony, and it may be that it was some special punishment of God. His said disease was the cause he came so seldom abroad, and kept himself so close in his chariot, fearing that the miserable estate he was in, would cause his subjects to despise him. He died being two and fifty years of age or there about, in manner suddenly: notwithstanding, he made his Testament, which I myself have seen, wherein he made conscience of a subsidy lately levied upon his subjects, if the said Testament be true. Let Christian Princes than weigh well what they ought to do, considering that they have no authority in right and reason to levy any thing upon their subjects without their permission and consent. The conclusion of the Author. You see here a great number of great personages dead in short space, who traveled so mightily, and endured so many anguishs and sorrows to purchase honour and renown, whereby they abridged their lives, yea and peradventure charged their souls. I speak not this of the Turk, for I make account he is lodged with his predecessors; but our King and the rest, I trust, God hath taken to his mercy. Now to speak of this point as a man unlearned, but having some experience: had it not been better both for these great Princes themselves and all their subjects that lived under them, and shall live under their successors, to have held a mean in all things, that is to say, to have attempted fewer enterprises, to have feared more to offend God, and persecute their subjects and neighbours so many sundry ways above rehearsed, and to have used honest pleasures and recreation? Yes sure. For by that means their lives should have been prolonged, diseases should not so soon have assailed them, their death should have been more lamented, and less desired; yea, and they should have had less cause to fear death. What goodlier examples can we find to teach us that man is but a shadow, that our life is miserable and short, and that we are nothing, neither great nor small? For immediately after our death, all men abhor and loathe our bodies, and so soon as the soul is severed from the body, it goeth to receive judgement; yea undoubtedly at the very instant that the soul and body part, the judgement of God is given according to our merits and deserts, which is the particular judgement of God. The Notes. 1 For aught I can read in any history, this Fredrick should be Henry, and so appeareth by our author himself, lib. 5. cap. 7. & cap. 18. 2 Asin Britain, Savoye, and Provence under King Rene. 3 Others writ that he was but 14. years old when he married her; which was in the year 1437. and she died ann. 1445. 4 This Lady's name was Margaret, she was sister to james the second King of Scotland: she was of a loathsome complexion, and had an unsavoury breath; wherefore the King loved her not. 5 This is agreeable with Pompey's saying to Sylla, that the Romans did Orientem potius quàm occidentem solem venerari. 6 The Earl of Warwick's father was Richard Nevil Earl of Salisbury, who was not slain at the battle of Wakefield with Richard Duke of York, but taken, and within a day or two after beheaded, and his head sent to York, as the said Dukes had been. 7 Commines saith here, that King Edward had lived sixteen years in delicacies when the Earl of Warwick chased him out of his realm: yet before lib. 3. he saith twelve or thirteen years, somewhat nearer to the truth; for indeed he was chased the 10. year of his reign. 8 This white knight is named johannes Huniades corvinus, his father's name was Buth, of the country of Valachie, corruptly printed in the French Vallagine. 9 To wit, 20. and fought in one day against Amurathes and his Bashaes' six great battles, and obtained victory in them all. 10 Sclavonie is the country of Illyria. 11 Some write that this Lancelot called in Latin stories Ladislaus came to full years before Huniades death, and gave him in recompense of his service the Earldom of Bristrich, and yet afterward sought to kill him by the persuasion of Vlrich Earl of Cilie the said Ladislaus uncle: but Huniades valiantly defended himself, and soon after died. But indeed the truth is, that Ladislaus was borne the 21. of February 1440. and Huniades died the 10. of September 1456. so that at Huniades death Ladislaus was almost 17. years of age, and by the persuasion of this Earl Vlrich had taken the government upon himself. 12 The elder brother's name was Ladislaus. The cause of his death was, for that in defence of himself he had slain the Earl Vlrich, who assaulted him, as before he had done his father, and continually sought both his blood and his brothers. Wherhfore the King caused both the brethren deceitfully to be taken, and beheaded the elder being five or six and twenty years of age. It is written, that the hangman gave him three strokes with the sword, before he could pierce his skin. 13 King Ladislaus died of poison the 21. of November 1457. 14 Other histories vary much in this point from Commines: for they make no mention of Mathias delivery by his mother's means, but say that King Ladislaus being hated in Hungary for Huniades elder sons death, departedinto Bohemia, leading Mathias with him as prisoner, where soon after this Ladislaus died of poison, as here befo●●●ention is made. After his death George Boiebrac usurped the realm of Bohemia, this Mathias being still prisoner at Prague: but the nobles of Hungary, because of his father's great services, chose him their King, and sent to the said Boiebrac requiring his delivery: who not only accomplished their request on that behalf, but also gave the said Mathias his daughter in marriage, and sent him into Hungary nobly accompanied. 15 This place is marvelously corrupted; for King Mathias was borne the 24. of February 1443. and died the fift of April at Vienna of an Apoplexy the year 1490. or as our author saith 1491. so that by this computation he lived about 48. years, and so undoubtedly this 28. must be read 48. 16 This Turk is Mahomet the second. 17 Others write that Amurathes the third Emperor of Turkey wan Adrianople, and it may be that the name deceived our author: for this Turks father's name was also Amurathes; but this was Amurathes the second, and he that won Adrianople Amurathes the first. 18 Constantinople was taken ann. 1453. the 29. of May. 19 This Emperor was named Constantinus Paleologus: but as others write he was not slain at the breach, but thronged to death in the gate as he would have fled. 20 How he conquered Trapezonde, Syria, Armenia, appeareth after in the figure 25. 21 It is corruptly in the French Bressanne. This realm of Bosne he conquered over Stephen King of that country ann. 1463. but Mathias King of Hungary soon after recovered it again. 22 Morea was in times past Peloponnesus. 23 This Archipell is Mare Aegeum, in the which the isles called Cyclades lie. 24 Nigrepont in times past was Euboea. 25 The French books have some of them the Carnian, some the Carmanian, and some (because they will be sure not to err) nothing. But undoubtedly it is to be read as I have here translated it. For further declaration whereof we must understand, that about the year 1250. four noble houses came out of Persia with their captains and armies, the Otthomans, Assembecs, Scandelors or Candelors, and the Caramans. All these four houses subdued every one of them some region: the Otthomans' wan Bythinia, Phrygia, Galatia. The Assembecs Syria, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia. The Scandelors held the greatest part of Pontus: and the Caramans Cilicia, Lycia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia. But the house of Otthoman in the end devoured all the other three. The Assembecs were vanquished by this Mahomet ann. 1459. For you shall understand, that Vsumcassanes King of the Assembecs fought three great battles with this Mahomet. In the two first he overthrew him, but in the third he was utterly overthrown, by reason that Mahomet had great artillery in his camp, which novelty (unknown before to the easterly nations) discomfited Vsumcassanes army, who in this battle lost also his son Zeinalde. After this battle Mahomet wan all Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and took Trapezonde the seat of the Assembecs' empire, with the greatest part of Armenia and Syria, as mention is here made. Further, after this battle Mahomet took from Pyramitus Prince of the Caramans, the greatest part of Cilicia: and after this Mahomet's death Bajazet his son slew in battle Abraham the last Prince of the Caramans, and utterly destroyed that house. As touching the Scandelors, after the Assembecs and Caramans were destroyed, the Prince of the Scandelors yielded his country to Bajazet, and in exchange thereof had certain revenues given him in Anatolia. And thus were all the three houses subdued by the house of Otthoman: which discourse for the better understanding of this place, I have been forced to write somewhat at large. 26 Others write 58. and others 56. but sure our author reporteth his age truli●●●: for he was borne ann. 1430. the 24. of March, and died of the colic 1481. the third of May, so that he was entered into his two and fiftieth year. A SUPPLY OF THE HISTORY OF PHILIP DE COMMINES FROM THE death of King LEWIS the II. till the beginning of the wars of Naples, to wit, from 1483. till 1493. of all the which time Commines writeth nothing. Of King Charles his coming to the crown, of the death of Oliver King Lewis his Barber and others, and of the revoking of King Lewis his superfluous gifts. Chap. 1. AFter the death of Lewis the eleventh, Charles the 8. his only son being 13. years of age and two months, succeeded to the crown: notwithstanding his coronation was deferred till the month of june in the next year, to the end he might be full fowerteen when he should be crowned. The King his father had brought him up at Amboise in such solitariness, that none besides his ordinary servants could have access unto him; neither permitted he him to learn any more Latin than this one sentence: He that cannot dissemble cannot reign: which he did not for that he hated learning, but because he feared that study would hurt the tender and delicate complexion of the child. Notwithstanding King Charles after he was come to the crown, grew very studious of learning, aod gave himseife to the reading of stories and books of humanity written in the French tongue, and attempted to understand Latin. Before the King's coronation, the Princes of the blood and the nobles of the realm, who so often had been injuried in the late King Lewis his time by Oliver le Dain his barber, by Daniel a Fleming the said Olivers' servant, and by john D'oyac; (which three had wholly governed the said King Lewis,) caused informations secretly to be exhibited against them for divers murders, rapines, and other heinous crimes that they had committed in King Lewis his time, yea and some of them by his commandment: the which informations being seen by the court Parliament, they were forthwith apprehended, their process made, and in the end all three condemned: and the next year being 1484. the said Oliver and Daniel his man were hanged at Paris, and D'oyac had his ears cut off, and his tongue bored through with a hot iron. One of the crimes committed by Oliver and Daniel, for the which they were executed was this: A gentleman was committed to prison by King Lewis his commandment, whose wife being young and beautiful, was contented to abandon herself to the lust of this Oliver, upon promise that he should deliver her husband out of prison to her; but the next day he caused Daniel his man to put him into a sack, and to throw him into the river, where he was miserably drowned. This Oliver was a Fleming borne, and had been barber to King Lewis, and of greater credit with him than any man in all France, which his credit grew by vile and slavish offices that he did about the King, so far forth that he ordinarily sucked the Kings hemorrhoids; wherewith he was often troubled, which base service he did, not for good will that he bore the King, but only for covetousness and to maintain his credit, which ended soon after the King his Master's death as you have heard: notwithstanding the great charge that the King upon his deathbed had given his son to love the said Oliver, and not to suffer him to be spoiled of that which he had bestowed upon him, because his service had long preserved his life. But howsoever Princes maintain such lewd ministers in their lives, and how ready soever such servants be to execute their Master's unlawful and wilful commandments, supposing that they shall never be called to account therefore: yet in the end they find that credit in Court is no inheritance, and that God who leaveth nothing unpunished, findeth a time to reward them according to their deserts. Further, soon after King Lewis his death, consultation was had of the superfluous & superstitious gifts made by him in his life, all the which were revoked, and all that was given reunited to the crown. Of the assembly of the States held at Tovars, of the Duke of Orleans pursuit for the regency, of the mad war raised by him, and of his departure into Britain. Chap. 2. THe King in the month of july after his coronation, being the year 1484. held a general and free assembly of the States of 1484 his realm at Tovars, far otherwise than had been used in his father's days: for none came to these general assemblies in his time, but such as were of his own denomination, neither durst any man speak his mind freely, but was forced in all matters to yield to the Kings will, which was for the most part unreasonable and violent. But at this assembly the presence was great, the voices free, the complaints lamentable: the Nobility, Commons and Clergy, every one of them presented their griefs, complaining of the burdens that the late King (contrary to the laws of the realm, and customs of their ancestors) had laid upon them. In this assembly it was enacted that there should be no Regent in France; but that Anne Lady of Beavieu the King's eldest sister should have the government of his royal person, according to the testament of King Lewis the 11. that the privy Council should consist of twelve chosen out of the body of the Nobility, by whose advise all matters should be governed and dispatched; but all in the King's name, and under the signature of his hand. Further, john Duke of Bourbon was created Constable. But by little and little the whole government was derived to the said Lady of Beavieu, because the King her brother's person was in her hands. But Lewis Duke of Orleans being the nearest Prince of the blood royal, by the persuasion of those that were about him, who gaped for great preferment if the government were committed to his charge, and especially by the instigation of the Earl of Dunois named Francis, son to john commonly called the Bastard of Orleans, (a man of a subtle spirit, and of great enterprise) abode still at Paris, and entered daily into the council, (notwithstanding the decree of the three estates,) as one that would understand of all that was done there. Wherewith the Lady of Beavieu was not a little discontented: which when the Prince of Orange, the Marshal of Rieux, and the rest of the Barons of Britain that were at that time fugitives in France (as hereafter shall be declared) understood; they came to the said Lady of Beavieu, and offered her and the King their service, which the Duke of Orleans greatly stomached. Further, the said Duke sought by all means possible to discredit the womanish government of the said Lady; but his persuasions little prevailed, because the Duke himself being not as yet four and twenty years old, was under the government of his mother, and it seemed no reason to commit the managing of the common wealth to him that was unable to govern his own private estate: so that the same reason barred him from the government now, that excluded his grandfather in times past, during the frenzy of King Charles the sixth. But this reason satisfied not the Duke nor his friends. Wherefore the Lady of Beavieu seeing that the Duke of Orleans remaining in Paris, won daily those that were in authority to his side: seeking by that means to obtain the regency of the realm: sent by the resolution of the King's council, certain to Paris to arrest the body of the said Duke. Who being advertised thereof as he was at tennis, withdrew himself, and (pretending that he went to his lodging) departed in the company of Guyot Pot, and john of Loven (one of the gentlemen of his chamber whom he greatly favoured) & lodged that night at Pontoise. The next day he went to Vernueil, and from thence to Alencon, where he remained a certain space: during the which, he practised to draw to his party the Earl of Angoulesme, the Duke of Bourbon, and the Lord of Alebret, who in the end declared themselves to be his friends and assistants in this enterprise. But all these because of this their confederacy with him, were forthwith removed from all their offices and estates, and lost all their pensions, and their charge of men of arms: yet notwithstanding, they levied a great army of the people of their countries, and found means to win to their side the Duke of Lorraine, the Prince of Orange, and the Earl of Foix. Under the assurance of all the which Princes, the D. of Orleans assembled his army at Blois, to march therewith to Orleans: but the citizens of the town perceiving that their Duke came thither with a purpose to surprise it, and to make it the seat of the wars, shut their gates upon him, and would not suffer him to enter in. Wherefore with an army of four hundred lances, and a great number of footmen, he went to Bougencie, accompanied with the Earls of Dunois and Foix, an with Carquelevant, and other French captains, where they remained a certain space, and thither the King sent to besiege them. But because they saw the place not to be of defence; and further, that the Malcontents of the realm flocked not to them as they supposed they would: they made a sudden peace with the King, whereby it was agreed, that the Duke of Orleans should repair to the King, and so he did, and that the Earl of Dunois the contriver of all this enterprise should departed the realm, which also he did and retired himself to Ast. But this notwithstanding, the Duke of Bourbon and the Earl of Angoulesme, who had levied their armies to succour the Duke of Orleans, marched toward Bourges, whither the King went with a great army, accompanied with the Duke of Orleans, who was constrained to arm himself against his allies and confederates. Notwithstanding by the wisdom of the Marshal of Gie and the Lord of Graville (which too had great authority in the Court under the Lady of Beavieu,) peace was concluded between the King and his nobles, wherein the Lord of Albret was also comprehended; and thus departed all these armies without any bloodshed, and the K. went to Amboise; the Duke of Orleans to Orleans; and the Earl of Foix and the Cardinal his brother to Nantes to the Duke of Britain who had married their sister. This tumult was called the mad war, and happened in the year 1485. 1485. After all this, the Earl of Dunois returned from Ast, and went to his own town of Partenay in Poitou, which was then a strong town with a double ditch, and a triple wall. Hereof the King being advertised, and withal that he fortified himself in the said town, and knowing the said Earl of Dunois to be full of practice, and a man of great enterprise: he sent to the Duke of Orleans (who was at Orleans holding solemn justs and turneys) to come to him to Amboise. And after three or four messengers, the last whereof was the Marshal of Gié, the Duke of Orleans went to Blois, and the next day being twelve even in the said year 1485. he departed out of Blois early in the morning with his hawks, feigning that he went to fly in the If you begin the year at Newyeeres' day, it was 1486. field, and without any bait road that night to Fronteraulx, whereof his sister was then Abbess: from thence he went to Clisson, and from Clisson to Nantes, where he was very honourably received of the Duke. This was the Duke of Orleans second coming into Britain, as by that which followeth hereafter shall more plainly appear. The King being advertised of his departure, determined to besiege the Earl of Dunois in his town of Partenay, and found means (before any brute was made thereof) to draw to his service the Marshal of Rieux, and the other Barons of Britain that were then retired to Chasteaubrian to the Lady of Laval, who was Lady thereof, because the Duke of Britain by aid of the Duke of Orleans and the Earl of Dunois sought to avenge himself of the said Barons, for the death of Peter Landois Treasurer of Britain, whereof I will now begin to speak. Of the troubles that happened in Britain between the Duke and his Nobles, and of Peter Landois death. Chap. 3. ABout the same time, or somewhat before, that the mad tumult above mentioned happened in France: a like stur chanced also in Britain, though not with the like event; the seeds of the which were privily sown in the life of Lewis the 11. but sprang not up for fear of foreign war (with the which the said King Lewis continually threatened the Britain's) till after his death. But then all foreign fear, which had hitherto preserved their peace, being removed: the fire flamed out, which upon this occasion was first kindled. Chawin Chancellor of Britain (a very worthy man) died miserably in p●ison in the castle of L'hermite, where the Duke had imprisoned him at the request of his Treasurer Peter Landois a hosiers son of Tovars, who after the said Chawins death wholly possessed the Duke. But the nobility, namely the Prince of Orange, and the Marshal of Rieux (who were then at Nantes, and hated this Landois, as author of the others death) conspired together to his destruction: for the executing of which their purpose, they watched a time when they thought to surprise him either in the castle of Nantes with the Duke, or in a house of his own called Pabotiere a mile from the town. Wherefore they divided their company, and part they sent to besiege the said house, and with the rest entered into the castle: and to the end he should by no means escape, they shut up the castle gates, they searched every corner of the castle, yea they rushed into the Duke's chamber, supposing that the said Landois might happily have retired himself thither, in hope to make the D. presence the buckler of his defence. But he being a mile from Nantes in his own house above mentioned, escaped at a back gate before the house was thoroughly beset, and so saved himself. But presently a great uproar began in the town: for one of the Duke's servants, at the noble men's first entry into the castle, being let down the castle wall by a rope, made a great outcry in the town, aggravating the heinousness of the fact, and affirming that the castle was forced, the Duke assaulted, and his life in great danger unless he were speedily succoured. The citizens (ignorant that this attempt was made only for the surprising of Peter Landois) armed themselves, and ran to the castle threatening all the nobility with death, of whom not one durst show himself upon the wall to speak to the furious multitude, because the people had planted shot against the castle, meaning to spare no man so soon as he should appear, but the Duke alone. The Duke being in the hands of his nobles, showed himself unto his people, who presently kneeled down before him, congratulating with him for his safety, and so the tumult ceased. But the nobility for this bold attempt were banished, though their lives were pardoned, who presently retired themselves into France to King Charles, as before you have heard. Then Peter recovered his former credit with the Duke, and caused him to write to the Duke of Orleans his cousin germane, that it would please him to come to him into Britain; which the Duke of Orleans did by the persuasion of the Earl of Dunois, who sought to divorce him from the King's sister, and to marry him with Anne the Duke of Britain's eldest daughter and heir, which also happened after the said Duke of Orleans was King, though it were not now accomplished. The Duke of Orleans accompanied with the Duke of Alencon arrived at Nantes, in the month of April after this tumult, being the year 1484. where they were honourably received of the Duke of Britain, who complained to them of the outrage done unto him by the Prince of Orange and the Marshal of Rieux, for the revenge whereof he desired their aid, which they promised him in general terms, and then departed to go to Rheims to the coronation of King Charles. After the which the Duke of Orleans fell at variance with the King, and yet in the end peace was concluded between them in the year 1485. as before you have heard. Then Peter Landois seeing the Duke his Master in league with the Duke of Orleans, This happened 1485. and the said Duke of Orleans and his faction in peace with the King: determined to be revenged of his enemies: wherefore the Duke of Britain, by his persuasion made an edict, that all the noble men's houses that had been of the conspiracy above mentioned, should be razed. For the execution whereof an army was levied in the Duke's name to raze Ancenix, where the Prince of Orange and the Earl of Comminges then remained, who being advertised thereof, by the aid of their friends and of the banished Barons that were returned out of exile to defend their patrimonies, levied likewise an army to withstand Landois attempts: but when those two armies were come the one in face of the other, the remembrance and love to their common country altered their minds in such sort, that they disarmed themselves, and each embraced other as friends. Then went the Prince of Orange and the Earl of Comminges to the Duke, and recovered his favour and the government: by means whereof all the storm fell upon Peter Landois alone, whom when the nobles knew to be within the castle, with one consent they went thither, being fully resolved to seize upon him, though he were in the Duke's arms. Then one whom both the nobility and commons had by common consent chosen their new Chancellor, by their constraint spoke to the Duke, and advertised him that without the delivery of Peter the tumult could not be appeased, against whom they would proceed only by order of law, without executing any thing upon him before his cause were heard and thoroughly examined. Thus was he yielded into their hands, and presently imprisoned, and for fashion's sake examined: many heinous crimes were objected against him. To conclude, he was condemned and hanged before the Duke knew his cause to be tried, who was purposed to have granted him his pardon, howsoever law proceeded against him: for the preventing whereof the execution was hastened. But this fact of the nobility (which the Duke accounted as a most heinous injury done to himself) made them ten times more odious to the Duke than they were before. The Duke created a new Chancellor, and to make head against his nobles received very courteously the Duke of Orleans, who about this present fled to him out of France with a great company of his partakers: which when the said nobles of Britain saw, they were greatly astonished, and fled for fear the second time into France, where the King (meaning to make war upon the Duke of Britain, for receiving the Duke of Orleans being fled from him) welcomed them, and entered into league with them, as in the end of the last chapter you have heard. The report went that the Duke of Orleans had a plot in his head to divorce himself from the Lady jane the King's sister, as forced upon him against his will by King Lewis the 11. and to marry with Anne the Duke of Britain's eldest daughter and heir, the hope whereof was the cause of this his voyage into Britain: but the selfsame hope entertained also Monseur d' Alebret, and drew him to the Duke of Britain's part, the rather because he had received assurance of the marriage in writing, under the hands of all the noble men that were about the said D. of Britain, save of the D. of Orleans alone. Of the war the King made in Britain, and of the Earl of Dunois embassage to the King for peace. Chap. 4. THe only care of the banished nobles of Britain was to return and remain in safety in their country, and the King's only desire was to be revenged of the Duke of Britain for receiving the Duke of Orleans. Wherefore the King, as before is said, entered into league with these nobles, and in their favour levied an army, and began war upon the Duke of Britain in the year 1486. This army invaded Britain three several ways; for the 1486 Lord of Saint André with four hundred lances, and five or six thousand footmen entered on one side; the Earl of Montpensier with a great band upon another side, and Lewis of Trimoville Viscount of Tovars, (who had married Gabriel of Bourbon the said Earl of Montpensiers' sister) upon the third, in such sort that the country of Britain was covered with French soldiers, with whom also the barons of Britain above mentioned, were joined, who caused divers castles in Britain to be yielded to the King's army by those that were of their faction: whereat the Duke of Britain was greatly astonished. But the Duke of Orleans, the Earl of Dunois, and the Earl of Comminges being with him, comforted him, and under colour of a marriage to be made between the Lady Anne the Duke of Britain's eldest daughter and the Lord of Alebret, who had a hundred lances under his charge, and was able to levy great forces of footmen in Gascoine and Guienne, where he was mighty and of goodly revenues, the Earl of Dunois won the said Lord of Alebret to join with them: who presently forsook the King's service, and took part with them accordingly: yet that notwithstanding the Duke of Britain leaving Nantes in the hands of his cousin the Prince of Orange, retired himself to the castle of Malestroit, being a strong place, where he levied an army of six hundred lances, and 16000 footmen to succour Ploermel (distant three or four leagues from Malestroit) which the King's army then besieged. But as this Britain army marched thitherward, one of the company broke forth into these speeches, and asked what this war meant, and what was the end thereof, alleging that their Duke was wholly governed by the French, and that the French made the Britain's at their pleasure to revenge French quarrels upon the French: wherefore he persuaded them to return home to their wives and children, and not to spend their lives for other men's quarrels. Whereupon all the army disparkled, and returned home: by means whereof Ploermel seeing no hope of succours yielded by composition, and yet notwithstanding was spoiled, and the rich men taken prisoners, and put to ransom. The Dukes of Britain and Orleans, and the other Lords that were with them at Malestroit, being advertised of the departure of their army, and of the taking of Ploermel, went to Vennes upon Whitsun even being the year 1487. whither the King's army so speedily followed them, that hardly they escaped by sea, and went to Croisick, and from thence by the river of Loire to Nantes, being constrained to leave part of their carriage 1487 in the said town of Vennes, which presently after their departure yielded without any resistance. Further, not long after the taking of this town, the French in a skirmish at a place called jove between Chasteaubrian and Nantes, defeated a great band of Britain's, led by Amaulry of la Mossay towards Nantes, at the which time the King in person lay at Ancenix. After the taking of Vennes the King's army marched to Nantes, and laid the siege before the town the 19 day of june in the said year 1487. Within the town were the Duke of Britain and his two daughters Anne and Isabella, the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Orange, the Lady of Lavall and of Chasteaubrian, the Bishop of Nantes called du Chaffault, a man of holy life, the Earl of Comminges, and divers other Lords: all the which dislodged out of the castle, and lodged in the town. And because the company had some jealousy of the said bishop of Nantes, and the Lady of Lavall that they were not thoroughly to be trusted: they were put in guard into certain of the towns men's hands. At this siege were ten thousand French men, and great store of artillery, wherewith the walls, towers, and vaumures of the castle and town were thoroughly battered; but they without were as well plied by them within, both with shot and with sallies of valiant men, where many a goodly feat of arms was done, both on the one side and the other. Further, you shall understand, that the Earl of Dunois being in base Britain there to embark towards England to have aid from thence, and perceiving that the wind would not suffer him so to do, brought with him to secure the town of Nantes above fifty thousand of the commons of Britain, which the French suffered to pass, supposing them not to be men of service. But the King seeing the extreme heat of the weather, and perceiving that he could do no good before the town, levied his siege the sixth day of August, and departed. Then marched the King's army before the town of Dolle, which they took without resistance and spoiled, and all the Britain's and soldiers that were within it were taken prisoners. Further, the King's army spoiled all the country, slew the people, and drove away their cattle. But the Marshal of Rieux and the greatest part of the banished nobles of Britain that were in the King's service, lamenting the miserable estate of their country, waxed weary of the wars, and alleged that their league with the King was only to this end, that they might recover their country, and the French that lived in Britain be constrained to return home into theirs. Wherefore seeing the French nobles being in Britain protested, that they would willingly return home if the King would pardon their departure to the Duke; and that the Duke on the other side, with the consent of all his subjects, had offered these banished nobles of Britain pardon, and restitution to all their goods and lands, they saw no cause why the wars should endure, but that each party should return home in peace: but the French, and divers also of the Britain's themselves were little moved with these allegations. Wherefore the said Marshal being Lord of Ancenix, a town very commodious for the maintenance of the King's wars, and the which (notwithstanding that he held it for the King) he had manned with his own tenants and servants: yielded the place to the Duke of Britain, and swore the towns men to be true to him. And further, before the fame of his revolt was spread abroad, he went with a great company to Chasteaubrian, which was also held for the King, and being received into the town as a friend, he placed a garrison of his own soldiers in it, and banished all that refused to return to the obedience of the Duke. From thence he went and laid the siege before Vennes the 25. day of February, which was held by If you begin the year at Newyears day here beginneth 1488. the French under the government of Gilbert of Grassay, and Philip of Moulins valiant captains, who yielded the place by composition the third day of March following. On the other side the King's army slept not: for Ancenix they took by assault, and razed the walls, towers, and houses by the King's commandment, so that one stone was not left upon another, which the King did in spite of the Marshal of Rieux, whose the town was, and who was newly revolted from him as you have heard. Chasteaubrian was also recovered by the King's forces, and the castle razed. From thence the King's army marched to Frougiers, being a frontier town strong and of good resistance, and laid the siege before the place, whereupon the Duke of Britain being strooken with a new fear, determined to send the Earl of Dunois in embassage to the King, whereof hereafter you shall hear. About this time being the beginning of the year 1488. the Lord of Albret who long had been resident in the Court of Spain, came by sea and landed in base Britain with four thousand men of war: his men went to Rennes, but himself to Nantes to the Duke of Britain, where at his first coming he demanded to have the marriage between him and the Lady Anne the Duke's eldest daughter accomplished. But the said Lady would not consent thereunto, greatly to her father's discontentation, who knew nothing that she had cast her fancy upon the Duke of Orleans, by the practice and persuasion of the Earl of Dunois. For the which cause the said Earl of Dunois (to save his honour) endeavoured to withdraw his seal given for the accomplishment of the said marriage, being in the hands of the Lady Lavall sister to the said Alebert, among the seals of all the other Britain Lords: which also in the end very cunningly he brought to pass. For he gave the said Lady to understand that this marriage could never be accomplished without the Duke of Britain's seal could be obtained, whereunto he (as he said) had moved the Duke, whose answer was that he would willingly give his seal, provided that the instrument that he should seal, were written word for word by that which the Earl of Dunois had already sealed: wherefore if she would cause his writing to be delivered to him, he would make his secretary to write that which should be presented to the Duke, word for word by his, and so get the Duke's seal to it. The Lady of Lavall supposing that he had meant good faith, delivered him the writing, which afterward he never restored: for presently after (as you shall now hear) he was sent with certain lawyers in embassage to Angiers to the King, to understand what the King demanded in the Duchy of Britain, and why he destroyed the castles and towns thereof. The Duke of Britain as above is mentioned, being in great fear when he saw the King's army before Fougieres, sent the Earl of Dunois with the consent of his nobles in embassage to Angiers to the K. The said Earl in his journey thitherward, so preached in all places the great commodities that concord and peace bring with them, that all men's eyes were fixed upon him. When he came to the K. being then eighteen years of age, he very eloquently pleaded the cause of the Duke of Britain, and of the other French noble men that were retired to him, alleging that the Duke being worn with years, consumed with diseases, having buried his wife, being destitute of issue male, his eldest daughter being hardly twelve years of age, and his younger less; and lastly, being forsaken of his nobility for the hatred they bore to Peter Landois, and not for any evil desert of his own, began to languish in sorrow and grief: for the which cause the noble men of France that were of kin & allied to him, being moved with very natural affection, were retired to him to comfort him in this distress. Among whom, none were nearer to him (his own children excepted) than the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Orange, the one being his uncles son, the other his sisters, and that these and others his near kinsmen were yet with him, only to this end; adding that the Duke was not to be accused because he forbade them not his countries, when they came to comfort him in his miseries, or they for coming to relieve him in his distress. But quoth he, it will be objected that there are beside these, divers others with him of the nobility of France, that have levied war against the King: but what war? Forsooth, as the Britaines marched with force to levy the siege of Ploermel, being advertised that they could not so do without a battle with the French: the reverence they bore to the King's Majesty was such, that willingly they gave place, and forbore to fight, and rather suffered their towns to be taken and spoiled, than they would encounter with the King's troops. Further so soon as the D. understood the K. desire to be, that the banished Nobles of Britain should return home, he forthwith received them into his favour, and restored them to their former estate. What offence then (said he) hath the Duke made? What cause of war against him? Truly none. But on the contrary side many causes of commiseration, and many causes why the King should grant the Duke of Britain peace. This was the effect of the speech he was commanded (as he said) to deliver to the K. which charge he would not have taken upon him, but that he knew the D. of Britain to carry a mind singularly well affected to the King's Majesty, and the French nobles that were in Britain to be the King's devout servants & subjects, and ready to shed their blood for the defence of him and his estate. This the Earl's speech moved the King to incline to peace, whereof the treaty was already begun, when the sudden report of a battle whereof you shall now hear as suddenly brak it off. Of the battle of S. Albin, wherein the Duke of Orleans was taken prisoner, of the treaty of peace between the King and the Duke of Britain, and of the said Duke of Britain's death. Chap. 5. YOu have heard of the siege of Fougieres, which endured still, notwithstanding the Earl of Dunois embassage in such sort, that the town began to be greatly distressed: wherefore the Duke of Orleans and the rest of the noble men of Britain fearing the loss of the town, departed from Nantes and went to Rennes, where they assembled their forces to levy the siege. Their men of arms were four hundred, and their footmen of their own countries twelve thousand, as some writ; as others, but eight thousand, besides three hundred English men, and eight hundred Swissers, and of artillery they had great plenty. Then in very good order they encamped abroad in the fields. The names of the noble men of the army were these: the D. of Orleans, the Lord of Alebret, the Marshal of Rieux, the Lord of Chasteaubrian, the Lord of Scales an Englishman, the Lord of Leon, the Lord of Rohans' eldest son, the Lord of Crenettes, the Lord of Pont l'Abbe, the Lord of Plessis, the Lord of Balynes, the Lord of Montigny, the Lord of Montuet: all the which Lords with their companies & whole forces encamped at a village called Andoville, the wednesday being the 23. of july, the year 1488. above mentioned: in the night there was an alarm among the Gascons, whereof it was feared some quarrel would have grown between the Duke of Orleans and the Lord of Alebret, but the matter was soon pacified. In the mean time came news to these Lords at the said village of Andoville the saturday the six and twenty of the said month of july, that the French had taken Fongieres by composition, with these conditions, that the soldiers should departed in safety with bag and baggage: upon which news the Britain's army determined to march to Saint Albin, hoping easily to take the town because the French garrison within it was but small, and that in the mean time the soldiers that were departed out of Fongieres, should join with them and increase their forces. On the other side the French army marched also towards Saint Albin meaning to be there before the Britain's; but it so fell out that neither of them entered the town, because before they came thither they met & fought. For you shall understand that the same saturday that the Britain's received news of the taking of Fongieres, they marched to a village called Orange two leagues from Saint Albin, where they were advertised that the King's army marched against them with a full resolution to fight with them. The sunday morning the Britain's consulted of the order of their battle, and because the footmen were jealous of the French horsemen that were in their camp, and namely of the Duke of Orleans himself: it was thought good that he and the Prince of Orange should leave their horses, and put themselves on foot in the battle among the Swissers, and so they did. The vaward was lead by the Marshal of Rieux, the battle by the Lord of Alebret, and the rearward by the Lord of Chasteaubrian: upon one of their wings was placed their artillery and their carriage. And the more to terrify the French with the great number of English men, whereas there were in truth but three hundred English men lead by the Lord Talbot, seaventeen hundred Britain footmen were joined to them, armed with jacks and red cross●s English like: and the monday morning they ranged themselves in battle in this order above rehearsed, hard by a grove of wood attending the French army. The King's army (whereof Master Lewis of Trimoville Viscount of Tovars, being five or six and twenty years of age, was general,) departed out of Fongieres with a full resolution to fight with the Britain's. The vaward was lead by Adrian de l'hospital, and Gabriel of Montfalzoys: before the which, ten or twelve valiant French knights advanced themselves to discover the Britain's actions, whose good order when they had viewed, they retired to their company, & then being in troop all close joined together approached the Britain's army, the artillery in the mean time playing on both sides, and greatly endamaging both the parties. The French marched very courageously, and charged the Britain's vaward, where the Marshal of Rieux valiantly received them, and acquit himself so well both he and his company, that the French left the vaward, & marched strait upon the Britain's battle, where the Britain horsemen recoiled, by means whereof their rearward being discouraged fled. Then the French pursued them, and slew all the footmen they could overtake: which disorder when the Britain vaward perceived, they also disparkled and sought to save themselves. To conclude, the French obtained the victory, and slew all those that bore the red cross, supposing they had been all English men, together with twelve or thirteen hundred Britain's as well horsemen as footmen. The Duke of Orleans was taken by the footmen, and likewise the Prince of Orange, who had pulled away his black cross from him, and had laid himself flat upon the ground among the dead bodies, feigning himself to be slain; but he was known by a French archer, and both he and the Duke of Orleans led prisoners to Saint Albin under sure guard. The Lord of Alebret seeing all overthrown, fled away and escaped. The Marshal of Rieux also saved himself, and retired to Dinan. The Lord of Leon, the Lord du Pont l'Abbe, the Lord of Montfort, and divers other noble men of Britain were slain; and of other soldiers to the number of six thousand: of the King's part was slain james Galeot a valiant and a renowned captain, and to the number of a thousand or twelve hundred common soldiers. This battle was fought upon monday the 28. of july the year 1488. Soon after the Duke of Orleans was led to the castle of Luzignen, and from thence to Poitiers, where he remained a certain space, and lastly to the great tower of Bourges. The second day after the battle, the Lord of Trimoville sent certain heralds to Reims to summon the town to yield to the King: who after consultation had answered the said heralds, that the King had no right to the town, and that wrongfully and without cause he made war upon the country of Britain, and that notwithstanding his great army, he could not overrun the country as he hoped: for God who defended the Britain's right, was able to do as much to him as he did to King john before Poitiers, and to King Philip of Valois at Crecy: adding further, that they would not yield the town, and that if Monseur de la Trimoville came thither, he should find forty thousand men in the town, whereof twenty thousand were men of defence. This answer was reported to the said Trimoville, who stayed a long time without replying one word thereunto, and afterwards by the same heralds advertised the King thereof being at Angiers. Whereupon the King assembled his Council to determine what was to be done in this case. Some, yea almost all were of opinion that the town should be besieged: but Master William of Rochfort Chancellor of France held the contrary opinion, grounding himself upon the King's title to the said Duchy of Britain, which was said to grow by means of a certain conveyance that Master john of Brosse Lord of Boussac husband to dame Nicole of Britain, daughter and heir to Charles of Blois Earl of Ponthieure, had made to the King's ancestors, together with divers other titles, which were not yet proved good: adding; that if the King had no right thereunto, it should be a damnable and a tyrannous act to usurp another man's country that appertained not to him. Wherefore his advice was, that according to the request of the ambassadors of Britain being at Angiers, certain grave and learned men should be appointed to examine the right of both sides. This opinion took place, and according thereunto the King agreed with the ambassadors of Britain, that both he and the Duke would appoint some grave men of their Council, who should meet in some indifferent town, with the charters and writings of both sides, to determine in conscience to whom the said Duchy did appertain; and that in the mean time the King should hold all the places in the said Duchy that already he possessed. The Duke of Britain liked this agreement well, and because the plague was vehement at Nantes, he departed thence with his two daughters, the Lady of Laval, the Lord of Alebret, the Earl of Dunoys, the Marshal of Rieux, the Earl of Comminges, and divers other Lords, to Coiron upon the river of Loyer three leagues beneath Nantes; where soon after namely upon wednesday the seventh of September in the same year 1488. he ended his life thorough a sickness which he got by a fall, leaving the government both of his Duchy of Britain, and of his two daughters to the Marshal of Rieux, to whom he appointed the Earl of Comminges for assistant. His body was carried to Nantes and buried in the Church of the Carmelites. Of the King's marriage with the Lady Anne of Britain, whereby Britain was united to the crown of France. Chap. 6. Soon after the Duke of Britain's death, died also Isabella his 1489. younger daughter, by reason whereof the Lady Anne remained his sole heir: about whose marriage the nobles of Britain fell at great variance, for part of them inclined to the Lord of Alebret a great Lord in Guienne, who also as it was reported, (but falsely) was contracted to this young Princes with the Duke her father's consent, but the day before the Duke died; but this faction was soon daunted, because the young Lady herself utterly refused this match: part openly favoured & furthered Maximilian the Emperor Fridericks son, alleging that he would not only be a protector of the liberty of their country, but also a strong rampire against all French attempts. Neither was the King of France ignorant of this treaty, but knew right well that ambassadors had passed to and fro between Maximilian and them, so far forth that the said Maximilian supposing all matters to be thoroughly concluded and agreed on, began to embrace all Britain in his mind, and thought no enterprise too high for him if to his low countries obtained by his first marriage, he could now join the Duchy of Britain by his second. Great consultation was had in France how to repulse this terrible storm, but Maximilians own slackness most furthered their devices. The K. council in the end resolved that the King should refuse his wife being Maximilians' daughter, and seek with all expedition the marriage of the Lady Anne of Britain, alleging that the neighbourhood of so mighty a Prince as Maximilian was, could not be but dangerous to his estate, of whom he could hope for nothing but dissembled friendship presently, and assured war in time to come, considering that the said Maximilian forgetting already his league and affinity with the King, stirred up continually one war after another against him, and by that means professed himself an open enemy to him and his realm. Wherefore ambassadors were presently sent to treat of this marriage with the Lady Anne. She at the first wondered at the matter, and alleged that she had given her faith to Maximilian, which she might not break: and further, that she had been solemnly married to him (according to the accustomed manner of Princes) by Wolfgangus Poleme of Ostrich his proctor, purposely sent by him into Britain to that end. But the Lady of Lavat and other noble women of Britain, whose company and familiarity this young Princes used and greatly delighted in, being corrupted with French rewards and promises, persuaded her that this French match should be most for her safety and advancement; alleging that if she married with Maximilian he should hardly be able to defend Britain, whereof already they had good proof, considering that he had ever disappointed them of the succours he had promised to send them. And as touching her scruple of conscience, they said that the Pope who had power over all laws Ecclesiastical, would easily be brought to dispense therewith, the rather because this match should be best for her safety, and for the preservation of her estate. The young Princess though she were of a singular wit and rare virtues, yet being vanquished by these persuasions, yielded to their request, and delivered both herself and her country into the King's hands, and soon after was the marriage solemnly accomplished to the great rejoicing of the French. And thus received Britain the French yoke, to the great grief of all the subjects, who desired to be governed by a particular Duke of their own, as they had ever been in times past. Not long after this marriage, the Earl of Dunois who had been the principal instrument of the peace, & a great furtherer of the marriage, & thereby thoroughly reconciled to the K. suddenly died as he was on horseback for want of meat as it was said. When the K. had set all things in good order in Britain, he returned into France and appointed that the Lady Margaret of Flanders should remain, accompanied with the Princes of Tarent in the castle of Melun upon the river of Seine. Maximilian was forewarned of all these French practices, and seemed to make no account of them; but when he perceived this marriage to be accomplished, it doubled his hatred against the King, so far forth, that he openly railed upon him and vowed himself to destroy France with fire and sword, and presently invaded Picardy. But the Lord of cords governor thereof, made head against him, and valiantly defended the country, to his own honour and the profit of France. Further, Maximilian meaning a thorough revenge upon this realm, stirred up the English men the ancient enemies of the crown to pass into France, promising them great aid both of men and money out of his dominions. Wherefore I will here speak a word or two of the affairs of England, because the Englishmen are our next neighbours, and both in peace and war have ever to do with us, and we with them. Of the troubles in England, and how the King of England passed the sea and besieged Bolloin, and of the peace between the King and him, and of the surprising of Arras and Saint Omers by the King of Romans men. Chap. 7. KIng Edward the fourth, the same that met with King Lewis the eleventh at Picquigny dying in the year 1483, left behind him two sons being very young, and divers daughters, the government of the which sons together with the realm was committed to the Duke of Gloucester King Edwaras' brother: but he most ●nnaturally murdered his two nephews, slew those of the nobility that he thought would impugn his proceeding, and usurped the crown. In the end the Duke of Buckingham (who had takerpart with the Duke of Gloucester, who entitled himself King Richard) in all his actions, fell at variance with him, and solicited Henry Earl of Richmond that had lived many years in Britain as a banished man; to pass over into England, promising him a great army to join with him so soon as he should be landed. The Earl communicated this matter with Peter Landois, who wholly at that time governed the Duke of Britain. The said Landois hoping that the Earl if by his means he obtained the realm of England, would give him aid to revenge him of his enemies; persuaded the Duke of Britain to secure him in his enterprise, who furnished him of three great ships well manned with soldiers, which took sea and sailed towards England: but when they were ready to land, the Earl was advertised that the Duke of Buckingham was beheaded, his army defeated, and all his faction overthrown, and that King Richard lay with a great army upon the sea coast attending his landing. Upon which news the Earl of Richmond returned, thinking to recover the coast of Britain from whence he was departed, but tempest drove him upon the coast of Normandy, where he was forced to take land. The Lady of Beavieu being advertised thereof, sent unto him, desiring him to come to speak with the King, and so he did. The King courteously received him, and entertained him well. Afterward he returned to Vannes in Britain there to remain as before, attending some better opportunity. But Peter Laudois seeing himself disappointed of his purpose, altered his mind, and practised with King Richard to deliver the Earl of Richmond into his hands: who being advertised thereof, under colour of going a hawking one morning with ten or twelve horses fled into France to King Charles, who not long after furnished the Earl of ships, and a good number of soldiers to accompany him into England, where by the help of the French and of divers of his own kinsmen, who had called him into England and took part with him, he slew King Richard in the field, & was himself crowned King in his place. This good turn of King Charles, together with the desire the King of England had to live quietly at home in his country, and to gather wealth, was the cause that King Henry during all the wars and troubles in Britain above mentioned, had not passed his forces into France: notwithstanding that he had been often earnestly solicited thereunto, both by the Duke of Britain, and the Earl of Dunois and others of that faction. For ordinarily when any troubles arise in France, our neighbours, especially the Englishmen, within a year are bidden to the banquet, and so was King Henry invited, and had come long ago, if the reasons above rehearsed together with some other respects, namely fear of domestical troubles had not stayed him at home. But notwithstanding the K. of England's backwardness heretofore to invade France: yet in the year 1490. partly by the earnest solicitation of Maximilian, who promised 1490. him great aid in his wars, and yet performed nothing: partly to content his own people, who began to account him as too much affectionate to the French in that he had suffered them to the great prejudice of the realm of England, to unite to the crown of France the Duchy of Britain: he passed over his army to Calais, and from thence marched and laid his siege before Boloyne, whither the Lord of cords and the bastard of Cardonne Captain of Arras, with a small army went to make resistance. Further, the King levied his forces to secure the place, but because his army proceeded but slowly forward: the said de cords and Cardonne took upon them the defence of the town. The siege was nothing hot, for the which cause a heraultsent into the English came to treat of peace; from the which King Henry seemed nothing strange as well for the affection that he bore to the King, who had aided him to obtain the realm of England; as also for that he feared sedition at home, & durst not long be absent out of his realm, because Maximilian had broken promise with him, and lastly because he hoped by this peace to receive of the King a great sum of money, which he loved as well as any Prince in his time. De cords finding the King of England's inclination to peace, went and communed with him in his camp: his demands were, first a great sum of money that he said he had lent the late Duke of Britain: and secondarily, that the King should desraie all the charges that he had been at in these wars. All the which the King yielded unto, and order was given that the King of England should yearly receive a certain sum of money, till all the sums by him demanded were clearly paid and discharged, and thus returned the King of England home. In the mean time while de cords and Cardonne were at Bolloin treating with the K. of England: the citizens of Arras knowing the garrison within the town to be but weak, practised to yield it into Maximilians hands, who sent certain bands thither, the which in great diligence approached near to the town. When all things were in a readiness, and the gates being so negligently guarded, that the traitors with their counterfeited keys had opened them, they began a song, whereby they willed the enemies to make haste, who presently repaired to the gates, and were received into the town. Paul Carquelevant a Briton, governor of the townein the absence of the bastard of Cardonne, at the enemies first entry retired himself with his soldiers into the castle; but fearing lest it should be taken by assault, he soon abandoned it, greatly to his reproach: for if he had held it but till the next day, divers French bands had come thither to his relief. The town was spoiled, and many slain, neither were the churches spared nor the traitor's houses. The author of this treason was a poor smith that dwelled upon the town wall, and had been the only man that was suffered to remain in the town by Lewis the eleventh, when he transported the towns men as a colony into France. Carquelevant the governor, when the town was surprised lay fast a sleep, drowned in drink and good cheer as it is said. The town was spoiled by the soldiers because Maximilian was behind with them for certain months pay. Saint Omers was also taken at the same time, though some refer it to an other time, but whensoever it was taken, this is most certain that the negligence of the watch was the loss thereof. For the enemies being led by George Deberfin made show at their first coming before the town, as though they would have scaled it, at which time the French soldiers were ready to withstand them upon the walls, being strong and very defensible both by nature and by Art: whereupon the enemies under pretence of fear, retired into their camp; yea and further, when the French issued forth to skirmish with them, they ever retired feigning the like fear, which dissimulation they used by the space of eight days, and by this their policy, caused the French to remit much of their accustomed industry and diligence: which when the Burgundians and Almains perceived, they with great expedition reared ladders against the walls and bulwarks of the town, which they easily entered, the watch being fast a sleep, and in some place no watch at all. Then broke they open the gates, slew the French soldiers and the citizens, and so became Masters of the town. At the same time was Amiens also attempted by the Burgundians in the night, and like to have been surprised by the like negligence of the watch: but Katherine de Liques (a woman of a manlike courage) awaked the watch out of their dead sleep, by means whereof the alarm was sounded, and all the town arose in arms, and part went to defend the walls, and the rest issued forth and skirmished, and put to flight Maximilians bands, who plainly confessed that the diligence and industry of one woman had wrong the victory out of their hands. Of the restitution of the Counties of Roussillon & Parpignan to the King of Spain, of the Emperor Fridericks death, of the peace between the King of Romans' and the King, and of the Duke of Orleans delivery out of prison. Chap. 8. FErdinand King of Arragon desired nothing more than to recover 1492 out of the King's hands the counties of Roussillon and Parpignan, engaged by him (as he said) to King Lewis the eleventh for fifty thousand crowns. But the nobles of France would not condescend to this restitution, because the two Counties were a rampire for the realm on that side towards Spain: adding that they were not engaged to King Lewis, but absoulutely sold. And notwithstanding that the King of Spain alleged that King Lewis by his last will and Testament had commanded the said Counties to be restored, knowing that they were wrongfully withheld: yet his persuasions and allegations little availed. Wherefore he perceiving that this way no good would be done, fell to practise with men of religion, hoping by their preaching of conscience to King Charles to win that of him that otherwise he saw no means to obtain. Wherefore he corrupted with a great sum of money Oliver Maillard, or as others writ john de Mauleon, a friar Franciscane, confessor to the Lady of Beavieu the King's sister, who under his cowl of religion cloaking his hypocrisy and covetousness, persuaded her, that except restitution were made of these territories to the King of Spain, the King her brother's government could not prosper nor please God. She being moved in conscience by this friars persuasions, broke this matter to Lewis of Amboise bishop of Alby, the King's schoolmaster, who together with her so terrified the King's conscience, that he did not only make restitution of the said territories by the hands of the said bishop, whom he sent thither to deliver them: but also freely released to the King of Arragon all the money that King Lewis his father had paid for them; with these conditions, that the said King of Arragon and his successors, should ever after love and honour the realm of France, that he should make no war against it, nor aid with money, victuals, or council any of the enemies thereof, nor permit them to have passage through his dominions. And thus were these countries restored, greatly to the French men's grief and damage; but in truth the King the rather inclined to restore them, because he began already by the persuasion of those that were about him to fancy a voyage into Italy, for the recovery of the realm of Naples, which afterward took effect, though the King both now & long after this, kept his purpose secret to himself, and one or two more, which voyage I think was the principal cause that induced him to restore the foresaid countries, thereby to tie the King of Spain to him, that he should not trouble him in his enterprise; but he misreckoned himself, for he was no sooner passed the mountains, but the King of Spain forgot all his kindness, and fell to practise a league with his enemies. While these matters passed thus in France, Friderick the Emperor died, to The Emperor Frederick died 19 of August 1493. whom his son Maximilian succeeded, who notwithstanding was never crowned neither greatly desired so to be, although with a small request he might have obtaied it. The Emperor Maximilian purposing to quiet the state of the Empire troubled by his father's death, seemed more inclined to peace with the King than heretofore he had been, which happened very fortunately for the King's affairs: for without Maximilian were pacified, his voyage into Italy must of force have staid; but both the parties by this means inclining to concord, the peace was soon concluded: the Emperor's daughter was restored unto him, and the county of Artois together with all the towns he quarreled. And thus the King being in peace with all his neighbours: namely, with the Emperor and the Kings of England and Spain, and possessing the Duchy of Britain quietly by his marriage, and by that means having no body to fear, began wholly to dispose himself to his voyage into Italy, whereupon his mind was altogether fixed. Further, about this very time the King at the earnest suit and continual tears of his sister jane a Lady of singular piety and chastity, restored not only to liberty, but also to his favour and familiarity, Lewis Duke of Orleans (husband to the said Lady,) taken prisoner at the battle of Saint Albin in Britain, as before you have heard: whereby as the King deserved great commendations for his clemency in preserving his enemy taken in battle and restoring him to his former dignity and honour: so did he also thereby provide that no discontented subject at home should trouble his estate in his absence in his voyage to Naples: whereunto the history of Commines now calleth us, which from the death of King Lewis the eleventh till this present, I have supplied out of other good authors, because the said Commines being imprisoned, or in disgrace almost ever since King Lewis his death till the said voyage of Naples, (whereat he was present) was silent and left nothing in writing to the posterity of all those years. THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF PHILIP DE COMMINES, TREATING OF THE PRINCIPAL ACTS OF KING CHARLES THE EIGHT, SON TO LEWIS THE ELEVENTH. THE PROLOGUE OF THE AUTHOR, containing that which he mindeth to treat of in this history following. TO continue the History written by me Philip de Commines of the reign of King Lewis the eleventh (whom God assoil,) I will now declare the occasion that moved King Charles the eight his son to make his voyage into Italy, whereat myself was present. The said King departed from Vienna in Dauphin the 23. of August, the year 1494. and returned into his realm about October, the year 1495. Before the enterprise was fully resolved on; the matter was often debated whether he should go or not: for the voyage seemed very dangerous to all men of wisdom and experience, neither did any allow thereof, but the King himself, and one Stephen de Verse borne in Languedoc, a man of mean parentage, and utterly unacquainted with the wars, and all things thereunto appertaining. One other also being of the receipt was a furtherer thereof till his hart failed him, namely the general Brissonnet, who afterward by occasion of this voyage, was preferred to many goodly dignities and spiritual promotions, and created a Cardinal. The former had already gotten goodly possessions, for he was Seneschal of Beaucaire, and precedent of the compte at Paris: he had served the King in his youth very faithfully, being a groom of his chamber, and by his means the general was won to favour this voyage; so that they two were the only authors thereof; for the which, few commended, but many blamed them: for all things necessary for so great an enterprise were wanting. The King was young, a weak body, wedded to his own will, slenderly accompanied with wise men or good captains, and so utterly unfurnished of money: that before his departure, he borrowed of the bank of Soly at Genua a hundred thousand franks upon great interest, from Mart to Mart . In divers other places also he borrowed money as hereafter you shall hear. His army was unprovided of tents and pavilions, and winter was begun when he entered into Lombardy. One only good thing he had, to wit, a courageous company of young gentlemen: yet not in such obedience as was requisite. Wherefore we must of necessity conclude that this voyage was governed by God alone, both at our going forth, and our return home; for the wisdom of the authors thereof above mentioned, served to no great purpose: notwithstanding they might justly vaunt themselves to be the occasion of the great honour and renown their Master won thereby. The Notes. 1 The interest of this money, as he saith in the end of the fourth Chapter, amounted in four months to fourteen thousand franks. Further, there are at Genua certain Marts in the year, from the one of the which to the other, they let out their money: it is between every Mart four months. How René Duke of Lorraine came into France to demand the Duchy of Bar, and the Earldom of Provence which King Charles held, and how he failed to enter into the realm of Naples, whereunto he pretended title as the King did, and what right both of them had thereunto. Chap. 1. THe year of the King's coronation being the 14. or 15. of his age, the Duke of Lorraine came into France, to demand the Duchy of Bar which King Lewis the eleventh had withholden from him, and likewise the Earldom of Provence, left to the said King Lewis by the last will and Testament of King Charles of Anjou his cozen germane ; who died without issue. The Duke of Lorraine pretended title to it, as son and heir to the daughter of Rene King of Sicily, Duke of Anjou, and Earl of Provence, alleging that the said King Rene had done him wrong , in preferring King Charles of Anjou being but his brother the Earl of Manes son, before him being his daughter's son . The other answered, that by their ancestors testaments Provence could not descend to the female. In the end Bar was yielded to him, for the which the King demanded only a sum of money. Further, because the said Duke of Lorraine was highly favoured, and friended by divers of great authority in France, (especially by john Duke of Bourbon, who was old, and desirous to marry his sister) it was agreed that during the space of four years, in the which his title to the Earldom of Provence should be examined, his estate should be wholly defrayed by the King, and that he should have charge of an hundred lances, together with a yearly pension of six and thirty thousand franks during the said four years. I myself was present at the debating and ending of all these controversies, being one of the commissioners purposely chosen for the determination thereof, both by the King's nearest kinsmen, and by the three estates of his realm: so was also Stephen de Verse above mentioned, who because he had gotten certain possessions in Provence, caused the King (as young as he was) in the presence of his sister the Duchess of Bourbon, to say to Monseur de Comminges, and to Monseur de Lau, (who were both also in the commission) and to myself, that we should do our endeavour, that he might not lose the Earldom of Provence; which words he uttered before the agreement above mentioned was made. Before the four years expired, certain Lawyeres of Provence brought forth the testaments of King Charles the first, brother to Saint Lewis, and of other Kings of Sicily of the house of France. These Lawyeres (among other proofs) alleged that not only the Earldom of Provence; but also the realm of Sicily, with all the house of Anious other possessions, appertained of right to the King, and that the Duke of Lorraine had no right thereto (notwithstanding) others maintained the contrary. All these Lawyers depended wholly upon Stephen de Verse, who nourished his Master in this language, that King Charles Earl of Provence last deceased, son to Charles of Anjou Earl of main, and nephew to King Rene: left Provence to King Lewis by his last will and Testament, and that King Rene before his death made the said Charles his heir, preferring him before the Duke of Lorraine his daughter's son, because of the testaments of King Charles the first and his wife Countess of Provence: wherein they had willed that the realm and the county of Provence should not be severed nor descend to the heir female, so long as there was issue male remaining. The like Testaments they alleged also to have been made, by their next successors in the said realm, namely by Charles the second. During these four years space, those that governed the King, that is to say, the Duke and Duchess of Bourbon, and certain of the King's chamber, namely Monseur de Graville and others, who at that time bore great sway in France; called to the Court to high authority and estimation, the said Duke of Lorraine to have him for their support and aid: (for he was a hardy gentleman & more than a courtier,) not doubting but easily to rid their hands of him at their pleasure, as also they did when they found themselves strong enough, and the force of the Duke of Orleans and others (whom I need not name) so weakened, that it was no more to be feared. But after the four years expired they could no longer hold the Duke of Lorraine, unless they would put him in possession of the county of Provence, or assure him of it by writing at a day, and continue still his pension of six and thirty thousand franks: whereunto because they would not condescend, he departed the Court greatly discontented. Four or five months before his departure, a good overture was made unto him if he would have embraced it: for the whole realm of Naples rebelled against King Ferrande, because of his great tyranny and his children's, so far forth that all the nobles and the third part of the realm yielded themselves to the Church. Notwithstanding King Ferrande being aided by the Florentines pressed them sore: for the which cause the Pope and the said Nobles of the realm that had rebelled, sent for the Duke of Lorraine purposing to crown him King, and so forward the enterprise was, that the Galleys and the Cardinal Saint Peter ad Vincula (who should have conveyed him thither,) stayed for him a long time at Genua: during the which space he was busied with these broils in Court, and delayed his departure, notwithstanding that he had messengers with him from all the Nobles of the said realm, earnestly pressing him to come with speed. To be short, the King and his Council showed themselves willing by all means they could to aid and secure him, and gave him sixty thousand franks, (whereof he received twenty thousand but lost the rest,) and agreed also that he should lead with him the hundred lances that were under his charge, promising further to send ambassadors round about in his favour. Notwithstanding the King was now nineteen years of age or more, and governed by those above named, who daily beat into his head, that the realm of Naples of right appertained to himself, which I writ because divers of mean estate raised great contention about this matter: as I understood both by certain of the ambassadors, sent to Rome, Florence, Genua, and other places in the Duke of Lorraines' favour; and also by the Duke himself, when he passed through Moulins where I than lay with john Duke of Bourbon, because of the troubles in court. But his enterprise was now half lost through his long delay. I went forthwith to receive him, notwithstanding that he had deserved no such courtesy at my hands: for he was one of those that chased me from the Court with rough and discourteous words: yet now he made the most of me that might be, lamenting much the government of the estate. He abode at Moulins two days with john Duke of Bourbon, and then took his journey towards Lions. To conclude, his friends were so wearied and weakened because of his long delay, that the Pope made peace, and the nobles of the realm also, who under surety thereof went to Naples where they were all taken prisoners: notwithstanding that both the Pope, the Venetians, the King of Spain, and the Florentines had undertaken to see the treaty kept and observed, and had sworn and promised the Nobles safety. The Prince of Salerne escaped and came into France, refusing to be comprehended in the treaty as one well acquainted with King Ferrand's humour: but the Duke of Lorraine returned into his country with dishonour, and lost his credit with the King, lost his men of arms, and lost also the pension of six and thirty thousand franks which he received for Provence: and even at this present being the year 1497. he liveth yet in this estate. The Notes. 1 King Charles was crowned ann. 1484. in june. 2 This cousin german must be referred to King Lewis. 3 For King Rene made Charles his brother's son his heir, omitting this Duke of Lorraine his daughter's son. 4 The pedigree in the end of the work will make this title plain. 5 The author under the name of Sicily comprehendeth the realm of Naples also, because both the realms bore the name of Sicily, the one beyond, the other on this side the far. 6 By nephew he meaneth brother's son. 7 Understand this of the realm of Sicily and Naples. 8 This de Graville was after Admiral of France. 9 Madam de Beavieu Duchess of Bourbon was appointed by King Lewis and the three estates governor of King Charles her brother; but the Duke of Orleans, called after Lewis the 12. withstood the decree, and was in arms with divers noble men, demanding the govenrment as the first Prince of blood, as in my Supply is mentioned at large, against these they here named, called the Duke of Lorraine. 10 For Philip de Commines was a follower of the Duke of Orleans, as himself writeth in the last chapter of the last book. How the Prince of Salerne in the realm of Naples came into France, and how Lodovic Sforce surnamed the Moor and he, sought to persuade the King to make war upon the King of Naples, and for what cause. Chap. 2. THe Prince of Salerne fled to Venice (where he was well friended) accompanied with three of his nephews, sons to the Prince of Bisignan . There they asked counsel of the signory, (as the Prince himself told me) whether it would please them that they should retire to the Duke of Lorraine, the King of France, or the King of Spain. They answered, that the Duke of Lorraine was a dead man unable to do them good, and that the King of Spain should be too strong, if to the isle of Sicily and the other places which he held in the Venetian gulf he should join the realm of Naples; adding, that he was already mighty upon the sea: wherefore they advised him to go into France, saying that with the Kings of France that had held the said realm, they had ever lived in perfect amity and friendship, and found them always good neighbours. But I suppose, they thought not the enterprise would have fallen out as afterward it did. Thus these noble men above named came into France, where they were courteously received, but their entertainment was small. They followed their suit earnestly the space of two years, addressing themselves wholly to Stephan de Verse than Seneschal of Beaucaire and of the King's privy chamber. One day they lived in hope, another in despair; but their friends used great diligence in Italy, specially at Milan, whereof john Galeas was Duke, not the great john Galeas that lieth buried in the Charterhouse of Pavia, but he that was son to Duke Galeas and the Duchess Bonne daughter to the Duke of Savoy, a man of no great sense. The said Duchess had the wardship of her children, and myself have seen her there in great authority, being a widow, and governed by one Cico a Secretary, and an ancient servant of that house. This Cico had banished all Duke Galeas brethren for the said Lady's safety and her children's; and among the rest the Lord Lodovic (afterward Duke of Milan) whom she revoked being her enemy, and in war against her, together with the Lord Robert of Saint Severine a valiant captain, whom she had also banished by the said Cicos persuasion. To be short, at the request of a young man that carved before her called Anthony Thesin, being a Ferrarian of very mean parentage, she called them all home through great simplicity, supposing they would do the said Cico no harm, and the truth is that so they had sworn and promised. But the third day after their return, they took him notwithstanding their oath, and carried him in an empty cask through the town of Milan: he was allied by marriage to one of the Viscomtes , and if the said Vicomt had been in the city at that present, some say they durst not have taken him. Moreover the Lord Lodcuic caused this matter so to be ordered, that the said Robert of S. Severin coming that way, should meet with this Cico as he passed through the town in this estate, because he hated him extremely. Thus was he led prisoner to the castle of Pavia where he died. They used this Lady very honourably in her judgement, seeking to content her humour in all things; but all matters of importance they two dispatched, making her privy but to what pleased them, and no greater pleasure could they do her, than to communicate nothing with her. They permitted her to give this Anthony Thesin what she would, they lodged him hard by her chamber, he carried her on horseback behind him in the town, and in her house was nothing but feasting and dancing; but this jollity endured but half a year. She gave many goodly things to this Thesin, and the couriers packets were addressed to him, which bred great disdain in many, wherein the L. Lodovic, uncle to the two children (aspiring to the Duchy, which afterward also he obtained) nourished them as much as in him lay. One morning they took her two sons from her, and lodged them in a great tower within the castle called the rock, whereunto consented the said Lodovic, the Lord Robert of Saint Severin, one called the Pallevoisin governor of the young Duke's person, and the captain of the rock , who since Duke Galeas death had never departed out of the place, neither did many years after this, till he was taken prisoner by the Lord Lodovickes subtlety, and his master's folly, being of his mother's disposition. After the above named had lodged these children in the rock, they seized upon the treasure being at that time the richest in Christendom, and made her yield account thereof. Moreover, they caused three keys thereof to be made, one of the which she kept, but the treasure after that day she never touched. They made her also to surrender the wardship of her children, and the said Lodovic was chosen their guardian. Further, they sent letters into divers countries especially into France (which myself saw) written to her great dishonour: for they charged her with this Anthony Thesin, whom notwithstanding they sent away unharmed, for the Lord Robert saved both his life and goods. These two great men entered not into the rock at their pleasure, for the captain had his brother in it with a garrison of a hundred and fifty soldiers or better, & when they entered, the gate was straightly kept, neither entered they accompanied at any time with more than a man or two, and this endured a long space. In the mean time great variance arose between the Lord Lodovic and Robert of S. Severin, (for usually two great men can not long agree:) but Lodovic won the garland, & the other departed to the Venetians service. Notwithstanding, afterwards two of his sons returned to the service of the said Lodovic, and the state of Milan, (namely Master Galeas, and the Earl of Caiazze) some say with their father's consent, others say no: but howsoever it were, the said Lodovic highly favoured them, and both hath been and yet is very faithfully served by them. You shall understand that their father the Lord Robert of Saint Severin was issued of a base daughter of the house of Saint Severin, but in Italy they make no difference between a bastard and child legitimate. This I writ because they furthered our enterprise in Italy, aswell in favour of the Prince of Salerne chief of the said house of Saint Severin, as also for divers other respects, whereof hereafter you shall hear. The Lord Lodovic declared immediately that he would by all means possible maintain his authority, for he caused money to be coined, on the one side whereof the Duke's image was stamped, and on the other his own, whereat many murmured. This Duke was married to the daughter of Alfonse Duke of Calabria, and King of Naples after his father King Ferrandes death. His said wife was a Lady of a great courage, and would gladly have increased her husband's authority if she could, but her husband lacked wit, and disclosed all her actions. The captain also of the rock of Milan continued long in great authority, and never departed out of the place; for many jealousies were now arisen, so far forth that when one of the children went abroad, the other abode within. To be short, a year or two before we entered into Italy, the Lord Lodovic having been abroad with the Duke, and purposing some mischief, waited upon him at his return home to the castle, according to his accustomed manner. The captain came upon the draw bridge with his men about him, to kiss the Duke's hand as their manner is. The Duke at this time was somewhat without the bridge, in such sort that the captain was forced to step forth a pace or two, where these two sons of Saint Severin, and others that were about them laid hold upon him. They within drew up the bridge, but the Lord Lodovic caused an end of a wax candle to be lighted, & swore that he would smite off their heads if they yielded not the place before the candle were burned out; whereupon they delivered it, and then he furnished it well and surely for himself, but all in the Duke's name. Further, he indited the captain of high treason, laying to his charge that he would have put the place into the Emperor's hands: and stayed certain Almains, charging them as practisers with the captain about this enterprise, yet afterward dismissed them without farther harm. He beheaded also one of his own secretaries, charging him in like manner as a dealer in the matter, and yet one other who he said had been a messenger between them. The captain he kept long in prison, yet in the end delivered him, pretending that Duchess Bonne had once hired a brother of the captains to kill the said Lodovic as he entered into the castle, whom the captain withheld from executing the fact, for the which cause he now saved his life. Notwithstanding if he had been guilty of so heinous a crime as a purpose to yield the place to the Emperor, who might have laid claim to it, both as Emperor & Duke of Ostrich (for that house pretendeth some title thereunto:) I think he would not have pardoned him; for it would have made a great alteration in Italy, and the whole estate of Milan would have revolted in one day. For when they lived under the Emperors, every household paid but half a ducat for tribute: but now they are cruelly and tyrannously governed, both the spirituality, Nobility and Commons. The Lord Lodovic seeing himself seized of the castle, and all the force of the country at his commandment, determined to attempt further; for he that possesseth Milan possesseth the whole estate, both because the chief of the country be resident there, and also because those that have the charge and government of the other places be all Milanois borne. Sure for the quantity of this Duchy, I never saw a pleasanter nor plentifuller piece of ground. For if the Prince would content himself with the yearly revenues of five hundred thousand ducats; his subjects should be but too rich, and the Prince live in surety: but he levieth yearly six hundred and fifty thousand or seven hundred thousand, which is great tyranny: and therefore the people desire nothing more than change of their Prince. Which the L. Lodovic considering, together with the other reasons above rehearsed, and being already married to the Duke of Ferrara's daughter, by whom he had many children, determined to accomplish his intent, and endeavoured to win friends not only in the said Duchy, but also abroad in Italy. Wherefore first he entered into league with the Venetians for the preservation of their estate, whereunto he was great friend to his father in laws prejudice, from whom the said Venetians not long before had taken a little territory called the Polesan, environed with water, and marvelously abounding with all kind of wealth. This country being distant but half a league from Ferrara, the Venetians possess yet at this day. There are in it two pretty towns, which I have been in myself, the one named Rovigue, the other Labadie. The Duke of Ferrara lost it in the war that himself first moved against the Venetians: for notwithstanding that before the end of those wars, Alphonse Duke of Calabria (his father King Ferrande yet living) the Lord Lodovic with the force of Milan, the Florentines, the Pope, and the town of Bolonia came to his aid: by means whereof the Venetians were brought altogether under foot, or at the least to great extremity, being utterly unfurnished of money, and having lost divers places: yet the said Lodovic concluded a treaty to their honour and profit; for every man was restored to his own save the poor Duke of Ferrara, who was forced to leave unto them the Polesan (which they yet hold:) notwithstanding that he had moved this war at the request of the Lord Lodovic, and of King Ferrande whose daughter he had married. The report went that Lodovic received threescore thousand ducats of the Venetians for making this treaty. Whether it were so or no, I know not, but sure I am that the Duke of Ferrara was once persuaded that it was so: for at that time the said Lodovic was not married to his daughter. From that day forward amity ever continued between the Venetians and the said Lodovic. No servant nor kinsman of john Galeas Duke of Milan sought to impeach and stop the Lord Lodovic from seizing the Duchy into his own hands, save only the Duchess his wife, who was young, but a very wise Lady. She was daughter to Alfonse Duke of Calabria before mentioned, son and heir to Ferrande King of Naples. In the year 1493. the said Lodovic sent to King Charles the 8. now reigning, to persuade him to come into Italy to conquer the realm of Naples, and to vanquish and subdue those that possessed it: for so long as they flourished and were of force, he durst never attempt that which afterward he accomplished. At that time the said Ferrande King of Naples and Alphonse his son were puissant, rich, of great experience in the wars, and accounted Princes of haughty courages, though afterward their actions declared the contrary. The said Lodovic was also a very wise man, but marvelous timorous, and humble when he stood in fear, and void of all faith, if the breach thereof might turn to his profit. I speak as one that knew him thoroughly well, because I have dealt with him in many matters. But to proceed, in the year 1493. (as before I said) the Lord Lodovic began to tickle this young King Charles, being but two and twenty years of age, with the ambition and vainglory of Italy, showing him what right he had to this goodly realm of Naples, which I warrant you he skilfully blazed and painted forth. In all these negotiations he addressed himself to Stephan de Verse, then newly made Seneschal of Beaucaire, and marvelously enriched though not satisfied, and to the General Brissonet, a rich man, skilful in matters of the receipt, and great friend at that time to the said Seneschal, by whose means the Lord Lodovic persuaded the said Brissonet to become a priest, promising to make him a Cardinal, but the Seneschal himself he promised to make a Duke. And to set all these practices on foot, the said Lodovic sent in the same year to Paris a goodly embassage to the King, the chief whereof was the Earl of Caiazze son and heir to the above named Robert of Saint Severin, who found there the Prince of Salerne his cousin: for the said Prince was chief of the house of Saint Severin (as I have already made mention) and lived in France, being banished by King Ferrande of Naples, as before you have heard, and therefore traveled earnestly that this voyage to Naples might go forward. With the said Earl of Caiazze came also Charles Earl of Belleioyeuse, and Master Galeas Viscount of Milan, who were both in very good order and well accompanied, but openly they used salutations only and general speeches. This was the first great embassage that came from the Lord Lodovic to the King. True it is that he had sent before this, one of his Secretaries to negotiate with the King, to send his deputy into Italy to receive homage of his cousin the Duke of Milan for Genua, which was granted him against all reason : notwithstanding I will not deny, but that the King of especial favour might assign one to receive it of him; for when this Duke Galeas was ward to his mother, I being then ambassador for King Lewis the 11. received his homage in the castle of Milan, having an express commission from the King so to do. But Genua was then out of the Duke of Milan's hands, and held by Master Baptist de Campefourgouse; but at this present the Lord Lodovic had recovered it, and gave to certain of the King's chamber eight thousand ducats for the investure thereof, who by receiving the money greatly prejudiced the King. For before the grant of the said investure, they might have seized Genua to the Kings own use, if they had would : but seeing they meant to take money for it, they ought to have demanded more: for Duke Galeas paid at one time for it to King Lewis my Master fifty thousand ducats, whereof the King (whose soul God pardon) gave me thirty thousand crowns in reward. Notwithstanding they said they received these eight thousand ducats with the King's consent, and Stephan de Verse Seneschal of Beaucaire was one of those that took the money, happily to entertain the better the Lord Lodovic for this enterprise, which he so much both favoured and furthered. After audience given openly at Paris to the ambassadors above mentioned, the Earl of Caiazze had secret communication with the King. The said Earl was in great credit at Milan, but his brother Master Galeas of Saint Severin in greater, especially in martial affairs. His Master could now dispose of the estate of Milan as of his own: for the which cause he offered the King great services and aid as well of men as money, affirming the enterprise to be of no difficulty. This done, he and Master Galeas Viscount took their leave and departed, leaving behind them the Earl Charles of Belleioyeuse to entertain the suit, who incontinent put himself into French apparel, and traveled so earnestly in this business, that many began to like of the enterprise. The King sent into Italy to Pope Innocentius, to the Venetians, and to the Florentines one named Peron of Basche, who had been brought up in the house of Anjou under Duke john of Calabria, and was marvelously affectioned to this voyage. These practices and run to and fro continued the space of seven or eight months, and those that understood of this enterprise, communed among themselves diversly of it, but none thought that the King would go in person into Italy. The Notes. 1 Antonel of Saint Severin Prince of Salerne, and Bernardin Prince of Besignan, were brethren. Guicciar. 2 He meaneth by Kings of France those Kings of the house of France, that had held the realm of Naples, to wit, the Dukes of Anjou. 3 Viscomte in both these places, and divers others, is a proper name, not a name of honour, and signifieth as much as Biscomte, that is, twice Earl, because the Viscomti were Lords of Angiera and Milan. 4 This captain meant no treason to the children as the others did, but consented to this deed, because he thought the children in more safety with him than with their foolish mother. 5 The sense in mine opinion were better to read it qu'il luy feroit, then qu'il leur feroit, that is, that he would smite off the captains head, if the place were not yielded, for they within were out of Lodovics power. 6 The French had it in this sense. And another who said that he had been a messenger between them: but undoubtedly the place is corrupted and to be read as I have amended it. 7 The Duke of Ferrara had married King Ferrandes daughter named Elenor. 8 Duke Galeas ought to have come into France to have done homage to the King in person, but because Lodovic would not let him departed out of his custody, he found means that it should be done to one sent thither by the King as his deputy for that purpose. 9 Genua was forfeited, and under colour thereof, the Lord Lodovic had recovered it, but because it was held of the King (for the Genuois had given themselves to Charles the sixth, anno 1394. who sent thither for governor john de Maingres, and afterwards to Charles the seventh, anno 1446.) it could be forfeited to none but to the King, but by giving away this investure, he gave away his right. How King Charles the eight made peace with the King of Romans and the Archduke of Ostrich, restoring to them the Lady Margaret of Flaunders, before he made his voyage to Naples. Chap. 3. During this delay above mentioned, peace was treated of at Senlis between the King and the Archduke of ostrich, heir of the house of Burgundy: for notwithstanding that they were in truce, yet a breach happened between them, because the King refused the King of Romans' daughter sister to the said Archduke (being very young,) and married the daughter of Francis Duke of Britain, to enjoy peaceably thereby the Duchy of Britain: all the which at the time of this treaty he held, save the town of Renes and the said daughter being within in it; the which was governed by the Prince of Orange her uncle, who had made a marriage between her and the King of Romans' and openly solemnised it in the church by a Practor. All the which happened in the year 1492. To this treaty above mentioned came a great embassage in favour of the Duke of ostrich from the Emperor Frederick, who offered to be a mediator for the peace: the King of Romans sent thither also, and so did the Palzgrave, and the Swissers to pacify this controversy, being all of opinion that it would kindle a great fire: for the King of Romans seemed above all measure to be injuried, having at one time her taken from him whom he accounted his wife, and his daughter sent back to him which many years had been Queen of France: but in the end the matter was quietly shut up, and peace concluded. For all parties were weary of war, especially Duke Philip's subjects, who had sustained so many troubles, partly because of wars with this realm, and partly through their own private divisions, that they could no more. The peace was concluded but for four years, whereunto the King of Romans' agreed, to the end he might repose his subjects, and receive again his daughter: whom some that were about the King and the said daughter, made difficulty to restore. At this treaty I was present myself with the rest of the King's Commissioners being these, Peter Duke of Bourbon, the Prince of Orange, the Lord of cords, and divers other noble personages, and promise was there made to restore to the said Duke Philip all that the King held in Artois: for so was it agreed when this marriage was treated of in the year 1482. that if it were not accomplished, all the lands that were given with this Lady in maraige should return again with her, or be restored to Duke Philip. But the said Archdukes men had already surprised Arras and Saint Omer, so that only Hedin, air, and Betune remained to be restored: the possession and signory whereof were presently delivered them, and they put officers into them: but the King held still the castles, and might place garrisons in them till the four years were expired, which ended at the feast of Saint john Baptist in the year 1498. at which time he was bound to restore them also to the said Archduke, and so he promised and swore to do. Whether the alteration of these marriages agreed with the laws of holy Church or no, let others judge: for many Doctors of divinity said yea, and many nay: but were these lawful or unlawful; sure all these Ladies were unfortunate in their issue. Our Queen had three sons successively one after another in four years: one of them lived almost three years and then died, and the other two be dead also. The Lady Margaret of ostrich was afterward married to the Prince of Castille only son to the King and Queen of Castille, and heir both of Castille and divers other realms. The said Prince died the first year of his marriage in the year of our Lord 1497. leaving his wife great bellied , who immediately after her husband's death fell in travel before her time, and was delivered of a dead borne child; which misfortune the King and Queen of Castille and their whole realm lamented a long time. The King of Romans immediately after this change above mentioned, married the daughter of Galeas Duke of Milan, sister to Duke john Galeas before named, the which marriage was made by the Lord Lodovics only procurement: but it displeased greatly both the Princes of the Empire, and many also of the King of Romans friends, because she was not of a house noble enough in their opinion to match with their Emperor. For as touching the Viscounts of whom the Dukes of Milan are descended, small nobility is in them, and less yet in the Sforces; for the first of that house was Francis Sforce Duke of Milan, whose father was a shoemaker dwelling in a little town called Cotignoles, but a very valiant man, though not so valiant as his son, who by means of the great favour the people of Milan bore his wife, being bastard daughter to Duke Philip Marie, made himself Duke, and conquered and governed the whole country not as a tyrant, but as a good and just Prince: so that in worthiness and virtue, he was comparable to the noblest Princes that lived in his days. Thus much I have written to show what followed the change of these marriages, neither know I what may yet hereafter ensue further thereof. The Notes. 1 Annal. Burgund. write, with Philip the King of Romans' son, but the best writers agree with our author. 2 Maximilian was chosen King of Romans', anno 1486. Funccius. 3 Of this child's death he writeth, lib. 8. cap. 13. 4 Of this Prince's death he writeth at large, lib. 8. cap. 17. 5 Francis Sforces father (as some writ) was first a cook in the camp, after he became a soldier, and lastly for his valour was made a captain and a knight. How the King sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterprised his voyage to Naples, and of the preparation that was made for the said voyage. Chap. 4. NOw to return to the principal matter: you have heard of the Earl of Caiazzes & the other ambassadors departure from the King at Paris, and of divers practices entertained in Italy, and how the King as young as he was, greatly affected this voyage, notwithstanding that as yet he discovered his meaning but to the Seneschal and general only. Further, he required the Venetians to give him aid and counsel in this enterprise, who answered him that he should be welcome into Italy: but that aid him they could not, because they stood in doubt of the Turk, (yet were they in peace with him:) and as touching counsel, it should be too great presumption in them to give counsel to so wise a Prince, having so grave a counsel about him; but they promised rather to help him than hinder him. This they took to be a wise answer, and so was it I confess. But notwithstanding that, they govern their affairs more circumspectly than any Prince or commonalty in the world; yet God will always have us to know that wisdom and forecast of man avail nought, when he is purposed to strike the stroke. For he disposed of this enterprise far otherwise than they imagined, for they thought not that the King would have come in person into Italy, neither stood they in any fear of the Turk, notwithstanding their forged excuse: for the Turk then reigning was a man of no valour : but they hoped by this means to be revenged of the house of Arragon, which they hated extremely, both the father and the son, because by their persuasion (as they said) the Turk came to Scutary . I mean the father of this Turk, called Mahumet Ottoman, who took Constantinople, and greatly endamaged the said Venetians. But apart to Alphonse D. of Calabria they had many other quarrels, for they charged him, first, as the only author of the war the D. of Ferrara moved against them, wherein they consumed such infinite treasure, that it had well near clean undone them (of the which war a word or two hath been spoken before.) Secondarily, that he had sent a man purposely to Venice to poison their cisterns, at the least, as many as might be come unto, for divers of them be enclosed and locked. They use there none other water, for they are environed with the sea, and sure that water is very good , as myself can witness: for twice I have been at Venice, and in my last voyage drank of it eight months together. But the chief cause of their hatred against this house of Arragon was none of these above rehearsed; but for that the said house kept them from growing great as well in Italy as Greece, on both the which countries they had their eyes fixed: notwithstanding they had lately conquered the isle of Cyprus upon no title in the world . For all these considerations the Venetians thought it their profit, that war should arise between the King and the house of Arragon: but they supposed that it could not have ended so soon as it did, & that it should but weaken their enemies, not utterly destroy them: and further, that if the worst fell, either the one party or the other to have their help, would give them certain towns in Poville, lying upon their sea coast: as also in the end it happened, but they had well near misreckoned themselves. Lastly, as touching the calling of the King into Italy, they thought it could not be laid to their charge, seeing they had given him neither counsel nor aid, as appeared by their answer to Peron of Basche. In the year 1494. the King went to Lions to attend to his affairs, but no man 1494. thought he would pass the mountains. Thither came to him the above named Master Galeas of Saint Severin, brother to the Earl of Caiazze with a goodly train, sent from the Lord Lodovic, whose lieutenant and principal servant he was. He brought with him a great number of brave horses and armours to run in, and ran himself, and that very well, for he was a young and a gallant knight. The King entertained him very honourably, feasted him sumptuously, and gave him his order. This done, he returned into Italy. But the Earl of Belleioyeuse remained still with the King to hasten the voyage. At Genua they began to arm a great navy, whither the King sent the Lord of Vrfé Master of his horse, with divers others. In the end he removed to Vienna in Dauphin, about the beginning of August in the same year, whither the nobles of Genua resorted daily to him: wherefore to Genua he sent Lewis Duke of Orleans, now King of this realm, a young gentleman of goodly parsonage, but much given to his pleasures, of whom in this history ample mention shall be made. It was then thought that the said Duke of Orleans should have led this army by sea to land in the realm of Naples, by the conduct and direction of the above named banished Princes of Salerne & Bisignan. The whole navy was fowerteene ships of Genua, besides a great number of galleys and galleons, and the King was as well obeyed there in this case, as he should have been at Paris: for Genua was under the state of Milan, where the Lord Lodovic governed all, having none to gainsay him, save only the Duchess his nephews wife, daughter to King Alphonse, (for about this present his father King Ferrande died.) But the said Lady prevailed little or nothing, both because men saw the King in a readiness either to pass into Italy himself, or to send his forces, and also because her husband was a very simple man, and disclosed all her doings to the Lord Lodovic his uncle, who had already caused a messenger to be drowned sent by her, to her father. This navy did no service, notwithstanding that the charges thereof amounted to three hundred thousand franks, for all the treasure that the K. could levy was employed that way, by means whereof he was unfurnished as before I said, both of good counsel, of money, and of all things necessary for such an enterprise: yet God of his mere grace (as manifestly he declared) gave it good success. I mean not that the King was not wise of his age, but he was but two and twenty years old, newly crept out of the shell. The two above named that governed him in all this voyage, to wit Stephen de Verse Seneschal of Beaucaire, and the general Brissonnet, now Cardinal of Saint Malo, were men of mean estate, and of no experience, whereby so much the more appeared the wonderful work of God: our enemies on the other side, were accounted wise, of great experience in the wars, rich, accompanied with wise men and good captains, and in possession of the realm. I mean King Alphonse (lately crowned by Pope Alexander a Spaniard, borne in the realm of Arragon) who had the Florentines joined with him, and great intelligence with the Turk. He had also a son bearing arms, called Dom Ferrande, a courteous young gentleman, of the age of two or three and twenty years, who was well-beloved in the realm, and a brother also named Dom Frederic, who succeeded the said Ferrande in this our age, and was a very wise man, and led their army upon the sea. He had been long trained up on this side the mountains, and of him you had often assured me my Lord of Vienna by your knowledge in Astrology, that he should be King, so that he once promised me four thousand franks of yearly revenues in the said realm, when that came to pass, which promise was made twenty years before the prophesy took effect. Now to proceed, the King altered his mind through the Duke of Milan's earnest solicitation made both by letters by the Earl Charles of Belleioyeuse his ambassador, and by the two above named. Notwithstanding the General in the end began to draw back, seeing all men of wisdom and understanding to mislike this voyage for many respects, and especially because the King's forces lay abroad in camp in August, unfurnished of money, and all other things necessary: but the Seneschal alone carried the credit from them all, so far forth that the King showed a countenance of displeasure to the General three or four days, but he soon recovered his favour again. At this present died one of the Seneschals servants of the plague, as men said; for the which cause he durst not repair to the King's presence to his great grief, for no man solicited the voyage: but on the contrary side the D. & Duchess of Bourbon were there, labouring all that in them lay to overthrow it, whereunto also the said General encouraged them, by means whereof one day the voyage was dashed, and another revived. In the end the King resolved to go, and I myself mounted on horseback with the foremost, hoping to pass the mountains the more commodiously with small company: but I received a countermand, whereby I was advertised that all was altered again. The selfsame day were borrowed fifty thousand ducats of a merchant of Milan; but the Lord Lodovic delivered the money upon assurance made to the said merchant for the repayment: myself stood bound for six thousand, and others for the rest; but this money was lent without interest. The King had borrowed before of the bank of Soly at Genua a hundred thousand franks, the interest whereof amounted in four months to 14. thousand franks . But some said that the two above named had part both in the principal, and also in the interest. The Notes. 1 This Turk was Bajazet the second. 2 Scodra in Latin a town in that part of Dalmatia, now called Albania. 3 This is rainewater he meaneth. 4 Why they had no title appeareth by the Pedigree in the end of the work. 5 For he was not minded at the first to have gone in person. 6 That is after the rate of starling money, 14. pound in the hundred for four months. How King Charles departed from Vienna in Dauphin to conquer the realm of Naples in person, and what his navy upon the sea did under the leading of the Duke of Orleans. Chap. 5. TO be short, the King departed from Vienna the 23. of August in the year 1494. and marched strait towards Ast . At Suze Master Galeas of S. Severin came to him in post, from whence the King removed to Thurin, where he borrowed all the Duchess of Savoyes' jewels, who was daughter to the late Lord William Marquis of Montferrat, and Duke Charles of Savoyes' widow, the which he engaged for twelve thousand ducats. A few days after, he went to casal to the Marquis of Montferrats' widow, being a wise young Lady, daughter to the King of Servia. The Turk had conquered her country, and the Emperor, whose kinswoman she was (having as I suppose, taken her into his protection) had bestowed her in this house of Montferrat. She lent also her jewels, the which were in like manner engaged for twelve thousand ducats. Hereby you may perceive what success this voyage was like to have had, if God alone had not guided the enterprise. The King abode at Ast a certain space . That year all the wines of Italy were sour, which our men much misliked, neither could they away with the great heat of the air. To Ast came the Lord Lodovic and his wife with a goodly train to visit the King, where they abode two days: and then the said Lodovic departed to a castle of the Duchy of Milan, a league from Ast called Nom, whither the King's Council repaired daily to him. King Alphonse had two armies abroad in the country, the one in Roman towards Ferrara, under the leading of his son, accompanied with the Lord Virgil Vrsin, the Earl of Petilhane, and the Lord john james of Trenoul, who is now become French. Against these the King sent the Lord d'Aubigny a valiant and wise Knight, with two hundred men of arms French, and five hundred men of arms Italians, being in the King's service, under the leading of the Earl of Caiazze so often before mentioned, who was there as the Lord Lodovics lieutenant, and feared greatly the discomfiture of these forces: which if it had happened, we had repaired homewards incontinent, and he should have had his enemies upon his neck, whose intelligence was great in the Duchy of Milan. The other army was upon the sea, under the leading of Dom Fredrick King Alphonses brother, and lay at Leghorn and at Pisa; for the Florentines took part as yet with the house of Arragon, and furnished them of certain galleys. Moreover, with the said Dom Fredrick was Breto de Flisco, and certain other Genuois, by whose intelligence he hoped to cause Genua to revolt . And sure they had almost obtained their purpose at Specie and Rapalo near to Genua, where they landed a thousand of their faction, by means whereof they had undoubtedly achieved their enterprise, if they had not been very speedily assailed. But the selfsame day or the next day, Lewis Duke of Orleans arrived there with certain ships, and a good number of galleys, and one great galliasse being mine, the patron whereof was one Master Albert Mely, and it carried the said Duke and the principal of the army, and many goodly pieces of artillery; for it was very strong, and approached so near the shore, that the very artillery almost discomfited the enemies, who before had never seen the like: for artillery was at that time strange and new to the Italian nation. The soldiers landed also that were in the other ships: and from Genua where the whole army lay, came a band of Swissers by land led by the bailiff of Digeon, who had joined with him certain of the Duke of Milan's forces (under the leading of Master john Lewis de Flisco brother to the forenamed Breto, and of Master john Adorn:) the which (notwithstanding that they were not at the skirmish) showed themselves valiant soldiers in defending a strait against the enemies. To be short, because our men came to hand-strokes with the enemies, they were discomfited and put to flight, and a hundred or sixscore slain, and eight or ten taken prisoners: among the which was one Fourgousin son to the Cardinal of Genua. Those prisoners that were dismissed, were all stripped to their shirts by the Duke of Milan's bands, and other harm had they none, for such is the law of arms in Italy. I saw all the letters that were sent both to the King and to the Duke of Milan making report of this skirmish. Thus was the enemies Navy repulsed, which afterward approached no more so near. At our men's return, the Genuois thought to have raised a tumult and slew certain Almains in the town, certain also of them were slain, but the matter was soon pacified. I must here speak a word or two of the Florentines, who had sent twice to the King before his departure out of France meaning only to dissemble with him, with their first ambassadors (being the Bishop of Arese , and one named Peter Sonderin) the King commanded me, the Seneschal, and the General to negotiate. Our demands were only these: First, to give the King passage through their country: and secondarily, to serve him with a hundred men of arms, paying them after the Italian entertainment, which was but ten thousand ducats the year . These ambassadors depended wholly upon Peter of Medicis a young man of small wisdom, son to Laurence of Medicis who was dead, and had been one of the wisest men in his time, and had governed this city almost as prince, as did also at this present his son: for their house had continued thus already two men's ages, namely Laurence the father of this Peter, and Cosme of Medicis the first root and founder of this house, a man worthy among the worthiest. And sure of their trade (being merchandise,) I think it hath been the greatest house that ever was in the world: for their servants and factors have had so great credit under their name that it is wonderful. I myself have seen the proof thereof both in Flaunders and England. For I knew one called Gerard Quanuese by whose only help (in a manner) King Edward the fourth kept the crown on his head when civil wars were in the realm of England: for he lent him at times more than sixscore thousand crowns, little for his Master's profit, notwithstanding he recovered his principal in the end. Another also I knew named Thomas Portunay, who was pledge at one time between the said King Edward and Duke Charles of Burgundy for fifty thousand crowns, and at an other time in another place for forwerscore thousand. I commend not the wisdom of merchants in thus doing, but I commend Princes that use merchants well and keep day with them, for they know not when they shall need their help, and sometime a little money doth great service. It seemeth that this house of the Medicis fell to ruin as mighty houses do in realms and Empires, for the great authority of this Peter of Medicis predecessors did him harm: notwithstanding the government of Cosme the first of this house was mild and gentle, such as was agreeable with a free state. But Laurence this Peter's father (whom we now presently write of) because of the great variance before mentioned in this history, that was between him and them of Pisa and others (divers of the Lib. 6. cap. 5. which at that time were hanged;) took a guard of 20. men for the defence of his person, by the commandment and leave of the Seniory, who commanded nothing, but at his pleasure: notwithstanding he behaved himself in this great authority very discreetly and soberly, for (as I before said) he was one of the wisest men in his time. But this Peter who succeeded his father (supposing the like authority to be due to him of right) became terrible by means of this guard, and used great violence in the night, beating men as they went in the streets, and abusing their common treasure, so had his father done also, but so wisely, that they held themselves in manner contented therewith. In the second embassage the said Peter sent to Lions, one called Peter Capon with divers others, by whom he excused himself, as before he had done, for not accomplishing the King's requests, saying that King Lewis the eleventh had commanded the town of Florence, to enter into league with King Ferrande in the time of Duke john of Anjou, and to departed from their league with the said Duke: wherefore seeing by the King's commandment they were entered into this league, which endured yet certain years; they could not abandon nor forsake the house of Arragon. But if the King happened to come into their country, they promised to do him great services, which offer they made because they thought (as the Venetians did) that the King would not come into Italy. In both these ambassages there was some one enemy to the said de Medicis, especially in the latter this Capon, who often advertised us by what means the city of Florence might be brought to rebel against the said Peter, and delivered also his message in far worse terms than indeed it was sent; and further, gave advise to banish all the Florentines out of France, and so were they . Thus much have I written, to the end you may the better understand that which afterward ensued: for the King became mortal enemy to the said Peter, and the Seneschal and general had great intelligence with his enemies in the city, especially with this Capon, yea and with two also of the said Peter's cousin germans being both of his own name. The Notes. 1 The King came to Ast the 9 of September 1494. Guicciar. 2 The King abode at Ast till the 6. of October. Annal. Franc. & Acquit. 3 Alphonse in person levied men in Abruzzo to have fought with Duke Aubigny, but in an assembly held between him and the Pope at Vicovare the third of july, it was agreed that he should pass no further, but give the charge of the army to his son. Guicciar. 4 This Duke Aubigny was a Scottish man and a Steward, and of him the now King of Scots is by his father lineally descended. 5 Genua was ever divided into the factions of Fregosi (called here in many places Fourgousi) Adorni, Dorei, and Spinoli. 6 The Italians have Aretio, which is a town between Florence and peruse, but Guazzo de Regio which is a little town near to Parma. 7 That was after the rate of one hundred ducats for every man of arms: for the Italian men of arms have not their archers as the French, and therefore their wages is less by the half. 8 They gave this counsel, to the end the Florentines being barred their traffic in France, might murmur against Peter of Medicis: for what misfortune soever happeneth, the Prince is always blamed as cause thereof. How the King remaining yet in Ast, resolved to pass forth towards Naples at the earnest suit of Lodovic Sforce. How Philip de Commines was sent ambassador to Venice: of the Duke of Milan's death; after whose decease the said Lodovic seized upon the Duchy, to the prejudice of a son the said D. left behind him. Chap. 6. I Have told you already what happened upon the sea at Rapalo. Dom Fredrick retired to Pisa and Leghorn, leaving his footmen behind him whom he had landed. The Florentines waxed marvelous weary of him; for they be and ever have been better affected to the house of France, than to that of Arragon. Our army that was in Roman (notwithstanding that it were the weaker) furthered greatly our affairs; for it made Dom Ferrande D. of Calabria by little & little to retire: which when the K. perceived, he resolved to pass forward, being earnestly solicited thereunto by the Lord Lodovic, and the others above named. The said Lodovic at his first meeting with the King spoke thus unto him: Sir, fear not this enterprise, there are in Italy but three mighty estates, one of the which taketh part with you which is Milan; another moveth not, to wit, the Venetians, so that you have only to do with the force of Naples. But divers of your ancestors have overthrown us all three being joined together. Sir, if you will credit me, I will help to make you greater than ever was Charlemagne: for we will easily chase the Turk out of the Empire of Constantinople, having subdued the realm of Naples. And sure he said true of the Turk that now reigneth , if all things had been well ordered on our side. Then the King began to govern all his affairs by the order and direction of the said Lodovic, wherewith certain of our men, I mean some of the King's chamber, and such like, were not a little discontented, which was great folly; for without him we could do nothing: and this that they did, was only to flatter the Duke of Orleans, who pretended title to the Duchy of Milan . But the General especially was highly offended therewith; for now he thought himself a great man, and some breach was happened between the Seneschal and him: for the which cause the L. Lodovic moved both the K. and the said Seneschal that the General might be sent home, which his words caused the said General openly to babble against him, and to say that he would deceive the whole company: but silence would better have becomed him. Notwithstanding as touching him, never wise man made account of him in matter of estate, both because he understood not what it meant, and also because he was light of talk: but sure he was well affected to his Master. They concluded in the end to send abroad divers ambassadors, and myself among the rest was appointed to go to Venice, but my dispatch was delayed awhile, because the King was sick of the small pocks, and in danger of death: for an ague was joined with his disease, but it endured not passed six or seven days. Then I departed leaving the King in Ast, and verily believing that he would pass no further: in six days I went to Venice with my mules and carriage; for the way was marvelous fair. But I departed from the said town of Ast in great fear, doubting the Kings return home: notwithstanding God had otherwise disposed of this enterprise, for he went strait to Pavia, and passed through casal, where the marchioness of Montferrat lay, which was a good Lady, and great friend to us, but deadly enemy to the Lord Lodovic, and he also to her. When the King arrived at Pavia, some small jealousy began to arise; for they would have lodged him in the town and not in the castle, but he would not lodge but in the castle, and so he did. Those that were near about him have told me, that he was there in some danger. Wherefore the selfsame night the watch was r'enforced, whereat the Lord Lodovic marveled greatly, so far forth that he communed thereof with the King, demanding if he had conceived any suspicion of him. To be short, their behaviour was such on both sides, that their amity could not long endure: but we babbled much more than they, not the King himself, but certain of his nearest kinsmen . In this castle of Pavia was john Galeas Duke of Milan, and his wife daughter to King Alphonse in very piteous estate: for her husband being sick, was held in this castle as under guard, and her son who is yet living, with a daughter or two. The child was then about five years old, and him every man might see, but no man might see the Duke: for myself passed that way three days before the King, and could by no means be suffered to come to him. Every body said he was extreme sick: notwithstanding the King spoke with him; for he was his cousin german , and he hath told me that their communication was only general talk, because he would in no wise offend the Lord Lodovic; notwithstanding that he were very desirous to have advertised his said cousin of divers matters. At the same time the Duchess fell upon her knees before the said Lodovic, desiring him to have pity upon her father and brother. He answered that it could not be. But to say the truth, she might better have entreated for her husband and herself, being at that time a goodly young Lady. From thence the King removed to Plaisance, where the said Lodovic received letters that his nephew the Duke Milan lay at the point of death, wherefore he took his leave of the King to go to him. The King desired him to return, and so he promised to do. Before he came to Pavia the Duke died, whereupon he rid incontinent, as it were in post to Milan. All these news I understood by a letter that the Venetian ambassador resident with the said Lodovic sent to Venice, wherein also he advertised the signory that he meant to make himself Duke, whichboth the Duke of Venice and the signory utterly misliked, so far forth that they asked me whether the King would not defend the child; which though reason required that he should: yet I made the matter doubtful, considering how necessary an instrument the said Lord Lodovic was at that time for the King's affairs. To be short, he made himself to be received at Milan as Duke, which was the only end (as some said) why he had caused us to pass the mountains. Many also charged him with his nephews death, whose kinsfolks and friends in Italy were in arms to have taken the government from him, which they would easily have done, had not the Kings coming stopped them. For they were already in Roman (as you have heard.) But the Earl of Caiazze and the Lord of Aubigny made them to retire. For the said Lord of Aubigny had with him a company of a hundred & fifty or two hundred men of arms French, and a good band of Swissers. Dom Ferrande and his forces retired towards their friends, dislodging ever half a days journey before our men, and marched towards Furly , which belonged to a Lady being a bastard of Milan, and widow of the Earl Hieronym, nephew to Pope Sixtus . This Lady favoured them as the report went; notwithstanding after our men had taken by assault a little town of hers, being first beaten half a day with the canon: she revolted to us, being indeed well affected to us before. Further, the people of Italy began in all places to take hart and to desire change and alteration: for they saw that which before they had never seen, I mean the feat of artillery, which they were unacquainted with, & which in France was never more practised than at that time. The said Dom Ferrande approached still nearer and nearer to his realm, and went to Sesenne, a fair city of the Popes in the mark of Anconne; but the people spoilt his carriage & stuff whensoever they took his men at advantage. And through all Italy they would have rebelled, if the wars had been ordered on our side without spoil: but all was done clean contrary, to my great grief, because of the honour and renown the French nation might have obtained by this voyage. For at our first arrival the people honoured us as saints, supposing all faith and virtue to be in us: but their opinion endured not long, partly because of the disorder and spoil our men used; and partly because of the slanderous reports our enemies made of us in all places, charging us that we forced women, and rob and carried away money, and whatsoever we could lay hands on, of heinouser crimes they could not have accused us in Italy, for no nation is so jealous and covetous as the Italian. As touching women they belied us, but the rest was not altogether untrue. The Notes. 1 He meaneth because he was a man of no virtue, as before is said. 2 What right the Duke of Orleans had to it, the pedigree in the end of the book will declare. 3 He meaneth the Earl of Ligny, the King and who were sisters children. 4 King Charles his mother was Charlotte, and this Duke's mother Bonne, both daughters to the Duke of Savoy. 5 It was corruptly in the French Sorly for Furly, which the old Romans' called Forum livii. 6 Octavian son to Hieronym of Riare, was Lord of Furly and Imola, with title of Vicar of the Church, but he was under the government of Katherine Sforce his mother here mentioned. Guicciar. How Peter of Medici's yielded four of the Florentines strongest places to the King, and how the King restored Pisa being one of them to their ancient liberty. Chap. 7. THe King (as before you have heard) was at Plaisance, where he caused a solemn funeral to be made for his cousin germane the Duke of Milan; for other thing witted he not what to do, the new Duke of Milan being departed from him. They that best understood the course of these affairs, have told me that the whole company desired to return home, aswell for that they were unprovided of all things necessary, as also because of divers doubts that were arisen: for certain that at the first seemed to have great good liking of this voyage, began now utterly to disallow thereof, namely the Lord of Vrfé Master of the horse, who was not with the King, but lay sick at Genua: whence he wrote him a letter, giving him therein to understand of divers doubts and jealousies whereof he was advertised. But (as before I have said in divers places) God manifestly declared that he himself governed this enterprise. For suddenly in the neck of this letter, news came to the King that the Duke of Milan would shortly return, and that the Florentines began to favour us in hatred of Peter de Medicis, who governed them as if he had been their Prince, to the great discontentation both of many of his own near kinsmen, and of divers also the best citizens, namely the Capons, the Sonderini , the Nerly, and in manner the whole city. Wherefore the King departed from Plaisance and marched towards the Florentines territories, meaning either to cause them to declare themselves for him, or to take their towns being unfortified, and lodge his men in them all the winter, which was already begun. divers small places yielded unto him, so did also the city of Luques enemy to the Florentines, showing him all pleasure and service that in them lay. Now you shall understand that the Duke of Milan had two purposes in his head; first he sought by all means possible to stay the King from passing further that summer . Secondarily, he hoped to obtain of him Pisa (a great and a fair city) together with Serzane, and Petresancte, which two places had been subject to the Genevois not long before, and were won from them by the Florentines in Laurence de Medicis time. The King passed through Pontreme one of the D. of Milan's towns, and went to besiege Serzane the strongest and the best castle the Florentines had, but unfurnished because of their great division. To say the truth the Florentines never bear arms willingly against the house of France: for they have ever faithfully served it & taken part with it, both because of their great traffic in France, & also because they have ever been of the Guelphs faction . If this place had been well furnished the King must of necessity have broken his army: for the country is very barren & full of hills, & victuals there were none to be gotten: besides that the snow lay marvelous deep upon the ground. After the King's siege had lain before it three days, the Duke of Milan came thither no composition being yet made between the Florentines and the King , and passed through Pontreme, where the townsmen and the soldiers of the garrison fell at such variance with our Almains (led by one Buser) that certain of the said Almains were stain: of the which brawl sprang a great inconvenience, as hereafter you shall hear. For although I were not myself present at the doing of these things: yet understood I of them both by the King, the Duke, and divers others. The Florentines began now to practise, and appointed fifteen or sixteen to go to the King, saying, that they would no longer continue in this great danger, nor sustain the displeasure of the King and the Duke of Milan, who had continually an ambassador resident at Florence. And Peter of Medici's consented to the sending of this embassage; for to say the truth, he could not remedy it, considering upon what terms they stood: for if they had done otherwise, they had been undone, being unprovided of all things, and utterly unacquainted with the wars. When these ambassadors came to the King's presence, they offered to receive him into Florence and their other places, neither cared the greater part of them how the world went, so that we would come to Florence to chase away Peter of Medici's; which matter they earnestly pressed, because they had good intelligence with the above named that governed then the King's affairs. On the other side Peter of Medici's practised by a servant of his own named Laurence Spinelly, who was his factor at Lions, and an honest man in his vocation, and had lived long in France: but of the state of our Court he could understand nothing, no hardly they that had been Courtiers all their lives, because of the often changes and alterations. This Spinelly negotiated with those that heretofore had borne all the sway, namely, the Lord of Bresse afterward Duke of Savoye, and the Lord of Miolans' chamberlain to the King. Soon after the above named ambassadors were returned to Florence, Peter of Medici's accompanied with certain of the city, came himself to the King to make answer to our requests: for they within the city saw utter destruction before their eyes, unless they yielded to all the King's demands; whose favour they hoped to obtain, by offering him some greater service than any of the other towns that had already received him. At his arrival Monseur de Piennes a Fleming borne, and Chamberlain to the King, and the general Brissonnet were sent to treat with him, who required him to yield unto the King the castle of Serzane, which presently he did. They required him further to lend the King Pisa, Leghorn, Petresanct, and Librefacto: whereunto he also agreed incontinent, never communicating the matter with his colleagues, who supposed that the King should only have lodged in Pisa, and these other places to refresh himself, but not have held them still: well, by this means they yielded their whole estate and force into our hands. Those that negotiated with the said Peter have told both me and others since, scoffing and jesting at him, that they wondered to see him so lightly condescend to so weighty a matter, granting more than they looked for. To conclude, the King entered into Pisa, and the above named ambassadors returned to Florence, where the said Peter caused the King's lodging to be made in his own house, which was the goodliest of a citizens or merchant's house that ever I saw, and better furnished than any man's house in the world of his estate. I must here speak a word or two of the Duke of Milan, who now wished the King with all his hart out of Italy, notwithstanding that both already he had made his profit by him, and sought also still so to do: for he was in hope to obtain of him, the places yielded by the Florentines, and pressed him earnestly for Serzane, and Petresancte, which he said appertained to the Genuois: he lent him also at that present 30. thousand ducats, and he hath since told both me and others, that these places were promised him. But when he saw that he could not obtain them, he departed in great displeasure from the King, pretending that earnest business called him home, which was the last time the King saw him: notwithstanding, he left Master Galeas of Saint Severin behind him, whom he joined in commission in all matters with the Earl Charles of Belleioyeuse. The said Master Galeas while the King lay in Pisa, sent (by his Master's advise) for the chief citizens of the town to his lodging, where he persuaded them to rebel against the Florentines, and to desire the King to restore them to their ancient liberty, trusting by this means that Pisa would fall into the Duke of Milan's claws, under whose obedience it had been in the time of john Galeas the first Duke of Milan of that name, (a great and wicked tyrant though very honourable) whose body lieth buried in the charterhouse of Pavia by the park , so high above the high altar, that men go up to it by a ladder: certain of the monks showed me it, at the least his bones, which smelled, as naturally they should. Further, one of the said monks who was borne at Bourges, called him Saint, as he talked with me; and I asked him in his ear why he called him Saint, considering he might behold painted round about him the arms of many cities which he had wrongfully usurped , and seeing the image of him and his horse being of fine marble stood higher than the altar, and yet his body lay under his horse feet. He answered me softly, Sir, in this country we call all those Saints that have done us any good, and he built this goodly charterhouse church, which in very deed is the fairest that ever I saw, for it is all of fine marble. But to proceed, the said Master Galeas sought to make himself great, and so I think did the Duke of Milan also, because he had married his base daughter: for he manifestly declared that he would advance him, as his own son, because at that time his own children were all very young. The said Pisans were I confess cruelly handled by the Florentines, for they used them like slaves. They had subdued them about a hundred years before, even in the self same year that the Venetians conquered Padua, which was the first victory that they obtained upon the firm land. And the fortune of these two cities was almost alike, for they had been ancient enemies to those whom now they served, many years before they were conquered, and almost of equal force with them. These Pisans consulted together about this motion, and seeing themselves counseled by so great a parsonage, and being also of themselves desirous of liberty: a great number of them both men and women, came crying to the King as he went to mass, Liberty, liberty, desiring him with weeping eyes to grant it them. One of the Masters of the requests (who was a counsellor of the parliament in Dauphin named Robot) going before the King, or executing his office said unto him, (were it because he had promised the Pisans so to do: or because he understood not what they demanded) that it was a lamemtable case, and that of right he ought to grant them their petition, adding, that never men were so cruelly handled. The King not understanding well what this word meant, but bewailing in his mind the miserable estate of the Italian nation, and the cruelty that both Princes & commonalties use towards their subjects (notwithstanding that in reason he could not grant them their liberty, seeing the town was none of his, but lent him upon friendship at his great need:) answered that he was contented to grant their request, & so the counsellor above named declared unto them: whereupon the people incontinent began to proclaim holiday in token of joy, and went to their bridge which is a very goodly one built over the river of Arne, & threw down to the ground, & afterward into the river a great lion standing upon a strong pillar of marble called mayor, representing the signory of Florence: upon the which pillar they caused to be erected the image of a K. of France holding a naked sword in his hand, & treading the mayor or lion under his horse feet. But after, when the K. of Romans entered the town, they did with the King's image as now with the lion: for such is the nature of the Italian nation, to turn ever with the strongest. Notwithstanding these Pisans were then & yet are so cruelly handled that they are to be holden for excused. The Notes. 1 It was Fodormi in the French, but corruptly. 2 He meaneth that the Duke of Milan found delays to cause the King to stay all the winter in the Florentines territories, hoping that their towns would yield unto him (as indeed they did) and that then he might obtain of the King such as he would. 3 The factions of the Guelphs and Gibellines began in Italy under the Emperor Fredrick the second anno 1240. The Gibellines held for the Emperor, the Guelphs for the Pope. 4 This composition he speaketh of afterward in this chapter. 5 It was sold to this john Galeas, and he sold it over to the Florentines. 6 This park was made by the said john Galeas after he had conquered Pavia: it was twenty miles in circuit, walled round about, and stored with all kind of beasts, but now by means of the wars it is destroyed: by this park he built also the castle. In this park was Francis the French King taken prisoner. 7 This Duke conquered in Italy 29. cities, among the which were Pavia, Bolonia, Verona, Senes, peruse, Luques, Verceil, etc. How the King departed from Pisa to Florence, and of the flight and ruin of Peter de Medici's. Chap. 8. AFter the King had sojourned at Pisa certain days, he departed to Florence, where they declared unto him the great wrong he had done their estate, by restoring the Pisans to liberty against his promise. Those that were appointed to make answer hereunto excused the fact: saying, that the King had not well understood with what conditions Pisa was delivered unto him, neither understood he another treaty he made with the Florentines : whereof you shall hear after I have spoken somewhat of Peter de Medicis ruin, and showed how the King entered into Florence, leaving a garrison in Pisa, and the other places lent him. The said Peter after he had yielded to the King the places above mentioned with the consent of certain of the town, returned to the city, supposing that the King would not hold them still, but restore them at his departute from Pisa, where he would but repose himself three or four days. Yet am I of opinion that if it had pleased him to winter there, they would willingly have agreed thereunto, notwithstanding that Pisa be of greater importance to them than Florence itself, save that their persons and goods be resident in Florence . At the said Peter's return to Florence, every man frowned upon him, and not without cause: for he had dispossessed them of their whole force, and of all that they had conquered in a hundred years, so that their minds seemed already to foretell them the evils that afterward fell upon them. Wherefore partly for this cause (which I suppose to be the principal, though they never uttered it) partly for the great hatred before rehearsed, which they bore him, and partly also to recover their liberty, whereof they thought themselves bereaved by him: they determined to banish him the town, forgetting all the benefits of Cosmus and Laurence de Medicis his ancestors. The said Peter having no certain intelligence of this their determination, yet doubting it, went to the palace with his ordinary guard to advertise them of the Kings coming, who was about three miles from the town: but when he came to the palace gate and knocked, one of the house of Nerly (being the father and many sons whom myself knew well, all of great wealth) refused to let him in, saying, that if he would enter alone he should, otherwise not; and he that made him this refusal was armed. The said Peter returned incontinent to his house, and armed both himself and his servants, determining to make resistance against his enemies in the town. Whereof he also advertised one Paul Vrsin, who was in pay with the Florentines (for the said Peter was by his mother of the house of Vrsins, and both his father and he had ever given entertainment to certain of them) but immediately after, they heard the people cry, Liberty, liberty, and saw them come towards his house in arms. Whereupon (following good advice) by the help of Paul Vrsin he departed the town, which was a miserable departure to him: for in power and wealth both he and his ancestors, since the time of Cosmus de Medicis the first of that house, had been in manner equal with great Princes: and this day fortune began to frown upon him, so that he lost both honour and riches. At this present myself was at Venice, and by the ambassador of Florence there resident, understood of all these news, which greatly displeased me; for I had loved his father well. If the said Peter had followed mine advice, all this had never happened: for immediately after my arrival at Venice I wrote unto him, offering to make his peace with the King; for I had commission by mouth both from the Seneschal of Beaucaire and the General so to do: and I am well assured the King would have held himself contented with passage through their country, at the most with Leghorn, and (that being obtained) have agreed to all the said Peter's demands. But he by the persuasion of the above named Peter Capon, answered me in manner with scoffs. The said ambassador the next day delivered a letter to the Senate of Venice, the contents whereof were, that the said Peter was banished the town, because he sought to make himself Lord thereof by aid of the house of Arragon and the Vrsins, and divers other matters they charged him with that were untrue. But such be the chances and changes of this world, that he that is in adversity, hath not only his enemies to pursue him, but his friends also become his foes, as appeared by this ambassador named Paul Anthony Sonderin, (one of the wisest men in Italy) who but the day before talked with me of this Peter as if he had been his sovereign Lord, yet now declared himself his enemy. True it is that it was by the Seniories commandment; for of himself particularly he made no declaration. The next day I was advertised that the said Peter came to Venice, and that the King in great triumph was entered into Florence. Moreover, the Senate of Florence commanded their ambassador to take his leave of the signory of Venice, and return home with all speed. The letter himself showed me, and then departed. Two days after his departure arrived Peter de Medicis in his doublet and his hose, or in one of his servants cloaks. The Venetians stood in great doubt to receive him; so much feared they the King's displeasure. And notwithstanding that they could not of their honour refuse him, yet made they him stay two days without the town, being very desirous to understand of me, how the King would take it, if they received him. I for my part desired to do him good, and the King had written nothing to me against him: wherefore I answered them, that I thought he was fled for fear of the people, not of the King. Whereupon he entered the town, and the next day after he had been with the signory, I went to visit him. They lodged him well, and permitted both himself and fifteen or twenty of his servants that accompanied him, to wear their weapons in the town . And notwithstanding that Cosmus above mentioned had stopped them in times passed from taking of Milan, yet used they him very well, and reverenced him for the honour of his house, which had been of so great estimation and renown through all Christendom. When I saw him me thought he seemed a man of no great stuff, he discoursed to me at large of all his misfortunes, and I, as well as I could, comforted him. Among other things, he told me that he had lost all, and that above all his other mishaps this most grieved him, that a factor of his in the town had refused to give him credit for clothe but to the value of 100 ducats to apparel his brother and himself, which was a strange thing, considering his estate and authority: for by the space of threescore years the estimation of his house had been so great, that greater it could not be. Soon after, by means of the Lord of Bresse afterward Duke of Savoye, the said Peter received good news; for the King wrote unto him, willing him to repair to his presence. Notwithstanding the King was first departed from Florence, as now you shall hear, but somewhat I was forced by the way to speak of this Peter de Medicis. The Notes. 1 This is ironicè spoken, because the King broke this second treaty also, mentioned in the very next chapter, notwithstanding that he understood it well enough. 2 It stood them in such steed, because it was strong, and the key of their country, and standeth near the sea very commodiously for their traffic. 3 For through the Venetians dominions no man may wear his weapon without leave. How the King entered into Florence, and through what other towns he passed till he came to Rome. Chap. 9 THe next day the King entered into Florence where the said Peter had prepared his own house to receive him, but the Lord of Ballassat who was sent thither before to make the King's lodging, understanding of the said Peter's departure: fell to spoil all that he found in his house, pretending that his bank at Lions ought him a great sum of money. Among other things he took one whole unicorns horn, valued at six or seven thousand ducats, and two great pieces of another, with a number of other goodly things, which others seeing did the like. Into another house in the town the said Peter had conveyed all his goodliest stuff, but the people spoiled that also. The signory had part of his richest jewels, twenty thousand ducats in coin that lay in his bank in the town, divers fair pots of Agate, and such a number of goodly Camayeux excellently well cut, (all the which myself once saw) as is wonderful, together with three thousand medales of gold & silver weighing 40. pound weight, the number and goodness whereof I think all Italy could not match. All that he lost that day in the city, amounted to a hundred thousand crowns and better. The King being in Florence (as you have heard) made a treaty with the citizens to their great good liking as I suppose. The conditions were these: They gave him six score thousand ducats, whereof they paid him fifty thousand presently, and the rest at two payments very shortly after, they lent him all the places above mentioned, they changed their arms being the red flower deluce, and gave the King's arms. And he for his part received them into his safeguard and protection, and promised & swore upon the altar of Saint john to restore their places unto them within four months after he should be entered into Naples, or sooner, if sooner he returned into France. But the matter fell otherwise out, as hereafter you shall hear. The King stayed not long at Florence, but went to Senes, where he was honourably received; and from thence to Viterbe, where Dom Ferrand (who as you have heard retired towards Rome) was once minded to have lodged & fortified his camp, and to have fought if he had seen his advantage, as I was advertised both by King Alphonses ambassador, and also by the Pope's legate being at Venice. And sure I looked ever when King Alphonse being accounted a valiant Prince, should have come thither in person, leaving his son in his realm: for in mine opinion the place had been greatly for his advantage, considering he should have had his own realm, the dition of the church, and the places and territories of the Vrsins on his back. Wherefore I was marvelously astonished when I received letters from the King that he was entered the town of Viterbe, and likewise the castle, which soon after his entry into the town a commander yielded unto him , by means of the Cardinal Petri ad Vincula (who was governor thereof) and of the Colonnois. And then began I to myself that God was fully purposed to accomplish this enterprise, so far forth that I repent me that in my letters I had advised the King not to refuse an honourable composition, for they offered him enough. But to proceed, Aquependant, Monteflascon, and all the places round about yielded before Viterbe, as I was advertised both by the Kings and also the Seniories letters (who were daily informed by their ambassadors of all that happened) divers of the which they showed me, or caused one of their secretaries to report unto me. From thence the K. marched to Rome, through the Vrsins territories, which were all yielded to him by the Lord Charles Vrsin, who said that he had commandment from his father (notwithstanding that he were then in K. Alphonses service) so to do, & that so long as Dom Ferrand should have passage granted him through the dominions of the Church, and should be in the said dominions; so long he would accompany him and no longer. Thus live they in Italy both Princes and captains in continual practice with their enemies, and turning ever as they see fortune incline. Further, the King was received into Brachane, the said Virgile Vrsins principal castle, which was fair, strong, and so well furnished of victuals, that I have heard the King oftentimes commend both the place and the good entertainment he found there. For his army was in such extremity and penury of victuals that in greater it could not be. To be short, who so shall consider how often this army was upon the point to return home since the time it first arrived at Vienna in Dauphin, and by what means and owertures the journey was still continued: I think he will confess that God was the leader thereof. The Notes. 1 un commandeur, is one that having Ecclesiastical livings may not marry, and yet is not compelled to be a priest, as the Grandeprior in France, and all the Knights of Saint john's of jerusalem. 2 His father was Virgile Vrsine, of whom hereafter more mention is made. How the King sent the Cardinal Petri ad Vincula to Ostie; what the Pope did at Rome in the mean time, and how the King entered into Rome maugre all his enemies. Chap. 10. FRom Brachane the King sent the Cardinal Saint Peter ad Vincula to Ostie, whereof he was Bishop: the place was of great importance, and held by the Colonnois, who lately had recovered it from the Pope, whose forces not long before had taken it from the said Cardinal. It was of no defence, notwithstanding it hath since held Rome in great subjection a long time by the said Cardinal's aid , being great friend to the Colonnois, who joined at that time with us, partly by means of the Cardinal Ascanio brother to the D. of Milan and Vicechancellor, and partly in hatred of the Vrsins whose enemies they be and ever have been. These two factions breed great troubles in the Church dominions, as do in France the factions of Luce and Grandmont, and in Holland of Houc and Caballan : but were it not for this division, the said dominions were the best country for the subjects in the world, for they pay no subsidies, and other duties but few. Further, they are always well governed, for the Popes are ever wise themselves, and have wise men about them: but because of these factions many great and cruel murders are often committed, as within these four years we have seen a number on both sides. For since the time I now write of, the Coulonnois became our enemies, though to their great dishonour: for they possessed of the King's gift in the realm of Naples, namely in the Earldom of Taillecouse, and other places which the Vrsins had held before, 20000. ducats and better of yearly revenues . Further, all their other demands were granted them, as well charge of men of arms as pensions. Wherefore they fell from us very traitorously, and upon no occasion. But you shall understand that they had ever been partakers with the house of Arragon & other enemies of France, because they were Gibelins, and the Vrsins had ever been friends to France because they were Guelphs. To Ostie the King sent with Cardinal Saint Peter ad Vincula, Peron de la Basche steward of his house, who landed but three days before at Plombin, and brought with him by sea twenty thousand ducats, parcel of that money the Duke of Milan lent the King. Upon the sea with the King's army (being very small) remained the Prince of Salerne, and one called the Lord of Sernon in Provence whom tempest drove into Corsique , with their navy all to rend and torn, where they stayed so long in repairing it, that it did no service, notwithstanding the great treasure employed thereon, for before it arrived at Naples, the King was entered the town. At Ostie with the said Cardinal were five hundred men of arms, and two thousand Swissers led by the Earl of Ligny (the King's cousin germane by the mother,) the Lord of Alegre, and divers others, who thought to have passed the river of Tybre there, & to have enclosed Dom Ferrand within Rome by aid of the Coulonnois, the principal of the which house were at that time Prospere and Fabrice Coulonne, and the Cardinal Coulonne, accompanied with two thousand footmen, whom the King paid by the hands of the above named Basche. The said footmen they had levied at their own pleasure, and mustered at Sannesonne, a town of their own. You shall understand, that many matters concur here, and of every one somewhat is to be said. Before the King entered into Viterbe, he had sent to Rome Monseur de la Trimoille his chamberlain, the precedent Ganay keeper of the seal, and the general Bidaut, to enter into intelligence with the Pope, who practised continually after the manner of Italy. They being in Rome, the Pope in the night received Dom Ferrand with his whole forces into the town, whereupon our ambassadors and some few of their servants were stayed: but the self same day the Pope dismissed them. Notwithstanding he held still in prison the Cardinal Ascaigne his vicechauncellor, and brother to the Duke of Milan, and Prospere Coulonne, some said by their own accord. Of all these accidents I was advertised incontinent by the King's letters, but the signory more amply by their ambassadors. All this happened before the King entered into Viterbe, for neither party stayed above two days in a place. But as touching our affairs they prospered better than we could wish, and no marvel: for the Lord of Lords gave them success, as all men might manifestly perceive. This army that lay in Ostie could do no service because of the foul weather; further, you shall understand that the force which the Lord of Aubigny led, was returned to the King, and himself also, neither had he further charge thereof. The Italians were also dismissed that had been with him in Roman, under the leading of the Lord Rodolph of Mantua, the Lord Galeot of Mirandula, and of Fracasse brother to the L. Galeas of Saint Severin, the which with their said company being to the number of five hundred men of arms, were well paid by the King, for they served him as before you have heard. The King after his departure from Viterbe, removed to Naples , which the Cardinal Ascaigne held. Further, it is most certain that while our men lay in Ostie, above twenty fathoms of Rome walls fell to the ground on the same side they should have entered. The Pope seeing this young King come thus suddenly with such success, agreed that he should enter the city, (for to say the truth he could not otherwise choose) and desired a safe conduct , (which the King willingly granted) for Dom Ferrand Duke of Calabria, and only son of K. Alphonse, who in the night retired to Naples, the Cardinal Ascaigne conveying him to the gate . Then the King entered the city in arms, as a Prince having power to dispose of all things at his pleasure, and divers Cardinals with the governors and Senators of the town came forth to receive him. He lodged in Saint Marks palace, which is the Culonnois quarter, who were his friends and servants at that time. But the Pope retired into the castle of Saint Ange. The Notes. 1 This Cardinal was afterwards Pope julius the second, and proved a deadly enemy to the French. Further, this town of Ostie distressed Rome, by means that being the very entry into the river of Tiber, it kept all victuals from coming to Rome by water, for the which cause the old Romans called the town Ostia, because it was the very door or mouth as it were of the river. 2 The factions of Houc and Caballan began in Holland 1444. Berlandus. Read Meyer lib. 16. fol. 300. pag. 2. 3 The King gave to Fabrice Colonne the country of Albe and Taillecousse, which were before Virginio Vrsins, and to Prosper the Duchy of Tracette, and the city of Fondi. 4 This Corsique being corrupted in the French, we have restored according to Panlus iovius. Guicciar. hath Corse. 5 This is not the city of Naples, but a little town called in the Annals of France Neple, in Latin Nepesum, of the Italians Nepi. 6 Ferdinand Duke of Calabria refused the passport. Guicciar. 7 Ferdinand was son to Hypolitie sister to Duke Galeas of Milan, to the Lord Lodovic, and to this Cardinal. How King Alphonse caused his son Ferrande to be crowned King, and then fled himself into Sicily: with a discourse of the evil life that his father the old Ferrande and he had led. Chap. 11. WHo would have thought that this proud King Alphonse (having been trained up all the days of his life in martial affairs) that his son and all these Vrsins, whose faction was so great in Rome, would thus have abandoned the city through cowardice, especially seeing they knew and understood perfectly, that the Duke of Milan began to waver, and the Venetians to stir and to treat of a league, which had then been concluded (as I was certainly informed) if they had made any resistance at Viterbe or Rome, to stay the King but a few days: but God meant to show that all these proceed, passed far the reach and compass of man's brain. And here note by the way, that as the city wall fell down, so did fifteen fathoms also of the vaumure of the castle of Saint Ange, as I have been advertised by divers, especially by two Cardinals there present. Now I must return to speak a word or two of King Alphonse. So soon as the Duke of Calabria called the young Ferrande, was returned to Naples, his father King Alphonse judged himself unworthy longer to reign, because of the evils he had committed, and the manifold cruelties he had used against divers barons and Princes of his realm. For you shall understand, that whereas his father King Ferrande and he had taken (notwithstanding their safe conduct) to the number of 24. of them, and had held them in prison from the time of their rebellion against the said Ferrande till the hour of his death: this Alphonse immediately after his father's decease for a surplusage of all cruelty, caused them miserably to be murdered, and with them two other whom his father had also taken under safe conduct, the one Duke of Sesse a man of great authority, and the other Prince of Rosane, who had married the said Ferrandes sister, and had issue by her a son, a very goodly gentleman. True it is that the said Prince had wrought great treason against him, for the which he had well deserved death, if he had not been taken under safe conduct: but King Ferrande to rid himself of all fear, took him (that notwithstanding) being come to him by his commandment, and laid him in a marvelous stinking prison, and afterward his said son also being between fifteen and sixteen years of age. Thus had the Prince of Rosane lived a prisoner when King Alphonse came to the state, about four and thirty years. But the said Alphonse immediately after his coronation, commanded these prisoners to be led into an Island near to Naples called Iscle (whereof hereafter more mention shall be made) and there villainously to be slain, all save one or two whom he held still in the castle of Naples, namely, the said Prince of Rosans' son, and the noble Earl of Popoli. I have diligently inquired after what sort he caused them thus cruelly to be murdered; (for many supposed they had been yet living, when the King entered into the good town and city of Naples) and divers of their principal servants have informed me, that he caused them villainously and horribly to be slain by a Moor of Africa, not sparing these ancient Princes: some of the which had been prisoners about four or five and thirty years. Further, the said Moor immediately after the execution done, departed into Barbary, to the end no man should know what was become of them. To be short, never was man more cruel than this King Alphonse, more wicked, more vicious, more filthy, nor a greater glutton. Notwithstanding his father had been the more dangerous: for no man could be acquainted with his humour, nor know when he was pleased or displeased; so that at feasts and banquets he took and betrayed men: as for example, the Earl james son to Nicholas Picinio, whom after that sort he took and murdered villainously, being ambassador to him from Duke Francis of Milan, whose base daughter he had married. True it is that the said Francis was consenting to the murder (notwithstanding he were his father in law) for they both feared the said Earl james, because the Braciques in Italy were wholly at his devotion. After the like manner also took this Ferrande the Princes of his realm above mentioned, and as touching pardon or mercy never was any to be obtained at his hands, as divers of his nearest kinsmen and friends have often told me; neither had he at any time pity or compassion upon his poor people, to ease them of payments and subsidies. Moreover, he used within his realm all trade of merchandise himself, so far forth that he delivered swine to his people to feed, which they were constrained to fat to further their sale: and if any of them happened to die, they were forced to make them good. In those places where the oil olive groweth (namely in Poville) he and his son bought it all up at their own price: and in like manner the corn yet green upon the ground, which they sold again as dear as was possible; and if the price thereof happened to fall, they constrained their subjects to buy it: besides that, during the time of their sale, all other were forbidden to sell. If any of their noblemen were a good husband, and thought to spare some good thing for himself, they would forthwith desire to borrow it; and if he made refusal, he was constrained to deliver it perforce: so that they used to take from them the races of their horses (wherewith that country aboundeth) and to cause them to be broken & kept to their own use: yea and that such numbers as well of horses as of mares and colts, that they were esteemed many thousands, which also they sent to feed in divers places in the pastures of their noble men and other their subjects to their great loss and damage. Both of them had forced many women; and as touching the Church, they had it in no reverence, neither would obey the laws thereof, so far forth that they sold bishoprics for money; as for example, the Bishopric of Tarente sold to a jew by King Ferrande for thirteen thousand ducats, to bestow upon his son, who (he said) was a Christian. abbeys they gave to falconers and others, to bestow upon their children, with this condition, that some of them should enter them a certain number of hawks, and keep them flying to their use, and other some entertain a number of soldiers, at their own proper costs and charges. The son never observed Lent, neither seemed to think there was any, and many years together never confessed himself, neither received the holy sacrament. To conclude, it was impossible for any man to commit more heinous crimes than both they had done; yet some reported the young Ferrande to be worse than them both, notwithstanding that he were humble and courteous at his death; and no marvel, for he was then in great distress. The readers may happily think that I utter all this of some private hatred against them, which in good sooth I do not, but rehearse it only to continue my history, in the very beginning whereof I have declared, that this enterprise could never have been achieved by those that were the chief managers thereof, had not God alone governed it, and given it good success, to the end he might make this good young King being so slenderly provided both of good counsel and all other things necessary: his deputy to chastise these Princes so wise, so rich, of so great experience, so well accompanied with wise and noble personages whom the defence of the realm touched as near as themselves, so allied and friended; yea and the which saw the storm a far off, and yet never could provide for it, nor make resistance in any place. For out of the castle of Naples there was not one man that stayed the King a day and a night: whereupon Pope Alexander now living said, that the French men came thither with wooden spurs, and chalk in their harbingers hands to make their lodgings without further trouble: which similitude of wooden spurs he used, because yet at this day, when the young gentlemen of this realm rid about the streets on horseback, their Pages thrust little sticks into their shows or pantofles, wherewith they prick forward their mules. And to confess the truth, this was so easy a conquest, that our men very seldom armed themselves in all this voyage. Besides that, from the King's departure out of Ast, till his entry into Naples, it was but four months and nineteen days. An ambassador would almost have been as long in journeying thither. I conclude therefore agreeably to the opinion of divers holy religious men, and others, and to the voice of the people (which is God's voice) that God meant to punish these Princes so visibly that every man might behold it, to warn thereby all other Princes to live well, and according to his commandments. For these Princes of Arragon lost both honour and realm, with great riches & goodly furniture of divers and sundry sorts, the which is so dispersed here and there, that a man can hardly tell what is become thereof: besides that, they ended their lives three in a years space or little more (but I trust their souls be in Paradise.) For you shall understand that this old Ferrande (bastard to King Alphonse, a wise, virtuous and honourable Prince) was marvelously disquieted when he saw this French war first moved against him, which he could find no means to pacify. For he was wise and knew that he and his son had lived ill, and were marvelously hated in their realm: divers also of those that were nearest about him have informed me, that as he razed a certain chapel, he found a book whereon these words were written; Truth with her secret counsel ; the which contained all the evils that afterward fell upon him. There were but three that saw the book, for immediately after he had read it, he threw it into the fire. Another thing that greatly troubled him was this, his son Alphonse and Ferrand his sons son, could never be persuaded that the King would come into Italy. Wherefore they used proud and threatening words against him, and spoke very contemptuously of him, saying, they would go as far as the mountains to meet him. But one that stood by, wished that never King of France might come into Italy, for he had seen a poor man of the house of Anjou scourge it shrewdly, meaning Duke john son to King René. King Ferrand had traveled very earnestly the year before, by his ambassador called Camillo Pendolfo, to stay the King in France, offering to pay him yearly a tribute of fifty thousand ducats, and to hold the realm of him by homage and fealty. But when he saw that he could by no means obtain peace, nor pacify the estate of Milan, he fell into the disease whereof he died: notwithstanding in the midst of his pangs he confessed himself, and as I trust repent him of his sins. His son Alphonse who had been so terrible a Prince, so cruel, and so long trained up in the wars, before the King departed from Rome, resigned his crown, and was strooken with such fear, that in the night he never ceased to cry, That he heard the French men coming, and that the trees and stones sounded France. He never was so hardy as once to issue forth of Naples, but upon his sons return from Rome, put him in possession of the realm, and caused him to be crowned, and to ride about the streets of the city accompanied with the nobliest personages that were there, namely, with Dom Frederick his brother, and the Cardinal of Genua (between whom the new K. road) and with the ambassadors there resident. He caused also all other solemnities belonging to the coronation to be accomplished, & then fled himself & sailed into Sicily with his mother in law (sister to K. Ferrand of castile now reigning, to whom the said realm of Sicily was in subjection) to a house that she had there: which was strange news through the whole world, especially at Venice where I than was. Some said he went to the Turk; others thought his departure to be, to the end his son who was not hated in the realm, might the better win the hearts of the people. But mine opinion was ever that he fled for very cowardice: for a cruel man was never hardy, as appeareth in histories by Nero & others, who before their death fell into great fear and desperation. To be short, this Alphonse made such haste to be gone, that he said to his mother in law the self same day that they departed (as divers of his servants have told me,) that unless she would departed with speed, he would leave her behind him. And when she desired him to stay but three days only, to the end she might be a whole year in his realm: he answered that rather than he would tarry any longer he would throw himself headlong out at the windows, ask her if she heard not how every man cried France. Thus he embarked in his Galleys with his said mother in law and departed, carrying with him all sorts of wines, (whereunto he was marvelously given,) and of all kinds of seeds for gardens. But as touching his movables and goods he left no order for them, but the greatest part remained in the castle of Naples: notwithstanding certain jewels he carried also with him, and a little money. And in this estate sailed he and his mother in law to her said house in Sicily, whence he departed and went to Messine, whither he called and led with him divers religious men, vowing himself to be no more of this world. Above all other orders of religion he loved especially those of the Mount Olivet (who are clad in white) as they themselves told me at Venice, where the body of Saint Heleine lieth in their cloister. Moreover, he began to lead a marvelous holy life, & to serve God hourly both day & night with the said religious men as they do in their covents. He used also great feasting, abstinence, and alms, and soon after fell into a sharp sickness of excoriation and the stone, in such sort that the said religious men reported that they never saw man so tormented. Notwithstanding he endured patiently all these pangs, being fully resolved to have spent the rest of his life in an Abbey at Valence the great in Spain, & there to have registered himself a religious man. But he was so tormented with this disease, that he died soon after: and it is to be hoped because of his great repentance, that his soul is joyful in Paradise: his son also died soon after him of an ague joined with a flux, and I trust they are both in better case than they were in this world. But mark here by the way that in less than two years space, five wore the crown of Naples, to with the three above named, Charles the 8. King of France, and Dom Frederick (brother to the said Alphonse) now reigning. The Notes. 1 That is since the time that they rebelled, when they sent for the Duke of Lorraine, whereof mention is made in the first chapter of this seventh book. 2 jovian Pontan in the wars between Duke john of Anjou, and this old Ferrand, maketh the Duke of Sesse and prince of Rosane but one. 3 The Italians have Ischia, whereof Pliny writeth thus, lib. 3. cap. 7. Ischia insula est è Regione Veliae alio nomine aenotris dicta: others write that it was first named Aenaria. iovius writeth that the isle is named Aenacia, and that Ischle is the name of the castle in the isle: it is thirty miles from Naples, Guicciar. Sabellicus saith Procyta alias Ischla, but Pliny maketh Procyta and Ischia twain. 4 These were soldiers so named of Bracio de Fortibraci, a great captain in his time. 5 How this book was strangely revealed by a vision of one Cataldus (who had been bishop of Tarente more than a thousand years before) to a young child, who thereof informed the King, read Alexander in diebus genialibus, lib. 3. cap. 15. 5 This she, Guicciar. understandeth he, meaning that she desired Alphonse to tarry three or four days, to the end he might have been King a whole year. How the young Ferrand after he was crowned King of Naples, went and encamped at Saint german, to resist the Kings coming, and of the treaty that King Charles made with the Pope at Rome. Chap. 12. NOw to the end all these things may be plain and evident: you shall understand that K. Ferrand being crowned, became as it were a new man, supposing all old injuries and offences to be forgotten by his father's flight: wherefore he levied all the force he could, aswell horsemen as footmen, and came to Saint german, which is the very entry into his realm, and a strong place, and of great defence, through the which the Frenchmen had passed twice before . There he encamped and manned the town, and then his friends began somewhat to recover their spirits. The town is strong, both because of a little river which sometime is passable on foot, sometime not, and also because of the hill hanging over it. The King was yet at Rome, where he remained about twenty days busied with a number of matters. He had with him at the least eighteen Cardinals, besides divers others that repaired to the city from all parts. The names of these Cardinals were the Cardinal Ascaigne, the Pope's vicechauncellor, and brother to the Duke of Milan, the Cardinal Petri-ad-Vincula (the which two were deadly enemies to the Pope, and great friends each to other) the Cardinals of Gueses , Saint Denis, Saint Severin, Savelli, Coulonne, and divers others, all the which would needs have proceeded to a new election, and deposed the Pope, being within the castle of Saint Ange, against the which the artillery was twice bend, as I have heard the noblest personages there present report, but the King of his goodness ever withstood it. The place was not of defence, for the seat thereof is upon a little hill made by force of man: besides that, these Cardinals alleged that the walls thereof were fallen down by miracle, and charged the Pope that he had obtained this holy dignity by simony, and they said true; but Cardinal Ascaigne himself was the chief merchant that sold it, and received a great sum of money for his part, together with the Pope's house where he lodged before he was Pope, being then Vicechauncellor, and all the furniture thereof, and his said office of Vicechauncellor, with divers places of the patrimony of the Church. For there had been great controversy between them two for the said dignity . Notwithstanding I think they would both willingly have agreed to choose a new Pope of the Kings naming, yea and a French man; so that I know not whether the King did well or evil in concluding peace, though all things considered I suppose he took the best course: for himself was young, and unprovided of men sufficient to manage so weighty a matter as the reformation of the Church, though I confess his power to have been sufficient thereunto. Sure if he could have reform it, I think all men of wisdom and understanding would have accounted it a good, a worthy, and a holy work. But there were too many things requisite to so high an enterprise, notwithstanding the King's will was good, and yet is if he had good assistance. The King being in Rome made a treaty with the Pope, which could not long endure, for it was unreasonable in some points, and served for the chief colour of the league, whereof hereafter you shall hear. By the said treaty peace was concluded between the Pope and his Cardinals, and all other their adherents and partakers. And it was agreed that the Cardinals should receive all rights and duties belonging to their Cardinal's hat as well absent as present: and that the Pope should lend the King four places, to wit, Terracine, Civita-vechia, Viterbe (which the King already held) and Spolete, but this last he never delivered notwithstanding his promise. All the which places the King swore to restore at his return from Naples, as also he did notwithstanding that the Pope had abused him. By this treaty he delivered also into the King's hands the Truks' brother: for the safe keeping of whom he received yearly of the Turk sixty thousand ducats, and held him also by means of his said brother in great fear . He promised further to put no Legate into any fortified place or town of the Church without the King's consent. Certain other articles there were touching the consistory or college of Cardinals which I overpass. For the performance of all these conditions, the Pope delivered his son the Cardinal of Valence in hostage to the King, who accompanied him as his Legate, and the King did unto the Pope the duty of a son, with all humility and obedience. Further, the Pope created two Cardinals at his request, the one the general Brissonnet, so often before named, lately made bishop of Saint Malo, and the other the bishop of Man's, of the house of Luxembourg, who was here in France. The Notes. 1 He meaneth in their voyages to Naples under the house of Anjou. 2 This river is called Liris or Gariliano. 3 Gurcense Gazzo, and I suppose our author write it Gurse, but the letters of the ancient copy being defaced, the unskilful corrector at the first Printing guessing but at the word, changed R into E. Guicciar. hath Gurce. 4 The Pope before his papacy had been Vicechauncellor. Ascanio and he strove for the dignity, but in the end Ascanio relented, being recompensed as here is mentioned. Notwithstanding, seeing an occasion against the Pope offered by the Kings coming, his rancour broke forth a new. 5 Gemes or Gemin Ottoman here mentioned, brother to Bajazet the second, rebelling against his brother fled to the Sultan of Egypt for aid, but being vanquished he fled to Rhodes, from whence he was sent into France to King Lewis the eleventh, to the end he might not escape; for the Turk for his safe keeping paid yearly to the knights of the Rhodes, 40000. crowns. K. Lewis gave him to Pope Innocent the 8. So her remained till this present, that he was delivered to K. Charles, at Rome in the Pope's hands. How the King departed from Rome towards Naples, what happened in the mean time in divers parts of the said realm: and through what places he passed till he came to Naples. Chap. 13. THese matters being thus ended, the King removed from Rome, in great amity & friendship with the Pope in appearance, at which time eight Cardinals departed also out of the city highly displeased with this treaty, namely the said Vicechauncellor Ascaigne, and the Cardinal S. Peter-ad-Vincula, with six of their faction. But many thought that Ascaigne did but dissemble, and that in deed he was in good amity with the Pope; notwithstanding I am able to affirm nothing thereof, for his brother had not as yet declared himself our enemy. From Rome the King removed to jannesanne, and from thence to Belistre, where the Cardinal of Valence escaped away. The next day the King took Chastelfortin by assault and put all that were with in it to the sword, because the place belonged to james Comte who was revolted from the King, notwithstanding that he had taken his pay: for the Comtes have ever been partakers with the Vrsins. From thence he marched to Valmonton a town of the Colonnois, and from thence removed and lodged about four miles from mont Saint jehan, which is a town held of the Church, but belonging to the Marquis of Pescaire and very well fortified: notwithstanding after it had been beaten seven or eight hours with the cannon; it was taken by assault, and all that were within it or the greatest partslaine, and there the King's whole force joined together . Then he marched towards Saint german sixteen miles thence, where this new King Ferrande (as you have heard) lay in camp with all the force he could levy. And indeed this was his only refuge, and the place where he must fight or never, because it was the very key as it were of his realm, and a place much for his advantage as well because of the river as of the mountain. Further, he had sent men to defend the strait of Cancello, lying among the mountains six miles from Saint german: yet notwithstanding all this preparation before the King's arrival at S. german, he raised his camp and departed in great disorder abandoning both the town and the passage. Our vaward was led that day by the L. of Guise, the L. of Rieux was sent to this straight of Cancello against the Arragonnois, but they also before his coming abandoned the place: and then entered the King into S. german. K. Ferrande rid strait to Capova, where they refused to give his soldiers entrance, but received his person with a few that attended upon him; he stayed not there, but desired them to continue true and faithful subjects to him, promising the next day to return, and so departed towards Naples fearing the rebellion that afterwards happened. All his force or the greatest part should have tarried him at Capova: but the next day when he returned he found them all departed. The Lord Virgile Vrsin with his cousin the Earl of Petillane, went to Nola, where they and all their company were taken prisoners by our men. They alleged that they had a safe conduct and that we did them wrong, so had they indeed, but their safe conduct was not yet in their hands: notwithstanding they paid no ransom, but much they lost when they were taken, and sure in mine opinion they had wrong done them. From Saint german the King removed to Mingamer, and to Triague, and lodged at Calui, two miles from Capova, whither they of Capova came and yielded themselves by composition, and the King entered into the town with his whole army. From Capova the next day he marched to Auersa, being in the midway between Capova and Naples, and five miles distant from each of them. Thither came they of Naples and yielded themselves in like manner by composition, having received assurance of the King that their ancient liberties should not be infringed nor impaired. The King sent thither before him the Marshal Gié, the Seneschal of Beaucaire, the precedent Ganay keeper of the Seal, and certain Secretaries: whereof King Ferrande being advertised, and seeing the people and Nobles of his realm in arms against him (who also at his first arrival thither had spoiled his stable being marvelous great) took sea and sailed into Iscle, an Island eighteen miles from Naples : then the King was received into the town with great joy and triumph. For all the people came forth to meet him, yea, and those first that were most bound to the house of Arragon, namely all the Carraffes, who held of the said house of Arragon to the value of forty thousand ducats of yearly revenues, partly of inheritance, and partly of gift from the Prince; for the Kings of Naples may give away their crown lands, so do they also other men's, and I think there are not three in the realm whose lands be not crown lands or other men's. Never people showed so great affection to Prince or nation as they showed to the King: the reason whereof was, because now they thought themselves delivered from all tyranny, so that they voluntarily yielded unto us. For all Calabria became French incontinent, whither Monseur d'Aubigny and Peron of Basche were sent themselves alone without any force. All the country of Abrousso yielded likewise, the town of Aquila (which hath ever been great friend to the French) being the first beginner. In like manner all Poville turned saving the castle of Brandis, which was strong and well manned, and Gallipoli which had a garrison in it, otherwise the people would have turned also. In Calabria three places held for King Ferrand, two of them were Mantie and Turpie (ancient partakers with the house of Anjou) the which at the first had set up the arms of France, but because the K. gave them to the L. of Persi, and would not receive them as parcel of the domains of his crown , they reared up again the arms of Arragon. The third was the castle of Reges, which held also for King Ferrande. But it was our own fault that aught held, for we sent no forces thither: no, I am well assured that into Poville and Calabria, there went not men sufficient to have defended one castle for the King. Tarente yeeded both castle & town, so did also Otrante , Monopoli, Trani, Manfredonne, Barle, & all the other places, the above named only excepted. Moreover the people came from their cities three days journey to meet our men and to yield themselves. To be short, the whole realm sent to Naples, and all the Princes and noble men repaired thither to do homage to the King, saving the Marquis of Pescaire whose brethren and nephews came notwithstanding. The Earl of Acri, and the Marquis of Squillazo, fled into Sicily because the King had given their lands to the Lord of Aubigny. At Naples also arrived the Prince of Salerne newly come from the sea, but having done no service. Thither came also his brother the Prince of Bisignan and his sons, being accompanied with the Dukes of Melfe, of Gravine, and the old Duke of Sora, who not long before had sold his Duchy to the Cardinal Petriad Vincula, whose brother yet at this day possesseth it . To Naples also repaired the Earls of Montorio, of Fondi, of Tripalda and of Celano (who had long been banished out of the realm, and was now newly returned with the King.) The Earl of Troy was there in like manner (who was a young gentleman of Scotland, brought up in France) and the Earl of Popoli whom we found prisoner at Naples. The young Prince of Rosane before mentioned, after his long imprisonment with his father (who had lain in prison four and thirty years) was at the length delivered and went with King Ferrand, whether willingly or by constrain I know not. To Naples came also besides these above named, the Marquis of Guefron with all the Caldoresques, and the Earls of Matalon and Merillano, the which had, both they and their ancestors, ever governed the house of Arragon. To conclude, thither repaired all the nobles of the realm, the three above named only excepted. The Notes. 1 For the Coulonnois and certain of the King's captains had been sent about to come upon King Ferrandes back. These took the town of Aquila, and all those parts, and here joined again with the King, because they looked for the battle. 2 Guicciar. saith thirty miles. 3 Samnium or Samnites. 4 These were lands held in Capite of the King of Naples. 5 Hydruntum first yielded to the French, then revolted again. Guicciar. 6 Alphonse Davalo, Marquis of Pescare. Guicciar. 7 john de Rowere perfect of Rome was the cardinals brother, and he it was that held this Duchy. How King Charles was crowned King of Naples, of the faults he committed in the defence of the realm, and how an enterprise attempted on his behalf against the Turk, was discovered by the Venetians. Chap. 14. KIng Ferrand at his departure from Naples, left the Marquis of Pescare with certain Almains to defend the castle , and sailed himself for aid into Sicily to his father. Dom Frederic lay still upon the sea with a few galleys, and came twice to parley with the King under safe conduct. His demands were that some part of the realm might remain to his nephew with the title of King , and that he himself might enjoy all his own lands and his wives. His request in respect of himself was not great, for his partage was small. The King offered him possessions in France both for him and his nephew, and I think would willingly have given them a good and a great Duchy: but they would not accept this offer, neither would he grant their demands. For what treaty soever had been made, they would have broken it, when they had seen their advantage, being still resident in the realm. The King's artillery was bend and shot against the castle of Naples, within the which were only the Almains, for the Marquis of Pescare was departed thence. And if we had sent but four cannons to the isle of Iscle we had taken it, & then all had been ours: for from thence returned all the mischief ; but if that had been once won, all the other places they held, being not past four or five, would have yielded. But our men fell to feasting, to justs and banqueting, & were so puffed up with pride, that they accountcd the Italians no men. Moreover, the King was crowned and lodged in Capovane, and went sometime to Mont Imperial . True it is that he showed great grace and favour to the subjects of the realm, for he abated their charges. And I think verily the people of themselves would not have revolted from us (notwithstanding their great inconstancy) if we had contented a few of the nobles: but them no man regarded; besides that they were very roughly used at the gates. Those that were best dealt with, were the Carraffes the house of Arragon's greatest friends, for their estates were but somewhat diminished: but the offices and pensions of the rest clean taken away; yea the partakers with the house of Anjou worse handled than the Arragonois. Further, into the county of Merillano a commandment was sent, for the which the precedent Ganaye, and the Seneschal newly created Duke of Nola, and Lord great cchamberlaine of the realm, were burdened to have taken money. By the said commandment every man was confirmed in his possession, and the partakers with the house of Anjou barred from their lands, unless they could recover them by process. Further, as touching such as had made entries upon their own head, (as for example the Earl of Celano) aid was given to the parties grieved, to dispossess them again by force. All estates and offices were bestowed upon two or three Frenchmen, and all the provision of victuales within the castle of Naples , when it yielded (being marvelous great) given to every man that demanded it, at the least all that the King knew of. In the mean time the Almains by practice yielded the castle , in the which they obtained infinite riches, the castle of Oeuf was also taken by battery. By these faults above rehearsed a man may manifestly perceive that this great conquest was achieved by the mere grace of God, and not by their wisdom that governed the enterprise: but these foul faults were the works of men puffed up with pride and vainglory, and not understanding from whence all this their honour and good success sprang. Wherefore they proceeded according to their nature and experience, by means whereof their good fortune changed as suddenly and as visibly, as men may see the day spring in Island or Norway , where the days in summer are of greater length than in any other place, in such sort, that within a quarter of an hour after the one days shutting in, the next day light beginneth to appear. Even so in as short space did every wise man perceive the alteration of our good and prosperous success, whereof all Christendom should have reaped great profit and honour if we had acknowledged it to proceed from him, who was indeed the giver thereof. For the Turk then reigning (and yet living) might as easily have been chased out of Europe, as King Alphonse was out of his realm, both for that he was a man of no valour, and also because the King had with him the said Turk's brother, whom he feared above all men living. But his said brother died soon after the Cardinal of Valences escape: whereupon the report went that he was poisoned when the Pope delivered him to the King. Further, there were so many thousand Christians in Greece ready to rebel, as a man would hardly believe, for from Otrante to Valonne are but 60. miles , and from Valonne to Constantinople but eighteen reasonable days journeys, as divers that have traveled the way have informed me. Between them are no strong places, at the most not above two or three, for all the rest be razed. Those countries are marvelous populous, and they that inhabit them be Albanois, Sclavons and Greeks, who understood of our Kings good success by their friends that were at Venice and in Poville, unto whom also they sent letters, and looked daily, but for messengers to move them to rebel. Whereupon the King sent thither the Archbishop of Duras an Albanois borne, who found a marvelous number ready to revolt, being sons or nephews of many noble and valiant men of those parts, namely the sons of Scanderbag, the nephews of the Emperor of Constantinople, and the nephews of the Lord Constantine, (now governor of Montferrat) who were also Nephews or cousins to the King of Servia. In Thessalia more than five thousand would have rebelled, yea and Scutary should have been surprised by intelligence that the Lord Constantine had within it, as himself advertised me at Venice, where he lay hidden many days in my lodging. And sure he would easily have achieved his enterprise: for Macedon and Thessaly were his inheritance , which was the patrimony of Alexander the great, Valonne also is part thereof, and upon his dominions Scutary and Croye border, the which in his youth his father or uncle engaged to the Venetians, who lost Croye, and yielded Scutary to the Turk by treaty. The said Lord Constantine lay himself within three leagues of scutary, and the enterprise had been executed, had not the said Archbishop of Duras stayed at Venice too long after the Lord Constantine's departure. I daily pressed him very earnestly to departed, for he was a man light of talk, and vaunted in all places, that he would do some feat worthy of immortal fame and renown. But as the devil would, the self same day that the Venetians were advertised of the Turks brother's death, whom the Pope had delivered to the King: they determined to send word thereof to the Turk by one of their Secretaries. And because they knew well that he should be highly rewarded that first brought this news to the Turk: they commanded that no ship should pass that night between the two castles, which make the very entry into the gulf of Venice , where also they caused watch and ward to be kept, because they feared the departure of some of the small boats, as gripes and such like, whereof there were a great number of the ports of Albany, and of their Isles adjoining to Greece. But the self same night this poor Archbishop would needs departed to this enterprise of the Lord Constantine, (who tarried his coming) conveying with him great store of swords, bucklers, and javelins, to furnish those with whom he had intelligence (for they are not permitted to have weapons in those countries:) but as he passed between the two castles above mentioned, he was taken and put into one of them, both he and his men: notwithstanding the ship that carried him was suffered to pass. Letters were found about him which discovered the enterprise, & the L. Constantine hath told me since, that the Venetians advertised thereof both the Turks garrisons that lay in those parts, & the Turk himself also, & had it not been for the gripe that was permitted to pass (the patron whereof was an Albanois, who informed him of all that was happened) he had himself been taken, but he escaped by sea, and fled into Poville. The Notes. 1 He meaneth Castelnovo: for there are in Naples four castles. The castle of Capoana where the King lodged: castle novo situate partly in the sea, partly on the land with a citadelle by it: castle deal ovo situate on a rock in the sea with a great tower called of the French Prince faulay, and between the castles Novo and Deal ovo is a fort upon a rock in the sea with a strong tower. The fourth is castle S. Ermo, and above Naples is an abbey that looketh into the town called S. Martin, in manner of a castle. 2 Guicciar. saith he desired Calabria for his nephew without title of King. 3 The King sent to Iscle, but the Frenchmen finding the town desolate through negligence never assaulted the castle. 4 He meaneth because all Ferrandes party was retired thither. 5 The French Corrector supposeth that this should be en mantean Imperial, because some writ that he was crowned Emperor of Constantinople at Rome: but I think rather he meaneth Mont de la Crote, or the hill Veswius, whither the King often walked for recreation, and per adventure because of the singularities which he saw there, named one of these hills Mont Imperial. 6 He meaneth castle novo. 7 The Almains yielded the castle under condition, that they might have King Ferrandes movables that were within it. 8 This castle was so named, because it was built in form of an egg. 9 For Island and Norway, the unskilful corrector had chopped in Holland and Awergne, making the author report a mere untruth. 10 Oricum in Latin as some writ, as others Apollonia. 11 Others writ but 55. 12 Dyrrachium. 13 But the Turk held them from him. 14 Troy in times past the strongest town in Epirus. 15 His father's name was Commenus. 16 He meaneth two castles standing at the entry into the calm sea, which is within the natural bank that defendeth the town from the rage of the sea without the bank, the said castles be hard by Venice. A discourse somewhat out of the course of the history, wherein Philip de Commines author of this present work, treateth amply of the estate and government of the signory of Venice, and of those things that he saw there, and were done there during the time of his embassage to the said signory for the King. Chap. 15. I Will now leave the King in Naples, having achieved his enterprise, and will speak somewhat of the Venetians, and the cause of mine embassage thither. My departure from Ast to Venice was, partly to thank them for the good answers they had made to two of the King's ambassadors sent thither, and partly to keep them still his friends, if it were possible by any means: for because of their great forces, wisdom, and good government, they might easily have mated his enterprise in Italy; but they being his friends, none in the country were to be feared. The Duke of Milan helped to dispatch me, and wrote to his ambassador there resident (for he hath one there continually) to accompany me, and to give me instructions to whom I should address myself. His said ambassador received monthly of the signory an hundred ducats, and had his house well furnished, and three barges (at their charge) to convey him up and down the town. Their ambassador hath the like allowance at Milan, save that he hath no barge; for at Milan men ride altogether on horseback, but at Venice they are carried by boat. In my journey thitherward, I passed through their cities, namely Bresse, Veronne, Vincense, and Padua, with divers others; at every one of the which I was very honourably entertained, because of the parsonage I represented: for always either the potestate or the captain came to receive me, accompanied with a goodly train: but they both issued never forth of the town; for the captain used to come no further than the gate. After I was entered the town, they conveyed me to my lodging, commanding the host that I should be plentifully served, and all my charges they defrayed, entertaining me with very honourable words. But if a man consider what he must bestow upon drums and trumpets, he saveth not much though he lie upon free cost, notwithstanding the entertainment is very honourable. The same day I entered into Venice, they sent as far as Chafousine to receive me, which is a place five miles from the town, where men leave the boats that convey them down the river from Padua , and enter into other little boats very proper and neat, covered with tapestry, and furnished within, with goodly hangings and velvet cushions to sit upon. Thus far the sea floweth, and this is the nearest passage from the firm land to Venice: but their sea is marvelous calm (unless a tempest happen to arise) which is the cause that so great plenty of all kind of fish is taken there. I wondered to behold the seat of this city, so many steeples, so many religious houses, and so much building, and all in the water; but especially that the people had none other passage to & fro in the town but by boats, whereof I think there are to the number of 30000. but they be very small. Further, about the city (I mean within the compass round about of less than half a French league) are 70. houses of religion, as well of men as women, all in islands sumptuously built, richly furnished within, and having goodly gardens belonging to them. Those within the city I comprehend not in this number; for within, there are, besides these, the four orders of friars, and threescore and twelve parishes, besides a number of chapels of the companies of occupations, commonly called Confrairies . And sure it is a strange sight to behold so many great and goodly churches built in the sea. To the said place of Chafousine came five and twenty gentlemen to receive me, sumptuously appareled in silk and scarlet, the which welcomed me with an oration, & conveyed me to the church of Saint Andrew near to the town, where as many other gentlemen met me, being accompanied with the ambassadors of Milan and Ferrara: and here also they received me with an oration, & afterwards led me into other boats which they call flat, being much greater than the former, two of them were covered with crimson satin, and decked within with arras, each of them being large enough to have received 40. persons. They placed me between these two ambassadors, (for the midst in Italy is the honourablest place) and conveyed me along through the great street called the great channel , which is so large that the galleys pass to & fro through it, yea I have seen hard by the houses ships of four hundred tun and above. Sure in mine opinion it is the goodliest street in the world and the best built, and reacheth in length from the one end of the town to the other. Their buildings are high and stately, and all of fine stone . The ancient houses be all painted; but the rest that have been built within these hundred years, have their front all of white marble, brought thither out of Istria an hundred miles thence, and are beautified with many great pieces of Porphire and Sarpentine . In the most part of them are at the least two chambers, the ceiling whereof is gilded, the mantletrees of the chimneys very rich, to wit, of graven marble, the bedstead gilded, the presses painted and vermiled with gold, and marvelous well furnished with stuff. To be short, it is the most triumphant city that ever I saw, and where ambassadors and strangers are most honourably entertained, the commonwealth best governed, and God most devoutly served; so far forth, that notwithstanding they have divers imperfections, yet think I verily that God prospereth them, because of the reverence they bear to the service of the Church. In the company of these fifty gentlemen I passed to Saint Georges, which is an abbey of reformed black monks where I lodged. The next day they returned again to me, and led me to the signory, where I delivered my letters to the Duke, who presideth in all their assemblies, being honoured as a King , and all letters are directed to him, but of himself he cannot do much. Notwithstanding this Duke is of great authority, yea greater than ever was any of his predecessors ; and no marvel, for he hath been Duke these twelve years : and for my part I ever found him a virtuous and a wise man, of great experience in the affairs of Italy, and a courteous and gentle person. This was all that I did the first day, save that they led me into the palace, and showed me three or four chambers, the feelings whereof were richly gilded, and likewise the beds and presses: and sure it is a very stately and sumptuous building for the greatness thereof: for it is all of square marble, and all the front vermiled with gold, and likewise the edges and borders of the angles, about the breadth of an inch. There are moreover four goodly hals within it richly gilded, and a number of fair lodgings, but the court is very small. The Duke out of his chamber may hear mass at the high altar of the chapel of Saint Mark , which is the goodliest and richest church in the world, bearing but the name of a chapel: for it is built throughout of the curious work called Musaique, or Marqueterie ; the art also whereof they vaunt themselves to be authors of: and sure they have divers workmen thereof, as I myself can testify. In this chapel is their treasure so famous through the world, being only things appointed for the furniture of the church; among the which are twelve or fowerteene Ruby ballais, the greatest that ever I saw: for two of them weigh the one above seven hundred, and the other above eight hundred carrots, but they are unpolished. There are twelve other stones like to little pillars set in gold, and garnished and bordered with excellent good stone. Moreover, twelve crowns there are of gold, wherewith in times passed at certain feasts in the year twelve women decked themselves (whom they called Queens) the which went about these ylands and churches: but the said Queens, and the greatest part of the women of the city, were stolen and carried away perforce by thieves that came out of Istria or Friole , being borderers upon the Venetians, the which lurked privily behind these isles: but their husbands pursued these thieves, and recovered their women, and offered all these crowns to Saint Mark, and built also a chapel upon the place, whither the signory resorteth yearly the same day they obtained this victory. Sure this is a goodly furniture for the church: for besides these things above rehearsed, there are divers other jewels of gold, and a suit of Amethists and Agates, & a few Emeralds. But this is no such treasure to make account of as ready money; and yet of money they have no treasure: for the Duke himself told me before the signory, that it is among them a capital crime to make mention of treasure in coin. And sure in mine opinion they do therein very wisely, for fear of division that thereby might arise among them. Afterward they showed me their treasure, namely their Arsenal , where they arm their galleys, and prepare all other furniture necessary for their navy, which undoubtedly is the goodliest thing at this day in the world, and the best in order for that purpose. To be short, I abode there eight months upon their charge, as did all the other ambassadors there resident. And sure thus much I dare boldly say of them, that they are men of such wisdom, and so inclined to enlarge their dominions, that unless they be looked to in time, all their neighbours shall repent it too late: for the Kings coming into Italy, and the wars that have been between him and them since that time (which yet endure) have made them much skilfuller in fortification and defence of places ever they were before. Besides that, they have of late enlarged their signory, for they have seven or eight cities engaged to them in Poville, which I doubt me they will never restore. At the King's first coming into Italy they could not be persuaded that places might be taken so easily, and in so short space: for they made not war with such expedition ; but both they and divers others have fortified since, and do daily fortify many places in Italy. They cannot grow mighty upon a sudden as the Romans' did, for their bodies cannot endure such labour and travel as theirs could, because they are unaccustomed thereunto, by reason that none of them go into their wars upon the firm land (as the Romans' did) save their provisors and paimasters which accompanied their general ; assist him with their counsel, and provide all things necessary for their army. True it is that their armies upon the sea are led by their gentlemen, who are captains of their galleys and ships; and consist wholly of their own subjects. Moreover, another good order have they as touching these provisors whom they send in person with their armies upon the land, whichis, that they employ in that service no man of such courage and virtue as may seem worthy to be their Prince (as the Romans' did) whereby they avoid all factions in the city, which sure is a great point of wisdom. And undoubtedly against civil contention they have marvelously well provided divers and sundry other ways, for they have no Tribunes of the people, as they had in Rome, which partly were cause of their ruin. But the people at Venice bear no sway, neither are called to counsel in any matter : for all their officers be gentlemen, save their secretaries . And the greatest part of their people be strangers. Moreover, they understand by T. Livius what imperfections were in the state of Rome; for they have his history, and his body lieth buried in their palace at Padua. For these reasons and divers others which I could allege, I say yet once again, that they are in the way to be great Lords in time to come. I must now declare the cause of mine embassage to them, which was, to thank them for the good answers they had made to two ambassadors sent thither by the King: and for the good comfort they had given him, in willing him upon their word to proceed with his enterprise. All the which was done before he departed out of Ast. At my arrival I discoursed unto them of the ancient league that had been between the Kings of France and them. And further, I offered them Brandis and the town of Orante, under this condition, that when we delivered them better towns in Greece, they should be bound to restore these. They used very honourable terms both of the King and his affairs, supposing that he could not enter far into Italy. And as touching the offer I made, they answered that they were his friends and servants, and would not sell him their friendship, (and in deed as yet we had not the places offered.) Further they said, that they had force sufficient in a readiness to move war against him, if they were so disposed, but they would not so do; notwithstanding that the ambassador of Naples daily solicited them thereunto, and offered them in consideration thereof, whatsoever they would demand. Moreover, King Alphonse (who then reigned) confessed that he had many ways misbehaved himself towards them, and declared unto them the great danger themselves should be in, if the King obtained his purpose. The Turk on the other side sent an ambassador to them with all speed, (whom I myself saw divers times) the which at the Pope's request threatened them, unless they declared themselves the King's enemies. They gave every one of these good answers, notwithstanding at the first they stood in no fear of us, but laughed at our voyage: and the rather because the Duke of Milan sent them word by his ambassador, that they should not trouble themselves about this enterprise: for he would find means to send the King home with empty hands. The like message sent he also to Peter of Medicis, as himself told me. But when both they and the Duke of Milan saw all the Florentines places, especially Pisa in the King's hands, they began to fear & to consult how to stop him from passing further: but their matters were long in debating, and in the mean time while ambassadors passed to and fro between them, the King marched forward. The King of Spain in like manner began to fear, because of the isles of Sicily and Sardinia. And the King of Romans' envied our King's good success: for divers there were that put him in doubt of the crown imperial, saying, that the King would take it, and had required the Pope to give him leave so to do, but this was most untrue. Notwithstanding for these doubts, these two Kings sent honourable ambassages to Venice, I being there, as you have heard. The King of Romans', because he was their neighbour, sent first: the principal of his embassage was the Bishop of trent, accompanied with two knights and a doctor of the law: they were very honourably and solemnly received, and their lodgings made and furnished as mine. Moreover, they had ten ducats a day allowed them for their diet, and their horses which they had left behind them at Trevis, were kept upon the Seniories charge. Soon after arrived also a worshipful knight of Spain well accompanied and well appareled, who was in like manner honourably received, and his charges defrayed. The Duke of Milan, besides his ambassador there resident, sent thither the bishop of Come, and Master Francis Bernardin Viscount, all the which began at the first to negotiate together covertly and in the night by their Secretaries: for they durst not as yet openly discover themselves against the King, especially the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, because they doubted what success the league which was in communication should have. These ambassadors of Milan came to visit me, and brought me letters from their Master, pretending that they were come, because the Venetians had sent two ambassadors to Milan, whereas they were wont to have but one resident there: no more had they in the end; and this was but a colour of their lying, deceit, and false dealing: for they were all assembled together to conclude a league against the good King, but so many strings could not be tuned on a sudden. They desired me afterward (if I could) to inform them what the cause was of the King of Spain's and the King of Romans ambassadors arrival, to the end they might advertise their Master thereof. But I had intelligence already from divers places, both by the said ambassadors servants and others, that the ambassador of Spain had passed through Milan disguised, that the Almains governed their affairs wholly by the Duke of Milan's counsel and advice, and that the ambassador of Naples delivered hourly packets of letters from his Master. For you must understand, that the treaty of their league was begun before the King departed from Florence, and I spent money largely to have intelligence of all their doings, and wrought by good instruments, so that I knew already all their articles, which were propounded but not agreed upon: for the Venetians are very long in their resolutions. For these causes I seeing the league in such forwardness, would no longer pretend ignorance therein, but answered these ambassadors of Milan, that sith they used such strange terms to me, I thought good to say thus much unto them, that the King would not lose the D. of Milan's friendship if by any means it might be kept, and that I as his servant would do my duty to my Master, and excuse him of the evil reports which peradventure had been made of him to the Duke their Master, who I thought was misinformed: saying further, that he ought well to bethink himself, before he lost the recompense of the great service he had done the King: for the Kings of France were never ingrate; adding also, that the speaking of a foolish word ought not to dissolve their friendship, the continuance whereof was so necessary for them both. Wherefore I desired them to open unto me their griefs, that I might advertise the King thereof before they proceeded further: they swore all unto me and protested, that there was no such matter as I imagined; but they lied, for they were come thither to treat of the said league. The next day I went to the signory to commune with them about their league, and to tell them my opinion thereof. Among other things I alleged, that by the league concluded between the King and them, and the late King Lewis his father and them, they might not maintain the one the others enemies: wherefore they could not conclude the league now treated of without breach of their promise. Then they caused me to withdraw myself a little, and at my return the Duke said unto me, that I must not believe all that I heard in the town: for all men lived there in liberty, and might speak what them listed; and that as touching them they never meant to enter into league against the King, neither heard ever of any such matter: but on the contrary side they sought to conclude a league between the King, and these two other Kings and all Italy, against the Turk, at the common charges of them all, and that if any in Italy refused to pay that he should be rated at, the King and they would constrain him thereunto by force. Moreover, they said that they traveled to conclude a good peace for the King, to wit, that he should receive of Dom Ferrand presently a sum of money, which they offered to lend, so that they might have engaged for it, those places in Poville which now they possess, and that the realm should be held of the King by the Pope's consent , and pay him yearly a certain tribute. And further, that he should hold in it three places, and I would to God the King would then have given ear to this offer: but I answered them that I durst not deal therein, because I had no commission nor authority so to do. Moreover, I desired them not to be hasty in concluding this league, because I would advertise the King of these their overtures. I required them also (as I had done the others) to open unto me their griefs, and not to dissemble them as they of Milan had done. Then they told me plainly that they were grieved because the King held certain of the Pope's towns, but much more because of the Florentines places, especially Pisa, saying, that the King himself had written both unto them and divers others, that he would take nothing in Italy, but the realm of Naples only, and afterward go against the Turk: but now it plainly appeared that he would conquer all that he could in Italy, and leave the Turk in peace. They said further, that the Duke of Orleans (whom the King had left behind him in Ast) put the D. of Milan in great doubt and fear, and that his servants used marvelous threatening words against him. Notwithstanding they promised to conclude nothing before they received answer from the King, at the least not before a convenient time to receive answer were expired, and they dealt more honourably with me than they of Milan had done . Of all these matters I advertised the King, and received a cold answer from him: from that day forward they began daily to assemble together, because they knew their enterprise to be discovered. The King was yet at Florence, and if he had found any resistance at Viterbe (as they thought he should) they would have sent men to defend Rome: yea or if King Ferrand had not abandoned Rome, as they thought undoubtedly he would never have done: but when they heard of his departure thence they began to fear. Notwithstanding the ambassadors of these two Kings pressed them earnestly to conclude, saying, that otherwise they would departed, for they had been there four months daily negotiating with the signory. In the mean time I laboured all that might be to overthrow their league. But when the Venetians saw all these places yielded, and were also advertised, that the King was entered into Naples, they sent for me, and told me these news, seeming greatly to rejoice thereat: notwithstanding they said that the castle was very well furnished, and I perceived by them, that they hoped assuredly it would have held good. Moreover, they licenced the ambassador of Naples to levy men at Venice to send to Brandis; and they were even upon the point to have concluded their league, when suddenly they received letters from their ambassadors, that the castle was yielded also to the King. Then they sent for me again in a morning, and I found fifty or sixty of them assembled together in the Duke's chamber, who lay sick of the colic. He told me these news with a cheerful countenance, but none of the rest could dissemble so cunningly as himself: for some of them sat upon a low bench leaning upon their elbows, other some after one sort, and others after another; their outward countenances bewraying their inward grief. And I think verily when word came to Rome of the battle lost at Cannae against Hannibal, that the Senators which remained in the city, were not more astonished nor troubled than these: for none of them once looked upon me, none of them gave me one word but the Duke alone; so that I wondered to behold them. The Duke asked me if the King would perform that which he had always promised both by his letters and by me: I assured him that he would, and opened certain overtures of peace, and offered myself to travel therein, trusting to put them out of all doubt, and so departed. Their league was as yet neither fully concluded, nor fully broken off; for the which cause the Almains would needs have departed in great heat. The Duke of Milan would not yet condescend I wots not to which of their articles: notwithstanding in the end he sent word to his ambassadors to seal with speed to all; and thus at the length was their league concluded. During the space that these practices were thus entertained among them, I had from time to time advertised the King of them all, pressing him earnestly to resolve either to tarry in the realm, and to make provision of greater forces of footmen and money; or in time to retire homeward before his enemies were all assembled, leaving the principal places well manned. I advertised also the D. of Orleans (who lay in Ast with his household servants only, for his company was with the King) of all that was done, willing him to put men into the town, and assuring him that they would incontinent assail him. I wrote also to the Duke of Bourbon (whom the King had left regent in France) to send men to Ast with all speed possible to defend the town, because that place being lost, no aid could come to the King. In like manner I advertised the marchioness of Montferrat of all these proceed (who was a great friend to us, and deadly enemy to the Duke of Milan) to the end she might aid the Duke of Orleans with men, if need so required: for Ast being lost, the Marquisats of Montferrat and Saluces were also lost. Their league was concluded one night very late . The next morning the signory sent for me earlier than they were accustomed. And when I was come and set down, the Duke told me, that in the honour of the holy Trinity, there was a league concluded between our holy father the Pope, the Kings of Romans' and Castille, them, and the Duke of Milan, for three purposes. The first, for the defence of the estate of Christendom against the Turk; the second, for the defence of Italy; and the third for the preservation of their own estates, whereof he willed me to advertise the King. They were assembled to the number of a hundred or more, and looked up with cheerful countenances, and sat not as they did the day they advertised me of the taking of the castle of Naples. The Duke told me moreover that they had written to their ambassadors that were with the King, to take their leave and to return home, their names were Master Dominic Loredan, and Master Dominic Trevisan. I was marvelously troubled with this news, for I stood in doubt both of the King's person, and of all his company, supposing their army to have been readier than in deed it was, as did themselves also. I feared further lest the Almains had been at hand; and not without cause; for if they had, undoubtedly the King had never departed out of Italy. I was resolved not to speak much in this heat; but they so provoked me that I was forced to change my mind; and then I said unto them, that both the night before and divers other times, I had advertised the King of their league, and that he also had sent me word that he had intelligence thereof both from Rome and from Milan. They looked all marvelous strangely upon me, when I said that I had advertised the King thereof the night before: for there is no nation under the sun so suspicious as they, nor so secret in their affairs, so that oftentimes they banish men upon suspicion only, for the which cause I said thus much unto them. I told them moreover that I had sent word thereof both to the Duke of Orleans and to the Duke of Bourbon, to the end they might put men into Ast. which words I uttered hoping to delay their going thither. For if they had indeed been as ready as they vaunted and supposed themselves to have been: they must needs have taken the town, for it was vnmanned both then and long after. Then they told me that they meant not to attempt aught against the King, but only to defend themselves, adding that they would not have him thus to abuse the world with words, in saying that he would nothing but the realm of Naples, and afterward go against the Turk: and yet do clean contrary, and seek to destroy the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines, and hold also the places of the Church. Whereunto I answered that the Kings of France had ever enlarged & augmented the dition of the church, and defended it, and that the King my Master would rather do the like than the contrary. Wherefore these (I said) were not the reasons that moved them to enter into this war, but that they desired to trouble the estate of Italy, thereby to make their own profit, as in the end I thought they would; which words they took in evil part as afterward I was advertised: notwithstanding it appeareth by those towns in Povile which they have in gage of King Ferrand to aid him against us, that I said true. At this instant I would have risen to departed, but they caused me to sit down again, and then the Duke asked me if I would make any overture of peace, because the day before I had offered so to do, but that was under condition that they should have stayed the conclusion of their league fifteen days, to the end I might advertise the King thereof, and receive his answer thereunto. Our communication being ended, I returned to my lodging, & then they sent for the ambassadors of the league one after another, and as I came forth from them I met with the ambassador of Naples, who ware a fair new gown and showed a cheerful countenance, so had he great cause to do, for these were good news for him. After dinner all the ambassadors of the league accompanied with their servants met together, at the charges of the Seniory, upon the water (which is all the pastime of Venice) I think they were in all forty boats, every ambassador having his boat garnished with a flag of his Master's arms. I saw all this company pass underneath my window with goodly melody. And the ambassadors of Milan (at the least one of them) who had been wont very often before to bear me company; made a countenance now as though he knew me no more. By the space of three days I never stirred out of my lodging, neither any of my servants: notwithstanding that, not one man in the town gave me or any of mine a foul word at any time. The same night they made great pastime with squibs, which were set on fire a high in the steeples and turrets of the town, and a number of torches were lighted in the top of these ambassadors houses, and divers pieces of artillery discharged. I was in a covered barge upon the water to behold all this triumph, about ten of the clock at night, especially before these ambassadors lodgings, where was banqueting and great cheer: notwithstanding this was not the great festival day, on the which their league was proclaimed: for the Pope had given commandment that the proclamation thereof should be deferred till Palm-sunday, and that every one of the confederated Princes when it should be proclaimed, and the ambassadors that should be present thereat, should bear in their hands an olive branch in token of peace and confederacy as he said. He commanded further, that upon that day it should be proclaimed both in Spain and in Almain. Moreover, at Venice they made a scaffold of wood, which they raised a great height from the ground, as they use to do upon Corpus Christi day, & it was richly hanged, and reached from the palace to the end of the market place of Saint Mark. Upon this scaffold (after the Pope's ambassador had song mass, and given full absolution to all men that should be present at the said proclamation) they went on procession, the Senators and the ambassadors being all very well appareled: for unto divers of the said ambassadors the signory had given crimson velvet gowns, especially to the Almains, and new gowns also to all their servants, but they were very short. After their return from procession, a great number of pageants and devices were showed, representing first Italy, and then all these Kings and Princes, and the Queen of Spain. And as they returned from beholding the said pageants, at a Porphire stone where all their proclamations are made, they proclaimed the said league, and the Turks ambassador hard it, standing close at a window, and having his dispatch, save that they stayed him to behold this triumph. At night he came to talk with me by means of a certain Greek, and was with me four hours in my chamber, being very desirous that his Prince and the King my Master might enter together into amity. I was twice invited to this feast, but I excused myself. I remained in the town about a month after this proclamation, being aswell entertained as at my first arrival. Afterward the King sent for me, and I took my leave and departed, being safely conveyed by them, and upon their charges to Ferrara, where the Duke came forth and received me, and feasted me two days, and defrayed me. The like did Master john de Bentivole at Bolonia, whither the Florentines sent for me. Wherefore I departed thence and went to Florence there to abide the Kings coming, of whom I will now return to speak. The Notes. 1 Liccia or Lizafusina Italians. 2 The river is called Brenta. 3 I think he meaneth not the Confrairiez des Sainctz which be but five, as Contaren. writeth lib. 5. but rather I suppose, because our author saith many Confrairies, that every company in Venice hath a chapel, as in London they have hals. 4 I suppose it to be that which they call Rivo alto. 5 There are in Venice 200. palaces able to lodge Kings. 6 A kind of red marble full of white spots called Leucosticos or Porphyrites: it is known to every man. 7 A green stone, I suppose it to be also a kind of marble, which is green as Porphire is, red and spotted also with white for the most part as that is: it is called Ophytes. 8 Of the Duke's office read Contaren. lib. 2. 9 This Duke's name was Augustinus Barbaricus or Barbadicus, he was chosen anno 1486. and was after some the 77. after others the 74. Duke. 10 Reckon these twelve years not at the time that the author was at Venice, but at the time that he wrote this history: for at his being there, he had been Duke but eight years. 11 Saint Marks church is described by Contaren in the very end of the fourth book. 12 Mousaique or Marqueterie, Musaea, Musaica, or Musina in Latin, works wrought of stones of divers colours and divers mettles into knots and devices so curiously, that they seem all one, and not to be wrought in together by art. 13 Forum julii. 14 This Arsenal is described by Contaren lib. 4. 15 He meaneth, because they understood not the feat of artillery. 16 The Venetians armies upon the land are all strangers. Contaren. lib. 5. 17 Their General upon the land is also a stranger. 18 Contaren. ibidem. 19 Understand any matter of weight. 20 Understand their principal officers. 21 Their Chancellor also is no gentleman, neither may a gentleman be Chancellor or Secretary. Contaren. lib. 5. 22 The King of Spain used this colour for breach of his league with King Charles, because there was a clause that they should not be bound to any thing prejudicial to the Church, and the realm of Naples was held of the Church. Further, another clause there was, that he should not resist King Charles his conquest, if it appeared by law the crown of Naples to appertain to him, which he sought not to prove, but proceeded by force. 23 This is added, because the realm of Naples was held of the Church. 24 He meaneth, because they dealt plainly with him, but they of Milan had dissembled. Notwithstanding the French had it thus: They showed greater honour to me than to them of Milan: but in mine opinion it was the Printers fault, who for que ceulx de Milan, had put qu'a ceulx de Milan: for sure the sense is much better thus. 25 Their league was concluded in April. Guicciar. THE EIGHT BOOK CONTINVING THE DISCOURSE OF THE PRINCIPAL ACTS OF KING CHARLES THE EIGHT. Of the order and provision the King left in the realm of Naples at his return into France. Chap. 1. TO continue the better this my history, and to inform you of all that happened, I must now return to speak of the King, who from the time he entered into Naples till his departure thence, thought only upon sports and pleasures, & those that were about him upon their own private profit and gain: notwithstanding his young years excused him; but on their behalf, no just excuse can be made: for he committed all his affairs to their government. And if they had advised him to leave well furnished in the country at his departure but three or four castles only, namely that of Caietta, and one or two more; yea but the castle of Naples alone (the provision whereof he had given away as already you have heard) the realm had never been lost: for if the castle of Naples had been kept, the town had never revolted. So soon as he understood the league above mentioned to be concluded, he commanded his whole forces to repair to him, and appointed five hundred men of arms French and 2500. Swissers , and a few French footmen for the defence of the realm, determining with the rest to return home the same way he came; but the confederates made preparation to stop his passage. The King of Spain had sent and daily did send certain Caravels into Sicily, the which notwithstanding that they were but slenderly manned, had before the King's departure, put men into Reges in Calabria near to Sicily. I had eftsoons advertised the King that there they would land; for the ambassador of Naples had so informed me himself, supposing they had already been landed: but if the King had sent thither in time, he had taken the castle; for the town held for him. Out of Sicily came certain bands also to Mantia and to Turpia, all through our own fault, because we had sent no forces thither. In like manner the town of Otrante in Poville (which had once set up the arms of France) seeing the league concluded, and themselves seated near to Brandis and Gallipoli, and no means possible to levy men to put into their town, reared up again the arms of Arragon; and Dom Frederick being at Brandis, sent a garrison thither. To be short, fortune began now to frown upon us, which but two months before so highly had favoured us, in such sort, that through the whole realm they began to revolt, as well because of the league, as also of the King's departure, and the small forces he left behind him, which was nothing in respect of the number of soldiers, though divers of the captains were of great valour. He appointed for his lieutenant general in the said realm, the Lord of Montpensier of the house of Bourbon, a valiant and a hardy knight, but of no great sense, and so careless, that he kept his bed every day till noon. In Calabria he left the Lord of Aubigny a Scottish man borne, a virtuous, wise, honourable, & a valiant knight, him he created high Constable of the realm, and gave him (as before you have heard) the Earldom of Acri, and the Marquisat of Squillazzo. He had made Lord great Chamberlain of the realm at his first coming thither, the Seneschal of Beaucaire, called Stephan de Verse, who was also captain of Caietta, Duke of Nola, and Lord of divers other seniories. Further, all the treasure of the realm passed through his hands, so that his charge was much too weighty for him; but sure he was well affected to the defence of the realm. He created the Lord Don julian Lorraine a Duke, and left him in the town of Saint Angelo, where he behaved himself passing well. He left in Manfredonia Master Gabriel of Montfaulcon, a man of whom he made great account; and to all these he gave goodly possessions: but this Gabriel behaved himself very childishly; for at four days end he yielded the town for lack of victuals: notwithstanding that at his entry into it he found it very well furnished; besides that it was seated in a country abounding with all kind of grain. divers sold all the provision they found in the castles, and the report went that this Gabriel fled himself, and left William of Vilneufue for defence of the town, whom his own servants sold to Dom Frederick, who put him into the galleys, where he remained a long time. At Tarente the King left George of Suilly, who carried himself there very gallantly, and died of the plague: and this city held for the King, till famine forced it to yield. In Aquila he left the bailiff of Vitry, where he did great service: and in Abruzzo master Gracian des guerres, who likewise made good proof of his valour there. They were all left unfurnished of money: for order was given that they should receive their pay there, of the revenues of the crown, but all was too little. Notwithstanding the K. left the Princes of Salerne and Bisignan very well appointed, who did him good service as long as they were able. He dealt also very bountifully with the Coulonnois: for he granted them all their demands, & put above thirty places into their hands & their friends, which if they would have defended for him, as both by duty & oath they were bound, they had done him great service, and purchased to themselves both honour and profit. For I think they were not so highly advanced these hundred years, as by the King at that time: yet notwithstanding before his departure they began to practise with his enemies. True it is that they served him in favour only of the Duke of Milan, because they have ever been of the faction Gibilin, but they ought not in respect thereof, to have dealt faithlesly with him, who so highly had advanced and pleasured them, not only this way but divers others. For in their favour he had prisoners with him under guard, the Lord Virgil Vrsin, and the Earl of Petillane , with divers others of the Vrsines their enemies, yea and that against all right and reason: for notwithstanding that they were taken prisoners, yet knew the King right well that they had a safe conduct, the benefit also whereof he meant they should enjoy, as himself well declared: for he was determined to lead them no further than Ast, and there to release them. All this did he at the Coulonnois request, and yet before his return to Ast they shrunk from him, yea they were the very first that revolted, though they could allege no cause that moved them thereunto. The Notes. 1 Guicciar. saith, the King left behind him half his Swissers, part of his French footmen, 800. French lances, and 500 Italian men of arms. 2 These are certain ships having both sail and ore, the which are very much used in the meridional seas. 3 Virginio Vrsin and the Earl of Petillane followed the King only upon their word not to departed without leave. How the King departed from Naples, and passed again through Rome, whereupon the Pope fled to Oruiette: of the communication the King had with Monseur D'Argenton at his return from Venice: how he took advise whether he should restore the Florentines places to them or not: and of the Sermons worthy of memory of Friar jerom of Florence. Chap. 2. THe King having given order for his affairs, as he thought good, put himself upon the way homeward with the rest of his forces, being (as I suppose) nine hundred men of arms at the least (comprehending therein the ordinary retinue of his house) two thousand and five hundred Swissers, so that I think the whole army contained seven thousand men taking pay, besides the train of the Court being to the number of fifteen hundred able to do service . The Earl of Petillane who took the just muster of them, told me after the battle (whereof you shall hear) that the whole force was nine thousand men. The King marched strait to Rome, where the Pope would not tarry his coming, but was first determined to have gone to Padua into the Venetians dominions, so far forth that his lodging was made there. But afterward he altered his mind: for both the Venetians and the Duke of Milan sent him certain bands of men to Rome, where (though they arrived in time) yet durst he not abide; notwithstanding that the King meant him no harm, but would have done him all honour and service, and had also sent an ambassador thither purposely to desire him to stay. But he retired to Oruiette, and thence to peruse, leaving the Cardinals at Rome to receive the King, who staid not there neither harmed any man. The K. wrote unto me that I should meet him at Seine, whither I repaired accordingly, he received me of his goodness very graciously, and asked me (somewhat merrily) whether the Venetians would send to stop him upon the way: for his army consisted altogether of young men who thought none in the world comparable to them. I answered, that the signory told me at my departure in the presence of one of his secretaries named Lourdin, that they and the Duke of Milan would put forty thousand men into the field, not to offend him, but to defend themselves: adding further that they advertised me the day I departed from Padua by one of their provisors, who came with their army that they sent against us, that their force should not pass a certain river in their dominions near to Parma called (as I remember) Only, unless he invaded the Duke of Milan. The said Provisor and I gave secret tokens each to other, by the which messengers might pass to and fro between us, if need should so require to treat of some good end: for I would break off no owerture of peace, because I knew not what might happen to the King my Master. At this our communication was present one Master Lewis Marcell, who by the seniories appointment accompanied me out of their dominions, and governed for that year the Motz viere , which is a certain treasure they have: in like manner certain of the Marquis of Mantua's men, who carried money to their Master, were also present at it, but they heard not our talk. From these or from some others I brought the K. in writing the number of their horsemen, footmen, and Estradiots , and the names of their captains: but few of those that were nearest about him credited my words. After the King had reposed himself two days at Seine, and well refreshed his horses and his company, I earnestly pressed him to departed: for his enemies were not yet assembled, and I feared only the Almains arrival, of whom the King of Romans' mustered great force, and levied great sums of money for their payment. But notwithstanding all my solicitation, the King put forth two matters to his council which were soon debated: the one, whether he should restore the Florentines places to them and accept the offers they made for the restitution of them, being these, to pay him the thirty thousand ducats remaining yet unpaide of the sum they gave him ; to lend him beside, seven tie thousand, and to serve him as he passed out of Italy with three hundred men of arms, and two thousand footmen under the leading of Master Francis Secco, a valiant knight and in good credit with the King. Myself and divers others were of opinion that he should accept these conditions, retaining only Leghorn in his hands till his return to Ast. And if he had so done, he might have paid his soldiers, and reserved money enough to have withdrawn part of his enemies forces, and then have fought with them. But this resolution took no place; for Monseur de Ligny a young man cousin german to the King overthrew it, not alleging any reason to the contrary, but only for pity of the Pisans. The other point debated was a matter that Monseur de Ligny himself caused to be propounded by Gaucher of Tinteville, & by one of the factions of the Senois, the which desired the said Monseur de Ligny for their captain. For you shall understand that these Senois are ever in division, and govern their common wealth more fond than any other town in Italy . I being first asked mine advise said, that I thought it best for the King to march forward, & not to busy himself with these foolish offers which could not stand him in steed one week to an end: alleging further that because this was an imperial town, we should by this means provoke the whole Empire against us. All the rest were of the same opinion, yet was the clean contrary done: for the Senois received Monseur de Ligny for their Captain, and promised him yearly a certain sum of money, whereof he never received penny. This foolish matter stayed the King there six or seven days, during the which space he solaced himself with the Dames. Further, he left there three hundred of his men diminishing his force by so much, and then removed to Pisa passing by Poggibonzia a castle of the Florentines. But they whom he left at Seine were chased thence within a month after. I had forgotten to tell you how I being at Florence journeying towards the King, went with one of the stewards of his house named john Francois a wise and discreet person, to visit a Friar jacobin called Friar Hieronym , a man of holy life (as all men reported) abiding in a reformed covent where he had remained fifteen years. The cause why I went to commune with him was, for that he had ever preached very favourably on the King's behalf, so far forth that his words had staid the Florentines from revolting from us, for never preacher carried so great credit in any city: he had ever assured them of the Kings coming, whatsoever was said or written to the contrary; affirming that he was sent of God to chastise the tyrants of Italy, and that no force should be able to withstand him. He preached further that the King should come to Pisa and enter into the town, and that the self same day the estate of Florence should be altered as also it happened: for the same day was Peter of Medicis banished the town. divers other things also foretold he long before they happened, namely, the death of Laurence of Medicis: all the which he said he understood by revelation. He preached yet further that the estate of the church should be reform by the sword. This is not yet come to pass, but was very near, and he avoweth still that it shall be. Many found great fault with him because he said that God revealed these things to him, but some believed him: sure I for my part take him for a holy man. I asked him whether the K. should pass out of Italy without danger of his person, seeing the great preparation the Venetians made against him, whereof he discoursed perfectlier than myself that came from thence. He answered me that the K. should have some trouble upon the way, but that the honour thereof should be his, though he were accompanied but with an hundred men, and that God who had guided him at his coming, would also protect him at his return. Adding notwithstanding that because he had not done his duty in the reformation of the Church, but had suffered his men to spoil and rob the people, as well those that took his part, voluntarily received him into their cities, as his enemies: God had pronounced sentence against him, and would shortly scourge him. Nevertheless he bade me tell him that if he would have compassion one the poor people, and endeavour himself to keep his men from doing evil, and punish the offenders (as he was bound by his office to do,) that then God would revoke his sentence, at the least mitigate it: adding thereunto that he ought not to think it a sufficient excuse, that he in his own person did no harm. He said moreover that himself would go and tell the King thus much, and so indeed he did, and persuaded with him to restore the Florentines places to them. When he spoke thus of God's sentence, the death of my Lord the Dauphin came suddenly to my mind, for I saw no other thing that could greatly trouble the King. Thus much I have written to the end it may yet more manifestly appear, that this voyage was in deed a mere miracle of God. The Notes. 1 He departed from Naples the 20. of May. Annal. Franc. Guicciar. 2 The King departed Naples with 800. French lances, two hundred gentlemen of his guard, a hundred lances under Triwlce, three thousand footmen Swissers, a thousand French, and a thousand Gascoines. Guicciar. 3 He arrived at Rome the first of june, and abode there two days. Annal. Franc. 4 For Parma it is better to read cream or Bergame: for the Venetians dominions lay not near to Parma; besides that the river Olio is not near Parma: for the Pau runneth between Parma and it, so that the Venetians must have passed the Pau after they had passed Olie, before they could have come to Parma. 5 The French Corrector readeth it Montvieil, called in Italian Monte Vechio, which is a certain treasure the Venetians have to pay the interests due unto the ancientest creditors of their commonwealth, as appeareth in the book of Donato Giannotti. 6 What these Estradiottes were look after Cap. 5. 7 They had given the King 120000. ducats, as mention is made Cap. 9 lib. 7. 8 The people of Seine were divided against the order of Montenove, which held a guard of soldiers in the palace. The citizens promised de Ligny 20000. ducats a year, to protect them against the said Montenove, but forthwith after the King's departure the faction of Montenove chased Ligny and his men out of the town. Guicciar. 9 This friars surname was Savanarola, who hath written many goodly homilies and sermons: he was borne at Ferrara. How the King retained in his hands the town of Pisa, and certain other of the Florentines places: and how in the mean time the Duke of Orleans entered on the other side into Novarre, a town of the Duchy of Milan. Chap. 3. AFter the King was entered into Pisa, (as you have heard) all the Pisans both men and women besought their guests for Gods love to make intercession to the King, that they might no more return under the Florentines tyranny, who in truth handled them extremely; but divers cities in Italy that be in subjection to others, are as evil entreated as they: besides that, the Pisans and Florentines had been in wars together the space of three hundred years before the Florentines subdued them. These lamentable words before mentioned joined with tears moved our men to pity, and caused them so far forth to forget the King's promise and oath made upon the altar of Saint john at Florence, that all sorts of men busied themselves in this matter, even the poor archers and the Swissers, who also threatened those that they thought persuaded the King to perform his promise, namely the Cardinal Saint Malo, so often before named general of Languedoc, whom I myself heard an archer threaten. There were in like manner that gave very rough language to the Marshal of Gié. The precedent Gannay by the space of three days and more, durst not lie in his lodging. But the Earl of Ligny above all the rest favoured the Pisans cause, who came in troops weeping and lamenting to the King, in such sort, that we all pitied them, and would willingly have relieved them, if it had lain in us so to do. One day after dinner, forty or fiftic gentlemen of the King's house assembled themselves together, and went with their partisans into the King's chamber, where he was playing at tables with Monseur de Pienncs, accompanied only with two grooms of his chamber. One of these gentlemen son to Sallezard the elder, spoke as mouth of the rest to the King, desiring him to be gracious Lord to the Pisans, and accusing certain of those lately named as traitors to him. But the King with so stout language commanded them to departed, that after, the like never happened. The King spent six or seven days needlessly in the town of Pisa, and then changed the garrison, and made captain of the Citadelle one Entragues, a man of lewd conditions, servant to the D. of Orleans, whom he thus preferred by Monseur de Lignis suit, and left with him in the said Citadelle certain footmen of the Duchy of Berrie. Further, the said Entragues procured such friendship (I suppose by his money) that he was also made captain of Petrosancte, and of another place near to it called Mortron , and in like manner of Librefacto, which is near to Lugues. The castle of Serzane being very strong, was put at the request of the said Earl of Ligny, into the hands of a bastard of Roussi, and an other place called Serzanelle, into the hands of another, being both his own servants. In these places the King left a great part of his forces: notwithstanding that he shall never have such need of men, as he had at that time. Moreover, he refused the Florentines aid and offers above mentioned, and drove them into utter despair. Yet was he advertised before his departure from Seine, that the Duke of Orleans (whom he had left behind him in Ast) had taken the city of Navarre in the Duchy of Milan, and therefore was well assured that the Venetians would declare themselves his enemies: for they sent him word that if he invaded the Duke of Milan, they would aid the Duke with their whole force, according to their league lately made, and their force was great and in a readiness. Now you shall understand that presently upon the conclusion of their league, the Duke of Milan thought to have surprised Ast, supposing to find it utterly vnmanned: but my letters had hastened the forces that the Duke of Bourbon sent thither, and the first that arrived were about forty lances of the Marshal of Gies company, which had tarried behind in France, and came thither in good time. Soon after them arrived also five hundred footmen, sent thither by the Marquis of Saluce. The coming of the which stayed the Duke of Milan's forces led by Master Galeas of Saint Severin, who hearing these news retired to Nom, a castle of the Duchy of Milan, two miles from Ast. In the neck of these arrived also three hundred and fifty men of arms, and certain gentlemen of Dauphin, and two thousand Swissers, with certain frank archers of the said country of Dauphin, so that their whole number was 7500. men taking pay. But they lingered so long upon the way that they served not to the purpose they were sent for. For the K. sent for them to come & succour him, but instead of aiding him he was forced to aid them. The K. had also given commandment to the D. of Orleans & his captains not to attempt any thing against the Duke of Milan, but only to defend the town of Ast, & to meet him at the river of Thesin to help to convey him over it, for that was the only river to trouble him. But notwithstanding all that the King writ to the Duke of Orleans, this enterprise of Novarre (which is but ten leagues from Milan) liked him so well, that he was contented to give ear thereunto, and was received into the city in great triumph both of the Guelphs and Gibelines, which his exploit the marchioness of Monferrat greatly furthered. The castle held two or three days and then yielded also. But if in the mean time, the Duke had gone or sent to Milan (where he had good intelligence) he had been received into the town with greater joy, than ever he was into his castle of Blois, as divers of the noblest men of the country have informed me. And the three first days he might have gone thither in safety, for when Novarre was taken, the Duke of Milan's whole force lay yet at Nom near to Ast, and returned not to Milan till the fourth day after. But I suppose the Duke believed not all the intelligence he received thence. The Notes. 1 The French corrector supposeth it should be Motron, but the author himself afterwards chap. 14. calleth it again Mortron. Guicciar. hath it Mutron. 2 The Duke of Orleans immediately after the skirmish upon the sea at Rapalo, fell sick of an ague, and returned to Ast. and passed no further with the King, two gentlemen called Opizins brought the Duke of Orleans into Novarre. Guicci. How King Charles passed divers dangerous straits in the mountains between Pisa and Serzane: how the town of Pontreme was burned by his Almains, and how the Duke of Orleans behaved himself in the mean time at Novarre. Chap. 4. YOu have heard already of the King's departure from Seine to Pisa, and of all that he did at Pisa. Thence he removed to Luques where the citizens honourably received him, and there he abode two days. Afterward he marched to Petrosancte (which Entragues held) making no account of his enemies, neither himself nor those that carried all the credit with him. He passed marvelous straits in the mountains between Luques and Petrosancte, which a handful of footmen might easily have defended against him: but our enemies were not yet assembled. near to the said Petrosancte is the strait of Seire on the one side, and the strait of Roctaille on the other, being great deep salt marshes, where we were forced to pass over a narrow way, like to a causey in a standing pool: and this was the strait that between Pisa and Pontreme I most feared, and which was reported to be most dangerous: for one cart set overthwart the way with two good pieces of artillery, and but a handful of men, might have stopped our passage, had our force been never so great. From Petrosancte the King removed to Serzane, where the Cardinal Saint Peter ad vincula offered to make Genua revolt, and desired to have some part of the King's forces sent thither. The matter was debated by the King's Council, myself being present at it in the company of a great many wise men and good captains: all the which concluded, that no ear should be given to this enterprise, because if the King obtained the victory, Genua would yield of itself; and if he were overthrown, it could do him no service: and this was the first time that I perceived any of them to doubt the battle. Report was made to the King of our resolution; yet notwithstanding thither he sent the Lord of Bresse afterward Duke of Savoy, the Lord of Beaumond, the Lord of Polignac my brother in law, and the Lord of Ambeiou of the house of Amboise, with six score men of arms, and five hundred crossbow men newly come out of France by sea. But I wondered that so young a Prince had no trusty servants about him, that durst boldly tell him into how great danger he put himself by diminishing his force after this sort: for as touching me, me thought he believed not all that I said. We had a small army upon the sea returning from Naples, under the leading of the Lord of Myolens governor of Dauphin, and one Stephan de Neves of Montpellier. They were in all about eight galleys, and sailed to Specie and Repalo, where at this present they were all defeated and led prisoners to Genua, in the selfsame place where we had vanquished King Alphonses forces at the beginning of this voyage, and by the selfsame men that took part with us at that battle, namely Master john Lewis de Flisco, and Master john Adorn: but if the matter had been well ordered, they should have been with the King, and all little enough. The Lord of Bresse and the Cardinal above mentioned went and lodged in the suburbs of Genua, thinking that their faction within the town would have risen in their favour. But the Duke of Milan and the Adorns that governed the town, and Master john Lewis de Flisco (a wise knight) had given so good order to prevent this mischief, that our men were in great danger to be defeated here also, as the others were before upon the sea: for their number was small, and had it not been because the faction that ruled at Genua durst not issue forth of the town, for fear lest the Fourgouses should rebel and shut the gates upon them, undoubtedly they had all been slain; for this notwithstanding they were in great distress upon the way as they retired to Ast. besides that, they were not at the battle with the King, where their service might have stood him in good stead. From Serzane the King marched to Pontreme, through the which he was forced to pass, because it is the very entry into the mountains. The town and castle were well fortified, and the seat of them marvelous strong, but within them were not passed three or four hundred footmen; for if they had been well manned, they had been impregnable. Wherefore Friar jeroms prophesy proved true, which was, that God would lead the King by the hand, till he were out of danger: for it seemed that his enemies were blinded and bereft of their wits, in that they defended not this strait. To the said place of Pontreme the King sent his vaward led by the Marshal Gie, accompanied with Master john james of Trevoul, whom the King had received into his service at Naples after King Ferrandes departure thence, with whom he was them in pay: he was a gentleman of Milan of a good house, a good captain, a very valiant man, and a great enemy to the Duke of Milan: for he was banished by him when King Ferrande received him into his service. By the said Master john james his means, the place yielded immediately without battery, and the garrison that was within it departed. But a great inconvenience happened there: for (as before is mentioned) when the Duke of Milan passed last that way, they of the town and certain of our Swissers fell at variance (of whom about forty at that time were slain) for revenge whereof, the said Swissers at this present (notwithstanding the composition) slew all the men they found in the town, spoilt it and burnt both victuals and all that was within it, and above ten also of themselves being drunk, neither could the Marshal Gie by any means make them to retire. They besieged the castle also, meaning to have done the like to those that were within it, being the said Master john james of Trevoules' servants, whom he had put into it when the garrison of the enemies yielded it, neither would the said Almains depart thence till the King himself sent to them. It was great pity that the town was thus destroyed, both because of the dishonour we received thereby, and also because there was great plenty of victuals within it, whereof we were already in great distress , notwithstanding that the people were no where against us, save only the people of the country near to Pontreme, because of the harms we did there. Now to proceed, if the King would have followed the said Master john james his advise, divers places of the Duchy of Milan would have yielded, and divers gentlemen of the country have revolted to him: for he gave him counsel to rear up in every place the young Duke's arms, whom the Lord Lodovic held in his hands, being son to john Galeas the Duke that last died at Pavia, as before you have heard. But the King refused so to do, for the favour he bore to the Duke of Orleans, who pretended and doth yet pretend title to the said Duchy. Thus marched the King beyond Pontreme, and lodged in a little valley near to a village that had not ten houses in it; the name whereof I know not. There he abode five days upon no occasion, his army being almost famished, and his battle lying thirty miles behind his vaward in the midst of huge and sharp mountains, over the which such great cannons and culverins passed then, as never had passed before. For Duke Galeas in his time conveyed over but four falcons, weighing not passed five hundred pound a piece, which was a great wonder in those days. I must now return to the Duke of Orleans, who after he had taken the castle of Novarre, stayed there a few days to no purpose, and then went to Vigesue, near to the which were two little towns that sent unto him, offering to receive him, but by wise advise he refused their offer. They of Pavia sent also twice to him to the same end, and them he should not have refused. Moreover, he marched in order of battle before the said town of Vigesne, where the Duke of Milan's whole force lay, being led by the two brethren of Saint Severin, so often above named. The town is hardly so good as Saint Martin-de-Candé, which is not worth six pence. I myself arrived there not long after, at which time the Duke of Milan being there with certain of his captains, showed me the place where both the armies had stood in order of battle hard by the town and within the town. And if the Duke of Orleans had marched but an hundred paces further, they had retired beyond the river of Thesin, for they stood hard by the river side, and had built a great bridge of boats over it. Moreover, I saw them at my being there, beat down a great bulwark of earth which they had made on the other side of the river to defend the passage; whereby it appeared that they were fully minded if the Duke had marched forward, to abandon both the town and castle, which had been much to their disadvantage. This is the place where the Duke of Milan useth most to be resident, and sure it is situate in the pleasantest country for all kind of pastimes, especially hawking and hunting, that ever I saw. But peradventure the Duke of Orleans thought the place strong where his enemies lodged, and himself to have passed far enough: wherefore he retired to Trecas, the Lord whereof (who had charge under the Duke of Milan) and myself communed together of these affairs a few days after. To the said town of Trecas certain of the principal of Milan sent to the Duke of Orleans, promising to receive him into the town, and offering for performance thereof, to deliver their children in hostage. Which their enterprise they might easily have executed, as divers of great authority being then within the town and acquainted with all their practices have advertised me: saying that the Duke of Milan could not have found men enough to have defended the castle of Milan for him, because both nobles & people desired the destruction of this house of Sforce. The Duke of Orleans also and his men have informed me of these practices above mentioned, but they had no great affiance in those that negotiated with them, and they lacked a man that understood these affairs better than themselves: whereunto I also add, that the said Duke's captains were not all of one opinion as touching this enterprise. With the Duke of Milan's forces joined two thousand Almains, whom the King of Romans sent thither, and a thousand Dutch horsemen under the leading of master Frederic Capelare, borne in the county of Ferrette. Their arrival so much encouraged Master Galeas and his company, that they went before Trecas to present the battle to the Duke of Orleans, who refused it (notwithstanding that his force were greater than theirs,) because his captains as I suppose would not hazard the battle, fearing lest the loss thereof should be the King's destruction, of whom they could hear no news, because the passages were all stopped: wherefore they retired to Novarre, giving no order for their provision of victuals, no not for the preservation of the store they had within the town already, much less for any new supply, whereof notwithstanding they might plentifully have been furnished at that time in the country about without money, whereas afterward they were greatly distressed through their own folly. To conclude, their enemies came and lodged within half a league of them. The Notes. 1 The cause of their lack was the barrenness of the country. How the King's great artillery passed the mounts Apennineses by the Almains help, of the danger the Marshal of Gie was in with his vaward, and how the King arrived at Fornove. Chap. 5. YOu have heard how the King upon no occasion lay in a valley on this side Pontreme five days together, in great distress of victuals. Our Almains did there one great piece of service: for those that committed this foul fault at Pontreme, fearing that they had thereby procured themselves the King's indignation for ever; came and offered to pass the artillery over these monstrous ways in the mountains, for so may I well term them, because they were so high and steep that there lay no beaten way over them. I have seen all the highest mountains both of Italy and Spain, which undoubtedly are not comparable to these. The Almains made this offer upon condition that the K would pardon their fault, which he promised to do. We had fowerteene great and massy pieces of artillery, and immediately after we were out of the valley, we mounted up such a marvelous steep and upright hill, that our mules could hardly climb up to it. But these Almains coupled themselves two and two together with strong cords, and drew a hundred or two at a time, and when one company was wearied, a fresh succeeded. Besides this, all the horses appointed for conveyance of the artillery helped them, and every man of the King's house that had any train, lent a horse to convey it over with the more speed: but had it not been for the Almains, the horses would never have passed it over. To say the truth they conveyed over not the artillery only, but the whole army, for had it not been for them there could not a man have passed. But it is no marvel if they drew with good courages, because thereby they passed as well themselves as us, whereof they were no less desirous than we. They did much harm I confess, but their good service far surmounted their evil deeds. The greatest difficulty was not to draw up the artillery, for when they were at the top of the mountain, they might behold a great deep valley underneath, for the way is such as nature hath made, and by Art it was never helped. Wherefore undoubtedly the difficulty was much greater in conveying the artillery down than in drawing it up; for both horses and men were forced to draw countermount at the tail of every piece: besides that, carpenters or smiths were continually working upon them, for when a piece fell, great trouble it was to hoist it up again. Many gave advise to break all the great artillery, but the King would in no wise agree thereunto. The Marshal of Gie who lay with our vaward thirty miles before us, pressed the King to make haste: but it was three days before we could join with him. The enemies camp lay directly in his face within half a league of him, who in mine opinion should have had a good booty if they had assailed him. Afterward he lodged in the village of Fornove to keep them from assailing us in the mountains, for the which purpose the village served well, because it is at the foot of the mountains, and the very entry into the plain. Notwithstanding we had a better protector than him, I mean God, who put an other conceit into our enemies heads: for so great was their covetousness that they resolved to tarry us in the plain, to the end none of us should escape, supposing if they had assailed us in the mountains, that we would retire to Pisa and the Florentines places that we held. But therein they were much deceived, for we were too far from those places; besides that, if our force and theirs had joined and fought, they might have pursued as fast as we could have fled, especially knowing the country better than we did: hither to in all this voyage we had no war , but now it began. For the Marshal of Gie advertised the King that he was past the mountains, and had sent forty light horse to give an alarm to the enemies camp thereby to discover their actions, who were incontinent encountered by the Estradiots , the which slew a gentleman of ours named le Beuf, and cut off his head and hung it at one of their lances, and carried it to their provisors to receive a ducat for it. These Estradiots are soldiers like to the Turks janissaries, and attired both on foot and horseback like to the Turks, save that they wear not upon their head such a great roll of linen as the Turks do called Tolliban. They are rough soldiers, for both they and their horses keep the fields winter and summer. They were all Greeks' come from the places that the Venetians hold there, some from Naples in the country of Morea, some out of Albain, and some from Duras. Their horses are excellent good, for they are all Turkish. The Venetians use their service much and trust them well. I saw them all when they landed at Venice, and mustered in an isle wherein the Abbey of Saint Nicholas standeth: they were to the number of fifteen hundred, and are valiant men, and trouble an army exceedingly with their alarms when they are so disposed to do. These Estradiots followed the chase even to the Marshal's lodging, and entered into our Almains camp, of whom they slew three or four, and carried their heads away with them, for such is their manner. Because when the Venetians were in war with the Turk Mahomet Otthoman this Turks father that now reigneth: he commanded his men to take no prisoners, but gave them a ducat for every head, and the Venetians did the like, which manner I think they now used, the more to terrify us, as indeed they did. But the said Estradiots were no less daunted themselves with our artillery: for one faulken shot slew one of their horses, whereupon they retired incontinent, for they understood not the feat of artillery: but in their retract, they took a Captain of our Almains prisoner, who was mounted on horseback to see if they retired. He was stricken through the body with a lance, for he was unarmed. He was a wise fellow, and they led him to the Marquis of Mantua General of the Venetians army, being then accompanied with his uncle the Lord Rodolphe of Mantua, and the Earl of Caiazze Captain of the Duke of Milan's forces, who knew this Captain that was taken very well. Now you shall understand that our enemies whole force was abroad in order of battle , at the least all that was assembled: for all their forces were not yet come together, notwithstanding that they had lain there eight days making their musters, so that the King had leisure enough to have returned into France without all danger, had it not been for the long abode he made to no purpose in the places above rehearsed. But God had otherwise disposed of this business. The said Marshal fearing to be assailed, encamped upon the mountain, having with him only eight score men of arms and eight hundred Almains as he told me himself: and as touching us we could not have succoured him, for it was a day and a half after before we could join with him because of our artillery . The King lodged by the way at two young Marquis' houses. Our vaward lay upon the hill in great fear waiting hourly when their enemies (who stood in order of battle, a pretty way from them in the plain) would assail them. But God who always manifestly declared that he would preserve the company, took away our enemies senses from them▪ for the Earl of Caiazze asked our Almain who it was that led this vaward, and how great the force was, for he knew our number as well as ourselves, because he had been with us all the summer. The Almain made the force great, and reported them to be three hundred men of arms, and fifteen hundred Swissers: whereunto the Earl answered that he lied, alleging that in the whole army were but three thousand Swissers, and that it was unlike we would send the half before with the vaward. Then this Almain was sent prisoner to the Marquis of Mantua's pavilion, and they consulted whether they should assail the Marshal or no. But the Marquis crediting the Almains report, alleged that their footmen were not able to match our Almains, and that part of their force was yet uncome, without the which they should do wrong to fight. And further, that if they should happen to be discomfited, the signory might justly be displeased: wherefore he liked better to tarry us in the plain, seeing we could pass no way but just before them: of which opinion were also the two provisors, against whose advise they durst not fight: but others said that if this vaward were defeated, the King must of necessity be taken: notwithstanding in the end they agreed all to tarry us in the plain, trusting that not one of us should escape. All this I understood by the parties themselves above named: for after the battle we and they met together, and the Marshal of Gie and myself had great communication with them about these affairs. Thus they retired into their camp, being well assured that within a day or two the King would pass the mountains and lodge in the village of Fornove. In the mean time all the rest of their forces arrived, and we could not pass but hard before them: so strait and narrow was the way. When we came down the mountains we beheld the champaign country of Lombardy, which is the pleasantest, best, and fruitfullest soil in the world. But notwithstanding I call it champaign; yet is it very troublesome for horsemen, because it is full of ditches like to Flaunders, yea fuller I think: but withal it is much pleasanter and plentifuller both of good corn, good wines, and fruits, for their grounds bear every year. We were right glad to behold it, because of the great famine and penury we had sustained in our journey ever since our departure from Luques. But our artillery tired us exceedingly as we came down the hill, so steep and painful was the way. Our enemies camp was well furnished of tents and pavilions, which made it show marvelous great, and sure so was it: for the Venetians had performed their promise made to the King by me, which was that they and the Duke of Milan would put forty thousand men into the field, at the least if they performed it not fully, they failed not much thereof: for in this army were five and thirty thousand taking pay, four parts of five being of Saint Mark . They were at the least two thousand men of arms barded, every one of them accompanied with four men on horse back, bearing cross bows or some other weapons , their Estradiots and light horse men, were to the number of five thousand, the rest were footmen, and they lodged in a strong place well fortified, and well furnished with artillery. The King came down the mountain about noon, and lodged in the village of Fornove, upon sunday being the fift of july, the year 1495. We found in the village great plenty of meal, wine, and provender for horses, brought thither by the people 1495. of the country, who received us friendly every where (for no honest man did them harm) & victualled us with bread & wine & some fruit, whereby they somewhat eased the army: but their bread was little and black, and they sold it dear, and three parts of their wine was water. I myself caused some of their victuals to be bought for me, which notwithstanding I durst not taste of, because we suspected they meant to poison us, so that at the first no man durst adventure to eat of them; and the suspicion increased, because two Swissers were found dead in a seller, having drunk themselves to death, or taken cold after they had drunk. But before midnight the horses began first to feed, and afterward the men, and then we refreshed ourselves well. I must here speak somewhat in the honour of the Italian nation, because we never found in all this voyage that they sought by poison to do us harm, yet if they would we could hardly have avoided it. We arrived at Fornove (as you have heard) upon sunday at noon: the King lighted & ate and drank, a little to refresh himself, but a number of gentlemen there were that hardly could get a morsel of bread, for there was small store of other victuals than such as we found in the place, whereof till midnight (as before you have heard) none of us durst taste. Immediately after dinner, certain of their Estradiots came and gave us a hot alarm even within our camp. Our men were as yet unacquainted with them, for the which cause all our army came forth into the field in very good order, and in three battles, vaward, battle, and rearward, the one being not above a bowls cast from the other, so that each of them might with speed have succoured other: but in the end this hot alarm proved nothing, wherefore we returned to our lodging. We had a few tents and pavilions, and our camp lay in length advancing itself towards theirs: besides that, there was a wood through the which the enemies might come under covert almost to us , by means whereof twenty of their Estradiots might easily give us an alarm at all times, and so I warrant you they did, for they lay continually at the end of our camp. We encamped in a valley, between two little hills , through the which ran a river, that a man may easily pass over on foot, unless it happen to arise, as it doth often upon the sudden in that country, but the waters tarry not long, the rivers name is Tarro. All the said valley is gravel and great stone, very troublesome for horsemen, and not above a quarter of a league broad. Upon the hill on the right hand lay our enemies (hardly half a league from us) so that we were forced to pass just before them, the river running between us: for notwithstanding that on the back side of the hill on the left hand (underneath the which we encamped) there lay another way that we might have taken; yet would we not so do, lest we should seem to fly, but encamped in the valley at the foot of the said hill, in the face of our enemies. Those in our camp that were of the wiser sort began now to fear, in such sort, that about two days before, they had desired me to go and parley with the enemies, taking one with me to view them, and to number how great their force was. I was loath to take this journey upon me, because without safe conduct I could not go in safety. Wherefore I answered that both at my departure from Venice, and the same night also that I arrived at Padua, I was entered into good intelligence with their provisors, so that I thought they would not refuse to commune with me in the midway between both the armies: but if I should offer myself to go to them I should thereby too much encourage them; adding further, that this matter was moved too late. Notwithstanding, the self same sunday that the King arrived at Fornove, I writ to their provisors (one of the which was named Master Luques Pisan, and the other Master Melchior Trevisan) desiring them that under safe conduct, one of them would come and parley with me, according to their offer made at our departure from Padua, (as before you have heard.) They answered that they would willingly have satisfied my request, if the war had not been begun upon the Duke of Milan: notwithstanding, they promised that one of them (whether of the twain should be appointed) would come into some place in the midway to commune with me if we so thought good; which answer I received the same sunday at night: but those that had all the credit with the King, made no account thereof. As touching myself, I durst not take too much upon me, nor press the matter too earnestly, lest they should charge me with cowardice: wherefore I waded no further in it that night; notwithstanding, that I would with all my hart have helped the King and his army out of that strait, if I might have done it without danger. About midnight the Cardinal of Saint Malo, whose pavilion was hard by mine, told me as he came from the King, that we should departed the next morning by break of day, & that the King would command a cannon to be shot into the enemies camp as we passed along by them, to signify that he was there ready to present them battle, and so march forward without any more ado. And I suppose that this advise proceeded from the Cardinal himself, as a man unable to talk of the wars, neither understanding what they meant. But it had been requisite that the King should have assembled the wisest men and best captains in his army, to debate so weighty a matter as this was. And yet perhaps that should have been but to small purpose neither; for I saw many matters debated in this voyage, the which were executed clean contrary to the resolution. I answered the Cardinal that if we approached so near them, as to shoot into their camp, undoubtedly men would issue forth on both sides to the skirmish, the which could never be retired without battle: alleging further, that this was clean contrary to that I had already begun with their provisors, and it grieved me, that we should take this course: but such had mine estate been ever since the beginning of the King's reign, that I durst not wade too far in any matter, lest I should have procured myself the displeasure of them that were in authority about him, which was so great where he liked, that it was but too great. The selfsame night we had two other great alarms all through our own fault, because we had given no order against their Estradiots as we ought to have done, and the use is to do in the wars against light horsemen: for twenty of our men of arms with their archers would have matched two hundred of them; but they were as yet strange to us. There fell also this night a terrible rain, and such lightning & thundering as was never since the world began; so that heaven and earth seemed to go together, or that this foreshowed some great inconvenience to ensue. For notwithstanding that we knew well, that the reverberation of these great mountains (at the foot of the which we lay) made this thunder seem greater than indeed it was; and further, that thunder and lightning be natural in a hot country, especially in summer: yet seemed they at that present the more dreadful and terrible to us, because we saw so many enemies encamped before us, we having none other means to pass through them but by battle, our force being so small as it was; for we were not above nine thousand able men good and bad: of the which two thousand were noble men's servants of the camp; but I comprehend not in this number pages nor stragglers, nor such kind or people. The Notes. 1 For you heard before how easily without blows they entered into Naples. 2 It seemeth that this word is derived of the Greek, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek signifieth a soldior. 3 This Naples is a town in Morea or Peloponnesus under the Venetians government, called in times past Nauplia, and now Neapolis Romanie. 4 For they were come forth of their camp with intent to have assailed the Marshal. 5 Understand this day and a half after he lodged upon the mountain, not after his first arrival there: for from his first coming, it was three days before the King joined with him, as he said a little before. 6 That is to say, of the signory of Venice, which have Saint Mark for their patron. 7 He said Lib. 7. cap. 5. and saith also again in this book cap. 15. that the Italian men of arms were allowed no archers: but note that this that the Venetians did here, was contrary to the ancient manner of Italy, and that they did it to imitate the French. 8 The King's camp lay among sallowes and willows. Annal. Franc. & Acquit. 9 Of the seat of both the camps read Guicciar. fol. 38. pag. 2. Of the battle of Fornove, wherein the enemies of France were put to flight, and how the Earl of Petillane, who the same day broke the King's prison, relied them together again. Chap. 6. THe monday morning about seven of the clock, being the sixth day of july, the year of our Lord 1495. the noble King mounted on horseback calling often for me. At my coming to him I found him armed at all pieces, and mounted upon the bravest horse that ever I saw, called Savoy, which some said was a horse of Bresse. Duke Charles of Savoy gave him to the King: he was black, and had but one eye, and of a mean stature, but tall enough for him he carried. This young Prince seemed that day altogether another man than either his nature, person, or complexion would bear: for naturally he was, and yet is very fearful in speech, because he had ever been brought up in great awe, and with men of mean estate: but this horse made him seem great, and he had a good countenance and a good colour, and his talk was stout and wise: whereby appeared (as I then called to mind) that Friar jerom told me truth, when he said that God would lead him by the hand, and that he should have somewhat to do upon the way, but that the honour thereof should be his. His words to me were these; if these men will parliament, go and commune with them, and because the Cardinal was there present, he named him to accompany me, and the Marshal of Gie, who was out of patience because of a broil that had happened between the Earls of Narbonne and Guise, the which Guise sometime had led certain bands, and aught of right to have led the vaward , as all men said. I answered the King, that I would do his commandment, but that I never saw two so great forces so near together, depart without battle. Our whole army marched forth upon the plain in good order, the one battle near to the other as the day before: but as touching the force, it seemed but a handful to that I had seen with Duke Charles of Burgundy, and King Lewis this King's father. Upon the said plain the Cardinal and I withdrew ourselves aside, and indited a letter to the two Provisors above named, the which was written by one Master Robertet a Secretary of the Kings, and in good credit. The contents of our letter were, that it appertained to the estate and office of the Cardinal to procure peace, and unto me also having so lately been ambassador at Venice; for the which cause I might as yet take upon me the office of mediator between the King and them. We signified further to them on the King's behalf, that he would but pass forth his way without doing harm to any man: wherefore if they minded to parliament, according to the order taken the day before, we for our parts were willing thereunto, and would employ ourselves to do all the good we could. The skirmishes were already begun round about us, and after our army had marched awhile, softly passing along before them, the river running between them and us (as you have heard) we approached so near to them, that we came within a quarter of a league of their camp, within the which they stood all in martial array: for their manner is to make their camp so large, that they may all stand in order of battle within it. They sent forth incontinent part of their Estradiots and crossbow men on horseback, and certain men of arms, the which came along upon the way almost under covert, towards the village of Fornove (out of the which we were departed) meaning there to pass this little river, and to assail our carriage, which was so great, that I think it laded above 6000. mules, horses, and asses. They had set their battles in such order many days before they fought, that better they could not be ordered: for they were so placed, that their great number half assured them of the victory, because they assailed the K. & his army on every side, in such sort that not one of us could have escaped if we had been broken, considering the strait we were in. Those above mentioned came and assailed our carriage, and on the left hand came the marquess of Mantua, the Lord Rodolph his uncle, and the Earl Bernardin of Dalmouton, with all the flower of their army, being to the number of six hundred men of arms, as they themselves afterward confessed, all the which entered into the plain directly behind us. Their men of arms were all barded, and furnished with brave plumes and goodly bourdonasses , and well accompanied with crossbow men on horseback, Estradiots, and footmen. Against the Marshal of Gie and our vaward, marched the Earl of Caiazze with four hundred men of arms (accompanied as the others above mentioned) and with a great band of footmen: with him also was another company of two hundred men of arms, led by Master john de Bentivoille of Bolonia his son, a young man, who before had never seen the wars, for they were as slenderly provided of good captains as we. This young Bentivoille was placed there, to give a new charge upon our vaward immediately after the Earl of Caiazze. With the marquess of Mantua was also a like company of men of arms for the same purpose, under the leading of Master Anthony of Urbin bastard to the late Duke of Urbin. Besides these there remained yet in their camp two great troops of men of arms, as I understood the next day by themselves when they and I communed together, and I saw them also with mine eyes. And this they did because the Venetians would not hazard all at once, nor unfurnish their camp. Notwithwanding in mine opinion it had been better for them to have adventured their whole force, seeing they meant to fight. I will now tell you what became of the letter, the Cardinal and I sent to their camp by a trumpeter. The Provisors received it, and immediately after they had read it, braced forth the first piece of our artillery, than shot theirs which was not so good as ours. The said Provisors incontinent sent back our trumpeter, accompanied with a trumpeter of the Marquesses, who brought word that they were content to parliament, if we would cause our artillery to cease, saying, that they on their side would do the like. I was then a great way from the King, who rid about here and there, and sent back these two trumpeters with answer, that he would make the artillery to cease, and gave commandment to the Master of the ordinance to stay the shot, and so all ceased awhile on both sides. But soon after upon a sudden they discharged one of their pieces, and then shot ours again freshlier than before, and we approached three of our pieces nearer to them. After the two trumpeters were arrived at their camp, they took ours and sent him to the Marquis' pavilion, resolving to fight. For the Earl of Caiazze (as those that were present have informed me) said that it was now no time to parliament, seeing that we were half vanquished already; and one of their Provisors was of his opinion, and agreed to fight (as I have heard himself report) but the other would not consent thereunto. The marquess in like manner desired the battle, but his uncle, who was a virtuous and a wise gentleman, and loved us well, and bare arms against us with an evil will, withstood it to the uttermost of his power; but in the end they agreed all to fight. Now you shall understand, that the King had put his whole force into his vaward, in the which were three hundred and fifty men of arms, and three thousand Swissers (the only hope of our army) with whom he commanded three hundred archers of his guard to join themselves on foot, and likewise certain crossbow men on horseback of the two hundredth that were also of his guard, which was a great diminishing of the safety of his person. In our army were but few footmen besides these, for all that we had were placed in the vaward. On foot with our Almains were the Lord Engelbert brother to the Duke of Cleves, Lornay, and the bailiff of Digeon, the said Almains captain, and before them marched our artillery. Hear they whom we left in the Florentines places, and those that were sent to Genua would have done good service, contrary to the opinion of all men. Our vaward had now marched almost as far as their camp, so that all men thought they should have begun the battle: but our two other battles were not so near it, nor so well placed to have succoured it as the day before. Further, because the Marquis of Mantua (who was entered into the plain and past the river) was directly upon our back, about a quarter of a league behind our rearward, marching with his force softly and close together, which was a marvelous pleasant sight to behold; the King was forced to turn his back to his vaward, and his face towards his enemies, and so to approach nearer to his rearward, and retire from his vaward. I was then with the Cardinal attending an answer of our letter, but I told him I perceived it was no time to stay any longer there; wherefore I departed being hard by the Swissers, and went to the King. But before I could come to him, I lost a page who was my cousin germane, and a groom of my chamber, and a lackey which followed a pretty way behind me, so that I saw not when they were slain. I had not ridden above a hundred paces, when suddenly a cry began to arise in the self same place from whence I was departed, or but little beyond. For you shall understand that their Estradiots at this very instant came to our carriage, an● entered into the King's lodging where were three or four houses, in the which they slew or hurt four or five soldiers, but the rest escaped, they slew also about an hundred of our stragglers, and put our carriage in great disorder. When I came to the King, I found him dubbing of knights, but because the enemies were at hand, we caused him to cease, and then I hard the bastard of Bourbon named Matthew (who was in good credit with the King) and one Philip de Moulin (a poor gentleman but very valiant) call the King, saying, pass forth sir, pass forth: whereupon he went into the forefront of his battle, and placed himself before his standard, so that (the bastard of Bourbon excepted) I saw none nearer the enemies than himself. Our enemies marched lustily forward, in such sort that within less than a quarter of an hour after my arrival, they were come within a hundred paces of the King, who was as evil guarded & as evil waited on, as ever was Prince or noble man; but maugre the devil, he is well defended whom God defends. And sure the prophesy of the reverend father friar Hierom proved true, who told me (as before you have heard) that God led him by the hand. His rearward stood upon his right hand, being recoiled somewhat from him; & the nearest company to him on that side was the D. of Orleans company, being to the number of 80. lances led by Robinet of Frainezelles, and Monseur de la Trimoilles company, being about forty lances, and the hundred Scottish archers of his guard, who thrust themselves into the press as men of arms. I myself stood upon the left hand with the gentlemen, pensioners, and servants of the King's house. This rearward was led by the Earl of Foix: but as touching the names of the other captains, I pass them over for brevity. Within a quarter of an hour after my arrival, the enemies being so near the King, as you have heard, charged their staves, and began a soft gallop. They were divided into two troops; one of the which charged the two companies of our horsemen, and the Scottish archers standing on the King's right hand; and the other, the King himself; so that both they and the King were charged almost at one instant: we that stood upon the left hand charged them upon the flank greatly to our advantage; and undoubtedly it is impossible for men to meet roughlier than we met. But the Estradiots that accompanied them, seeing our mules and carriage fly towards our vaward, and their companions get all the booty, turned their horses that way, and forsook their men of arms, who by means thereof were unfollowed; whereby it manifestly appeared, that God meant to preserve us: for if these fifteen hundred light horsemen had broken in amongst us with their Cimeterres (which are terrible swords like to the Turks) undoubtedly we had been defeated, our number being so small. The Italian men of arms, immediately after they had broken their staves fled, and their footmen or the greatest part shrunk aside, and fled also. At the selfsame time that they charged us, the Earl of Caiazze gave a charge also upon our vaward, but they met not so roughly as we: for at the very instant that they should have couched their staves, they began to faint, and disordered themselves in such sort, that fifteen or twenty of them being scattered amongst our bands, were taken and slain by our Almains; the rest were but easily pursued: for the Marshal of Gie endeavoured to keep his forces together, because he saw yet a great troop of enemies not far from him. Notwithstanding part of his men followed the chase, and part of the Earl of Caiazzes men that fled, passed over the place where the Marquis & we had fought, with their swords in their hands; for they had thrown away their staves. But they that assailed the King fled immediately after they had charged, and were marvelous swiftly pursued, for we all followed the chase: part of them took ●way to the village from whence we were departed, the rest fled the next way to their camp, we all pursuing them, save the King who stayed behind with a few men, and put himself in great danger, because he followed not after them with us. One of the first that was slain of their side, was the Lord Rodolph of Mantua, uncle to the Marquis, who should have sent word to the above named Master Anthony of Urbin, when he should march; for they thought that this battle would have endured as their battles in Italy do; which their error served the said Master Anthony for a good excuse: but to say the truth, I think he saw enough to stay him from marching. We had a great number of stragglers and servants following us, all the which flocked about the Italian men of arms being overthrown, and slew the most of them. For the greatest part of the said stragglers had their hatchets in their hands, wherewith they used to cut wood to make our lodgings, with the which hatchets they broke the visards of their head pieces, and then clave their heads, for otherwise they could hardly have been slain, they were so surely armed; so that there were ever three or four about one of them. Moreover, the long swords that our archers and servants had, did that day a great execution. The King tarried upon the place where the charge was given, accompanied with seven or eight young gentlemen, whom he had appointed to attend upon him, for neither would he follow the chase, neither retire to his vaward because it was somewhat far off. He escaped well at the first encounter, considering that he was one of the foremost, for the bastard of Bourbon was taken within less than twenty paces of him , and led prisoner to the enemies camp. The King abode in the said place marvelous weakly accompanied: for he had with him not a man more than one groom of his chamber called Anthony des Ambus, a little fellow and evil armed: the rest were scattered here and there, as himself told me at night even in the presence of those that were appointed to wait upon him, who deserved great reproach for leaving their Prince in such estate. Notwithstanding they arrived in time, for a certain small broken troop of Italian men of arms passing along upon the plain (where they saw no man stirring) came and assailed the King and this groom of his chamber: but the King being mounted upon the bravest horse in the world for a man of his stature, removed to and fro, and descended himself valiantly: and at that very instant certain of the rest of his men being not far from him arrived, whereupon the Italians fled, and then the King followed good advise and retired to his vaward, which had never moved out of their first place. Thus the King with his battle had good success: and if his vaward had marched but one hundred paces farther, our enemies whole army had fled. Some said they ought so to have done, but others held opinion that they did best to stay. Our company that followed the chase pursued the enemies hard to their camp, which lay in length almost as far as Fornove, and not one of us received a blow save julien Bourgneuf, whom I saw fall dead to the ground with a stroke that an Italian gave him as he passed by (for he was evil armed:) whereupon certain of us stayed, sayieng, let us return to the King, and with that word all the whole troop stood still to give their horse's breath, which were very weary because they had chased a great way, and all upon sharp stones. Hard by us fled a troop of thirty men of arms, whom we let pass quietly fearing to assail them. When we had breathed our horses, we rid forth a fast trot towards the King, not knowing what was become of him, but after a while we descried him a far off. Then caused we our servants to light on foot, and gather up the lances wherewith the place lay strawed, especially with Bourdonasses, which were not much worth, for they were hollow and hardly so weighty as a javelin, but trimly painted, and by this means we were better furnished of lances than in the morning. Thus as we rid towards the King, by the way we met a broken band of the enemies footmen crossing over the field, being of those that had lain hid among the hills, and had led the Marquis of Mantua upon the King back: many of them were slain, and the rest escaped, and waded through the river, and we stayed not long about them. divers of our men cried often during the whole conflict, remember Guynegate, which was a battle lost in Picardy in the time of K. Lewis the eleventh, against the K. of Romanies , through the folly of our men, who fell to spoil the enemies carriage: notwithstanding in that battle no whit of their carriage was taken nor spoiled: but in this, their Estradiots took all our carriage horses, of which notwithstanding they led away but five and fifty being the best and best covered, namely all the Kings, and all his chamberlains. They took also a groom of the King's chamber called Gabriel, who had about him the ancient jewels of the Kings of France, which he then carried with him, because the King was there in person. True it is that a number of coffers were also lost, but they were overthrown and spoiled by our own men, for we had in our camp a great many varlets and harlots that stripped the dead bodies, and spoiled all that they could come by, but as touching the enemies they took only those above rehearsed. There were slain on both sides (as I have been credibly informed both by them and certain of our own men) to this number. We lost julian Bourgneuf, the sergeant porter of the King's house, a gentleman of the King's house, and nine Scottish archers, of horsemen of our vaward to the number of twenty, and about our carriage three or four score horse-keepers. And they lost three hundred and fifty men of arms, slain upon the place: but not one of them was taken prisoner, which chance I think never happened before in any battle. Of their Estradiots few were slain, for they turned all to the spoil as you have heard. There died of them in all three thousand and five hundred men, as divers of the best of their army have informed me: others have told me more, but sure they lost many gentlemen: for I saw myself a role wherein were the names of eighteen gentlemen of good houses, and among them four or five of the Marquis own name which was Gonzague, besides the which, the Marquis lost also at the least three score gentlemen of his own dominions, all the which were horsemen, and not one footman among them. It is strange that so many were slain with hand strokes; for as touching the artillery, I think it slew not ten on both sides. The fight endured not a quarter of an hour, for so soon as they had broken or thrown away their lances they fled all: the chase continued about three quarters of an hour. Their battles in Italy are not fought after this sort, for they fight squadron after squadron, so that a battle endureth there sometime a whole day, neither party obtaining victory. The flight on their side was great, for three hundred of their men of arms and the greatest part of their Estradiots fled, some to Rege (being far thence) and others to Parma, being about eight leagues off . In the morning the very same hour that the two armies joined, the Earl of Petillane & the Lord Virgile Vrsin escaped from us. The said Virgile went but to a gentleman's house thereby, where he remained upon his word, but the Earl fled strait to our enemies, and to say the truth, we did them both great wrong to lead them with us after this sort. The Earl being a man well known among the soldiers (for he had always had charge both under the Florentines and under King Ferrand) began to cry Petillane Petillane, and ran after them that fled above three leagues, saying that all was theirs, and calling them to the spoil, by the which means he brought back the greatest part of them, and put them out of all fear, assuring them upon his word that there was no danger, so that had it not been for him alone, their whole army had fled: for the word of such a man newly departed from us was no small stay to them. The said Earl (as himself hath since told me) gave advise to assail us again the same night, but they would not hearken thereunto. The Marquis hath also since communed with me of these affairs challenging this advise as his: but to say the truth had it not been for the Earl alone they had all fled the same night. When we were come to the King, we discovered a great number of men of arms and footmen standing yet in order of battle without their camp, whose heads and lances only we could descry. They had stood there all the day, and never moved from that place, notwithstanding they were further from us than they seemed: for they and we could not have joined without passing the river, which was risen and arose hourly, because all the day it had thundered, lightened, and reigned terribly, especially during the battle and the chase. The K. debated with his captains whether we should assail these new discovered enemies or not: with him were three Italian knights, one named Master john james of Trevoul, who is yet living, and behaved himself that day like a worthy gentleman; another Master Francis Secco a valiant knight, in pay with his Florentines, and of the age of 72. years; and the third Master Camillo Vitelly, who with his three brethren was in service with the King, and came unsent for from Civita de Castello, as far as Serzane (which is a great journey) to be at this battle: but perceiving that he could not overtake the King with his company, he came himself alone. These two latter gave advice to march against these enemies newly discovered: but the Frenchmen were of a contrary opinion, saying, that they had done enough, and that it was late, and time to make their lodgings. But the said Master Francis Secco maintained stoutly his opinion, showing people that passed to and fro upon the high way that leadeth to Parma (the nearest town that the enemies could retire into) whom he affirmed to be enemies flying thither or returning thence, and indeed he said true, as we understood afterward; and sure both his words and countenance showed him to be a hardy and a wise knight. For all their captains confessed to me (yea some of them before the Duke of Milan himself) that if we had marched forward, they had all fled; by means whereof we should have obtained the goodliest, honourablest, and profitablest victory that happened in ten years before: for if a man could have used it well, have made his profit of it, have behaved himself wisely, and entreated the people gently; the Duke of Milan by the space of eight days after, should not have had any one place to hold for him in his country, except the castle of Milan, yea and I doubt of that too: so desirous were his subjects to rebel. The like would also have happened to the Venetians, so that the King should not have needed to take care for Naples: for the Venetians should not have been able to levy a man out of Venice, Bressa, and Cremone, which is but a small town, because all the rest that they held in Italy would have revolted. But God had performed that which Friar jerom promised, to wit, that the honour of the field should be ours; for considering our small experience and evil government, we were unworthy of this good success that God gave us, because we could not then tell how to use it: but I think if at this present, which is the year of our Lord 1497. the like victory should happen to the King; he could tell better how to make his profit thereof. While we stood debating this matter, the night approached, and the band of our enemies, which we saw before us, retired into their camp, and we for our part went and lodged about a quarter of a league from the place of the battle. The King himself lay in a farm house, being an old beggarly thing; notwithstanding the barns about it were full of corn unthreshed, which I warrant you our army quickly found. Certain other old houses there were also, which stood us but in small stead: every man lodged himself as commodiously as he could; for we had no lodgings made. As touching myself I lay upon the bare ground under a vine, in a very strait room, having nothing under me, no not my cloak: for the K. had borrowed mine in the morning, and my carriage was far off, and it was too late to seek it. He that had meat ate it, but few there were that had any, unless it were a morsel of bread, snatched out of some of their servants bosoms: I waited upon the King to his chamber, where he found certain that were hurt, namely the Seneschal of Lions and others, whom he caused to be dressed. Himself was merry and made good cheer, and each man thought himself happy that he was so well escaped: neither were we puffed up with pride and vainglory, as before the battle, because we saw our enemies encamped so near us. The same night all our Almains kept the watch, and the King gave them three hundred crowns; whereupon they kept the watch very diligently, and strake up their drums bravely. The Notes. 2 Viscount of Narbonne. Ferron. 2 Rearward after the French corrector, the leading whereof iovius giveth to two that strove for it. Ferron and our author to Narbonne (otherwise called Earl of Foix) alone. Annal. Franc. to Monseur de la Trimoille Viscount de Tovars and to Monseur de Guise: but it appeareth lib. 7. cap. 13. when the K. thought to have fought with Dom Ferrand at Saint german that Monseur de Guise led the vaward, so that I know not how it is best here to be read. 3 Bourdonasses were hollow horsemen's staves used in Italy, cunningly painted: our author himself in this Chapter describeth them at large. 4 By their companions he meaneth the Estradiots that had assailed the King's corriage at the first. 5 Annal. Franc. writ that this bastard Matthew, Monseur de Ligny and Monseur de Piennes were armed like to the King and continually about him. 6 Of this battle he writeth lib. 6. cap. 6. 7 Understand not Rege in Calabria, but Rege near to Parma called in Latin Regium Lepedi, and I doubt me the unskilful corrector at the first printing of the work chopped in this parenthesis, supposing the author to mean Rege in Calabria, wherefore I had rather leave the parenthesis out. 8 The French corrector supposeth this number to be also corrupted. How the Lord of Argenton went himself alone to parley with the enemies when he saw that those that were appointed to go with him would not go: and how the King returned safe and sound with his army to the town of Ast. Chap. 7. THe next morning I determined to continue our treaty of peace, desiring nothing more than the Kings safe passage. But I could get never a Trumpeter to go to the enemies camp, partly because nine of theirs were slain in the battle being unknown, & partly because they had taken one of ours, and slain another, whom the King (as you have hard) sent to them a little before the battle began: notwithstanding in the end one went and carried the King's safe conduct with him, and brought me one from them to commune in the midway between both the armies, which me thought was a hard matter to be brought to pass, but I would not seem to draw back nor make difficulty therein. The King named the Cardinal of Saint Malo, the Lord of Gie Martial of France, and the Lord of Piennes his Chamberlain to accompany me: and they named for them, the Marquis of Mantua General of the Venetians army, the Earl of Caiazze (who not long before had taken part with us, and was captain of the forces the Duke of Milan had there) and Master Luques Pisan, and Master Melchior Trevisan provisors of the signory of Venice. We approached so near them, that we might easily descry them four upon the plain. The river ran between us and them, which was risen exceedingly since the day before: on their side there was not one man without their camp but themselves only, neither any on ours, but only we & our watch which stood over against them. We sent a herald to them to know whether they would pass the river, whereunto me thought it a hard matter to persuade either party, for I supposed both parties would make difficulty therein as well appeared by them: for they answered that the place of communication was appointed in the midway between both the armies, and that they were come already more than the half way: wherefore they would not pass the river, nor put themselves in such danger being all the principal of their army. They also of our side alleged the like doubts, making no less account of their persons than the others. Wherefore they willed me to go to them, giving me no instructions for my direction: I answered that I would not go alone, but would have some body with me to testify of all that should be done. Wherefore being accompanied with one Master Robertet the King's Secretary, and a servant of mine own, and an herald, I passed the river: for notwithstanding that I well perceived I should do no good, yet thought I by this means to acquit myself towards them, being come thither by my procurement. When I came to them, I told them they were not come half the way according to their promise, wherefore I desired them, at the least to come to the rivers side, assuring myself that if we were once so high together, we should not departed without communication. They answered, that the river was so broad, and ran with so great violence and noise, that no talk could be heard from the one side to the other; wherefore they would go no nearer to parliament, neither could I by any means bring them one foot further: but they willed me to make some overture, which I had no commission to do. Wherefore I answered, that alone I could do nothing; but if they would propound any conditions of peace, I would make report thereof to the King. While we were in this communication, one of our heralds arrived, who brought me word that the Lords above named that had accompanied me, were ready to departed, and willed me to make what overture I thought good; which I refused to do, because they understood further of the King's pleasure than I did: for they were nearer him than I was, and had also talked with him in his ear at our departure: notwithstanding as touching these affairs which I now speak of, I understood what was to be done in them as well as the best of them. The marquess of Mantua entered into great communication with me of the battle, & asked me (if he had been taken) whether the King would have slain him. I answered, no; but have entertained him well, alleging that he had good cause to love him, seeing the honour he had won by his assailing him. Then he recommended unto me the prisoners we had, especially his uncle the Lord Rodolph, whom he supposed to be yet living: but I knew well the contrary; notwithstanding I answered, that all the prisoners should be well entreated, and recommended in like manner to him the bastard of Bourbon whom they had taken. Small entertainment would serve all the prisoners we had; for we had none, which I suppose never happened before in any battle. But the said marquess lost there of his kinsmen to the number of seven or eight, and of his own company at the least sixscore men of arms. This talk being ended, I took my leave of them, saying, that before night I would return again; whereupon we made truce till night. At my return to the King with the said Secretary, they asked me what news, and the King sat in counsel in a poor chamber where nothing was concluded, but each man beheld other. The King talked with the Cardinal in his ear, and afterward bade me return again to the enemies to see what they would say. But because this communication of peace proceeded of me, the enemies looked that I should make some overture and not they. Afterward the Cardinal bade me conclude nothing, but that speech was needless, for I was not like to conclude any thing, because they gave me no direction: notwithstanding I would not reply to the King's commandment, nor break off my journey; for besides that I was sure to do no harm, I was in some hope to gather somewhat by our enemies countenances, who undoubtedly were more afraid than we, and happily might pass some speeches that would turn both the parties to good. Wherefore I took my journey thitherward, and came to the rivers side almost at night, where one of their trumpeters met me, and advertised me that the four above named sent me word to pass no further that night, because their watch was already set, being altogether of Estradiots, who knew not one man from another, wherefore I might happily endanger myself, if I passed further: notwithstanding the trumpeter offered to tarry with me all night, to the end he might convey me thither the next morning: but I sent him back again, saying that the next morning I would return to the rivers side where I willed him to tarry me, or if the K. should otherwise determine, I promised to send thither a herald to advertise them thereof; for I would not bring this trumpeter into our camp, partly because I would not have him privy to our actions there that night: and partly because I knew not what the King meant to do, for I saw whispering in his ear, which put me in some doubt, wherefore I returned to advertise the King what I had done. Every man supped with that he could get, and slept upon the ground. Soon after midnight I repaired to the King's chamber, where I found his chamberlains ready to mount on horseback, who told me that the King would departed with all speed towards Ast, and the marchioness of Montferrates territories, willing me to stay behind, to hold the Parliament according to my promise: but I made my excuse, saying, that I would not willingly kill myself, but be on horseback with the foremost. Soon after the King arose and heard mass, and mounted on horseback. Not past an hour before day, a trumpeter sounded Bon guet, but at our dislodging nothing was sounded, neither needed it, for every man was in a readiness. Notwithstanding this was sufficient to have put the whole army in fear, at the least those that were acquainted with the wars: for besides this we turned our backs to our enemies, seeking wholly our own safety, which is a dangerous matter in an army. Further, the ways at our departure from our lodging were very cumbersome, in such sort that we were forced to march over mountains, and through woods, and byways, for we had no guides to lead us: myself heard the soldiers ask the ensign bearers, and him that executed the office of Master of the horse, where the guides were, who answered that there were none. To say the truth we needed none, for as God alone had guided the army at our going forth: even so (according to Friar Hieromes prophesy) meant he to do at our return: otherwise it is not to be thought that such a prince would have ridden in the night without a guide, in a place where enough might have been had. But God showed yet a manifester token that he meant to preserve us, for our enemies understood nothing of our departure till the afternoon, but waited for this parlamenting I had begun: besides that, the river was risen so high, that it was four of the clock at after noon before any man durst adventure over to follow us, and then passed the Earl of Caiazze with two hundred Italian light horse, in such danger because of the force of the water, that one or two of his men were drowned, as himself afterward confessed. We traveled over hills and through woods, and were constrained by the space of six miles to march one by one after another in the narrow ways, and then came we to a goodly large plain, where our vaward, artillery, and carriage lay, which seemed so great a band a far off, that at the first we stood in fear of them, because Master john james of Trenoules' ensign was square and white, like to the Marquis of Mantua's the day of the battle. The said vaward was in like manner afeard of our rearward, which they saw a far off forsake the high way to come the next way to them, whereupon both they and we set ourselves in order of battle: but this fear soon ended, for the scouts issued forth on both sides, and descried one an other incontinent. From thence we went to refresh us at Bourg Saint Denis, where we ourselves made an alarm of purpose to retire our Almains out of the town, lest they should have spoiled it. Thence we removed and lodged all night at Florensole, the second night we encamped near to Plaisance, and passed the river of Trebia, leaving on the other side of the river two hundred lances, all our Swissers, and all the artillery except six pieces, which the King passed over with him. For he had given this order, to the end he might be the better and more commodiously lodged, thinking to command them to pass at his pleasure, because the river is commonly very shallow, especially at that time of the year: notwithstanding about ten of the clock at night, it arose so high that no man could pass over it, neither on horseback nor on foot, neither could the one company have succoured the other, which was a great danger, considering how near our enemies were to us. All that night both they and we sought to remedy this mischief, but no help could be found till the water fell of itself, which was about five of the clock in the morning, and then we stretched cords from the one side to the other to help over the footmen, who waded in the water up to their necks: immediately after them passed also our horsemen and our artillery. This was a sudden and dangerous adventure, considering the place where we were, for our enemies lay hard by us, I mean the garrison of Plaisance, & the Earl of Caiazze, who was entered in thither, because certain of the citizens practised to put the town into the King's hands, under the title of the young Duke son to john Galeas, Duke of Milan that last died, as before you have heard. And undoubtedly if the King would have given ear to this practice, a great number of towns and noble men would have revolted by Master john james of Trevoules' means: but he refused so to do, because of the favour he bore the D. of Orleans his cousin, who was already entered into Novarre, although to say the truth on the other side he desired not greatly to see his said cousin so mighty, wherefore he was well content to let this matter pass as it came. The third day after our departure from the place of the battle the K. dined at the castle S. john & lodged all night in a wood. The fourth day he dined at Voghera, & lay that night at Pontcuron. The fift day he lodged near to Tortone and passed the river of Scrivia which Fracasse defended with the garrison of Tortone, being under his charge for the D. of Milan. But when he understood by those that made the K. lodging that he would only pass without doing harm to any man, he retired again into the town, and sent us word that we should have as great plenty of victuals as we would; which promise he also performed: for all our army passed hard by the gate of Tortone, where the said Fracasse came forth to welcome the King, being armed, but accompanied only with two men: he excused himself very humbly to the King, that he lodged him not in the town, & sent out great store of victuals, which refreshed well our army, & at night came also himself to the King's lodging. For you shall understand, that he was of the house of S. Severin, brother to the Earl of Caiazze and Master Galeas, and had not long before been in the King's service in Romania, as you have heard. From thence the King removed to Nice de la Paille in the Marquisat of Montferrat, whereof we were right glad, because we were then in safety, and in our friend's country. For these light horsemen that the Earl of Caiazze led, were continually at our back, and travailed us marvelously the three or four first days, because our horsemen would not put themselves behind to make resistance: for the nearer we approached to the place of safety, the more unwilling were our men to fight; and some say, such is the nature of us French men. Wherefore the Italians writ in their histories, that the French men at their arrival are better than men; but at their return worse than women. The first point undoubtedly is true: for they are the roughest men to encounter with in the world, I mean the horsemen: but all men at their return from an enterprise are less courageous than at their departure from their houses. Now to proceed, our backs were defended by three hundred Almains, having among them a great band of arquebusiers on foot, with whom also a number of arquebusiers on horseback were joined: these made their Estradiots, being but few in number, to retire. Further, notwithstanding that their whole army which had fought with us, marched after us as fast as they might, yet could they not overtake us, both because they were departed from the place of the battle a day after us; and also because of their barded horses, so that we lost not one man upon the way. The said army never came within a mile of us; wherefore seeing they could not overtake us, and peradventure not greatly desirous so to do, they marched strait towards Novarre, whither both the Duke of Milan and the Venetians had already sent certain bands, as before you have heard. But if they could have overtaken us near to the places of our retreat, peradventure they might have sped better than in the valley of Fornove. I have showed before sufficiently in divers places how God guided this enterprise, but yet for further proof thereof, a word or two more. You shall understand therefore, that notwithstanding that from the day of the battle till our arrival at the said place of Nice de la Paille, the lodgings were unorderly and unequally made; yet every man lodged with patience as commodiously as he could, without strife or contention. Of victuals we had great lack: notwithstanding they of the country brought us some, who might easily have poisoned us if they would, both in their meats and wines, and also in their wells and waters, which were dried up sometimes in a moment, because they were but small springs. If they had minded to have poisoned them, they would sure have done it; but because they did it not, it is to be thought that our Saviour and redeemer jesus Christ took from them all desire to do it. I saw such thirst in our army, that a number of footmen drank of stinking puddles in the villages through the which we passed. Our journeys were long, and our drink foul standing water, which notwithstanding our men were so greedy of, that they ran into the pools up to the girdlestead to drink. For you shall understand, that a number of people followed us, being no men of war, because our carriage was marvelous great. The King departed from his lodging every morning before day, and I remember not that ever he had guide. Moreover, he road till noon before he baited; and every man made provision for himself, and looked to his own horse, and was forced to provide provender for him, and to bear it to him in his arms, as myself did twice; and two days I ate nothing but naughty black bread: yet was I none of those that stood in most need. Sure one thing was especially to be commended in this army, to wit, that never man complained of necessity, yet was this the miserablest voyage that ever I saw; notwithstanding that I have been in divers sharp & hard voyages with Charles Duke of Burgundy. We marched no faster than the great artillery, the mending whereof often troubled us: besides that, we lacked horses to draw it; but at all times when we stood in need, we borrowed of the gentlemen in our army, who willingly lent theirs; so that there was not one piece nor one pound of powder lost. And I think never man saw artillery of such greatness pass so speedily over such places as this did. All this disorder both in our lodgings and all other things, happened not for lack of wise and expert men in the camp, but it was their chance to have least credit at that time; for the King was young and wedded to his own will, as before you have heard. To conclude therefore, it seemed that our Lord jesus Christ would, that the honour of this voyage should be attributed wholly to him. The seventh day after our departure from the place of the battle, we marched from Nice de la Paille, and encamped all together hard by Alexandria; our watch that night being very strong. The next morning before day we departed and went to Ast. the King and his household lodged in the town, but the soldiers encamped without: we found the said town of Ast furnished of all kind of victuals, wherewith the whole army was well refreshed, which undoubtedly stood in great need thereof, because they had endured great hunger, thirst and heat, and lacked sleep; besides that, their apparel was all tottered and torn. Immediately after the King's arrival thither, before I slept, I sent a gentleman called Philip de la Coudre (who sometime had been my servant, and served then the Duke of Orleans) to Novarre, where the said Duke was besieged by his enemies, as you may understand by that which is above rehearsed: but the siege was not yet so strait but that men might pass in and out, because the enemies only endeavour was to famish the town. I advertised the Duke by this gentleman, of divers treaties that were entertained between the King and the Duke of Milan, in one of the which myself negotiated by the Duke of Ferrara's means; wherefore I advised him to repair to the King, having first assured his men whom he should leave behind him, either shortly to return, or bring force to levy the siege. Within the said town were with him to the number of 7500. soldiers both French and Swissers, being as goodly a band, so many for so many, as ever was seen. The King the next day after his arrival, was advertised both by the said Duke of Orleans and others, that the two armies were joined together before Novarre: wherefore the said Duke desired aid, because his victuals daily diminished; for the which they had given no order at their first entry into the town. For they might then have recovered enough in the towns about, especially corn; and if their provision had been made in time, and well looked to, they should never have been forced to yield the town: for if they could have held it but one month longer, they had come forth with honour, and their enemies departed with shame. How the King sent ships to the sea to secure the castles of Naples, and why the said castles could not be succoured. Chap. 8. AFter the King had reposed himself a few days in Ast, he removed to Thurin, dispatching at his departure from Ast one of the stewards of his house called Peron de Bache with a commission to arm certain ships to the sea , to secure the castles of Naples which held yet for us. The said Peron did as he was commanded, and appointed monseur d'Arban Admiral of the Fleet, which sailed as far as the city of Pruce: where (our men being within the view of our enemies:) a sudden tempest arose which would not suffer the two armies to join, by means whereof this Navy did no service: for the said d' Arban returned to Leghorn , where the most part of his men fled to land and abandoned their ships. But the enemies many came to the haven of Bougen near to Plambin, whence it departed not the space of two months, so that our men might without all danger have succoured the said castles: for the nature of this haven of Bougen is such, that a ship cannot come forth of it but with one wind which bloweth seldom in winter. The said Arban was a valiant soldier and a very good sea man . While the King lay at Thurin, divers treaties were entertained between him and the Duke of Milan: in one of the which the Duchess of Savoy was a dealer, she was daughter to the Marquis of Montferratte, and a widow, and mother to the young Duke of Savoy then living. Others negotiated also as well as she: and among the rest myself laboured for conclusion of the peace as before I have made mention; and the confederates, that is to say, the captains that were in the enemies camp before Novarre, desired to deal with me, and sent me a safe conduct. But envy ever reigneth in Prince's courts; for the Cardinal so often above named, overthrew all that I did, and would that the Duchess of Savois negotiation should go forward, which was committed to the said Cardinal's host, who was Treasurer of Savoy, a wise man and a faithful servant to his Mistress. This treaty endured so long without effect that in the end all hope of peace ceasing, the bailiff of Digeon was sent ambassador into Switzerland to levy there five thousand men. I have made mention already how the King's Navy that departed from Nice in provence to secure the castles of Naples, could not secure them for the reasons there rehearsed. Wherefore the Lord of Montpensier and the other gentlemen that were with him in the castles understanding of this misfortune, espied a convenient time when the army that the King left behind him in divers parts of the realm lay near to the said castles, and by help thereof sallied forth (leaving within force sufficient for their defence according to the proportion of their victuals which was very small) and departed themselves with two thousand and five hundred soldiers, appointing Ognas and two other gentlemen captains of the castles. The said L. of Montpensier, the Prince of Salerne, the Seneschal of Beaucaire, and the rest that were with them departed to Salerne, for the which cause King Ferrand said, that he might lawfully put to death the hostages delivered to him a few days before, whose names were these, the Lord of Alegre, one called de lafoy Marche-d'Ardaine, the Lord de la Chapelle d'Aniou, one named Roquebertin Catelin, and one Gently: for you shall understand that not past three months before, the said King Ferrand was entered into Naples by intelligence, or rather through the negligence of our men, who understood of all their practices in the town, and yet never sought to countermine them. But hereof I will write no farther, because I speak but upon report: for notwithstanding that I had mine intelligence from the principal of those that were there, yet do I not willingly discourse long of any matter, that I have not been present at myself. The said K. Ferrand being in Naples, was advertised that the King was slain at the battle of Fornove, as were our men also within the castle by the Duke of Milan's letters, to the which credit was given: notwithstanding that they reported no thing but lies. And thereupon the Coulonnois (whose manner is, always to turn with the strongest) revolted incontinent from us, though sundry ways bound to the King, as before you have heard. Wherefore our men (partly through these untrue reports, but especially because a great number of them were retired into the castle, being utterly unfurnished of victuals, and partly also because they had lost their horses, and all their goods within the town:) made a composition, the sixth day of October in the year 1495. after they had been besieged three months & fowerteen days, promising if they were not succoured within a certain space, to departed into Provence, and yield the castles without making further war, either by sea or land upon the realm of Naples; for the performance of which conditions they delivered these hostages above named; and yet within twenty days after the composition, departed as you have heard: for the which cause King Ferrand said that they had broken the composition in that they departed without leave: and notwithstanding that our men maintained the contrary, yet were the hostages in great danger and not without cause. For although I will not deny but that our men did wisely to departed notwithstanding the composition; yet had they done much better if the day of their departure they had yielded the castles for their hostages safety, and received again the said hostages. For the castles held but twenty days after they were departed, partly for lack of victuals; and partly because they despaired of succours. To conclude, the loss of the castle of Naples, was the loss of the whole realm. The Notes. 1 This Peron was sent to Nice, being a haven town in Provence to prepare this navy. 2 I suppose this to be some haven town not far from Naples, or rather think it should be read the isle of pruss, whereof mention is made cap. 14. which Guicciar. calleth the isle of Poreze. 3 To the isle of Elbe, Guicciar. 4 The place is corrupted, for this haven is afterwards called Bengon: wherefore the French Corrector readeth it (as Blondus and the description of Italy lead him) Porto Barato pres Piombino. 5 Guicciar. saith, Arban was unskilful on the sea, and I doubt this place be corrupted here. Of the great famine and misery the Duke of Orleans and his men were in at Novarre: of the Marchiones of Montferrats' death, and likewise of Monseur de Vendosmes: and how after long deliberation the King inclined to peace, to save those that were besieged. Chap. 9 THe King being at Thurin (as you have heard) and at Quires, (whither he went sometime to solace himself) attended daily for news of the Almains whom he had sent for, and traveled to recover the Duke of Milan, whose friendship he much desired, neither cared he greatly for the Duke of Orleans success, who began now to be sore distressed for victuals, and wrote daily for succours because the enemies were approached nearer the town. Besides that their force was increased with a thousand Almain horsemen, and eleven thousand footmen called lance Knights, levied in the King of Romans' dominions: the horsemen being led by Master Frederic Capelare of the county of Ferrette (a valiant knight who long had been trained up both in France and Italy,) and the footmen by a courageous knight of ostrich called Master George d'Abecfin , the self same that took Saint Omer for the King of Romans'. The King therefore seeing his enemies forces daily to increase, and that no honourable end could be made, was advised to remove to Verceil, there to devise some way to save the Duke of Orleans and his company, who (as before you have heard) had given no order at all for their victuals at their first entry into Novarre. And sure the Duke should have done much better, in following the advise I gave him at the King's return to Ast, as before is mentioned; which was to departed out of Novarre, putting all that were unable to do service out of the town, and to repair himself to the King: for his presence would much have furthered his affairs, at the least those that he had left behind him, should not have suffered such extreme famine as they did: for he would have made a composition sooner, when he had seen no remedy. But the Archbishop of Roven, who had been with him in Novarre from the very beginning; and for the furtherance of his affairs was come to the King, and present at the debating of all matters; sent him word daily not to departed, because shortly he should be succoured, grounding himself wholly upon the Cardinal of Saint Malos promise, who had all the credit with the King. Good affection caused him to write thus, but I was well assured of the contrary. For no man would return to the battle, unless the King went in person; and as touching him he desired nothing less: for this was but a private quarrel for one town which the Duke of Orleans would needs retain, and the Duke of Milan needs have restored, because it is but ten leagues from Milan; so that of necessity one of them must have had all. For there are in the Duchy of Milan nine or ten great cities, the one near to the other. Further, the Duke of Milan said, that in restoring Novarre, and not demanding Genua, he would do any thing for the King. We sent meal oftentimes to Novarre, whereof the half was ever lost upon the way; and once sixty men of arms were defeated going thither, being led by a young gentleman of the King's house, named Chastillon: some of them were taken, some entered the town, and the rest hardly escaped. It is impossible to express the great misery of our men within Novarre; for every day some died of famine, and two parts of them were sick, so that piteous letters came from thence in cipher, though with great difficulty. They received ever fair promises, and all was but abuse. But those that governed the King's affairs desired the battle, not considering that no man was of that opinion but themselves: for all the best men of war in the army, namely, the Prince of Orange lately arrived, and to whom the K. gave great credit in martial affairs, and all the other captains, desired to make a good end by treaty. For winter approached, we were unfurnished of money, the number of the French was small, and many of them sick; so that they departed daily, some with the King's leave, and some without leave: but notwithstanding all these inconveniences, all the wise men in the camp could not dissuade those above mentioned, from sending word to the Duke of Orleans not to departed the town; whereby undoubtedly they greatly endangered him. And this they did, because they trusted upon the great force of Almains, whereof the bailiff of Digeon assured them; to whom also certain of them sent word to bring as many as he could levy. To be short, their company was divided, and every man said and writ what him listed. Those that would have no peace, nor meeting to treat thereof, alleged that the enemies ought to make the first owerture, and not the K. but they on the other side said, that they would not first begin: in the mean time the misery of our men in Novarre daily increased, in such sort, that now their letters made mention only of those that died daily for hunger, and that they could hold the town but ten days, and afterward eight days, yea and once they came to three days, but they had first passed their day before prefixed. To be short, so great extremity hath not been seen of long time, no I am sure that a hundred years before we were borne, never men sustained so great famine as they. In the mean time died the marchioness of Montferrat (a great friend to the French,) whereupon some strife arose in that country for the government, the which on the one side the Marquis of Saluce demanded, and on the other the Lord Constantine uncle to the said marchioness, who was a Greek, and she a Greekesse, daughter to the King of Servia, but the Turk had destroyed them both. The said Lord Constantine had fortified himself in the castle of Casal, and had in his hands the late Marquis his two sons, begotten of this wise and beautiful Lady, the which died the 29. year of her age, her eldest son being but nine years old. Other particular men also aspired to the government, so that great part taking arose about that matter in our camp. The King commanded me to to thither, and determine the controversy for the children's safety, and to the contentation of the greatest part of the people. For he feared that this variance would make them call the Duke of Milan into their country, greatly to our discontentment: for the friendship of this house of Montferrat stood us in great stead. I was loath to departed before I had brought into better tune those that contraried the peace: for I considered both the inconveniences above rehearsed, and also that winter approached, and feared least these Prelates should persuade the King to adventure another battle, whose power was small, unless great force of Swissers happened to come, and though so many came as they vaunted of, yet seemed it to me a dangerous case to put the King and his estate into their hands. Further, our enemies were mighty, and lodged in a strong place, and well fortified. Wherefore all these points being well weighed, I adventured to persuade the King not to hazard his person and estate for a trifle. I desired him to remember the great danger he was in at Fornove, which could not then be avoided because necessity forced him to fight: but now (I said) there was no such necessity. I advised him further, not to refuse a good end, because of this fond objection, that he ought not first to break the ice, for if it so pleased him, I would find means that owertures should be made in such sort, that the honour of both parties should be saved. He bade me repair to the Cardinal; and so I did: but the Cardinal gave me strange answers, and desired the battle, assuring himself of the victory: and further alleging that the Duke of Orleans had promised him ten thousand ducats of yearly revenues for one of his sons, if he obtained the Duchy of Milan. The next day, as I went to take my leave of the King to departed to Casal (being distant from thence about a days journey and a half) I met with Monseur de la Trimoille by the way, whom I advertised of my communication had with the King: and because he was near about him, I asked his advise whether I should press forward the matter, whereunto he earnestly persuaded me, for all men desired to repair home. The King was in a garden, and when I came to him, I began to persuade with him (as the day before) in presence of the Cardinal, who answered me that it appertained to him being a church man, to be the first mover of the King to peace: whereunto I replied that if he would not, I would. For I perceived well that both the King and those that were nearest about him desired to return home. Then I took my leave, and at my departure told the Prince of Orange (who had the principal charge of the army) that if I entered into any communication of peace, I would address myself wholly to him. This being done I took my journey towards casal, where I was well received by the whole kindred of this house of Montferrat, and found the greatest part of them inclined to the Lord Constantine, whose government was thought by them all most convenient for the children's safety, because he could pretend no title to the succession as the Marquis of Saluce did. I assembled by the space of certain days both the Nobles of the country, the Spiritual men, and the Burgesses of the good towns, and at the request of them, at the least the greatest part of them, declared the King's pleasure to be, that the Lord Constantine should remain governor. For I was sure they would not withstand the King's commandment, both because of the force he had then on that side the mountains, and also because of the good affection the whole country beareth to the house of France. About three days after my arrival at Casal, the marquess of Mantua the Venetians General, sent the steward of his house thither to condole the late deceased marchioness death: for the said marquess was of kin to this house of Montferrat. The same Steward and I entered into communication how we might agree these two armies without battle: for both the parties disposed themselves to fight, and the King lay in camp near to Verceil, but to say the truth he did but pass the river only and lodge his camp, which was utterly unprovided of tents and pavilions: for our men had brought forth but few with them, and those few also were lost. Moreover the ground was wet, both because winter approached, and because the country lieth low. The King lodged in his camp but one night, and the next day returned to the town: but the Prince of Orange abode still with the army, so did also the Earl of Foix, and the Earl of Vendosme, who fell into a flux there whereof he died, which sure was great pity: for he was a goodly gentleman, young, and wise, and was come thither in post, because the brute ran that there we should fight. For you shall understand that he had not been with the King in this voyage into Italy. Besides these the Marshal of Gie abode also in the camp and divers other captains, but the greatest force were the Almains that had been with the King in this voyage: for the French men would by no means lodge abroad, the town being so near; besides that, divers of them were sick, and many returned home some with leave, & some without leave. Novarre was distant from our camp ten great Italian miles, containing six French leagues at the jest, the way is cumbersome: for the ground is tough and soft as in Flaunders, because of ditches that are on both sides of the way, much deeper than the ditches of Flaunders. In winter the ways there are very foul, and in summer marvelous dusty. Moreover, between our camp and Novarre, there was a little place which we held, called Bourg, about a league from us, and another that they held about a league from their camp, called Camarian. But the waters were risen so high, that a man could hardly pass between us and them. The marquess of Mantua's steward above mentioned that was come to Casall and I, continued still our communication of peace, and divers reasons I alleged to him to persuade his Master to shun the battle. First, I put him in mind of the great danger he had been in at Fornove: secondarily, I told him that he fought for them that never had advanced him, notwithstanding the great services he had done them: wherefore his best way should be to incline to peace, which I for my part promised to further on our side as much as in me lay. He answered, that his Master desired nothing more than peace, but that we must make the first motion thereof, as word had been sent me heretofore, considering that their league, that is to say, the Pope, the Kings of Romans and Spain, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan were more worthy than the King alone. I answered, that to make such a ceremony about so small a trifle, was mere folly: notwithstanding if any ceremony were to be observed, that the King ought to have the pre-eminence and honour thereof, considering that himself was there in person, and the others had but their lieutenants there. But to avoid all such fond cavillation, I offered that he and I jointly as mediators (if he so thought good) would break the ice, so that I were sure his Master the marquess of Mantua would agree thereunto, and proceeded accordingly. Whereupon we concluded, that the next day I should send a trumpeter to their camp, by whom I should write to Master Lucas Pisan, and Master Melchior Trevisan the two Venetian Provisors, the which are officers appointed to consult with their captains, and to provide things necessary for their army. According to the which resolution, the next morning I writ unto them the effect of that I had said before to the steward: for I had good colour to continue still a mediator, because I had promised so to do at my departure from Venice. Besides that, I was sure the King desired peace, and me thought that also our affairs required it. Lastly, there are ever men enough to break off a good appointment, but few that have skill & will withal to travel for the pacifying of so great a controversy, nor that will endure so many hard speeches as are used of them that deal in such affairs; for in great armies all are not of one humour. The said Provisors were glad of these news, and promised that I should shortly have answer of my letter: whereof forthwith they sent word to Venice in post, and received answer with great expedition from the signory, and not long after, sent an Earl that served the Duke of Ferrara, to our camp. The said Duke had men in their army; for his eldest son was in pay with the Duke of Milan , but another of his sons with the King our Master. This Earls name was Albertin, and he pretended openly, that the occasion of his arrival was to visit Master john james of Trevoul, with whom he had a son in service . He addressed himself to the Prince of Orange, according to the steward's agreement and mine at our departure from Casal, and advertised him that he had a commission from the marquess of Mantua, the Provisors, and the other captains of their army, to demand a safe conduct for the said marquess and others, to the number of fifty horses, to come and treat with such as it should please the King to appoint; for they acknowledged that it was reason they should first come to the King and his Commissioners, and declared also that they would do him that honour. Afterward the said Earl desired to commune with the King apart: which his request being granted; he than counseled him not to make peace, reporting our enemies army to be in so great fear, that shortly they would raise their siege & departed: by which words he seemed rather desirous to break off the treaty than to further it; notwithstanding that his commission openly were such as you have heard. At this communication M. john james of Trevoul was present, who because he was great enemy to the Duke of Milan, would also gladly have broken off the treaty. But above all others, the Duke of Ferrara the said Earl Albertins' Master (being newly arrived at the Duke of Milan's camp, who had married his daughter) desired war; for he was great enemy to the Venetians, because they withheld from him divers countries, namely, the Polesan and others. After the King had communed with this Earl, he sent for me, and debated with his Counsel, whether he should grant this safe conduct or not. Those that would gladly have broken off the treaty, as Master john james, and others (who spoke in favour of the Duke of Orleans, as they pretended) desired the battle, saying, that they were sure the enemies would shortly dislodge because they starved for hunger: but the greatest part of those that gave this advise were clergy men, who would not have been at the battle themselves. divers others, and myself among the rest, were of the contrary opinion, saying, that we should sooner starve for hunger than they, being in their own country. And as touching their dislodging we answered, that their force was too great to fly for fear of us, & by that means to cast themselves away. Wherefore these words (we said) proceeded of men that would have us fight & hazard our lives for their particular quarrels. To be short, the safe conduct was granted and sent, and promise made, that the next day by two of the clock at after noon, the Prince of Orange, the Marshal of Gie, the Lord of Piennes, and myself should meet the said marquess and his colleagues between Bourg and Camarian, near to a town where they kept their watch, to the end we might there commune together. According to the which appointment the next day thither we went, accompanied with a good band of soldiers: and there the said marquess of Mantua and a Venetian that had the charge of their Estradiots met us , and gave us very courteous language, saying, that for their parts they desired peace. Further, we there concluded, that to the end we might the more conveniently commune together, they should send certain Commissioners to our camp, and afterward the King certain of his to them: whereunto they agreed, and sent unto us the next day on the Duke of Milan's behalf Master Francisco Bernardin Viscomte, and with him one of the marquess of Mantua's Secretaries; with whom we above named, and the Cardinal of S. Malo began to negotiate. They demanded Novarre where the Duke of Orleans was besieged, and we Genua, saying, that it was held of the King by homage, and that the Duke of Milan had taken it by confiscation . Then they made their excuses, saying, that they had attempted nothing against the King, but only in their own defence, that the Duke of Orleans had taken the said city of Novarre with the King's forces, and had first moved this war: and further, that they thought their Masters would never agree to such conditions, but willingly do any other thing to content the King. They were with us two days and afterward returned again to their camp, whither the Marshal of Gie, Monseur de Piennes and I, were sent after them, to demand the said city of Genua; and as touching Novarre, we offered to deliver it to the King of Romans men that were in their camp, under the leading of Master George de Pietreplane, and Master Frederick Capelare, and one named Master Haunce. For we could not secure it but by battle, and that we desired not: wherefore this offer we made to discharge ourselves of it with honour; for the Duchy of Milan is held by homage of the Emperor. divers messengers ran to and fro between our camp and theirs, but nothing was concluded. Notwithstanding I lodged every night in their camp; for the King's pleasure was that I should so do, because he would break off no overture. In the end all we above named returned again to them, being accompanied with the Precedent of Gannay, and Moruillier bailiff of Amiens, which two went with us to pen the articles in Latin; for hitherto I had negotiated with them in such bad Italian as I had. Our order of proceeding was this. When we arrived at the Duke's lodging, he and the Duchess came forth to receive us at the end of a gallery, and then we entered all before him into his chamber, where we found two long ranks of chairs, set near together the one before the other; in the one of the which they sat down, and we in the other. They sat in this order; first one for the King of Romans, than the ambassador of Spain, than the marquess of Mantua, and the two Provisors of Venice, and an ambassador of Venice, than the Duke of Milan and his wife, and last of all the ambassador of Ferrara: of their side none spoke but the Duke alone, and of our side but one. But our manner is not to proceed so calmly nor so orderly as they: for we spoke sometimes two or three together; but then the Duke used to reclaim us, saying ho, one to one. When we came to pen our articles, all that was agreed upon, was written by one of our Secretaries, and likewise by one of theirs, which also at our departure the two Secretaries read, the one in Italian and the other in French, and likewise at our next meeting, as well to the end that nothing should be altered, as also for the more expedition: and sure it is a good manner of proceeding in great and weighty affairs. This treaty endured about fifteen days or more: but it was agreed the first day, that the Duke of Orleans might departed out of the town, and the selfsame day we made truce, which continued from day to day till the peace was concluded. Moreover, the marquess of Mantua put himself in hostage into the Earl of Foix his hands, rather for his own pleasure, than for any doubt we had of the Duke of Orleans person. But they made us first swear that we would proceed in the treaty of peace uprightly and sincerely without dissimulation, only to deliver the said Duke. The Notes. 1 All the Italians name him Georgio di Pietrapiana. The author himself also afterward nameth him Petreplane, which variance ariseth, because the one is his surname, the other the name of his signory. 2 This river is called servo, Guicciar. nameth it Stesie. 3 His eldest sons name was Alfonse. Guicciar. 4 He used this colour openly, because the Venetians would not seem first to seek peace. 5 This Venetians name was Bernarde Contaren. Guicciar. 6 Seeing it was forfeited, it ought of right to have been forfeited into the King's hands, of whom it was held, but not to the Duke of Milan. 7 The marquess of Mantua put himself in hostage, because the Duke of Orleans was to pass through the Italians camp. Guicciar. How the Duke of Orleans and his company were delivered by composition out of their great misery in Novarre where they were besieged: and of the Swissers arrival that came to secure the King and the said Duke of Orleans. Chap. 10. THe Marshal of Gie accompanied with certain of the Duke of Milan's servants, went to Novarre, and caused the Duke of Orleans with a small train to come forth of the town, whereof he was right glad. They within the town were so miserably persecuted with famine and sickness, that the said Marshal was forced to leave his nephew called Monseur de Romefort in hostage with them, promising that within three days they should all come forth. You have heard already how the bailiff of Digeon was sent into Switzerland to levy five thousand men among their Cantons, the which were not yet arrived when the D. of Orleans came forth of Novarre: for if they had, undoubtedly in mine opinion we had fought. But notwithstanding that we were certainly advertised that there came a much greater number than we sent for: yet could we not tarry their coming because of our men's great distress in Novarre, where there died at the least two thousand of famine and sickness: the rest also being so poor and miserable that they seemed rather dead carcases than living creatures. And I think verily (setting the siege of Jerusalem aside) that never men sustained such hunger as they did. But if at their first entry into the town they had made good provision of Corn, (whereof the might have recovered plenty in the villages there about) they should never have been brought to such extremity: but on the other side, their enemies have been forced to departed with great dishonour. Three or four days after the Duke of Orleans departure out of Novarre, it was agreed by both the parties that all the soldiers should likewise be permitted to come forth, and the Marquis of Mantua, and Master Galeas of Saint Severin, Captains, the one of the Venetians, the other of the Duke of Milan's forces, were appointed to convey them in safety, and so they did. Further, as touching the town of Novarre it was put into the citizens hands, who were sworn to receive into it neither French nor Italian, before the treaty of peace were fully concluded. Moreover, thirty of our men remained still in the castle, whom the Duke of Milan permitted to have victuals for their money from day to day. Undoubtedly a man would never believe the great misery they were in that came forth of the town, unless he had seen them. Horses they brought forth but few, for they were in manner all eaten, and there were hardly six hundred men among them able to do service, notwithstanding that there came forth 5500. A great number lay by the ways whom the enemies themselves relieved. I for my part for the value of a crown saved fifty of them, as they lay succourless in a garden near to a little castle that the enemies held called Camarian, where I caused porridge to be given them, which so well refreshed them that in the said garden there died but one, and afterward upon the way about four, for it was ten miles from Novarre to Verceil; whither when they arrived, the King bestowed his charity upon them, and commanded eight hundred francs to be divided among them, and paid them also their wages, as well the dead as the living, and the Swissers in like manner, of whom about four hundred died in Novarre: but notwithstanding all this their good cheerishing three hundred of them died at Verceil after their return, some by feeding too greedily after their long famine, and some by sickness, so that a great number lay dead upon the dunghills of the town. About this present, after all our men were come forth of the town, except thirty that remained in the castle: (some of the which also daily sallied forth) arrived the Swissers, eight or ten thousand of the which came and lodged with us in our camp, where were already two thousand that had been with the King in this voyage of Naples: the rest of their company being to the number of ten thousand encamped near to Verceil. The King was advised not to suffer these two bands to join together, in the which were to the number of twenty and two thousand men: so that I think so many soldiers of their country were never together before. For the opinion of all those that knew their country was, that they left but few able men behind them, & sure the greatest part of these came whether we would or not, in such sort that their wives and children would have come with them, had not the straits at the entry into Piedmont been defended to stop them. A man may doubt whether this their coming proceeded of good affection or no, because the late King Lewis had bestowed great benefits upon them, and was the cause of the great honour and renown they have won in the world. True it is that there were some old men among them, that had borne great good will to King Lewis: for there came a number of Captains above seventy two years of age, the which had served against Duke Charles of Burgundy: but the chief cause of their coming was cowetousnes and poverty. To say the truth all the able men that they could levy came, and such a number of tall fellows they were, and so goodly a band, that me thought it impossible to discomfit them, otherwise than by famine or cold, or some such distress. Let us now return to the principal matter, to wit the treaty. The Duke of Orleans (after he had well refreshed himself eight or ten days, being accompanied with men of all sorts) supposing his honour to be stained, because such a number of men as were with him in Novarre, had suffered themselves through mere folly to be brought to so great extremity, began to wish that we might fight, and talked very stoutly of the battle, and one or two more of his followers. Further, Monseur de Ligny, and the Archbishop of Roven (who governed the said Duke's affairs) and two or three other mean personages, suborned certain Swissers to come and offer themselves to fight. But no reason could be alleged why we should so do: for the Duke of Orleans had no men in the town more than the thirty remaining in the castle, so that there was no cause why we should adventure the battle; for the King had no quarrel, neither meant to fight but only for saving the said Duke's person and his servants. Besides this, our enemies were mighty, and it was impossible to assail them in their camp, as well because they were entrenched round about, and their trenches full of water, as also because of the strong seat thereof. Moreover, they had no enemies to invade them but us only, for they stood now in no more fear of the town. They were above 2800. men of arms barded, and five thousand light horsemen, and 11500. Almains led by good captains, to wit, Master George of Pietreplane, Master Frederick Capelare, and Master Haunce, besides great force of footmen of their own countries; so that they seemed to speak but upon a bravery, that said we might take them in their camp, or that they would fly. Besides all this, another thing there was greatly to be feared, to wit, lest these Swissers if they joined all together, should take the King and the noble men of the army, being but a handful in respect of them, and lead them prisoners into their country; for some appearance there was that they meant so to do, as you shall hear at the conclusion of the peace. How the peace was concluded between the King and the Duke of Orleans on the one side, and the enemies on the other: and of the conditions and articles thereof. Chap. 11. WHile these matters were thus debated to and fro among us, in such heat that the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange fell at variance about them, so far forth that the Duke gave him the lie: the Marshal of Gie, the Lord of Piennes, the Precedent Gannay, the Lord Moruillier, the Vidasme of Chartres, and myself returned to the enemies camp and concluded peace : which notwithstanding that we perceived by manifest tokens to be unlike long to endure; yet necessity forced us to conclude it, both because of divers reasons above alleged, because the winter constrained us thereunto, because we lacked money: and also to the end we might departed with an honourable peace, the which should be sent abroad into the world in writing, as the King had concluded with his Council, the Duke of Orleans being there present. The articles of the peace were these. That the Duke of Milan should bear the King his faith for Genua against all men: and that in respect thereof, he should arm two ships to the sea at his own proper costs and charges, to secure the castles of Naples which held yet for the King. And further, that the next year he should furnish the King of three ships, and serve him in person in the conquest of the said realm, if the King himself happened to return to conquer it again. That he should give passage to the King's forces. And if the Venetians would not accept the peace within two months, but continue to defend the house of Arragon; that then he should take part with the King against them, and employ his person and subjects for the King's service, under this condition, that all that should be conquered of their dominions should be his. That he should release to the King fourscore thousand ducats of the hundred and four and twenty thousand that he had lent him in this voyage. That for performance of these conditions, he should deliver to the King two hostages of Genua. That the castle of Genua should be put into the Duke of Ferrara's hands, as neuter for two years, and that the Duke of Milan should pay the one half of the garrison within it, and the King the other: and further, if the said Duke of Milan should refuse to do such services to the King for Genua, as he was bound to do by this treaty; that then it should be lawful for the Duke of Ferrara to put the said castle into the King's hands. Last of all, that the said Duke of Milan should deliver to the King two other hostages of Milan. These he delivered, and so would he also the others of Genua, if the King had not departed so suddenly; but so soon as he saw him gone, he made delays. After we were returned from the enemies camp, and had advertised the King that the Duke of Milan had sworn the treaty, and the Venetians taken two months respite to accept or refuse it (for more they would not condescend unto) the King swore it also, and the second day after determined to departed, being very desirous both he and all the company to return into France: but the selfsame night the Swissers that were in our camp assembled together each Canton apart, and strake up their drums, standing in order of battle by their ensigns, as their manner is in their consultations. All the which I writ upon the report of Lornay, who was then, and long time before had been one of their captains, and understandeth well their language, and lodged that night in their camp, and came and advertised the King of all these their actions. Some of these Swissers gave advise to take the King and all his company, that is to say, the principal of the army; others would not agree thereunto, but gave counsel to demand payment for three months, saying, that the King his father had promised them this payment as often as they should departed out of their country with ensign displayed: others were of opinion to take the principal of the army, not touching the King's person. This last opinion took place, so far forth that they began to dispose themselves to execute it, a great number of their men being already within the town: but before they had fully concluded, the King departed and went to Trin, a town in the Marquisat of Montferrat. Sure they did us great wrong, to demand three months' payment (whereas K. Lewis had promised them but one;) especially having done no service. To be short, in the end we made an agreement with them, but they that had been with us at Naples, had first taken the bailiff of Digeon & Lornay (who had ever been their captains) demanding payment of 15. days for their departure. But the others had three months pay, amounting to five hundred thousand franks; for the which sum, they were contented to take pledges and hostages. All this disorder happened by practice of certain of our own men, who moved them thus to do, because they misliked the peace, as one of their captains came and told the Prince of Orange, who advertised the King thereof. When the King arrived at Trin, he sent the Marshal of Gie, the Precedent Gannay and me, to the Duke of Milan, to desire him to come and speak with him. We alleged many reasons to persuade him thereunto, saying, that by this means the peace should be fully confirmed: but he gave forth divers reasons to the contrary, and refused so to do; excusing himself upon certain speeches uttered by Monseur de Ligny (who had advised to take him prisoner when he was with the King at Pavia) and likewise by the Cardinal, who had all the credit with the King. But notwithstanding that many foolish words were indeed spoken, I know not by whom; yet sure I am that at this present the King greatly desired his friendship. He was in a place called Bolie, and agreed to speak with the King, so that a grate might be between them built upon a bridge over a river. Upon receipt of which answer the King departed to Quires, where he stayed but a night or two, and then took his journey to pass over the mountains, and sent me again to Venice, and others to Genua to cause the two ships to be manned , which the Duke of Milan was bound to lend him: but he performed no whit of that he promised; for after the King had been at great charges in arming of men to the said ships, the Duke would not let them departed; but on the contrary side sent two to our enemies. The Notes. 1 This treaty of Verceil was concluded the 9 of October. 2 The Duke was bound to arm these ships, but the King would have manned them with his own men. How the King sent the Lord of Argenton to Venice with certain conditions of peace which they refused: and of the Duke of Milan's false dealings. Chap. 12. MY embassage to the Venetians was to know whether they would accept the peace, and agree to these three articles. First, to restore Monopoly to the King, which they had lately won from us . Secondarily, to revoke the marquess of Mantua, and the forces they had in the realm of Naples, from King Ferrandes service. Lastly, to declare King Ferrande to be none of their confederates, because none were comprehended in their league but the Pope, the King of Romans, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Milan. When I arrived at Venice, they received me very honourably, though not so honourably as at my former being there, and no marvel; for than we were in peace, but now in hostility. I did my message to the Duke, who welcomed me, and told me that shortly I should receive mine answer, but that he would first consult with the Senate. Three days they commanded general processions and public sermons, and dealt great alms, desiring God of his grace to direct them into the wisest course; which manner of proceeding (as I was there informed) they use ordinarily in such like cases. Wherefore I must needs confess, that this city seemed to me the most devout, as touching matters of religion, that ever I came in, and their Churches the best decked and trimmed; so that herein I account them equal with the ancient Romans, and amfully persuaded, that thereof springeth the greatness of their signory: which sure is worthy rather to increase than diminish. But to return to mine embassage, I abode there fifteen days before I was dispatched. The answer I received was a refusal of all my demands, with this excuse that they were not in war with the King, neither had done any thing but in defence of their confederate the Duke of Milan, whom the King sought to destroy. Afterward they caused the Duke to commune with me apart, who offered me a good composition, to wit, that King Ferrande by the Pope's consent should hold the realm of Naples of the King by homage, and pay him yearly fifty thousand ducats for tribute, and a certain sum of money presently, the which they offered to lend, meaning to have in gage for it the places which they now hold in Poville, namely Brandis, Otrante, Trani, and the rest. And further, that for performance of these conditions, the said Dom Ferrande should deliver to the King, or leave in his hands certain towns in Poville, they meant Tarente which the King yet held, and one or two more that the said Ferrande should have delivered, which towns they offered us on that side of Italy, because it was the furthest from us, notwithstanding that they pretended the offer to be, because they stood commodiously to invade the Turk: whereof the King had put men in great hope at his first entry into Italy, saying, that he attempted this conquest of Naples, to the end he might with the more expedition transport his forces against the said Turk, which was a wicked device, and a mere lie; for he meant nothing less, but from God no man can hide his thoughts. Moreover, the Duke of Venice offered me, that if the King would attempt any thing against the Turk, he should have free access to these places above named, that all Italy should be contributors to the wars; that the King of Romans should invade also on the other side, and that the King and they would govern Italy in such sort, that no man should refuse to pay that he should be rated at; and further, that they for their part would aid him upon their own proper costs and charges with an hundred galleys upon the sea, and five thousand horses upon the land. I took my leave of the Duke and the signory, saying, that I would make report of their answer to the King. Then returned I to Milan, and found the Duke at Vigesue, and the King's ambassador with him, who was one of the Stewards of his house named Rigaut Dorelles. The Duke came forth himself to meet me, under colour of going a hunting: for they use there to receive ambassadors with great reverence, and lodged me in his castle very honourably. I desired to commune with him apart, and he promised that I should so do, though half against his will as it seemed. The castle of Naples held yet for the King: wherefore I meant earnestly to press him for the two ships promised us by the treaty of Verceil, the which were ready to departed, he in outward appearance seeming-willing thereunto: But Peron of Basche Steward of the King's house, and Stephen de Neves (who were at Genua for the King) so soon as they understood of my arrival at Vigesue, wrote unto me, complaining of the Duke of Milan's falsehood, who would not suffer the two ships to departed which he had promised us, but on the contrary side had sent two to aid our enemies. They advertised me further, that one day the governor of Genua made them answer that he would not suffer the said ships to be manned with any French men, and another day that he would put into each of them but five and twenty at the most, with divers such like dissimulations, dalliing and delaying the time till the castle of Naples were yielded, which the Duke knew well to be victualled but for a month or little more. And as touching the army that the King levied in Provence, it was not able to secure the castle without these two ships: for the enemies lay before it with a great Navy, as well of their own, as of the Venetians, and the King of Spain's. Three days I abode with the Duke, and one day he sat in counsel with me, seeming to be discontented that I misliked his answer touching the said ships, and alleged that by the treaty of Verceil he had promised to serve the King with two ships, but not that they should be manned with French men. Whereunto I answered that this seemed to me a very slender excuse: for if he should lend me a good mule to pass the mountains withal, and afterward make me lead her in my hand and not to ride upon her, but look upon her only, what pleasure did he me? After much debating, he and I withdrew ourselves into a gallery, where I declared unto him what great pains, both I and others had taken to conclude this treaty of Verceil, and into how great danger he brought us by contrariing thus his promise, and causing the King by that means to lose these castles, and consequently the whole realm, whereby he should also engender perpetual hatred between the King and him. Further, I offered him the Princedom of Tarente and the Duchy of Bary, the which Duchy he held already. Lastly, I showed him the danger he put both himself and the whole estate of Italy into, by suffering the Venetians to hold these places in Poville . And he confessed I said true, especially touching the Venetians: but his last resolution was that he could find no faith nor assurance with the King. After this communication I took my leave of him, he accompanying me upon the way about a league. But even at our very departure he devised yet a cunningerly than all the rest (if a man may use such terms of a Prince,) for because I seemed to departed sad and Melancholic: he said unto me (as a man suddenly altered) that he would do me a friendly turn to the end the King might have good cause to welcome me: for the next day he would send Master Galeas to Genua (more I could not wish when he named him to me) to cause the two ships to departed, and join with our army, by means whereof he would save the King the castle of Naples, and consequently the whole realm, as he should indeed if he had done as he promised. He said further, that immediately after their departure he would advertise me thereof with his own hand, to the end I might be the first man that should bring news to the King, of this great service that I had done him, adding also that the Courier should overtake me with his letters before my arrival at Lions. In this good hope departed I and took my journey to pass the mountains, thinking every Post that came after me to be the same that should have brought me these letters. Notwithstanding I doubted somewhat thereof, knowing the nature of the man so well as I did. But to proceed in my voyage, I came to Chambery where I found the Duke of Savoy who honourably entreated me, and stayed me with him a day. Afterward I arrived at Lions (without my Courier) to make report to the King of all that I had done, whom I found banqueting and justing, and wholly given to sport and pastime. Those that had misliked this treaty of Verceil were glad that the Duke of Milan had thus deluded us: for their credit increased thereby, but me they potted at, as in such cases is usual in Princes courts, greatly to my grief and discontentment. I made report to the King by mouth, and showed him also in writing the Venetians offers above rehearsed, whereof he made small account, and the Cardinal who governed all, much less. But that notwithstanding I moved it to him afterward again: for me thought it better to accept this offer then to lose all. Besides that, the King had no men about him able to deal in so weighty an enterprise : for those that were able and of experience, they that had all the credit never or very seldom called to counsel in any matter. The King would gladly they should oftener have been called, but he feared to displease those that were of authority about him, especially those that governed his treasure, namely the said Cardinal and his brethren and kinsmen. Wherefore let all other Princes learn by the example of this, how fit and convenient it is for themselves to take pains in the governing of their own affairs; at the least sometimes, how requisite it is to call more than one or two to counsel, according to the variety of the matters that are debated; and how necessary it is to hold their counsellors almost in equal authority: for if one of them be so great, that the rest fear him (as one was both then and ever since about King Charles) he is King and Lord in effect, and the Prince himself is evil served, as this King was by his governors, who sought only their own profit and little regarded his, whereby himself was the less esteemed and the worse thought of. The Notes. 1 The Venetians having sent aid to King Ferrand had won Monopoly and Pulignane. Guicciar. 2 For King Ferrand since King Charles his departure had in engaged to the Venetians 6. towns in Poville under certain conditions which are rehearsed hereafter. cap. 14. 3 He meaneth the enterprise of succouring the castle of Naples. How the King after his return into France forgot those that he left behind him in the realm of Naples: and how the Dauphin died, whose death the King and Queen much lamented. Chap. 13. I Returned to Lions the year 1495. the twelve of December, where the King was already arrived with his army a year and two months after his departure out of his realm. The castles of Naples held yet for him as before you have heard, and Monseur de Montpensier his lieutenant there, was yet at Salerne in the realm of Naples with the Prince of Salerne: likewise Monseur de Aubigny was yet in Calabria where he had done great service: notwithstanding that he had been sick almost ever since the King's departure. Master Gracien des Guerres was yet also in l' Abruzzo, Dom julian at Montsaint-Ange, and George of Suly at Tarente: but they were all so distressed as a man would not believe. Besides that, they could hardly receive any news or letters out of France, and those few they did receive, were but lies and fair promises without effect. For the K. as you have heard they dispatched nothing himself: and if it had been furnished in time but of the sixth part of the money that was spent afterward, they had never lost the realm. But in the end when all was yielded, they received forty thousand ducats only, for part of a years pay already passed: and yet if this small sum had come but a month sooner, the miseries and divisions they afterward fell into, and the dishonour they received, had never chanced. All the which inconveniences happened because the King dispatched nothing himself, neither would give the messengers audience that came from them. And as touching his servants to whom he committed the government of his affairs: they were men of small experience, idle, and negligent, and some of them I think had intelligence with the Pope, whereby it manifestly appeared, that God had now altogether withdrawn his grace from the King, which at his going to Naples he had poured down so plentifully upon him. After the King had sojourned at Lions about two months, word was brought him that the Dauphin his son lay at the point of death, and within three days after that he was dead, which news he took heavily as nature would: notwithstanding his sorrow soon ended. But the Queen of France and Duchess of Britain called Anne, lamented the death of her son, and that a long time, as much as was possible for a woman to do. And I think verily that besides the natural grief that women use to conceive in such cases, her mind gave her that some greater evil hung over her head. The King her husband (as I have said) mourned not long, but sought to comfort her, by causing certain young gentlemen to dance before her, of the which the Duke of Orleans was one, being of the age of four and thirty years, who seemed to rejoice at the Daulphins' death, because he was heir apparent to the crown next after the King: for the which cause the K. and he saw not one another in a long time after. The Dauphin was about three years old, a goodly child, bold in speech, and no whit fearing those things that commonly children use to fear. Wherefore (to be plain with you) his father's sorrow soon ended: for he began already to doubt if this child grew to years, and continued in his noble conditions, that happily he might diminish his estimation and authority: for the King himself was a man of very small stature and no great sense, but of so good a nature, that it was impossible to find a gentler creature. Hereby you may perceive in how miserable estate Kings and Princes live, who stand in fear of their own children. King Lewis the eleventh who was so wise and virtuous a Prince, stood in fear of this King Charles his son, but he provided well for it, and afterward died, leaving his said son King, being but fowerteene years of age. The said King Lewis also had put King Charles the seven his father in fear of him: for being but thirteen years of age, he moved war against him with certain noble men and gentlemen of the realm, that misliked those that bore the sway in Court, & governed the estate, as K. Lewis himself hath eftsoons told me: but this broil soon ended. Afterward also being come to man's estate, he fell at great variance with his father, and retired himself into Dauphin, and from thence into Flaunders, leaving the country of Dauphin to the said King his father, as I have made mention about the beginning of this history written of King Lewis the 11. Wherefore it is manifest that no creature is exempt from trouble, but that all men eat their bread in travel and sorrow, as God promised us that we should soon after he had created man, the which promise he hath truly performed to all sorts of men. But great diversity there is of troubles and sorrows: for those of the body are the less, and those of the mind the greater: the sorrows of wise men are of one sort, and the sorrows of fools of another; but much greater grief and passion endureth the fool than the wise man, and less comfort receiveth he in his sorrows, though many suppose otherwise. The poor man that traveleth and toileth his body to get food to sustain himself and his children, and payeth customs and subsidies to his Prince, should live in too great descomfort and despair, if Princes and great men had nothing but pleasure in this world, and he nothing on the contrary side but travel and misery. But God hath otherwise disposed thereof; for if I should take upon me to rehearse the sundry griefs, sorrows, and passions that I have seen divers great personages sustain, as well men as women within these thirty years only, a great volume would hardly contain them. I mean not such great persosonages as Bocace writeth of in his book , but such as we see abound with wealth, & live in health and prosperity; yea such as those that have not been conversant with them as I have been, would account in all respects happy: b●● I have often s●●ne their sorrows and griefs arise of so small occasions, that they that were unacquainted with them would hardly believe it, the most part being grounded upon jealousies and reports, which is a disease that lurketh secretly in great Princes Courts, and traineth with it infinite mischiefs both to their own persons, their servants, and all their subjects, and so much shorteneth their lives, that hardly any King of France since Charles the great hath passed the age of sixty years. For the which cause, when King Lewis the eleventh approached near to that age (being sick of this disease) he accounted himself a dead man. His father King Charles the seventh, who had done so many noble acts in France, conceived an imagination in his sickness, that his servants went about to poison him, and therefore refused to receive sustenance. Likewise his father King Charles the sixth was troubled with so many suspicions, that he lost his wits, and all by reports. And sure this is a fault greatly to be blamed in Princes, that in these cases they cause not such matters as concern themselves (be they of never so small importance) to be ripped up: which if they did, they should not so often be troubled with false tales. For if they would examine the parties the one before the other, I mean the accuser, and him that is accused, no man durst report any thing to them that were untrue. But some Princes there are of so doltish disposition, that they will promise and swear to the accusers never to disclose their reports, whereby they are often troubled with these anguishs before mentioned, and hate and injury their trustiest and faithfullest servants and subjects, at the pleasure and upon the complaint many times of lewd and naughty persons. The Notes. 1 Of unfortunate noble men. How the King was advertised of the loss of the castle of Naples: and how the Florentines places were sold to divers men: of the treaty of Atelle in Poville, to the great damage of the French: and of the death of King Ferrande of Naples. Chap. 14. THe Dauphin the King's only son died about the beginning of the year 1496. which was the greatest misfortune that ever happened or could happen to the King: for he never had child after, that lived. But this mischief came not without company, for at the very same time received he news that the castle of Naples was yielded by those that the Lord of Montpensier left within it, who were forced thereunto, partly by famine, and partly to recover the hostages delivered by the said Montpensier to King Ferrande, whose names were Monseur d'Alegre, one of the house de la Marche-d'Ardaine, one called de la Capelle de Loudonnois , & one named john Roquebertin, Catelan. They that were within the castle returned by sea into France. Another great dishonour and loss received the King also at the same time which was this. Entragues, who held the Citadelle of Pisa (being the fort that keepeth the town in subjection,) delivered the said Citadelle to the Pisans contrary to the King's oath , who had twice sworn to the Florentines to restore unto them the said Citadelle and their other places, namely Serzane, Serzanelle, Pietresancte, Librefacto, and Mortron, which they had lent him in his great necessity at his first coming into Italy: at which time they gave him also sixscore thousand ducats, whereof there remained unpaid to us but thirty thousand at our return home, as before you have heard. To be short, all these the Florentines places above named were sold: the Genuois bought Serzane and Serzanelle of a bastard of Saint Paul , Pietresancte Entragues sold to the Luquois , and Librefacto to the Venetians , to the great dishonour both of the King and all his subjects, and to the utter loss of the realm of Naples. The first oath the King swore for the restitution of these places (as before you have heard) was at Florence upon the high altar of the cathedral Church of Saint john: the second in Ast at his return, at which time the Florentines lent him thirty thousand ducats (in his great need) under condition that if Pisa were restored to them, he should repay no part nor parcel of this sum: but they would make restitution of the jewels engaged to them for it, and lend him 60000. ducats more, which they promised to cause to be paid then presently in the realm of Naples, to the King's forces there. They offered further, to entertain continually in the said realm at their proper costs and charges, three hundred men of arms to do the King service till the said conquest were fully achieved, of the which conditions none were performed, because of this evil dealing above mentioned. Besides that, we were forced to restore the thirty thousand ducats that they lent us, all the which inconveniences happened through disobedience and privy whispering in the King's ear, for some of those that were nearest about him, encouraged Entragues to sell these places. At the self same time within two months over or under, in the beginning of this year 1496. the Lord of Montpensier, the Lord Virgil Vrsin , M. Camille Vitelly, and the rest of the French captains, seeing all thus lost: put themselves into the field, and took certain small places. But King Ferrande son of King Alphonse, who was entered into religion (as before you have heard) accompanied with the marquess of Mantua, brother to the said Montpensiers wife, and General of the Venetians, marched against them. They found the said Montpensier lodged in a town called Atelle, a place very commodious for their provision of victuals, and seated on a hill, upon the which our enemies fortified their camp as men fearing the battle, because the said King Ferrand and his forces had been discomfited in all places, as was also the Marquis of Mantua at Fornova where we fought with him. The said Marquis the Venetians had lent to K. Ferrand with a certain sum of money, but of small value in respect of the places they had in gage for it, which were these six towns in Poville of great importance, Brandis, Trani, Galipoli, Crana, Otrante, and Monopoly, the last of the which since the King's departure they had won from us. Moreover in the said sum of money they comprehended the wages of their soldiers that served the said Ferrand, so that they hold these places for two hundred thousand ducats; yea, and now they require the charges they have been at in the fortification and defence of them, so that I am fully persuaded they mind never to restore them: for they use not so to do, when towns lie commodiously for them, as these do, being situate upon the Adriatic gulf, so that by means of them they are Lords of the said gulf, which is one of the things they chiefly desire; and no marvel, for it is from Otrante (which is the very point of the said gulf) to Venice at the least nine hundred miles. And notwithstanding that the Pope held certain places also upon the said gulf intermingled among these Venetian towns: yet were all passengers forced to pay custom to Venice: wherefore the possession of these places is more beneficial to them than the world weeneth: for they receive yearly from thence great plenty of corn and oil, which are two necessary things for their provision. At the said place of Atelle above mentioned, our men fell at variance as well for their victuals which began now to diminish, as also for their pay, the soldiers were unpaid for eighteen months and more, by means whereof they had lived in great misery. To the Almains also much was due, but not so much: for all the money that Monseur de Montpensier could levy in the realm was paid to them, yet notwithstanding they were unpaid for a year and more, but they had spoiled divers small towns whereby they were marvelously enriched. If the forty thousand ducats promised them had been sent in time, or if they had known they should have received them at Florence, this variance had never happened, but now they remained altogether in despair: divers of our captains have informed me that if our men would have agreed to fight, they were like enough to have obtained the victory: and if they had been discomfited, yet should not their loss have been so great, as by the shameful composition they made. Montpensier and Virgile Vrsin, who were the best men of war among them would have fought, and evil hap it was to them that they did not: for King Ferrand broke the composition, and put them both in prison, where they miserably ended their lives. They laid the blame that they fought not upon Monseur de Persi a young gentleman of Awergne, whom they accused as a mutinous knight, and disobedient to his captain. You shall understand that in this army were two sorts of Almains, the first were Swissers to the number of fifteen hundred, whom the King left there at his departure from Naples, the which served faithfully even till the hour of death, so that it was impossible for men to serve more valiantly than they did. The other sort were those whom we call commonly Lance knights (that is to say, servants of the country) the which hate naturally the Swissers. They are of all parts of Germany, as for example, of the countries lying upon the Rhine, and of Swobland, some there were also of the country of Vaulx in Senonie , and some of Gelderland. These were to the number of eight hundred newly sent thither with two months pay, the which being spent before they came thither, and at their arrival there no new pay being found: they seeing themselves in this distress, declared that they bore us no such good will as the Swissers do; for they practised with our enemies, and turned to King Ferrande, for the which cause partly, and partly for the division that was among our captains, our men made a shameful appointment with their enemies, the which King Ferrande swore to keep and observe, being forced so to do by the marquess of Mantua, who thought thereby to assure the person of his brother in law Monseur de Montpensier, yet notwithstanding the said Ferrande broke the treaty, as afterward mention shall be made more at large. By the said composition they yielded both themselves and all the King's artillery to their enemies, promising further, to cause to be rendered all the places that the King held in the realm, as well in Calabria where Monseur d'Aubigny was, as in L'Abruzzo where Master Gracian des Guerres was together, with the towns of Caietta and Tarente; under this condition, that King Ferrande should send them by sea into Provence with bag and baggage, which was not much worth: but notwithstanding the composition King Ferrande commanded them all to be led to Naples, being to the number of five or six thousand persons or more. So shameful a composition hath not been made in our time, neither do I remember that ever I read of the like, save that which the two consuls of Rome made (as rehearseth Titus Livius ) with the Samnites (whom I suppose to be those of Beneuent) at a place called then Furculae Caudinae, which is a certain strait in the mountains: notwithstanding the Romans would not agree to the composition, but sent the two Consuls prisoners to their enemies. If our force had fought and been discomfited, yet should not their loss have been so great; as by this composition: for two parts of them died either of famine, or of the plague in their ships in the isle of pruss , whither they were sent from Naples by King Ferrande: and namely, there died Monseur de Montpensier himself, some say of poison, others of an ague, which I rather believe. And I think verily that of all this company never returned fifteen hundred: for of the Swissers which were thirteen hundred, returned but three hundred and fifty all extreme sick. Their faith and loyalty was greatly to be commended: for they all chose rather to die than to serve King Ferrande, and so a number of them died in the said isle of pruss, some of heat, some of sickness, and some of famine: for they were held there a long time in their ships, in such penury and lack of victuals, as is almost incredible. I saw them all that returned, especially the Swissers, who brought back with the● all their ensigns: and sure it well appeared that they had endured great misery; for they were all so extreme sick, that when they came forth of their ships to take the air, they were feign to be stayed up from falling. It was also agreed by the said composition, that the Lord Virgil Vrsin should return home to his country in safety, and his son, & all the Italians that served the King: yet notwithstanding the enemies detained him still, and his said legitimate son also; for he had but one: and as touching his base son called the Lord Charles (who was a very valiant gentleman) certain Italians of their company spoiled him as he repaired homeward. If this misery had fallen but upon them only that made this composition, they had notbeen greatly to be moaned. Immediately after King Ferrande had received this honour above mentioned, and married King Ferrande his grandfathers daughter, being a young maid of thirteen or fowerteene years of age, begotten of the King of Castile's sister that now reigneth (so that his wife was sister to his own father King Alfonse) he fell into a continual ague, whereof soon after he died, and the crown of the realm descended to King Frederick (the said King Ferrandes uncle) now presently reigning. It abhorreth me to write of such a marriage as this, notwithstanding divers such have been contracted in this house of Arragon within these thirty years. King Ferrande died immediately after the composition above mentioned made in the town of Ate●●e, the year of our Lord 1496. The said Ferrande during his life, and Dom Frederick also after he came to the crown, excused the breach of this composition, because Monseur de Montpensier had not performed the conditions thereof, nor rendered the places promised, which he could not to say the truth, Caietta and divers others being out of his power. For notwithstanding that he were the King's lieutenant, yet were not they that held these places for the King, bound to yield them at his commandment. Although all things well considered, the King should have sustained no great loss, if they had then been yielded; for he spent afterward great treasure in defending and victualling them, and yet lost them in the end. I myself was present three or four times at the dispatch of those that were sent to victual and succour, first the castles of Naples, and thrice after the town of Caietta. And I think I should not lie, if I said that these four voyages cost the King above three hundred thousand franks: and yet all to no purpose. The Notes. 1 Before cap. 8. he named him de la Chappelle d'Aniou, but if Loudonnois be in Anjou the places be reconciled. 2 The Venetians paid the money, for the Pisans were not able to redeem it: but after the Citadelle delivered, the Pisans put themselves into the Venetians protection, who razed the Citadelle. Guicciar. 3 This bastard's name was de Bienne. Guicciar. 4 Mutron was also sold to the Luquois. Guicciar. 5 Librefacto was sold to the Pisans, but the Venetians paid the money. Guicciar. 6 This Virgil Vrsin is he above mentioned, who after the Coulonnois revolt from King Charles, turned to him, and of his foe became his friend and servant. 7 The French corrector readeth it Sionnie, meaning the country called in Latin Valesia Sedusiorum, whereof Sedunum called in French Zion, is the chief town: or else he supposeth it should be Vaulx in Savoy, whereof our author maketh mention lib. 5. cap. 1. 8 Decad. 1. lib. 9 9 Procida it is named by Colleuntius, other Italians name it Ponze. I suppose it to be that, which Pliny lib. 3. cap. 6. calleth Proclita or Prochita, saying that it lieth in Sinu Puteolano not far from Naples, nor from the isle of Ischia. Boccace also Decame 2, novel. 6. reporteth both Procida and Ponze to be near to Naples. Guicciar. hath Pozzuole. How certain practices entertained by divers noble men of Italy on the King's behalf, as well for the conquest of Naples, as of the Duchy of Milan, failed for lack of sending thither: and how another enterprise against Genua sped evil also. Chap. 15. THe King after his return from Naples abode at Lions a long time (as before you have heard) holding justs & turneys. It grieved him to lose the places in Italy above mentioned which he yet held, neither cared he what treasure he spent in defence of them, but he would take no pains himself in governing his own affairs. Moreover, he was advertised daily of divers practices entertained on his behalf in Italy, which notwithstanding that they were both dangerous and chargeable: yet was he of power sufficient to have achieved them because his realm is populous, & plentiful of grain in Provence and Languedoc, and hath also a number of other wealthy countries, where money might have been levied. But if any other Prince besides the King of France should attend to these Italian practices and adventure to entermebdle in their enterprises, he should but undo himself, spend his treasure, and bring nothing to effect. For the Italians neither do nor can serve but for money, except it be a Duke of Milan, or one of the greatest Seniories: but a poor captain be he never so well affectioned to the service of a King of France pretending title to the realm of Naples, or the Duchy of Milan, be he never so faithful and trusty, yet shall he not be able to do him service any long time after his payment faileth, because his men will forsake him, and the poor captain shall be utterly undone: for the greatest part of them live only upon the credit they win by the service of their soldiers, who are paid by their captain, and he of him whom he serveth, which is the cause why they desire in Italy nothing but factions and civil wars. But as touching the practices above mentioned, you shall understand that they began before the town of Caietta was lost, to wit, immediately after the King perceived that the Duke of Milan would not perform the conditions of the treaty of Verceil, and continued after the loss of the said town, the whole space of two years after the King's return home. As touching the said Duke of Milan, he broke not his promise altogether upon malice and treachery, but partly for fear: for he doubted that the King would destroy him if he obtained the realm of Naples: besides that, he accounted the King to be a Prince in whom was no constancy nor assurance. But to proceed, one of these enterprises above mentioned was to invade the Duchy of Milan after this sort. Order was given that the Duke of Orleans should go to Ast to enter with a good band of men on that side, whom I saw once so near his departure, that his train was already gone. We were sure of the Duke of Ferrareas' friendship, for he had promised to aid us (notwithstanding that he were the Duke of Milan's father in law) with five hundred men of arms, and two thousand footmen, which his promise undoubtedly he would have performed, to the end he might have rid himself of the danger he was in, lying just in the midst between the Venetians and the said Duke: for not long before (as I have already made mention) the Venetians had taken from him the Polesan, and sought wholly his destruction: wherefore he would have preferred his own safety and his children's, before his son in laws friendship; yea, and peradventure he thought that the Duke of Milan seeing himself in this extremity would make some appointment with the King . Moreover, by the said D. of Ferrara's means, the Marquis of Mantua was become our friend, who lately had been and yet was general of the Venetians, but in great jealousy with them, and he likewise being discontented with them, sojourned with three hundred men of arms with his father in law the Duke of Ferrare: for you shall understand that he then had, and yet hath to wife the Duchess of Milan's sister, daughter to the said Duke of Ferrara. Master john Bentivoille who governeth Bolonia, and is as it were Lord thereof, promised to aid us with a hundred and fifty men of arms, and a good band of footmen, and to send to the King's service two of his sonous, who were captains of certain companies of horsemen, and such was the seat 〈◊〉 country that he might have done great service against the Duke of Milan. The florentines who saw themselves utterly undone (unless by large expenses they recovered their losses) fearing to be deceased of Pisa and the other places above mentioned ; would have furnished eight hundred men of arms, and five thousand footmen upon their own proper costs and charges, and had already provided their payments for six months. The Vrsins and the Perfect of Rome brother to the Cardinal Saint Peter ad Vincula (so often before named,) being in pay with the King, would have furnished a thousand men of arms: but you shall understand that their men of arms are not accompanied with archers as ours be, but their wages and ours are much a like: for a years pay of one of their men of arms amounteth to a hundredth ducats, and the wages of one of ours is double as much because of his archers. These mercenary soldiers the King should have paid, but as touching the Florentines they should have paid their forces themselves. The Duke of Ferrara also, the Marquis of Mantua and Bentivoille, offered this aid upon their own charge, for they hoped to conquer in the Duchy of Milan as much as should countervail their cost. And if the Duke of Milan had been suddenly invaded by the Duke of Orleans, and all these above rehearsed at one instant, his confederates (namely the Venetians) could not have succoured him (though they would have spent all their treasure in his defence) before he must have been forced to revolt to the K, who would have kept these Italians in the field a long time. And the Duchy of Milan being once won, the realm of Naples would have yielded of itself. The stay of this goodly enterprise proceeded of the Duke of Orleans, who suddenly altered his mind the night before he should have departed: for he had already sent before him all things necessary for his person, and none remained to departed but himself only: for the army was in a readiness, their wages paid them, & they all gone before to Ast, being to the number of eight hundred men of arms French, and six thousand footmen: among the which were four hundred Swissers. But the said Duke of Orleans being thus suddenly altered, besought the King twice to propound this matter again to his counsel, and so he did, I myself was present at the debating of it both the times, and the whole Counsel concluded that he should go, not one man speaking to the contrary: notwithstanding that there were present at each time ten or twelve Counsellors at the least. And sure so had it been most convenient, considering that we had thereof assured our friends in Italy above named: all the which had been at great charges, and were in a readiness. But the Duke of Orleans being present at the debating of this matter himself, made answer (either by the advise of some one, or for that he shunned this enterprise because he saw the King evil disposed of his body, whose heir he should be if he died) that he would never take upon him this voyage for his own particular quarrel, but willingly by the King's commandment as his lieutenant, with the which answer the counsel arose. The next day and many days after, the ambassadors of Florence and divers others, pressed the King earnestly to command the Duke to departed. Whereunto the King answered, that he would never force him to the wars against his will. Thus was this voyage dashed to the King's great grief, both because of the great charges he had sustained; and also because he was in good hope (if it had proceeded) to have been revenged of the Duke of Milan, considering what intelligences he had already, and what other intelligences he might have had at that time; by means of Master john james of Trevoul, lieutenant general for him and the D. of Orleans in these Italian wars, who was a Milanois borne, and very well beloved and friended in his country, where he had good intelligence with many both of his kinsmen and others. This enterprise thus failing, another succeeded, yea two or three at a clap against Genua: where the people are ever inclined to division; one of these enterprises was managed by Master baptist de Campefourgouse, who was chief of one of the factions in the town, but banished, and his faction of no authority at that time, neither yet the house of Orie, who are gentlemen, and they of Fourgousi none. The said D'Ories take part with the Fourgouses, but none of them may be Duke, because they are gentlemen, for no gentlemen may be Duke of Genua: but this baptist had been Duke not long before, and lost the government by the treachery of his uncle the Cardinal of Genua, who of late years put the signory of Genua into the Duke of Milan's hands. So that at this present the Adorns governed Genua, who in like manner are not gentlemen, but have often been Dukes by help of the Spinoles who are gentlemen; so that the gentlemen make the Duke of Genua, but cannot be Dukes themselves. This Baptista trusted that his faction would arise in his favour, both in the town and country, and that the town being recovered, the sovereignty thereof should remain to the King, but he and his faction govern and banish their enemies. The other enterprise was this, divers of Savonne addressed themselves to the Cardinal Saint Peter ad Vincula , and promised to yield the town to him, hoping thereby to recover their liberty; for they are under the Genuois government, and pay tribute to them. If we had entered into this place, Genua should have been greatly distressed, the country of Provence being in subjection to the King, and Savoy wholly at his devotion. Wherefore the King being advertised of all these enterprises, wrote to Master john james of Trevoul to aid Master Baptist de Campefourgouse with force to convey him to the gates of Genua, to see whether his faction would arise in his favour. And on the other side he was so earnestly pressed by the Cardinal S. Peter ad Vincula, that he sent other letters at the self same time to the said M. john james, commanding him to lend the said Cardinal men to convey him to Savonne: and the like commandment sent he him also by mouth by the Lord of Sernon in Provence, who was great friend to the said Cardinal and a stout talker. Besides these two commandments, came yet a third, which was, that the said Master john james should retire into some place where he might conveniently aid both these parties above mentioned, & yet attempt nothing against the Duke of Milan, nor the treaty of peace made the summer before with him, which commandment was clean contrary to the two former. Thus you see how great Princes affairs are governed when they understand them not themselves, but command letters and dispatch men upon a sudden before they hear matters well debated. For as touching the demands of Master Baptist de Campeforgouse and the said Cardinal, it was impossible to satisfy them both at once, for Baptist durst not go to the walls of Genua without great force, because the town is very populous, and the people well armed, and hardy and valiant soldiers: wherefore if Master john james should at the same time have lent men also to the Cardinal, his army had been divided into three companies; for part of the force must have remained with himself. In the mean time divers bands arrived at Genua and at Savonne, sent thither by the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, who both feared greatly the revolt of Genua, as did also Dom Frederick and the Pope. Besides these two enterprises, the said Master john james had yet a third in his head, devised of his own brain, which was this, he would have broken off both these other enterprises, and have marched with the whole force strait against the Duke of Milan, and undoubtedly if he had not been countermanded, he would have done some great exploit. His enterprise he was already entered into, and had advertised the King thereof, pretending that he could not otherwise aid them that should go to Genua or Savonne to the enterprises above mentioned. Wherefore under colour thereof, he led his army into the high way between Alexandria and Genua (which was the only way the Duke of Milan could send to invade our bands that should go to Genua and Savonne) and three or four small towns he took, which voluntarily received him, advertising the King that this notwithstanding, he made no war upon the Duke of Milan, seeing he was forced of necessity (for the safety of those that should go to the other enterprises) to do as he did: adding, that the King could not be said to make war upon the Duke of Milan, for seeking to conquer Genua or Savonne, because they were held of him and forfeited to him; but this enterprise was dashed by the King's commandment. Further, to satisfy the Cardinal, the said Master john james lent him part of the army to convey him to Savonne, but he found the place manned, and thereupon gave over his enterprise and returned. He lent men also to Master Baptist to convey him to Genua, who assured him that his enterprise should take effect: but when he was three or four leagues upon the way, they that accompanied him began to be jealous of him, as well the Almains as the French, wherein notwithstanding that they did him wrong, yet sure their company being but small, should have put themselves in great danger, if they had gone to Genua, and his faction had not happened to arise. Thus all these enterprises sped evil, and the Duke of Milan, who had been greatly distressed, if Master john james had been suffered to invade him with the whole force, was now strong; for the Venetians had sent divers bands to his aid. Whereupon our army retired, our footmen were dismissed, and these little towns that were taken abandoned: and thus ended these wars, finally to the King's profit, who consumed infinite treasure in them. The Notes. 1 Understand against the Venetians, by the which means he might have recovered the Polesan, and the rest that they withheld from him. 2 For you must understand that these practices began before their places were sold. 3 This Cardinal was borne at Savonne. Of certain controversies between King Charles and Ferrande King of Castille, and of the ambassadors that were sent to and fro to pacify them. Chap. 16. WHat happened from the Kings return out of Italy (which was about 3. or 4. months before the end of the year 1495.) till the beginning of the year 1498. I have already rehearsed: for all that space I was resident in the Court, and present at the dispatch of most part of those affairs. The King road about from Lions to Moulins, and from Moulins to Tours, holding tourneys and justs in all places, and minding nothing else. Those that were of the greatest authority about him, were so divided, that more they could not be; for some of them would that the conquest of Naples should still continue, because their profit and credit depended thereupon, namely, the Cardinal ¹, and the Seneschal ², who governed all the King's affairs: on the otherside the Admiral, who before this voyage had borne all the sway with the young King, would in any wise that these Italian enterprises should cease, and traveled to overthrow them, knowing that the quailing of them would turn greatly to his profit, and be a means whereby he might recover his former credit and authority, and the others fall into disgrace. Thus passed the King's affairs about a year and a half, during the which space he sent ambassadors to the King and Queen of Castille, who were in war with him, and whose friendship he greatly desired, because they were mighty both by sea and land. And notwithstanding that they did no great exploit upon the land, yet had they sent great aid by sea to King Ferrande and King Frederick of Naples: for the isle of Sicily is distant from Reges in Calabria but a league and a half, so that some hold opinion it was once firm land with Italy ³, and that the sea breaking in, made this strait ⁴ now named the Far ⁵ of Messine. The said isle of Sicily was then and yet is, in subjection to the King and Queen of Castille, who sent from thence great aid to Naples, as well of great ships called Caravels that came out of Spain, as also of men. Moreover, in the isle of Sicily itself a company of men of arms was levied, the which passed into Calabria with a certain number of genetarios ⁶, and made war upon the King's forces there. Besides this, their ships were continually with the confederates navy, by means whereof, when all their forces were together, the King was much too weak for his enemies upon the sea, but otherwise the King of Castille endamaged him not much. True it is that once a great company of horsemen entered into languedoc, and spoiled the country, and lodged in it three or four days; but other exploit did they none. Then the Lord of Saint André in Bourbonnois, who defended those frontiers for the Duke of Bourbon the King's lieutenant in languedoc, attempted to take Sausses a little town in the country of Roussillon, because on that side they had invaded the King's dominions about two years before. For you shall understand, that the King had restored unto them the said country of Roussillon ⁷, whereof the territory of Parpignan is parcel, in the which this little town of Sausses is situate. His enterprise was great and dangerous; for the town was well manned though it were but small, and a great number of gentlemen of the King of Castile's house were within it; besides that, their army being stronger than ours lay abroad in the fields encamped within a league of the place: yet notwithstanding the said Lord of Saint André so wisely and closely guided his enterprise that within ten hours he took the town by assault, as myself can witness, and at the breach were slain thirty or forty Spanish gentlemen of mark, among whom was the Archbishop of Saint james his son, besides three or four hundred common soldiers. They thought not that the town could have been taken so suddenly; for they understood not the feat of our artillery, which undoubtedly is the best in the world. This is all the exploit that was done between these two Princes, whereof though the effects were but small yet great was the shame and dishonour the King of Castille received thereby, his army being so strong as it was: but where God is disposed to punish, commonly such small scoruges run before. For the said King and Queen of Castille were shortly after otherwise punished, and so were we also. But sure as touching them they much stained their honour in violating their oath given to the King, who had dealt so bountifully with them, by restoring them the country of Rousillon, the fortification and defence whereof had been so chargeable to his father, who had it in pawn for three hundred thousand crowns, which sum also the King forgave them, all to the end they should not impeach nor hinder his voyage to Naples. Moreover, they renewed the ancient league between France and Castille, which is between King and King, realm and realm, and man and man of their subjects, and promised not to hinder his said conquest, nor marry any of their daughters into Naples, England or Flanders, which strait offer of marriage proceeded of themselves: for a Friar Franciscan called Friar john de Mauleon made this ounerture on the Queen of Castile's behalf. Yet all this notwithstanding so soon as they saw the war begun, and heard that the King was at Rome, they sent ambassadors round about to enter into league against him, and namely to Venice, I being there present, where the league above mentioned was concluded between the Pope, the King of Romans, them, the Seniore of Venice, and the Duke of Milan: immediately whereupon they invaded the King's dominions, alleging that such a promise was not to be performed, meaning the marriage of their children (being four daughters and one son) into the houses above mentioned, which owerture notwithstanding proceeded of themselves, as before you have heard. But to return to the matter. After these wars in Italy were ended, and all lost in the realm of Naples save Caietta, which the K. yet held when these treaties of peace began between him and the King and Queen of Castille: but soon after lost also, and the wars in the country of Roussillon being in like manner ended, so that none sought to endamage other, but each party to defend their own. They sent to King Charles a gentleman accompanied with certain Monks of Montferrat, for all their affairs they governed by such men, either to save charges thereby, or to dissemble by such instruments with the less suspicion, as for example they did by john de Mauleon the Friar Franciscan above named, who persuaded the King to restore unto them the country of Roussillon. These ambassadors at their first audience, besought the King to forget the great wrong the King and the Queen had done him. I name always the Queen because the crown of Castille moved by her, and because her authority was greater there than her husbands: and undoubtedly this was a very honourable marriage between the King her husband and her. Then these ambassadors began to treat of truce, desiring to have all their league comprehended therein. The owertures they made were these: that the King should keep the possession of Caietta, and the other places he yet held in the realm of Naples, and that during the truce he might victual them at his pleasure. Further, that there should be a place assigned whither all the Princes of the league should send their ambassadors (at the least, as many as would) to treat of peace, the which being concluded: the said King and Queen meant to continue their conquest or enterprise against the Moors, and to pass the sea out of Granado into afric, there to invade the King of Fessa who was their next neighbour on that side. Notwithstanding some were of opinion that they meant rather to hold themselves contented with that they had already conquered, I mean the realm of Granado, which undoubtedly was the greatest and honourablest conquest that hath been obtained in our time ⁸; yea such as their predecessors were never able to achieve. And I wish with all my hart for the honour I bear them, that they had never moved other war than this, but had faithfully performed their promise to the King. The King sent the Lord of Clerieux in Dauphin back into Castille with their ambassadors, and sought to conclude a peace or truce wherein their confederates should not be comprehended: notwithstanding if he had accepted their offer made by these their ambassadors, he had saved Caietta, which had been sufficient for the recovery of the whole realm of Naples, considering the great favour he had there. The said the Clerieux at his return brought a new owerture (for Caietta was lost before he entered into Castille) which was, that the King and they should renew their former ancient league, and attempt between them at equal charges the conquest of all Italy, whereat the two Kings should be together in person: but they said they would first conclude a general truce, wherein all their league should be comprehended, and then assign a diet at some place in Piedmont, whither every of their confederates should send their ambassadors, to the end they might honourably departed from their said league. All this owerture as we suspected then and understood perfectly afterward, was but mere dissimulation to win time, to the end King Ferrand while he lived, and afterward Dom Frederic newly crowned King might repose themselves: notwithstanding I think they wished with all their hearts the said realm of Naples to be their own, and sure they had better title to it, than they that possessed it9. But undoubtedly the house of Anious right which the King had was the best, although to say the truth considering both the seat of the country, and the disposition of the people that inhabit it, me think he hath best right to it that can get it, for they desire nothing but alteration. The King afterward sent the above named de Clericux back again into Castille & one Michael of Grammont with him, with certain other overtures. This de Clerieux bore some affection to these Princes of Arragon, and hoped to obtain of them the Marquisat of Cotron in Calabria, which the King of Spain conquered in the last voyage that his men made thither. The said de Clerieux pretended title to it, and he is a good plain dealing man, and one that will easily give credit, especially to such personages as these were. At his second return he brought with him an ambassador from the King and Queen, and made his report to the King, which was, that they would hold themselves contented with that part of the realm of Naples that lies next to Sicily (to wit, Calabria) for the right that they pretended to the said realm, and that the King should hold the rest: and farther that the said King of Castille would be in person at this conquest, and bear equal charges in all things with the King, and indeed he held then and yet holdeth four or five strong places in Calabria, whereof Cotron is one, which is a good and a well fortified city. I was present at this report, which seemed unto most of us but mere abuse and dissimulation. Wherefore it was determined that some wise man should be sent to them to sound the bottom of this owerture, and thereupon the Lord of Bouchage was joined in commission with the former ambassadors: he was a man of deep judgement, and one that had been in great credit with King Lewis, and so is he also at this present with King Charles his son. The Spanish ambassador that came with de Clerieux would never avow his report, but answered that he thought the said de Clerieux would not make the report, if the King his Master and the Queen had not willed him so to do; which answer caused us so much the more to suspect their dissimulation: besides that, no man would believe that the King of Castille would go in person into Italy, or that he either would or could bear equal charges with the King. After the said Lords of Bouchage, Clerieux, and Michael of Grammont with the rest of their colleagues were come to the K. and Queen of Castile's court, they lodged them in a place where no man could come to commune with them, for the which purpose also certain were appointed to watch their lodgings. But they themselves spoke thrice with them: & when the said du Bouchage advertised them of the report above mentioned made to the King by de Clerieux and Michael of Grammont: they answered that they would willingly endeavour themselves to conclude a peace for the King's honour and profit. And as touching the said report, they confessed that indeed such speech had passed them by way of communication but not otherwise, with the which answer de Clerieux being discontented and not without cause, advowed his report to be true before them both, in the presence of the said Lord of Bouchage, who with the rest of his companions concluded a truce, (the King having two months respite to accept it or refuse it) wherein their confederates were not comprehended, but their sons in law, and the fathers of their sons in law, namely the Kings of Romans and England ¹⁰ (for the Prince of Wales was at that time very young) were comprehended therein, they had four daughters, the eldest of the which was a widow, and had been married to the King of Portugals son that last died, who broke his neck before her as he passed a carrier upon a ginnet within three months after their marriage. The second and the third were married the one in Flaunders, and the other in England, and the fourth is yet to marry. After the Lord of Bouchage was returned, and had made his report, the King perceived that de Clerieux had been too credulous, and that he had done wisely in sending du Bouchage thither, because he was now assured of that which before he stood in doubt of. The said the Bouchage advertised him further, that he could effect nothing but the conclusion of the truce, the which he had liberty either to accept or refuse at his pleasure. The King accepted it, and sure it served him to good purpose: for it was the breach of their league which so much had troubled his affairs, and which hitherto he could by no means dissolve, notwithstanding that he had attempted all ways possible. Thirdly, the said de Bouchage informed the King, that the King and Queen of Castille had promised him at his departure to send ambassadors immediately after him cause of their attainture was for that they had attempted to make him King of Portugal that now reigneth. These Lords therefore and gentlemen were by means of this marriage recompensed in Castille by the King and Queen, and their lands which they had forfeited in Portugal by attainture, assigned to the Queen of Portugal (now mentioned) daughter to the said K. and Queen of Castille. But notwithstanding all these considerations, the said K. & Queen repent them of this marriage: for you shall understand that there is no nation in the world that the Spaniards hate more than the Portugals, so far forth that they disdain & scorn them: wherefore the said King & Queen lamented much that they had bestowed their daughter upon a man that should not be beloved in the realm of Castille & their other dominions: & if the marriage had been then unmade, they would never have made it, which undoubtedly was a great corrosive to them, yet nothing so great as this, that she should departed from them. Notwithstanding, after all their sorrows ended, they led their said daughter and son in law through all the chief cities of their realm, and made the said King of Portugal to be received for Prince, and their daughter for Princess, and proclaimed them their successors after their death. Some comfort they received after all these sorrows, for they were advertised that the said Lady Princess of Castille and Queen of Portugal, was great with child; but this joy proved in the end double grief, so that I think they wished themselves out of the world: for this Lady whom they so tenderly loved and so much esteemed, died in travel of the said child, not past a month agone, and we are now in October in the year 1498. but the child liveth and is called Emanuel after his father's name. All these greatmisfortunes happened to them in the space of three months. Now to return to the estate of France. You shall understand that about four or five months before the said Lady's death, a great misfortune happened also in this realm: I mean the death of King Charles the eight whereof hereafter you shall hear at large. It seemed therefore that God beheld both these houses with an angry countenance, and would not that the one realm should scorn the other. For although the death of a Prince seem but a trifle to many, yet is it sure far otherwise: for change of the Prince never happeneth in any realm, but it traineth with it great sorrows and troubles; and notwithstanding that some gain by it, yet an hundred fold more lose, because at an alteration men are forced to change their manner and form of living: for that that pleaseth one Prince, displeaseth another. Wherefore (as before I have said) if a man well consider the sharp and sudden punishments that God hath laid upon great Princes within these thirty years, in France, Castille, Portugal, England, Naples, Flaunders, and Britain, he shall find that they have been heavier and greevouser than happened in two hundred years before: and whosoever would take in hand to discourse upon all the particular misfortunes that I myself have seen, and in a manner known all the persons as well men as women to whom they happened, should make thereof a huge volume and that of great admiration, yea though it contained only such as have chanced within these ten years. By these punishments, the power of God ought to be the better known, for the plagues he poureth down upon great personages are sharper, grievouser, and endure longer than those he sendeth to the poorer sort. To conclude therefore, me think all things well weighed, that Princes are in no better estate in this world than other men, if they consider by the miseries they see happen to their neighbours what may happen to themselves. For as touching them they chastise their subjects at their pleasures, and God disposeth of them at his pleasure, because other than him they have none over them: but happy is the realm that is governed by a Prince that is wise and feareth God and his commandments. I have briefly rehearsed the misfortunes that happened in three months space to these two great and mighty realms, which not long before were so inflamed the one against the other, so busied in enlarging their dominions, and so little contented with that they already possessed. And notwithstanding that always some (as before I said) rejoice at changes, and gain by them: yet at the first (even to them) the death, especially the sudden death of their Prince is very dreadful and dangerous. The Notes. 1 This he seemeth to add, because the empire was greater, but it was not the Emperor's inheritance. 2 Understand the two first murders, of his wives father and brother: for his son was dead before he slew his own brother. 3 Understand her dowry for her first marriage. 4 But the child died also afterward, and the crown of Spain descended to jane the second daughter wife to Philip Duke of Ostrich, and mother to the Emperor Charles the fift. Further, you shall understand that our author's memory failed him here: for this Prince's name was not Emanuel as Commines here writeth, but Michael, according to all good authors and pedigrees both of Spain and Portugal. Of the sumptuous building King Charles began a little before his death, of the great desire he had to reform the Church and himself, to diminish his revenues, and to redress the processes of the law: and how he died suddenly in this good mind in his castle of Amboise. Chap. 18. I Will here cease further to discourse of the affairs of Italy and Castille, and return to our own particular sorrows and troubles in France, which notwithstanding were pleasant news happily to those that gained by them. I will write of the sudden death of King Charles the 8. who being in his castle of Amboise, had begun the sumptuousest building, both in the castle and the town, that any King took in hand these hundred years, as appeareth by the towers, up to the which men ride on horseback, and by the foundantion laid in the town, the platforms whereof were drawn of such exquisiteness, that they well declared it to be a work of marvelous charge, and that could not have been finished in long time. For you shall understand, that the King had brought with him from Naples, many excellent workmen in all kind of arts, especially gravers and painters, and sure it seemed by the foundation, an enterprise of a young King that thought not to die, but hoped of long life: for he joined, together all the goodly things that were commended to him, were they in France Italy, or Flaunders. Further, he continued still desirous to return into Italy, and confessed that he had committed many errors in his voyage thither, and oftentimes rehearsed them, determining if his fortune were to return again and recover his losses; to give better order for the defence of the country. The recovery also whereof (because he had great intelligence in all places) he purposed to attempt, and to send thither fifteen hundred men of arms, Italians, under the leading of the marquess of Mantua, the Vrsins, the Vitellies, and the Perfect of Rome brother to the Cardinal Saint Peter ad Vincula. Moreover, Monseur d' Aubigny who had done him so great service in Calabria, was ready to take his journey towards Florence; for the Florentines offered to bear the half of these charges for six months, to the end the King with these forces above mentioned, might first take Pisa , at the least the small places about it, and then all together enter into the realm of Naples, from whence messengers came daily to him. Alexander the Pope that now is, practised with him, and offered to become his perfect friend; for there was a breach between him and the Venetians, so far forth that he sent a secret messenger into France, whom myself conveyed into the King's chamber a little before his death. The Venetians were ready to practise against Milan: as touching Spain, you have heard how it was affected to him. The King of Romans desired nothing so much as his friendship, and that they two might join their forces together, to recover that which appertained to them in Italy: for the said Maximilian was great enemy to the Venetians, because they withhold divers things both from the house of Ostrich (whereof he is heir) and also from the empire . Moreover, the King was well disposed a little before his death to lead his life according to the commandments of God, to reform all abuses in the law & the Church, and to diminish his receipts & revenues, purposing to levy of his people only twelve hundred thousand franks over and above his demains, which sum the three estates granted him by way of subsidy at Towers at his first coming to the crown, and this money he meant to employ upon the defence of the realm. But as touching himself he would have lived upon his domains, according to the manner of the ancient Kings of France, and so might he well have done: for the domains are great, yea so great, if they were well ordered, that they surmount a million of franks, certain customs and subsidies being annexed to them. If this his determination had taken effect, he should thereby much have eased his people, who pay at this present above two millions and a half of franks by way of subsidy. Moreover, he took great pains in reforming the abuses of the order of Saint Benet, and other orders of religion: he called near about him holy religious men, and often heard them preach: he would willingly have brought to pass if he could, that a Bishop should have had but one bishopric, and a Cardinal but two, and that the clergy should have been resident upon their benefices: but it had been a hard matter to reform the church men. He gave great alms to poor people a little before his death, as his confessor the Bishop of Angers (who was a worthy prelate) informed me. Lastly, he had built a public audience where himself heard the suits of all men, especially of the poor, and dispatched many matters: I myself saw him in this place two hours together but eight days before his death, which was the last time that ever I saw him: no matters of great importance were dispatched there, but by this means he held men in fear, especially his officers, some also of the which he displaced for extortion and bribery. But the eight day of April, the year 1498. upon Palm sunday even, the King being in this glory as touching the world, and in this good mind towards God: departed out of the chamber of Queen Anne Duchess of Britain his wife, leading her with him to see the tennis players in the trenches of the castle, whither he had never led her before, and they two entered together into a gallery, called Haquelebacs' gallery, because the said Haquelebac had in times past held watch and ward in it. It was the uncleanest place about the castle, for every man made water there, and the entry into it was broken down: moreover, the King as he entered, knocked his brow against the door; notwithstanding that he were of very small stature. Afterward he beheld a great while the tennis playing, talking familiarly with all men. I myself was not present there, but his said confessor the Bishop of Angers, and those of his chamber that were nearest about him, have informed me of this I write: for as touching myself, I was gone home eight days before to my house. The last word he spoke being in health was, that he hoped never after to commit deadly sin, nor venial if he could: in uttering the which words he fell backward and lost his speech, about two of the clock at afternoon, and abode in this gallery till eleven of the clock at night. Thrice he recovered his speech, but it continued not with him, as the said confessor told me, who had shriven him twice that week, once of ordinary, and once for those that came to be cured of the King's evil. Every man that listed entered into the gallery, where he lay upon an old mattress of straw, from the which he never arose till he gave up the ghost, so that nine hours he continued upon it. The said confessor who was continually by him told me, that all the three times he recovered his speech he cried; My God, and the glorious virgin Marie, Saint claud, and Saint Blaze help me. Thus departed out of this world this mighty puissant Prince in this miserable place, not being able to recover one poor chamber to die in: notwithstanding that he had so many goodly houses, and built one so sumptuous at that present. These two examples above rehearsed declare the greatness of God's power, and the shortness and misery of man's life, which traineth with it great cares, for the purchasing of worldly goods and honours, and show withal that death is common to all men, the which a Prince can no more avoid than a poor ploughman. The Notes. 1. Understand, to the end he might deliver it to the Florentines. 2 They withhold from the house of Ostrich a part of Istria and Furly, and from the empire Padua and Veronne. How the holy man Friar Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the Pope, and of divers Florentines and Venetians his enemies. Chap. 19 I Have told you before in this discourse of our voyage to Naples, that there was at Florence a Friar jacobin called Hierome, who had been resident there the space of fifteen years, being a man famous for his holy life, and whom myself see and communed with in the year of our Lord 1495. The said Friar as above is mentioned foretold divers things, and affirmed always that the King should pass over the mountains into Italy, and preached so openly, saying, that he understood both this and all the other things whereof he spoke by revelation. He said further, that the King was chosen of God to reform the estate of the Church with the sword, and to chastise Tyrants. But because he affirmed that he understood these things by revelation, many murmured against him, and he procured himself the displeasure of the Pope and of divers others in the town of Florence. He led the holiest life that any man could lead, as appeared both by his conversation, and also by his sermons, wherein he preached against all kind of vice, so that he reform the lose lives of many in the said city. But in this year 1498. about the self same time that King Charles ended his life, died also this Friar Hierom, within four or five days the one of the other. The cause why I writ this unto you, is for that he preached always openly that the K. should return again into Italy, to execute the commission that God had given him, which was to reform the Church by the sword, and to chase tyrants out of the country; and that in case he did it not, God would punish him cruelly; and all his former sermons, and all that he made at this present he put forth in print, and are to be sold. This threatening that he used against the King, saying that God would punish him cruelly unless he returned: the said Friar writ also divers times to him before his death, and the like told he me with his own mouth, when I spoke with him at our return out of Italy, saying that God had pronounced sentence against the King in heaven, unless he executed that which he had commanded him, and restrained his men from spoil. Now you shall understand, that about the time of the King's death, the Florentines were at great variance within the city: some desired the King's return, and waited daily for it, because of the great hope Friar Hierom gave them thereof: but in the mean time they consumed themselves and waxed marvelous poor, by reason of the great charges they sustained in hope to recover Pisa, and the other places that they had put into the K. hands, whereof the Venetians held Pisa. But other some gave advice to take part with the league, and utterly to abandon the King, saying that they were abused, that it was folly to look for his return, and that Friar Hierom was an heretic, and a whoormaster, and that it were alms to put him into a sack, and throw him into the river; but he was so friended in the town, that they durst not attempt it. The Pope also and the Duke of Milan writ often against this Friar, offering the Florentines to cause Pisa and their other places to be restored them, if they would departed from their league with the King, and take Friar Hierom and punish him. And by chance at that present a new signory was chosen in Florence, whereof many were enemies to this Friar. For you shall understand that the said signory changeth at every two months end. Wherefore the said Hieroms enemies suborned a Friar Franciscan to pick a quarrel to him and call him heretic, affirming that he abused the people, in saying he understood any thing by revelation: for proof whereof he offered himself to the fire, and these words he spoke before the signory. Friar Hierom would not present himself to the fire, but a companion of his said, that he would enter into the fire for him: and then another companion of the Friar Franciscans presented himself on the other side: whereupon a day was assigned when they should enter into the fire. Upon the which they both came accordingly, accompanied each of them with his covent; but the jacobine brought the sacrament in his hand, which the Friar Franciscans and the signory also commanded him to lay down, which he refused to do: wherefore they returned again to their covents. Then the people moved by the said Friar Hieroms enemies, went with the Seniories commission and took him, with two others of his companions in his convent, and at the very first racked him cruelly; they slew also the chiefest citizen in the town called Francis Vallorie, because he was the said Friars great friend. Moreover, the Pope sent his commission, whereby he authorised them to make their process; and in the end they burned them all three. They charged him with these two points only; first, that he raised discord in the town: and secondarily, that he understood by his friends of the council, all that he vaunted to know by revelation. For my part I will neither accuse them, nor excuse them for this deed; neither know I whether they did well or evil, in putting him to death: but sure he told many things that proved true, which he could not receive from the council of Florence. And as touching the King, and the evils he said should happen to him, they came to pass as he prophesied: for first he told him, of the dolphin his sons death, and after of his own, as myself can witness, for I have seen the letters he writ thereof to the King. Of the obsequies and funerals of King Charles the eight, and of the coronation of King Lewis the 12. his successor, with the genealogies of the Kings of France continuing to the said Lewis. Chap. 20. THe King's disease was a Catarrh or an Apoplexy: his Physicians hoped it would have fallen down into one of his arms, the loss whereof they somewhat doubted, but feared no whit any danger of death: notwithstanding the contrary to their expectation happened. He had four Physicians, but gave credit only to the worst of them, and that so great, that the others durst not utter their minds: for they would gladly have purged him four days before he died, because they saw in his body the occasions of his death. Every man ran to the Duke of Orleans, who was to succeed him as next heir to the crown. But King Charles his chamberlains caused him to be richly buried, and immediately after his death began solemn service for him, which continued both day and night: for when the canons ended, the friars Franciscans began; and when they ended the Bons-hommes , which was an order founded by himself: his body remained at Amboise eight days, partly in his chamber, which was richly hanged, and partly in the church. All solemnities belonging to his funerals, were more sumptuous than ever were any K. of France: for his chamberlains, officers, & those that were near about him, never departed from his body till it was laid in the ground, which was about a month after his death, all the which space this solemn service continued; so that the charges of his funerals amounted to five and forty thousand franks, as divers of the receipt have informed me. I arrived at Amboise two days after his death, and went to say my prayers over his body, where I abode five or six hours. And to say the truth, I never saw so great mourning, and lamentation, nor that continued so long for any Prince as for him: and no marvel; for he had bestowed upon those that were near about him, namely his chamberlains, and ten or twelve gentlemen of his privy chamber, greater offices and gifts than ever did King of France, yea, too great to say the truth. Besides that, he was the mildest and courteousest Prince that ever lived; for I think he never gave foul word to any man: wherefore in better hour could he not die, both to leave his fame behind him in histories, and to be bewailed of those that served him. And I think verily, that myself am the man whom of all other he used roughliest, but because I knew it to be the fault of his youth and not to proceed of himself, I could never love him the worse for it. After I had stayed one night at Amboise, I went to the new King, with whom I had been more familiar than any man: and further, for his sake had sustained all my troubles and losses, which now he seemed little to remember: notwithstanding with great wisdom he took possession of the crown, for he changed no pensions that year, though half the year were yet to come, neither displaced many officers, but said that he would maintain every man in his estate; whereby he won great honour. Moreover, with all speed possible he went to his coronation, whereat myself was present. And these that follow represented the peers of France. The first was the Duke of Alencon, who represented the Duke of Burgundy; the second the Duke of Bourbon, who represented the Duke of Normandy; the third the Duke of Lorraine, who represented the D, of Guienne. The first Earl was Philip L. of Ravastaine, who represented the Earl of Flaunders; the second Engilbert of Cleves, who represented the Earl of champaign; the third the Earl of Foix, who represented the Earl of Tholouze. And the said King Lewis the twelfth now reigning, was crowned at Reims the 27. of May, the year 1498. and is the fourth that hath come to the crown by collateral line. The two first were Charles Martell, or Pepin his son, and Hugh Capet, who were both of them Masters of the palace or governors of those Kings, whom they deposed from the crown, which afterward themselves usurped; the third was King Philip of Valois; and the fourth the King that now reigneth: but these two latter came to the crown by just and lawful title. The first genealogy of the Kings of France beginneth at Meronee: two Kings had reigned in France before the said Meronee, namely Pharamont, who was first chosen King of France (for his predecessors were called Dukes or Kings of Gaul) and his son Claudio. The said Pharamont was chosen King the year of grace 420. and reigned ten years, and his son Claudio eighteen, so that these two Kings reigned eight and twenty years: and Meronee who succeeded next after, was not son, but cozen to the said Claudio. Wherefore it seemeth that the right line of the Kings of France hath failed five times: notwithstanding (as before I said) men begin the first line at Meronee, who was crowned King in the year of our Lord 448. from the which time to the coronation of King Lewis the twelfth are numbered 1050. years. But if you reckon from Pharamont, you must add eight and twenty more, which make 1078. years since there was first King of France. From Meronee to the reign of Pepin (when the line of the said Meronee failed) are numbered 333. years. From Pepin to Hugh Capet reigned the true line of the said Pepin, and Charlemagne his son, the space of 237. years. The right line of Hugh Capet reigned 339. years, and ended in King Philip of Valois: and the right line of the said King Philip of Valois continued till the death of King Charles the eight, which happened in the year of our Lord 1498. The said King Charles was the last of this line, the which had continued 169. years, during the which space, these seven Kings reigned in France, Philip of Valois, King john, Charles the fift, Charles the sixth, Charles the seventh, Lewis the 11. and Charles the eight, in whom the right line of Philip of Valois ended. The Notes. 1 This was an order of religion devised by the King. How Charles Duke of Burgundy was of the house of Lancaster as Commines mentioneth lib. 1. cap. 5. and in other places. john of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster. — m. Blanch daughter and heir of Henry Duke of Lancaster and Derby. Philippe. — m. john the tenth King of Portugal, bastard to King Ferrande of Portugal. Isabel. — m. Philip Duke of Burgundy. Charles Duke of Burgundy, of whose wars and death this history treateth. How Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth, was niece to the Constable of France, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 5. Peter of Luxembourg. — m. Margaret Countess of Saint Paul, Conuersane, Briane, Lignac, etc. Petrus Earl of Saint Paul, etc. — m. Margaret daughter to William D. of Andre in Provence. jaquelna, or jaquette. — m. john Duke of Bedford. — m. Richard Wooduile Earl of Rivers. Elizabeth. — m. Sir john Grace. Thomas Marques Dorset. — m. Edward the fourth King of England. Edwardus quintus R. Ang. Lewis of Luxembourg, Earl of Saint Paul, Constable of France. — m. jane daughter & heir to Robert Earl of Marle, etc. Anthony Earl of Roussv mentioned by Commines lib. 2. cap. 11. & lib. 4. ca 4. john Earl of Marle slain at the battle of Morat. Peter Earl of Saint Paul and Brienne. — m. Margaret daughter to Lewis D. of Savoye. Marie. Francis. — m. Marry daughter to Lewis Duke of Savoye. Lewis Ea●● of Ligny. How Brabant, Lambourg, Luxembourg and Namurs came to Philip Duke of Burgundy, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. Brabant. Lambourg. john the first of that name Duke of Brabant and Lambourg. 1 Lambourg was erected into a Duchy 1172. and Henry the last Duke thereof (who died without issue 1293.) sold it to john the first of that name Duke of Brabant. But Henry Earl of Luxembourg father to Henry the Emperor, the Bishop of Colyn, and one called the Earl Ghelric invaded the Duchy of Lambourg, with them Duke john fought near to the castle of Voronc, and took the Earl Ghelric (who pretended title to Lambourg) and the Bishop of Colin prisoners: the Earl of Luxembourg with two of his brethren was slain, the castle of Voronc razed, since the which time, Lambourg hath remained quiet under the Dukes of Brabant. — m. Margaret daughter to Guy Earl of Flaunders. john Duke of Brabant and Lambourg. — m. Margaret daughter to Edward the first King of England. john Duke of Brabant and Lambourg. — m. Marry daughter to Philip of Valois King of France. jane the eldest daughter died 1397. — m. Wenceslaus son to john King of Boheme 2 Wenceslaus succeeded john Duke of Brabant, but he died 1383. without issue, and after his wife dying anno 1393. left Brabant and Lambourg to Anthony second son to Philip the Hardy, the said janes' grand nephew by Margaret her younger sister, after whose death and his two sons john and Philip, Brabant and Lambourg descended to Philip Duke of Burgundy, as mentioneth Commines in the place above rehearsed. died 1383. Margaret. — m. Lewis Malea●●● Earl of flanders. Margaret. — m. Philip the hardy. Margaret wife to William Earl of Haynault. Anthony slain in the battle of Agincourt. — m. jane daughter to Walleran Earl of Saint Paul & Ligny, the first wife. john succeeded his father in Brabant and Lambourg. Philip succeeded his brother. — m. 3 Elizabeth second wife to Anthony Duke of Brabant, was daughter to john Duke of Gorlic, brother to the emperors Wenceslaus and Sigismundus, who partly in respect of this marriage, partly for money gave to Duke Anthony the Duchy of Luxembourg, but after his death, they and William Duke of Saxony, who had married Sigismundus daughters daughter, sought to dispossess her of it: but Duke Philip of Burgundy ever defended her, and after her death succeeded her as well by her gift as also as heir to Duke Anthony, (his two sons being dead) who had paid money to Wenceslaus and Sigismundus for it: afterward also Charles Duke of Burgundy bought the title of Isabel (wife to Cassimirus King of Polonia, and niece to the Emperor Sigismond) to the Duchy of Luxembourg to hold it without quarrel. Elizabeth the second wife. Luxembourg. john Duke of Burgundy. — m. Margaret siste● to William Earl of Haynault & Holland. Namurs. Philip Duke of Burgundy. 4 As touching Namurs Duke Philip bought it for his money of divers that pretended title to it, especially of john Earl of Namur, who sold it to Duke Philip under condition to hold it during his life, which happened anno 1428. How Holland, Hainault, and Zealand came to Duke Philip, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. where also the Queen's majesties title to the said countries is somewhat touched. Holland, Hainault, Zealand. William Earl of Holland, Hainault, and Zealand. — m. jane sister to Philip of Valois after K. of France. Philippe the eldest daughter, wife to Edward the third King of England. William declared by the Emperor ann. 1337. Earl of Holland, Zealand, Hainault, and Lord of Friesland, slain by the Frizons 1345. Margaret, daughter as some writ, to William, 1 This Margaret Guicchiardin writeth to have been daughter to William the younger Earl of Hainault, Holland and Zealand, but Annals Genealogiques' Franciae say that she was sister not daughter to William, as do also other most approved Authors. And if she were but sister, than the Queen's Majesty being descended of Philippe the said William's eldest sister, is right heir of all these countries. Meyerus lib, 12. fol. 140. pag. 2. and fol. 147. pag. 1. saith, that Margaret was sister not daughter to Duke William, which also is the more manifestly proved, because the wife of this William was jane the eldest daughter to john Duke of Brabant, who overlived her husband, and after married Wenceslaus brother to the Emperor Charles the fourth: which woman never had issue, yet find we no mention of any other wife that William the younger Earl of Hainault had. as others, sister. — m. Lewis of Bauier● Emperor. William the eldest brother died without issue. Albert succeeded his brother. — m. Margaret daughter to the Duke of Brida. William succeeded his father. — m. Margaret daughter to Philip the Hardy. jaqueline daughter and heir had four husbands, but died without issue, and to her succeeded Philip D. of Burgundy. Margaret. — m. john Duke of Burgundy son to Philip the Hardy. Philip Duke of Burgundy succeeded jaqueline in all these Seniories, as here mentioneth Commines. A daughter married to the Duke of juliers. How Margaret of Flaunders was heir of Flaunders, Nevers and Rethel, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. & lib. 5. cap. 11. the which Margaret married with Philip the Hardy, youngest son to john King of France. Ottho younger son to Hugh the fourth of that name Duke of Burgundy. — m. Isabel daughter & heir of Arnulfe Earl of Nevers, which Arnulfe died anno 1243. Nevers. Yolande. Flaunders. — m. Robert of Bethune the 22. Earl of Flaunders died 1323. Lewis Earl of Nevers, Baron of Douzy, died before his father ann. 1322. Rethel. — m. Marry daughter and heir of james ● of Rethel. Lewis Earl of Flaunders, Nevers, Rethel, slain at the battle of Crecy 1346. — m. Margaret youngest daughter to Philip le Longue, King of France. Lewis Earl of Flaunders, surnamed of Malain, slain by john Duke of Berry brother to Charles the fift anno 1383. — m. Margaret daughter to john the 3. Duke of Brabant. Margaret daughter and heir here mentioned married two Dukes of Burgundy, as in the next leaf more at large shall appear. — m. Philip Duke and Earl of Burgundy the first husband. — m. Philip the Hardy youngest son to john K. of France. How Arthois and the County of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret above mentioned, and how she married two Dukes of Burgundy, and how Philip the Hardy her second husband obtained the Duchy of Burgundy after the death of Philip Duke of Burgundy her first husband. Burgundy Duchy. Robert Duke of Burgundy died 1308. — m. Agnes daughter to King Saint Lewis. Margaret the eldest daughter. — m. Lewis Huttin King of France. jane wife to Philip Earl of Eureux. jane. — m. Philip of Valois King of France. john King of France. 3 Touching the Duchy of Burgundy, note that after the death of Philip Duke of Burgundy, nephew to Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundy, King john of France being son to jane the said Otthos younger sister, seized the Duchy of Burgundy into his hands, excluding jane daughter to Margaret the elder sister as suspected of bastardy, and after gave the said Duchy to his youngest son Philip the hardy for his advancement in marriage with the Lady Margaret of Flaunders. Philip the hardy second husband to the Lady Margaret. Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundy. — m. jane the eldest daughter. Philip died afore his father anno 1346. — m. jane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Awergne. Philip Duke and Earl of Burgundy succeeded his grandfather, died 1361. — m. Margaret daughter and heir, her second husband was Philip the hardy. Burgundy County. Othelin Earl of Burgundy died 1303. Arthois. — m. Maude daughter to Robert Earl of Arthois. 1 Touching the title of Arthois this is to be observed, that Robert Earl of Arthois father to Maude, had a son named Philip, who died before his father, and left behind him a son named Robert Earl of Beumont, who after his grandfathers death demanded the Country of Arthois: but this Maude by favour of the French King obtained it, because she was adjudged nearer heir to the Earl Robert being his daughter, than the Earl of Beumont being his sons son: for spite whereof, the Earl of Beumont revolted to the King of England, of him are descended the Earls of Eu. jane succeeded her mother in her widowhood, and was poisoned immediately after her mother's death. — m. Philip the long King of France jane the eldest daughter. — m. Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundy. Philip died afore his father anno 1346. — m. jane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Awergne. Philip Duke and Earl of Burgundy succeeded his grandfather, died 1361. — m. Margaret daughter and heir, her second husband was Philip the hardy. Margaret. 2 This Margaret being in her widowhood, succeeded in Arthois and the County of Burgundy of Philip her sister janes' sons son, and husband to Margaret her sons daughter, to whom after her death the said signiories descended. — m. Lewis Earl of Flaunders Lewis of Malain Earl of Flaunders. — m. Margaret daughter to john D. of Brabant. Margaret daughter and heir, her second husband was Philip the hardy. — m. Philip Duke and Earl of Burgundy succeeded his grandfather, died 1361. Blanch. — m. Charles le bell K. of France. How the King of Portugal was cousin german to the Duke of Burgundy, as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 7. Ferdinand the ninth King of Portugal. john a bastard, but King of Portugal. — m. Philippe daughter to john of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Isabel. — m. Philip Duke of Burgundy. Charles Duke of Burgundy. Marry daughter and heir to D. Charles. — m. Maximilian Emperor. Edward King of Portugal. — m. jane sister to Alfonse King of Arragon, Naples, and Sicily. Leonora. — m. Frideric the third Emperor. Maximilian Emperor. — m. Marry daughter and heir to D. Charles. Alfonsus' King of Portugal, the same that came into France for succours. How the Duke of Cleves was the Lady of Burgundy's nearest kinsman by his mother, as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 16. john Duke of Burgundy. — m. Margaret sister to William Earl of Hainault and Holland. Mary. — m. Adolf the first D. of Cleves. Adolfe Lord of Ravastain. — m. Betrice daughter to john Duke of Cuymbria in Portugal. Philip Lord of Ravastain mentioned in many places of this history. — m. Marry base daughter to Philip Duke of Burgundy. john Duke of Cleves the D. here mentioned. — m. Isabel daughter to john E. of Nevers. john duke of Cleves the Duke's son, for whom the marriage with the Lady Mary should have been made. Philip Duke of Burgundy. — m. Isabel daughter to john K. of Portugal. Charles Duke of Burgundy. — m. Isabel daughter to Charles Duke of Bourbon. Marry Duchess of Ostrich, so often mentioeed in this history. — m. Maximilian Emperor. How King Henry the 7. was right heir of the house of Lancaster, contrary to Commines who affirmeth the contrary Lib. 5. cap. 18. together with the excuse of Commines' error. Edward the third King of England. john of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster. — m. Blanch daughter and heir to Henry D. of Lancaster. john Duke of Bedford Henry the 4. Rex Angliae. Henry the 5. Rex Angliae. Henry the 6. Rex Angliae. Edward Prince of Wales. Thomas D. of Clarence Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. — m. Katherine the third wife. john Earl of Somerset. john Duke of Somerset the eldest son. Margaret countess of Richmond. Henry the 7 Edmund made D of Somerset, because his brother died without issue male. Henry Duke of Somerset beheaded by K Edward the fourth. Edmund Duke of Somerset beheaded also by K. Edward the fourth. A daughter married Humphrey Duke of Buckingham john slain at the battle of Teukesbury. The excuse of Commines' error. The line of Henry the fourth being failed in Prince Edward, the right of the house of Lancaster came to the house of Somerset, as here is set forth: but after the d●●th of john Duke of Somerset, who died without heir male, Edmund his brother was made Duke of Somerset. Wherefore Commines knowing Henry the 7. to claim the right of the house of Lancaster as heir of the house of Somerset, and seeing others to be Dukes of Somerset and not him: supposed them to be of the elder house to him; yet notwithstanding was Henry the 7. nearer heir than they, being by his mother descended of the elder brother, though they being of the male line obtained the title of Somerset before him. But this in my fancy bred Commines error, and thus much in his excuse. The title the Duke of Lorraine had to the realm of Sicily, county of Provence, and Duchy of Bar, mentioned by Commines Lib. 7. cap. 1. and the King's title thereto: together with the whole quarrel between the house of Arragon and Anjou: and why the house of Anjou had the best title, as mentioneth Commines Lib. 8. Cap. 16. Naples Charles Earl of Anjou and Main brother to King S. Lewis, King of Naples and Sicily. Provence. — m. Betrice heir of Provence. 2 Charles surnamed the Boiteux, King of Naples. Hungary. — m. Marry daughter & heir to Stephen King of Hungary. Charles Martell King of Hungary the eldest brother. Cornumbert King of Hungary. Lewis King of Hungary. Andrew strangled by Queen jane his wife. 4 — m. jane succeeded Robert her grandfather. 3 Robert King of Naples the younger brother. Charles sans terre died before his father. 4 jane succeeded Robert her grandfather. — m. Andrew strangled by Queen jane his wife. Mary. Boccace his Conc. Margaret 5 — m. Charles King of Naples and Hungary. 7 jane succeeded Ladislaus her brother, died anno 1433. 6 Ladislaus King of Naples died 1414. Lewis D. of Durazzo. Charles of Durazzo executed by Lewis King of Hungary. 5 Charles King of Naples and Hungary. — m. Margaret 7 jane succeeded Ladislaus her brother, died anno 1433. 6 Ladislaus King of Naples died 1414. Clementia. — m. Charles Earl of Valois. Philip of Valois King of France. john King of France. Lewis of Anjou adopted by Q. jane the first, slain an. 1385. Lewis of Anjou troubled K. Ladislaus, died anno 1417. Bar. Yoland heir of Bar by Yoland her mother. Marie. — m. Charles the 7 K. of France. Lewis the 11 K. of France Charles the 8. K. of France Reue so often mentioned in this history, adopted by the last Qu. jane, after Lewis his brother's death. Lorraine. — m. Isabel daughter and heir to Charles D. of Lorraine. john Duke of Calabria died before his father. Nicholas died before his grandfather. Yoland wife to Frederic of Vandemonne. Rene. This is he that claimed Provence and Bar of K. Charles. Charles Earl, of main mentioned Lib. 1. cap. 3. Charles, whom king Rene made his heir of Naples, Provence, and Bar, and he after made King Lewis his heir lib. 7. c. 1. Lewis the third of Anjou Duke, adopted by jane the second, died anno 1433. Hereby appeareth that the Duke of Lorraine had the best title to Provence, as heir to Lewis the first of that name Duke of Anjou, to whom Queen jane gave it: to Naples likewise as heir to the house of Anjou, by being daughters son to Rene, to whom Queen jane the second left it by her last will and testament, of Bar he was heir as heir to Yolande his great grandmother: and as touching the testaments of the two first Charles kings of Naples, who, as it is alleged, so united Provence, that it could not be severed from the realm of Naples, nor descend to the heir female as long as a male was living. First, the example of Queen jane who succeeded Robert her grandfather divers males living, proveth there was never any such testament: besides that, king Charles was no more heir male to those kings than the Duke of Lorraine, for they both descended of them by a woman, namely Clementia, wife to Charles of Valois. So that the King had no colour to Naples or Provence, but at this da●e the whole title of the house of Anjou thereto, resteth in the now Duke of Lorraine, who is lineally descended of king Rene. Lastly, the reason whereupon Commines groundeth the house of Anious title to the realm of Naples to be best: is only because Lewis of Anjou was made heir thereof by Queen janes' last testament, which revoketh all former testaments. The story of this pedigree of Naples and Sicily. 1. Charles brother to Saint Lewis King of France obtained Provence by marriage of Betrice daughter to Raymond, or Robert, or Berengarius Earl of Provence, who made her his heir, though she were his younger daughter, after Vrbanus the fourth Pope of Rome called him into Italy against Manfredus King of Naples and Sicily, whom Charles slew in battle, and after beheaded Conradinus also, who quarrelled the realms of Naples & Sicily: but soon after Peter King of Arragon, who had married King Mansridus daughter, revolted Sicily from him, flew all the French men in an evening, and possessed Sicily, as his posterity namely King Philip doth yet at this day. Charles was crowned King of Naples by Vrbane the fourth, anno 1255. and after confirmed by Clement the fourth, and died anno 1274. 2. Charles his son in his father's time seeking to recover Sicily, was taken prisoner by King Peter's forces. and carried into Arragon, where he should have been executed in revenge of Conradinus death (as 200. gentlemen and nobles taken with him were) had not Constance king Peter's wife saved his life: after he was restored to Naples, paying for his ransom 30000. marks, and married the daughter and heir of Stephen king of Hungary, by whom he had nine sons and five daughters, whose offspring look in Onufrius pag. 309. he died anno 1319. These two kings are they that our author mentioneth lib. 7. cap. 1. that were said to have made testaments that Provence could not be severed from the realm of Naples, nor descend to the female as long as there was an heir male living, which appeareth to be false in the example of Queen jane. 3. Robert king of N●ples crowned by Clement the fift, died without issue male anno 1342. and left his realm to jane his sons daughter, under condition that she should marry Andrew younger son to Cornumbere king of Hungary her cousin german removed: here is to be observed that this Robert was younger son to king Charles, but the said king gave to Charles his eldest son his realm of Hungary, and Naples to this Robert. In his time lived Petrarcha and Boccace. 4. jane daughter to Charles sans terre succeeded her grandfather Robert, and married Andrew son to the king of Hungary as her said grandfather had appointed, whom within three years she strangled: whereupon Lewis king of Hungary his brother came into Italy, chased Q. jane out of Naples, executed Charles of Durazzo as consenting to his brother's death, and carried Charles his son with him into Hungary; after whose departure, jane by help of Pope Clement returned and recovered Naples, but after she fell out with Pope Vrbanus the sixth, who chased her into Provence, where she adopted Lewis of Anjou son to King john of France, and so returned to Naples, against whom the Pope called out of Hungary Charles son to Charles of Durazzo, who recovered Naples, but Provence Lewis enjoyed: she was hanged ann. 1381. 5. Charles (son to Charles of Durazzo beheaded) was led prisoner into Hungary by king Lewis, as before is mentioned, after whose death, he succeeded him in Hungary as his next heir male: he was invested King of Naples by Vrbane the sixth against Queen jane, whom he took prisoner anno 1381. and hung at the same window she had hung her husband, and beheaded also Marry Queen janes' sister (whom Boccace was enamoured of) as consenting to her sister's husband's death: he slew in battle anno 1385. Lewis of Anjou, adopted by Queen jane, after he fell at variance with Pope Vrbane. He was slain in Hungary by the treason of the old Queen king Lewis his wife and her daughter at a feast, anno 1386 his wife was Margaret Queen janes' sister. 6 Ladislaus lost Hungary by his father's murder, but was at length received and crowned king of Naples by Pope Boneface the ninth, anno 1, 90. and then he chased Lewis the second out of Italy, who after his father's death was come thither and had got some part of the realm. After Ladislaus fell out with Alexander the fift, and took Rome, whereupon the Pope gave the realm of Naples to Lewis of Anjou, who returned and vanquished Ladislaus and recovered Rome, but not knowing how to use the victory, Ladislaus recovered himself, forced Lewis to retire into France, and then again took Rome, and died anno 14●4. 7. jane the second succeeded her brother Ladislaus, after she fell out with the Pope, who called Lewis of Anjou the third of that name against her, than she adopted Alfonse of Arragon, who chased Lewis out of Italy, but Alfonse and she falling at variance, she adopted Lewis of Anjou her enemy, who recovered Naples, anno 1424. and reigned with her till anno 1432. or 1433. when they both died: and then she made Rene brother to Lewis her heir: but he being then prisoner with Philip Duke of Burgundy, could not come to Naples, and then Alfonse being dismissed out of prison by Philip Maria Duke of Milan, where he was also prisoner at the same time, prevailed and conquered Naples, and was invested by Pope Eugenius. Since the which time the Aniovins have but quarreled Naples, and as for the succession of this Alfonse, you shall see it in the last pedigree in the end of this work. Why the Venetians had no right to the realm of Cyprus, as Commines writeth Lib. 7. cap. 4. 1 Peter taken prisoner by the Genuois, but delivered under condition to pay them a yearly tribute. 2 janus so named, because he was born at Genua, which was founded by janus. Anne married Lewis Duke of Savoy. john. Amadis Duke of Savoy right heir of Cyprus by his mother after Charlotte was dead. Philip Duke of Savoy. Charles Duke of Savoy. Phibbert Duke of Savoy. 4 Lewis married Charlotte: he was crowned King, but was chased away by james the bastard. He died sans issue — m. Charlotte married first john King of Portugal, who was poisoned, & then this Lewis. She died sans issue. 3 john lived like Sardanapalus. Charlotte married first john King of Portugal, who was poisoned, & then this Lewis. She died sans issue. 4 — m. Lewis married Charlotte: he was crowned King, but was chased away by james the bastard. He died sans issue 5 james a bastard, by the Sultan of Egypt's help chased Lewis his sister's husband out of Cyprus, and made himself King. — m. Katherine daughter to Mark Comaire Senator of Venice: the Venetians adopted her, and under that colour conquered Cyprus, her husband and son being dead. 6 A son borne after his father's death, of whom the Venetians were tutors, but was poisoned, as some writ, by them as his father had been. After his death the Venetians conquered Cyprus, under colour of adoption ann. 1473. or as Meyer saith fol. 349. anno 1470. Hereby appeareth that the Duke of Savoy hath the right to Cyprus, not the Venetians: for james husband to their adopted daughter was a bastard and an usurper: and their adopted daughter a stranger to the crown, and could pretend no title to it, Sed malè parta, malè dilabuntur. The house of Medici's, whereof so ample mention is made Lib. 7. Cap. 5. john of Medici's. Cosmus mentioned Lib. 7. cap. 5. died anno 1464. the ●8. year of his age. Countessin● of Bardy. Peter. Commines seemeth to overpass this man. — m. Lucretia Tornaboni Julian slain in Florence, Commines Lib. 6. c. 5. julius called Pope Clement the seventh. Laurence so often mentioned in Commines. — m. Clarice Vrsine. john called Pope Leo the tenth. Peter fled out of Florence when K. Charles came thither. — m. Alfonsine Vrsine. Clarice married Philip S●rozzi. Laurence made Duke of Urbin by Pope Leo the tenth. — m. Maudeleine daughter and heir to the Earl of Boloine. Alexander D. of Florence slain by his cousin Laurence of Medici's. — m. Margaret base daughter to Charles the Emperor. — m. Octavio Farnese Pope Paulus nephew, second husband to Margaret. These were both bastards. julia married Restagno Canteline a gentleman in L'Abruzzo. julius married a Lady of the county of Piombi. Alexander. julian. Katherine Q. mother of France. julian Duke of Nemours married Philibert sister to Lovyse King Francis mother Duchess of Nemours. Hippolytus a Cardinal but a bastard. Laurence. Peter Francis. john. — m. Katherine Sforce. john the valiant soldier. — m. Maria Salu●●ti. Cosmus chosen Duke of Florence after Alexander's death, and confirmed by Charles the Emperor. — m. Leonor of Toledo daughter to Peter Duke of Alua. Isabel Duchess of Ferrara, and two other daughters. Francis D. of Floremce died 1584. Ferdinand. john a Cardinal Gracian. Peter How Lewis Duke of Orleans, called after King Lewis the 12. pretended title to the Duchy of Milan, as Commines mentioneth Lib. 7. cap. 6. and in divers other places. 1 john Galeas made first Duke of Milan by the Emperor Wenceslaus. This is he that lieth buried at Pavia, Commines Lib. 7. cap. 7 died anno 1402. — m. Elizabeth daughter to the King of Boheme the first wife. Valentine. — m. Lewis Duke of Orleans brother to Charles the sixth. Ian●●. john Duke of Angoulesme. Charles Duke of Angoulesme Francis King of France — m. claud the eldest daughter. Francis died before his father. Henry the second King of France, etc. Charles died before his father. Orleans. Charles Duke of Orleans. Lewis the 12. K. of France. claud the eldest daughter. — m. Francis King of France Francis died before his father. Henry the second King of France, etc. Charles died before his father. Reneé married Hercules Duke of Ferrara. Philip Earl of Virtue. Margaret wife to Richard Earl of Estampes. — m. Katherine Visconti the second wife. 2 john Maria succeeded his father: died sans issue, he was slain by his people. 3 Philip Maria succeeded his brother: died without lawful issue. Appointed by Testament King Alfonse of Naples his heir. Blaunche a bastard Sforce. 4 — m. Francis Sforce, notwithstanding Philip's Testament usurped the Duchy by favour of the people. Hyppolita married Alfonse King of Naples. 5 Galeas slain in the Church of Milan. — m. Bo●●● daught●● to the Duke of Savoy. Blaunche married Maximilian the Emperor. 6 john Galeas died when K. Charles came into Italy. — m. Isabel daughter to Alfonso King of Naples. Francis led into France by Lewis the 12. Bonne married Sigismond K. of Poland. Katherine married john de Medici's. john the valiant soldier in Charles the fifts time. Cosmus Duke of Florence. Ascanio a Cardinal. 7 Lodovic called King Charles into Italy. Died prisoner in France under Lewis the twelfth. — m. Betrice daughter to Hercules' Duke of Ferrara. 8 Maximilian recovered the Duchy from Lewis the 12. after carried away prisoner by King Francis. 9 Francis restored by Charles the Emperor: died sans issue. Philip. Octavian. The French King claimeth from Valentine, who ought to have succeeded her brother Philip Maria, before Blaunche being his base daughter. After this Duke Francis death, the Emperor Charles seized the Duchy, partly by composition with Duke Francis at his restitution, which was to make the Emperor his heir if he died without issue, and partly by gift from Philip Maria, who by his testament gave it to Alfonse king of Naples, whose heir the Emperor was: and partly in right of the house of Ostrich, which pretended title to it, as writeth Commines Lib. 7. cap. 2. The pedigree of Hercules Duke of Ferrara, of whom so often mention is made in this history. The family of Este ancestors of this Nicholas governed Ferrara from the year 1202. or not long after, it is held of the Pope. Nicholas Lord or Marks as some call him of Ferrara. Obizone was made general of the church, and had therefore a pension of ten thousand ducats. Nicholas vanquished Bernabo Visconti. Succeeded his father. Albertus' succeeded his brother. Nicholas a bastard, under him was a council at Ferrara, whereat the Emperor of Greece was present. Lionello a bastard succeeded his father. — m. Daughter to john Francisco Gonzaga. 2 Nicholas succeeded Borso, but his uncle Hercules right heir expelled him, and seeking to recover the state, he was taken and beheaded by Sigismundus his other uncle. 1 Borso a bastard succeeded his brother, because his brother's son was young, he was created the first Duke of Ferrara by the Emperor Frederic. 3 Hercules expelled Nicholas his nephew he was general to the Florentines, Venetians, and Milanois. This is he so often mentioned in this history. — m. Leonora daughter to Ferdinand King of Naples. Betrice married Lodovic Sforce Duke of Milan. Alfonse. — m. Lucretia daughter to Alexander the 6. Bishop of Rome. Franciscus. Hippolytus a Cardinal. 5 Hercules. — m. Renee daughter to Lewis the 12. King of France. 6 Alfonsus D. of Ferrara. Luigi Cardinal of Este. — m. Laura. Alfonsus. Alfonsinus. ● Elizabeth married Francis Gonzaga the marquess of Mantua mentioned in this story. Sigismundus. The pedigree of Francis Marquis of Mantua, so often mentioned in this history. The family of Gonzagua had governed Mantua before this Francis, from the year 1328. under this Francis john Galliazzo besieged Mantua a year, but prevailed not: this Francis served the Duke of Milan and the Venetians. Francis died anno 1407. john Francis first Marquis of Mantua made by the Emperor Sigismundus, was thrice general to the Venetians, died anno 1443. — m. Paola daughter to Malatesta, Lord of Rimini. Luigi lived in the time of Frederick the third. — m. Barbara daughter to the Marquis of Brandenburg. Luigi. Francis a cardinal. Frederick was general to the Duke of Milan and the Venetians. — m. Margarita Tedesca. Francis in the age of 38. years fought with Charles the 8. at Laro, died 1520. — m. Elizabeth daughter to Hercules' Duke of Ferrara. Hercules a Cardinal. Frederick made general of the Church by Pope Leo, and so confirmed by his successors, made D. by Charles the fift, he died 1539. Montferrat. — m. Margaret daughter and heir of William Paleologus, marquess of Montferrat. William. Francis. Lewis. Frederick. Ferdinandus general of Milan to the Emperor Charles the fift. john Francis. Rodolfe. — m. Margaret daughter to the Duke of Baviera. Charles troubled his brother, but was chased away by him, & died in very poor estate. Lucedus was misshapen. Alexander crooked backed was a monk. How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realm of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it, as writeth Commines Lib. 8. cap. 17. 1 john the first of that name, King of Castille. — m. Daughter to Ferdinand the first, King of Portugal. Castille. 2 Henry the third, King of Castille and Leon. Marry wife to Alfonse King of Arragon and Naples. 3 john the second. 4 Henry the fourth married a daughter of the King of Portugal. Elizabeth put from the crown by her aunt, Commin. Lib. 5. cap. 7. 5 Elizabeth succeeded her brother, putting her niece from the crown as a bastard. Castille and Arragon united. 4 — m. Ferrand King of Arragon, and Castille by his wife, so often mentioned in these Italian wars. Katherine wife to Henry the eight, King of England. jane married Philip Archduke of Ostrich. 6 Charles the fift Emperor. john married Margaret daughter to Maximilian the Emperor, died before his father. — m. Elinor daughter to Peter King of Arragon. Arragon. 1. Ferrand Earl of Medina del Campo K. of Arragon. This Ferrande obtained the realm of Arragon anno 1407. because his mother was daughter to king Peter, whose heir male failed in Martin his nephew, and notwithstanding that Martin had a daughter, yet Ferrande obtained the crown to her prejudice. 3 john succeeded his brother in Arragon, but in Naples Ferrand his brother's bastard succeeded. Ferrand King of Arragon, and Castille by his wife, so often mentioned in these Italian wars. Castille and Arragon united. 4 — m. 5 Elizabeth succeeded her brother, putting her niece from the crown as a bastard. Katherine wife to Henry the eight, King of England. jane married Philip Archduke of Ostrich. 6 Charles the fift Emperor. john married Margaret daughter to Maximilian the Emperor, died before his father. Charles King of Navarre sans issue. jane Queen of Portugal. Marry married john the second K. of Castille. 2 1 Naples Alfonse adopted by jane Queen of Naples, who after adopted Lewis Duke of Anjou. 2 Ferrande the bastard succeeded his father in the realm of Naples, died a little before King Charles came into Italy. 5 Frederick succeeded his nephew Ferdinand, led after into France by Lewis the 12. Ferdinand married german widow to King Ferdinand of Arragon. 3 Alfonse fled when K. Charles came into Italy. 4 Ferdinand chased from Naples by King Charles, but after recovered the realm, died sans issue. Isabel wife to john Galeas, Duke of Milan. Elizabeth wife to Hercules' Duke of Ferrara. The King of Spain had better right to Naples, than Alfonse that possessed it when King Charles came into Italy, because Alfonses father was a bastard, & King Ferrand's father being the first Alfonses brother, aught to have succeeded him before his base son. Further, you shall understand, that after Frederick was led into France by Lewis the 12. the said K▪ Lewis enjoyed Naples, but within four years Ferrande King of Arragon by the great captain consalvo chased King Lewis out of the realm, and left it to his nephew Charles the Emperor, from whom the French K. could never recover it: but at this day it is in the possession of the King of Spain son to the said Emperor Charles. FINIS. Faults escaped. Page 3. line 1. read to wit, a pag. 7. lin. 13. r. army. Of ead. lin. deal: lin. 28. r. Seniories pag. 8. l. 9 deal and ead. p. l. vlt. r. of Coulches, p. 11. l. 28. r. with them, p. 13. l. 22. r. the best ead. p. l. vlt. r. Seniories p. 14. l. 41. r. and La March, p. 17. l. 8. r. flying: p. 18. l. 12. r. them not ead. p. l. 13. r. before. My ead. p. l. 32. r. advise p. 19 l. 21. r. and in a p. 24. l. 46. r. of Anjou p. 27. l. 4. r. 6. of September. ead. p. l. 38. r. quirace p. 28. l. 32. r. this company, p. 29. l. 5. r. scouts p. 31. l. 43. r. ditch, notwithstanding the truce. No p. 38. l. 5. r. florins ead. p. l. 26. r. cordingly: p. 39 l. 31. deal with p. 40. l. 2. r. his camp p. 46. l. 9 r. the canon ead. p. l. 44. r. Noon drew p. 47. l. 8. r. staining ead. p. l. 31. r. 6 ead. p. l. 32. r. 5 p. 49. l. 7. r. upon our ead. p. l. 38. r. After these p. 50. l. 4. r. of the which p. 54. l. 32. r. goodly p. 59 l. 2. r. razed their walls but ead. p. l. 35. r. Romont: p. 61. l. 36. r. Angien, p. 63. l. 42. r. or Herbart, p. 64. l. 38. r. Estelle p. 66. l. 5. r. Ferrette, p. 68 l. 34. r. have had but ead. lin. r. sixty thousand p. 69. l. 25. r. hardiness, ead. p. l. 43. r. bounds of p. 74. l. 47. r. forthwith p. 77. l. 1. r. touching the p. 78. l. 23. r. and Desmeries p. 79. l. 9 r. Polence, p. 80. l. 13. r. bounds p. 82. l. 4. r. to Gaunt p. 83. l. 9 r. his principal ead. p. l. 24. r. to repair: p. 84. l. 41. r. and received p. 85. l. 48. r. in fear. p. 87. l. 44. r. forth on foot, p. 91. l. 24. r. the very p. 94. l. 13. r. what port the ead. p. l. 38. r. three thousand p. 98. l. 35. r. the others p. 106. l. 20. r. cause p. 107. l. 2. r. foade p. 109. l. vlt. r. six score soldiers p. 111. l. 12. r. the only p. 117. l. 17. r. these Dutch p. 118. l. 5. r. than in any p. 120. l. 2. r. church. Then ead. p. l. 7. r. 1474. Meyer. p. 127. l. 2 r. is it p. 134. l. 2. r. stoutly denied. p. 138. l. 43. r. a marish p. 139. l. 32. r. whereof p. 150. l. 23. r. debebant, p. 154. l. 21. r. preparation p. 155. l. 38. r. most of the which p. 16●. 〈…〉 p. 164. 〈…〉 p. 165. l. 32. r. great p. 176. l. vlt. r. Burgund. pa. 988. p. 179. l. 13. r. ride p. 186. l. 36. r. had good p. 196. l. 33. r. begin. p. 201. l. 39 r. to the king his p. 205. l. 40. r. Burgundish p. 208. l. 21. deal had p. 224 l. 6. r. This second p. 227. l. 23. r. in the town p. 240. l. 16. r. to proceed, p. 243. l. 18. r. a number ead. p. l. 37. r. which is called p. 253. l. 33. r. vantmures p. 254. l. 25. r. Fougieres, p. 260. l. 45. r. was sent p. 261. l. 30. r. Dabecsin p. 263. l. 16. r. commendation p. 267. l. vlt. r. forth to p. 274. l. 17. r. Proctor. ead. p. l. vlt. r. they lawful p. 276. l. 21. r. first voyage p. 278. l. 41. r. Treu●ul, p. 280. l. vlt. deal Duke p. 281. l. 3. deal Duke p. 284. l. 21. r. also of the p. 291. l. 16. r. Caballiau p. 292 l. 40. r. Caballiau p. 293. l. 19 r. vantmure ead. p. l. 43. r. Rosanes p. 294. l. 9 r. Picinino, p. 295. l. 12. r. ride about p. 296. l. 14. r. for cruel p. 297. l. 4. r. Aenaria, p 306. l 38. r. their other ead. p. l. 48. r. places than they p. 307. l. 8. r. accompany ead. p. l 31. r. Otrante, p. 313. l. 4. r. or Musiva p. 316. l. 17. r. and two p. 318. l. 16 r. and voluntarily p. 319. l. 39 r. Luques. p. 325. l. 18 r. Albany, p. 335. l. 7. r. the Florentines, p. 342. l. 4. r. enemies navy p. 350. l. 3. r. they might p. 380. r. jane daughter & heir to Robart of Bar E. of Marle, p. 391. r. Cosmus died the 80. year of his age. We must entreat the Readers patience for these faults escaped, and that he will amend the book according to this table, before he enter into the reading thereof.