THE HISTORY OF THE UNITING OF THE KINGDOM OF PORTUGAL TO THE Crown of Castill: Containing the last wars of the Portugals against the Moors of Africa, the end of the house of Portugal, and change of that Government. The description of Portugal, their principal Towns, Castles, Places, Rivers, Bridges, Passages, Forces, Weaknesses, Revenues, and Expenses. Of the East Indies, the Isles of Terceres, and other dependences, with many battles by sea and land, skirmishes, encounters, sieges, orations, and stratagems of war.  
Imprinted at London by Arn. Hatfield for Edward Blount. 1600.   

TO THE MOST NOBLE and abundant precedent both of Honour and virtue, HENRY Earl of Southampton.  
Right honourable and most worthy Earl,  
IT is not my fortune to be so infortunately read, as to begin (after the common stamp of dedication) with a grai-headed apothegm, or some strayed sentence out of Tully, but in such proper and plain language, as a most humble and affectionate duty can speak, I do here offer up on the altar of my heart, the first fruits of my long-growing endeavours; which (with much constancy and confidence) I have cherished, only waiting this happy opportunity to make them manifest to your Lordship: where now if (in respect of the known distance, betwixt the height of your Honourable spirit, and the flatness of my poor abilities) they turn into smoke and vanish ere they can reach a degree of your merit, vouchsafe yet most (excellent Earl) to remember it was a fire that kindled them, and gave them life at least, if not lasting. Your honours patronage is the only object I aim at; and were the worthiness of this History I present, such as might warrant me an election out of a world of Nobility; I would still pursue the happiness of my first choice; which hath since been confirmed to me by my respected friend the translator, a Gentleman most sincerely devoted to your Honour: For the subject itself I dare say nothing; since it is out of my element to judge. But I have heard others report it (and some of them also judicious) to be a thing first and excellently written in Italian; then translated into French, and generally received in both those tongues through all christendom for a faithful, elegant, sinewy, and well digested history: what the beauties of it are now in this English habit, I make your Honourable Lordship the first and most competent Censor; wishing that before you begin to read farther, you could but read my silence.  
By him that wants much to express his duties to your Honour, EDW. BLOUNT.   

The Author's Apology unto the Reader.  
IF it argues guilt to be accused, no man shall be innocent; he is therefore blameless, that being charged, defends himself: Gentle Reader, the first impression of this history of Portugal, came no sooner forth, but many (greedy to detract from another's glory) did therein bitterly wrong me, accusing me to be ill affected to the Portugal nation in general, and a severe censor of the private actions of great personages, and of the officers of that crown. And albeit it behoveth him that shall write of late accidents, in the Theatre of this universal world, to bear the malice and folly of many; besides that, he shall hardly satisfy all; yet were it more tolerable, if some (content wrongfully to backbite me,) were not so transported with their own passions, as to labour to have the use of this Book forbidden throughout all Spain; notwithstanding it had been allowed by the Inquisitors: Albeit I know well that many men of judgement, and lovers of truth, have showed themselves favourers of this work: yet have I thought it fit in this second edition briefly to make my innocency known. And although they have invented many more to these two slanders, yet will I satisfy every point I think necessary, with this supposition for a firm ground, that the truth and diligence of a history, be the qualities that give it spirit, and life, the which by no means can be infringed, without converting the most grave and profitable manner of writing, into the most vain and prejudicial of all others: So as if my accusations grow from the truth and my diligence, I will not yield myself guilty, seeing I cannot amend them without error. But let them understand that I write only to those Readers that can judge of the truth of a history and the newtrallitie of the writer: First of all, they must consider it was my chance to write the actions of that realm, which happened in those four most unfortunate years, which succeeded that of 77. so as there is no reason that such as report I was inclined to disgrace the Portugals, should from the quality of the time, sinisterly judge of the disposition of the writer; neither let them hold him partial in the conquerors behalf, seeing that in accidents of war, they can hardly honour him that falls, but he that suffereth himself to be vanquished, must with his loss, willingly bear the blame that grows thereby: The which the ancient writers could so well observe (whose example I do willingly imitate) that if Titus Livius had begun and finished his history in the course of Hannibal's victory, he had been held for a Carthaginian; and josephus in describing the calamities of the jews, and the triumphs of Titus, seemed a Roman: If I writing of two battles, where in the one, the Portugals lost their king; in the other their kingdom; besides that at sea, and the loss of the Terceres; what offence is it, if I seem not a Portugal? seeing that if I were one, I should not seem to be so: or how is it possible to convert this mournful history into praises, making him seem valiant that looseth? without doubt, if it had fallen to my lot, to write the deeds of that nation, whereby they made show how apt they were to arms, and to noble attempts, as the victories they got of Castille at Aliubarotta, and at Trancosa, the conquests they made in Africa, their wonderful navigations and happy success in Asia, touched in this history, as occasion required. I had not then been more faithful than now I am, though more acceptable to Portugals, yet men of judgement do with one mind feel both gain and loss, praise and dispraise, when they be truly related: So as without doubt we may conclude, that no man ought to censure the inclination of the writer by the matter he treats of, be it either in favour or blame of the nation of which he writes; but only of the truth and indifferency he professeth. My accusers must also understand, that a Historiographer doth not wrong any nation, in describing the qualities which the heavens that cover them, do infuse upon them, the air they breathe, and the water they drink, especially when those properties be not base but excesses of virtue: As for example, if a man should (imitating julius Caesar) write, that the French are in the beginning furious, and in the end, faint; he should not for this show himself an enemy, nor disgrace that mighty and warlike nation: And who should say that the Spaniards are proud, should he therefore impugn their reputation published through the world? neither should he offend the Portugals, that should say they are naturally presumptuous, seeing they neither can deny it, nor do seek to hide it; yea themselves are wont to say, that they live by opinion, that is, they support themselves more, with that they imagine themselves to be, then with what they are in effect: my accusers should likewise consider, that I offend not the Portugals, in saying, that the ignorant regard not dangers a far off, and fear them near, if they mean not to separate them from the condition of man, and against all reason make equal ignorance with knowledge. Moreover I would gladly know why it were not lawful for me without offence, to relate with truth the misfortunes and calamities of the Portugals, and the altered form of their realm, as well as for some of the same nation to write many of their actions blame worthy, and yet not held discourteous: The entry which Henry the bastard, king of Castill made armed into Portugal, running from the confines of Gallitia, unto Lisbon, where he lodged, forcing obedience in all places, was it not more dishonourable than any thing I have written, king Ferdinand not being able to make any resistance? Read the Chronicles of john the second their natural king, being quiet and peaceable, what conspiracies were practised against him by the nobility of his realm, so as he was forced to seek revenge by stabbing, and to behead some of the chief publicly, is not this a reproachful thing? Although some allege, that the king exceeded in the execution, & that by nature he was a severe man, and full of revenge, yet there want not others that do number him amongst the saints; but be it as it may, it lies not in me to judge, and yet this book is Printed and sold in Lisbon, whereas my book (that treats not of matters of so great doubt) is mightily abhorred. As for the private personages of the realm, neither have they reason to surmise that I have spoken of them, either with passion or immodestlie, the which I believe themselves have found, if they have had any leisure to read this history with judgement, or have any perfect knowledge in the Italian tongue. But relying upon the report of such as (inclined to flatter) reprove all writings, that are not corrupted with flattery, it is no wonder, if they be induced to believe, that I have written discurteously of them and with passion: But to make known the contrary, they must understand, that of vices which are common to states, and to men's private humours, we may say the like as hath been said of those that are commonly incident unto nations, that they blemish not so much as they ought to be concealed, but march always united to the state and quality of the person. For example, he that talking of a young gentleman, should say, that he were fantastic, choleric, amorous, arrogant, for all this he doth him no wrong; for beside they are no base affections, they are commonly incident to youth and nobility: In like sort, an officer respected by his prince, or any favourite whosoever, ought not repine, if he be described to be tealous, circumspect, ambitious, a temporizer, careful in his own causes, and careless of others, being qualities that do accompany princes favours: so as when I touch any one with such like, no man of judgement ought to green more, then if I should term him choleric or phlegmatic, being certain natural qualities, as the humours and inclinations: Notwithstanding when I particularly note such points as seem blame worthy, although they be public and apparent, yet do I suspend my judgement, attributing the faults to the emulation of courts, and the ambition of competitors: And such as will not be satisfied with this exception show plainly they desire to be flattered; but they strive in vain, for I esteem flattery in a writer, to be like the sin of idolatry. Some have been so sensible as to note for an excess (speaking of any officer) to sat covertly, that men transported slander him with some secret action, to such I can make no answer, seeing they are not content that I term them passionate that blame others, that I reprehend surmises that I call in question that which others affirm for certain, excusing in a manner the accused.  
Others have laboured to publish unto the world, that in my relation touching the title of the realm, I have showed myself partial for the Catholic king: To such I can not say any thing, but wish them to be advised, they accuse not the divine providence as partial, which deprived of life twenty successors of that crown, all preceding the said king. But I would have these men to tell me if in this history (where I could not allege bartol nor Bald) I have omitted any one point of importance, which hath been alleged by the pretendents, and have not set every reason down as their own advocates did plead it: Let them consider if there be any thing omitted touching the representation of the Duchess Katherine, of the transmission of Rainucius Farnese, of the precedence of Phillibert duke of Savoy, in case that Henry had out lived Philip, of the election the people pretended, of Antony his grounds, and his pretended legitimation; and to conclude, if there were anything defective of that which Queen Katherine of Medicis alleged against the eleven kings of that realm: Now if all these reasons which I have so largely set down, can not hinder the king of Spain from being the eldest kinsman, that Henry left when he died, a male, and legitimate, what fault is there in me? If men will not believe that Katherine's prerogative by her father be of more virtue and efficacy than filips own right, and that the imperfection derived from his mother doth more prejudice the king, then that of the Duchess which remains in her own person, how can I help it? It is most manifest, that such only as are partial have held me partial in relating plainly, this title with the rest, without giving mine own judgement, and the rather for that they see such as are indifferent, do happily esteem it better than the rest: I may not be more tedious in this respect, hoping it shall suffice for every man of a free judgement to discern mine innocency, from the malice or ignorance of mine adversaries. But moreover I entreat them that know me to be a writer not accustomed to lie, to consider that I have written to Italians in the Italian tongue, who could not perfecty understand the substance of this history, if I had given them less knowledge of men whom they knew not: And to verify this, let a Portugal writer in Italy describe in his own tongue, unto his own countrymen the tumults of any of our cities, he shall well find, (if he desire to be understood in Portugal) whether he may forbear to specify much more than I have done, of the humours of the head and principal members of that province whereof he writes. But if all this sufficeth not to iustimine me; I make God judge of the sincerity of mine heart, and the indifferency I have strictly observed.   

THE GENEALOGY OF THE Kings of Portugal from the beginning of that Kingdom, unto the end of the house of Portugal, with the pretendants to that Crown.  
HENRY issued from Besançon, first Earl of Portugal, married with Therasie daughter to Alphonse the sixth, King of Castille, about the year of our Lord 1090. by whom he had 

Alphonse Henry, which was the first king.  
Therasie Henry, and  
one other daughter married to Ferdinand Mendes.    
1. Alphonse Henry, first Duke and King of Portugal, son to the said Henry, he succeeded his father about the year 1112. he took upon him the title of King about the year 1139. he reigned in all about 72. years: he married with Malfade Manrique de Lara, by whom he had issue 

Sanches, who was after King.  
Vrraca, Queen of Leon.  
Therasie, Countess of Flanders.  
Malfade.    
2. Sanches the first, son to the said Alphonse, about the year 1184. he reigned 28. years: he married Aldoncia, daughter to Count Raimond Berenger of Barcelone, by whom he had 

Alphonse, King.  
Ferdinand, Earl of Flaunders.  
Peter, Earl of Vrgel in Arragon.  
Henry.  
Therasie, wife to Alphonse of Leon.  
Malfade, Queen of Castille.  
Sanches, a Nun.  
Blanch, and  
Berenguela.    
3. Alphonse the second, son to Sanches, the year 1212. he reigned 11. years, and married Vrraca of Castille, daughter to Alphonse the noble, by whom he had 

Sanche, King.  
Alphonse, King.  
Ferdinand.  
Leonor, Queen of Denmark.    
4. Sanche the second, called Capello, son to Alphonse the second, the year 1223. he reigned in troubles unto the year 1257. he married Mencia Lopez, by whom he had no children: he died in Castille incapable to rule.  
5. Alphonse the third, called the Brave, brother to Sanche the second, of a regent he made himself King about the year 1257. & reigned 22. years: he married with Matilde Countess of Boulogne in Picardy, by whom he had Ferdinand or Peter, & Robert: in her life time he married with Beatrice, bastard daughter to Alphonse the 10. called the wise King of Castille, by whom he had 

Denis, King.  
Alphonse.  
Blanch, a Nun.  
Constance.    
6. Denis, son to Alphonse the third, the year 1279. he reigned 48. years, and was married to Isabella, daughter to Peter King of Arragon, by whom he had 

Constance, Queen of Castille.  
Alphonse, who was after King.  
Peter, Earl of Portalegre.    
7. Alphonse the fourth, son to Denis, in the year 1325. he reigned 32. years, and married Beatrice of Castille, by whom he had 

Peter, that was King.  
Marie.  
Alphonse.  
Denis.  
jean.  
Eluira, Queen of Aarragon.    
8. Peter, called the cruel, son to Alphonse the fourth, the year 1357. he reigned 10. years, and married Blanch, daughter to Peter King of Castille, whom he put away, and after married with Constance daughter to jean Emanuel, by whom he had 

Lewis, who died young.  
Ferdinand, King.  
Marry, wife to Ferdinand of Arragon.  
Beatrice, died young.    
And of Agnes de Castro, a supposed wife, he had 

Alphonse.  
jean.  
Denis.  
Beatrice, Countess of Albuquerque.    
And by Therasie Gallega his concubine, he had 

jean, who was King.    
9 Ferdinand, son to Peter, the year 1367. he reigned about 17. years, and married Leonor Tells de Meneses, by whom he had 

Beatrice, Queen of Castille.    
10. jean, called of good memory, son to the said Peter, the year 1383. he reigned about 49. years, and married with Philip, daughter to jean of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, by whom he had 

Blanch.  
Alphonse.  
Edward, King.  
Peter Duke of Coimbra, who had by Isabella of Arragon his wife,  
Peter that was Constable; jean, King of Cypress; Isabella, Queen of Portugal; Philip, a Nun; jeams, a Cardinal; Beatrice, wife to the Lord of Ravestein.  
Henry, Duke of Viseo.  
Isabella, Duchess of Burgundy.  
jean, master of Saint jaques.  
Ferdinand, master of the order called d' avis, or Saint Benet.    
11. Edovard, son to jean, the year 1433. he reigned 5. years: he married Leonor of Arragon, daughter to Ferdinand the 1. by whom he had 

Alphonse, King.  
Ferdinand, Duke of Viseo, who had by his wife,  
Philip.  
Leonor, wife to Fredrick the 3. Emperor.  
Catherine.  
jean, Queen of Castille.  
Beatrice, wife to jean, Master of Saint jaques.  
Leonor, Queen.  
Dominique.  
Emanuel, King.  
Isabella, Duchess of Bragance.    
12. Alphonse the fifth, called the African, soon to Edward, the year 1438. he reigned 43. years: he married Isabella, daughter to Peter Duke of Coimbra his uncle, by whom he had 

jean, who lived but a while.  
jeanne.  
jean, King.    
13. jean, the 2. son to Alphonse the 5. the year 1481. he reigned 14. years, and married Leonor, daughter to Ferdinand Duke of Viseo, by whom he had 

Alphonse, who died before his father.    
14. Emanuel, soon to Ferdinand Duke of Viseo, borne in the year 1468. began to reign in the year 1495. and reigned five years: he died at Lisbon the third of September 1521. he married Isabella the eldest daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, King and Queen of Castille, by whom he had Michael, who died young: and to his second wife, he took Marie sister of the said Isabella, by whom he had 

jean, who was after King.  
Isabella, wife to Charles the 5. Emperor, of whom is issued Philip, King of Spain.  
Beatrice, wife to Charles' the third Duke of Savoy, from whom issued Emanuel Phillibert, father to Charles Emanuel now Duke of Savoy.  
Lewis, father to Anthony the Bastard.  
Henry Cardinal, King.  
Alphonse, Cardinal.  
Katherine.  
Ferdinand.  
Edward, husband to Isabella, daughter to jean Duke of Bragance, by whom he had Marie, wife to Alexander Farnese Prince of Parma, father to Rainuce now Duke of Parma; and Katherine wife to jean the second Duke of Bragance, son to Theodose.  
Anthony, who died soon after his birth.    
And of Elinor, daughter to Philip Archduke of Austria, sister to Charles' the fifth, he had 

Charles, who died young.  
Marry, who died a maid of the age of 56. years.    
15. jean the third, son to Emanuel and of Marry his wife, borne the 7. of june 1502. he began to reign the 15. of December 1521. and reigned 36. years; he died the 27. of june, 1557. and married with Katherine sister to Charles the 5. Emperor, the 5. of September, 1525. by whom he had 

Alphonse.  
Marry, the first wife to Philip the second King of Spain, of whom issued Charles that is dead.  
Katherine.  
Beatrice.  
Emanuel.  
Philip.  
jean, Prince of Portugal, who had by jeanne daughter to Charles the fifth, Emperor, Sebastien, who was King.  
Anthony.    
16. Sebastien, son to Prince jean, borne the 20. of januarie, 1554. he began to reign the year 1557. and reigned 21. years; he died in the battle against the Moors the 7. of August, 1578. being unmarried.  
17. Henry, Cardinal, and Primate of Portugal, son to King Emanuel by Marie his wife, borne the 16. of januarie, 1512. in the year 1578. he reigned about a year and a half, and died in the beginning of the year 1580. he was the last of the house of Portugal, to whom succeeded.  
18. Philip, son to Charles the fifth, Emperor, and of Isabella, King of Spain, etc. borne the 7. of May, 1527. etc.   

THE UNITING OF THE REALM OF PORTUGAL TO THE CROWN OF CASTILL.  
The Contents of the first Book.  
The original of the Realm of Portugal, the description thereof with their new conquests: The life of King Sebastian, his first voyage into Africa, his interview with the Catholic King at Guadalupa, the preparatives of war made at Lisbon for the enterprise of Africa: the king's departure from Portugal with his army.  
I Undertake the History of the Realm of PORTUGAL; from the time that king Sebastian the first, passed into Africa with a mighty army to make war against the Moors, which inhabit Mauritania Tingitana; till that (after many afflictions) this Realm was united to those of Spain, under Philip the second king of Castill. A subject of importance for the general state, by the increase of power to so mighty a king: yea considerable for the divers accidents happened in so short a time, contrary to common hope; and profitable, by the examples of the instability of this world, and the dangers that Princes and people run into by their ill grounded resolutions. I hope to relate these events sincerely with truth, having been present at the greatest part, and received the rest from a faithful Reporter. I am void of passion, an enemy to the uncorrupt writing of Historiographers, being neither borne in any of those countries, nor subject or vassal to any king or prince. But before I enter into the wellspring of those wars, I have thought it convenient to make a brief relation of the state of the Realm, of the situation, beginnings, enterprises, and such like, to the end, that being to report the fall, we may withal see the rising thereof, by what means it increased, and was supported, how and when it declined, and finally altered his form.  

The description of the Realm of Portugal.  
POrtugall is a part of Spain, lying upon the furthest borders of the Ocean. It bordereth upon the East with the kingdom of Castill, upon the West with the great Ocean, upon the North with Gallicia, and towards the South with the Atlantike sea and Andelouzia. The late writers have divided it into six countries, which they call Comarques, that is, beyond the river of Tagus, Estremadura, betwixt Duero and Minies (and this with the country which stretcheth to Coimbra is the ancient Portugal) behind the mountains Beira, and algarves, which last hath also the Title of a kingdom. It contains in circuit 850. miles, whereof 400. run along the Sea shore, the rest is main land, which maketh it in form long and narrow: It hath in it eighteen cities, with many great villages and castles, in number above 470. Three of these cities have Archbishoprics, Braga, Lisbon, and Euora: whereof the first is Lord both spiritual and temporal. Nine have their Bishoprics, Coimbra, Lamego, Visco, Porto, Miranda, Portalegro, Guarda, Leiria and Eluas: the other five remain without dignity, and those are Bragança, Tavira, Lagos, Faro and Silues: These last four be in the kingdom of algarves, whereof one Bishop hath the Title. It is watered with many rivers, whereof two are most famous, Tagus and Duero; the first runneth by the walls of Lisbon, and six or seven miles off dischargeth itself into the Sea; the other doth the like by the city of Porto, and two miles from thence falleth into the Ocean: from their mouths unto the city they are no rivers, but as it were arms and bosoms of the Sea; and most assured and capable ports for many great ships which may sail far up against the stream, but further in that of Lisbon then of the other, whereas many great vessels pass fifteen or twenty miles up beyond the town: besides these two ports, twenty miles from Lisbon, towards the South, is Settwal, which hath a small Tower at the entry thereof, with a port capable of many ships. And in algarves is Tavira, Lagos, and Villenewe; these three are of reasonable capacity, the rest are less, with many pleasant plashes. The seat of the country is commodious for all parts of the world; being in the midst of many great kingdoms, fit for the ancient and later navigations: For turning towards the West, they discover directly Gallicya, Biscay, France, England, Germany, & the other Northern Regions. Before them lieth the Islands of Azores (otherwise called Terceres) the fortunate Islands, with the countries called the West Indies. On the left hand lieth Andelouzia, & the straights of Gibraltar, by the which they enter into the Mediterranean Sea, for the Navigation of Italy and Greece. And leaving the straights coasting Africa, on the left hand they discover many nations and new people, unknown to the ancient, who believed that the burning Zone was inhabitable: from which places many ships arrive at Lisbon with great riches, chiefly from the East Indies, the which the Portugals themselves (as we shall declare hereafter) conquered: besides their traffiqne with the kingdom of Castille, which lieth behind them.  

The description of Lisbon.  Lisbon is the best and chiefest of all their Cities, on the which the whole Realm depends: It is very populous, yea many believe that of all the cities of Christendom (except Paris) it contains the greatest number of people. The air is very wholesome and temperate; distant from the Equinoctial nine and thirty degrees; and with the ebbing and flowing of the salt water (which is great upon that coast) there bloweth always a temperate wind, which doth refresh it. It is neither wholly plain nor all mountains, but divided into five small hills, betwixt th'one and the other of these, the plain extends unto the River. It hath been walled, whereof some part continues to this day; but for that it hath been since much augmented, that part without the walls exceeds the other in greatness: There stands upon an high hill a very ancient castle, which hath no other strength in it but his height, nor any guard, but is reserved as a prison for noble men. At the mouth of Tagus, on the city side, stands a Fortress built after the newest manner, which they call the rock of Saint julian, made to defend the entry of the River. The fruit it bringeth forth surpasseth all their neighbours in bounty: and although it yieldeth not corn sufficient to feed them, yet have they provision daily out of France and Germany. The whole Realm is at this present greatly inhabited, being replenished with many Noblemen and Gentlemen, and much building of ships, and vessels for sundry Navigations: Besides the order of the knights of Saint jaques and Alcantara, or of Saint Bennet, which they call d'auiss (of a place so named,) these carry a red cross, and these a green, like unto the Knights of Castill) when as the Templars were suppressed, they did institute another order with the same revenues; which they call the Knights of Christ, bearing a red cross, and in the midst a white, the which are bound to go to the war against infidels, to whom Pope Alexander the sixth, did since grant liberty to marry. And their Kings having increased their revenues, a great part of their Nobility affected this order, although they have many times received men base and unworthy. A great part of this Realm was sometimes united to the crown of Castill, but in the year of our Lord one thousand one hundredth and ten, Alphons the sixth being King, that part towards the north was separated, giving it in marriage for a certain tribute, to Henry nephew to the Earl of Burgundy, borne at Besanson, marrying Therasie his bastard daughter: for that coming out of France with Count Raimond of Tholouse his uncle, who was after Earl of Gallicia; he went to the wars which the castilians had against the Moors that possessed Spain. And although some derive the original of this Count Henry from Hungary, others from Arragon, and from other places; yet this is the most approved opinion: But it happeneth in the original of Kings, as of great rivers, whose mouths are known, but not their springs.  

The Portugals conquests.  Portugal was then obscure, untilled, poor, and reduced into straight limits, yet Alphons Henry, son unto this first Earl, did greatly augment it by his valiant exploits, taking many places from the Moors by force, against whom having won a great victory, in a pitched battle, he was proclaimed King by his soldiers, in a place called Campo d'Ourique, and following his victory, won Saint Arem and Lisbon, remaining peaceable Lord of the Realm; he had the title of King confirmed by Pope Alexander the fourth, for a certain small tribute. Their first king which succeeded him, named Alphonso the third, did no less augment it by another means: For having (before his coming to the Crown) married with Matilda Countess of Boulogne in Picardy, being now in possession of the Realm, he put her away of his own proper motion, and without cause, taking to wife Beatrice, bastard daughter to Alphonso, the tenth King of Castill surnamed the wise, to have in dowry with her (as indeed he had) the kingdom of algarves. So as their limits being extended as they be at this present, and the Moors subdued, who kept them in martial exercise, they began since to make war with the Kings of Castill, although their Dominions were always greater than the Portugals; the which they did so often and with such obstinacy, that these nations all of one continent, issued from one stock, & of one language, were inflamed one against the other with so mortal a hatred, that it remaineth even until this day, but more with the Portugals then the Spaniards. And although these late wars did breed them more honour than profit; yet were they not without some utility; for that this continual exercise did maintain them in discipline and keep them from delights and idleness, capital enemies to any State. Since which time they have not remained idle, but (enured unto war) won unto themselves some honour under john the first, at the persuasion of Henry his son, they laboured to take from the Moors certain places in Africa, the which succeeded happily. For in time they became Masters in Mauritania Tingitana of the towns of Ceute, Tanger and Arzilla, (and this is that ancient Zillia) and other places; which since they have either lost, or abandoned to the Moors (as they did Arzilla) being of great charge and small profit. They only maintained and defended the two first, and built towards the West, Mazagon, being seated at the mouth of Hercules straits; for holding those places the Moors should not harbour so near unto Spain, but they serve, as a buckler unto that Province. By reason of these events they extended their hopes yet further, so as the islands of Madera, not far distant, and the Terceres, lying from Lishbone 850. miles, in the forty degree of latitude (than untilled and uninhabited) were by them discovered and peopled: And not yet content (especially the said Henry, who aspiring to higher matters, though with less hope than the effect which followed) they began (sailing through the Ocean) to coast Africa, searching new countries and nations: So as running along that coast by the space of many years, they went on so far, that coming to the other Hemisphere, they discovered all Ethiopia. And although Alphonso the fifth of that name, and the twelfth King renewed the war against the Spaniard, yet did they not discontinue their navigation, to their great good; but in the end having made peace with the catholic King Ferdinand, in the year of our Lord 1479. they had more leisure to think of their new conquest. It is worth the observing, that in capitulations then made, it was particularly specified, that the peace was concluded for a hundredth years and one; naming always a certain for an uncertain: But this proved a prophesy: for it continued just a hundredth years & one; for so much time passed from those wars unto this which I undertake to write: if the words of the Treaty agree with the quality of the event. The Realm was greatly strengthened both with people and wealth, and since increased more; when as Ferdinand and Isabella, King and Queen of Castill, in the year 1482. expelled the Jews out of their Dominions being then in great numbers: they agreed with john the second, successor to Alphonso the fifth, and obtained liberty (paying eight ducats for every person) to enter into his country, upon condition to depart at a certain time prefixed, and that the King should appoint them shipping to transport them. So as upon those conditions (which were not fully observed) there entered about 20000. families, and in every one ten persons at the least: the time of their departure expired, and not performed, many remained slaves; others either unwilling to depart, or to lose their goods were baptised, as the rest had done that remained in Castill. So as under the name of new Christians, the greatest part remained in Portugal unknown; being undistinguished, and allied for money with some Noblemen of the country; they laboured to be admitted for citizens: And although (according unto reason of State) this manner of peopling were not good, being of a nation different in blood and law, the which in multiplying might cause an important division, being many in number; yet brought it great profit to the Crown. Since in the time of Emanuel the fourteenth King, who began to reign in the year 1495. they continued their new navigation, with greater fervency, and more quiet: For the castilians being grown mightier by means of the forces annexed to their Crown, and having by new alliances drawn unto them the love of the Portugals, the one durst no more contend, & the other suffered them to live in peace. His predecessors having many years coasted along Africa, they built a fort at Argin; took the Islands of Hesperides, which now are called Cape-Vert; fortified the Castle of Saint George in Ethiopia, which they call Mina; discovered the Prince's Island, and that of Saint Thomas, which lieth perpendicularly under the Equinoctial, with certain small islands thereabouts, they became Lords over all. And passing further, they entered into league with the Realms of Congo, and Angolla, all Moors; having passed the great Cape of 
* Of good hope.  Buena Esperança, and the Island of Saint Laurence, right against it upon the main land they became Lords of Soffolla, Mozambique, and Melind: where according to the humours and quality of the people; they had won some by love, & some by force, although for the most part where they set footing, they prevailed by Arms. In the time of the said Emanuel they passed the mouth of the red sea, trafficking at Socotra, & Calahiate, they did run through the Persian gulf, and (having passed the mouth of the river Indus) they entered into India, where first by traffic, & after by force, they landed at calicut, Cochin, and other places thereabouts; but more strongly then in any other place under the conduct of Alphonso Albuquerque, a famous captain at Goa, a small Island in the Realm of Accen, near unto the country of Idalcan, the which is now a city with an archbishopric, chief of that State, where the Vizeroy maketh his ordinary abode. They have gone along all that coast building small fortresses, and having turned back to the mouth of the said gulf, they are become Masters of the I'll of Ormus; and along that coast have conquered the cities of Chaul, Damane, Bazain, and Diu. Upon the point of the coast of Mallabar (which they call the Cape of Comery) turning towards the gulf of Gangis, they have traffic, and fortresses in the I'll of Zeilan, which some take to be the ancient Taprobana, where groweth the best Cinnamom. And having passed the said gulf towards the East, & the mouth of Gangis, they discovered the other coast, at the point whereof (which the ancient call the golden chersonese) they became Lords of the town of Malaca, five and twenty miles from the great Island of Somatra (held also of some for Taprobana.) And passing on further, not only by their traffic, in the Realm of Pegu, and other countries upon the firm land; but also by their navigation, they have discovered the greater and lesser java, the kingdom of China, the great sea of the Isles of the Molucques, from whence come all the Cloves and Nutmegs, with many other drugs, the I'll of jappon: To conclude, they have sailed on so far as they have met in those quarters with the castilians that came to the Conquest of the West Indies, discovered by Christopher Columbus a Genevoys, in the name of the Kings of Castill. Of late days some by these two navigations have compassed the whole world, and joined East to West: They have also in the time of Emanuel conquered (opposite to Ethiopia, and to the Cape of 
* Of good hope.  Buena esperança) the province which they call S. a Croix, commonly called Brazill, joining to Peru, running 1500. miles in length, yet stretcheth it not far into the main land: they have divided it into eight parts, which they call Captaineships, and have in a manner given it to those that have conquered it, reserving to the King the greatest part of the jurisdiction. And although for a time it did seem of small profit, so as the criminal judges of Portugal did, and do yet still, confine and banish thither thieves, murderers, and such like malefactors; yet being fertile, it is greatly inhabited, so as at this day there are great dwellings and many buildings for sugars. The principal towns be the Bay of Alsaints and Pernanbuc: All these countries of new conquest (whereof we have made mention) are rich, and of great importance, from thence cometh yearly (as we have said) into Portugal, ships laden with sugars, spice, drugs, stones, with many other precious things and of great value. And to say the truth, this nation is worthy of great praise; that having but a small and barren country, they have made themselves equal (by the good institutions, frugality, and virtue of some of their Kings) not only to all the kingdoms of Spain: but have gloriously maintained war against Castil, a Realm far more rich and mighty, then that of Portugal, and their other neighbours. They have showed the like virtue, nay rather greater, far from home, as well in Africa, as at the Indies, having not only performed so wonderful a navigation, as was held in the beginning by the wisest to be rash and foolish; but also given such testimony of their Arms in those parts, that the writers hold many of their deeds to be miraculously performed, by reason of the inequality wherewith they were attempted, having showed themselves in fight at sea, and defending of forts, more valiant than in any thing else. And besides the conquest of so great an empire, in so long and large a sea, as we have written; it hath caused an other good of greater importance for Christian religion; the which is now planted in all those countries: So as whole Realms which were Idolatrous, are now obedient to the Apostolic Sea (to the great commendation of the jesuits, whom in that country they call Apostles) who have and do still maintain a spiritual war. Notwithstanding the Portugals who for the space of 460. years had been busied in these glorious attempts, who had planted their crosses in the farthest bounds of the East, whereas the name of Christ was not yet known, they have not since followed the steps begun, but contented with the weak borders of the Indian seas, they have not pierced into the main land, but (corrupted with the pleasures of the people, and enriched with the traffic of merchandise) they have been content to enjoy their gettings, not acknowledging the benefit of the giver of graces: and having converted the military revenues of Commandries into pleasures, they became idle and vain; attributing to themselves the honours and ceremonies which faithful Christians reserve unto God: they lived long in this estate, yet in good opinion of the world. This corruption and weakness of the Realm brought in by the delights of Asia, was in the education of king Sebastian discovered, and rejected by the jesuits, who as religious men, desired and laboured much to reform it: But they applied not fit medicines for so languishing a body, not considering the impossibility suddenly to reclaim a whole people already corrupted with liberty, to the extreme rigour and sparingness of these Fathers. A hard matter to perform not only in a kingdom, but also in the precinct of their monasteries: Whereupon they made sumptuarie laws, and especially upon victuals; which the ancient Spartaines could hardly have tolerated: They did specify what meats were allowed, and what defended, distinguished wherein every man should employ his money, taking from them in a manner all that came from foreign countries, were they for profit or pleasure. So as these violent remedies, proved not only unprofitable and ridiculous, but did confirm the opinion of such, as hold that Clergy men are as uncapable to govern in politic affairs, as secular magistrates be in ecclesicall causes: but God (when he meaneth to punish (taketh away man's understanding, and giveth him an overweening spirit, even so did he with the Portugals, sending them chastisements for their offences, committed in time of prosperity; or by his secret judgements, when as they thought themselves most secure, their fall was the greater being in their greatest glory. For this nation the proudest in the world, in this last war of Africa, became slaves unto the Arabians and Moors; and being free, in a short time by their war against the castilians, were conquered by them, whom they hold for their capital enemies.  

The life of king Sebastian.  The afflictions of this Realm took their beginning in the twentieth year of the age of Sebastian, who (borne after the death of his father, & a little before the decease of his grandfather) (by entreaties, and to the fatal ruin of his subjects) strong of body, and of a courageous mind, full of overweening, (the which is a natural vice in Portugals, not content with his own dominions) resolved (as it were by force) to alter the quiet, which his Realm had so long enjoyed. And although it seemed hard of execution, being environed with the territories of Philip of Austria King of Spain, his dear friend and kinsman, more mighty than himself, with whom he might not contend, nor pass by land into any other country. But as it is easy to perish for him that is desperate, he let him understand the excessive desire he had to ruin himself & all his. He had first plotted a war against the Indians, which his kinsmen and subjects would not consent unto. But as there was some difficulty wholly to withdraw the young Prince (who had a warlike spirit) from this enterprise, such as were near about him laboured to divert him by means of an other which they laid before him; turning all his resolutions upon Africa to indomage the Moors which live in that part which is called Mauritania Tingitana, whereas the Portugals maintain (to their great charge) upon the borders of the Sea, those three forenamed fortresses, Ceute, Tanger, and Mazagon, the buckler and key of Spain; by which the Moors have heretofore conquered it. But this diversion whereunto they persuaded the King, was cause of great ruins, proceeding from want of judgement; for although it were hard wholly to dissuade him from the enterprise of the Indies, and therefore convenient to represent unto him some other action; yet should they advisedly have foreseen, not to draw him from one mischief to thrust him into a greater. But these men diverted him from an enterprise far off, and of hard execution, by representing unto him a nearer, easier to effect, but more perilous. And although they surmised he would not have undertaken it but with deliberation, yet should they not have given too much confidence to his young age, for the which the jesuits were greatly blamed, who having planted their religion in this Realm more than in any other of the world, and with more zeal, as enemies to the enemies of God, they did encourage this young Prince (whom Queen Katherine had given to them in charge) to this enterprise with careful instructions, the which as then they might easily effect: But finding the King soon after ready to execute it with rashness, they had no more the credit to divert him being in disgrace. So as this yoonge King bred up amongst women, religious persons, delights and pleasures, had a more bold and warlike spirit, then if he had been borne and nourished in the midst of armies. He raised certain troops of footmen of his people of Lisbon, whom he did inrowle and train up to the Pike and harquebus, sending them once a week to the field to practise, with intent to use them when need should require.  

Sebastian's first voyage into Africa.  The which he stayed not long to effect: For in the year 1574. he assembled (against the will of the wisest) certain of his soldiers, and with four galleys and certain ships and carvels passed into Africa, under colour to visit his Forts; although in his mind he had a desire to do more than he spoke, and as young and without experience, thought to effect more than he did. Being arrived in those countries, he only discovered, finding his own weakness, but in light skirmishes, which are made daily upon those frontiers with the Moors▪ he showed himself most willing to be in person, vexing himself when he could not do as he desired; but as a royal person it behoved him to contain himself within the terms of gravity, the which he often exceeded. He returned soon to Lisbon, still devising with himself some new manner of war, and was so disquieted and careful in his conceit, that he neither said nor did any thing that tended to other end, devising not as a king, but as a private soldier, to accustom his body to labour, seeming unto him by this means to make himself more strong and better able to endure the discommodities of war. This inclination (wherein the heavens had some part) was not gainsaid by any of his chief Counsel, nor kinsmen of riper age, who might have dissuaded him, and drawn him to have enjoyed his Realm: For although the action seemed rash, yet ambition and fear of the King's disgrace were of such force, that the Nobles, Magistrates, and great persons (who might have forced him) durst not open their mouths, nor oppose themselves against his will: and if any one did mutter or speak to the contrary, they were men of base quality, and not admitted.  
The Cardinal Henry his uncle, brother to john the third his grandfather, and Queen Katherine (in whom flattery should find no place) had small credit with the King, neither did they use the authority they might have had, both fearing they should not prevail; but lose (with the King's disgrace) the small commandment was yet remaining in them; so as by a fatal silence they suffered this young Prince to return the second time into Africa, with apparent peril: wherein Peter D'Alcasoua was a chief actor, who having before time been Secretary of the Realm, and Counsellor of the State, greatly favoured of King john, and Queen Katherine, was now disgraced, and put from his places when as the Cardinal Henry gave the government to King Sebastian, the which happened more by emulation, and for that the Cardinal would settle a new form, and plant new officers, in the managing of the affairs, then for any faults that were imputed unto him, were they true or false. But in the declining of favourites it always chanceth, that faults serve rather to justify the ambition of an other than the offender's punishment: And in these afflictions he had lived content, for being wise, and rich, he had borne his adversity with a constant courage, still expecting some means to return into his place and dignity; the which fell out easily by the practice and industry of another. For Martin Gonzales de Camera his competitor, having succeeded him in his offices, with some other depending of the Jesuits, whom the Cardinal sought to bring in, they had no less conflict with their enemies then Peter had with his, for that Alvaro de Castro favourite to the king, of a contrary faction, with some of his friends (desiring secretly to withdraw the King's affection from Martin and his party) took occasion to effect it, when as the King was at Cape Saint Vincent, whether he went in Summer to satisfy the desire he had to go to sea, making him believe (and it may be not without cause) that Martin and the fathers (as men ignorant in matters of State, & of the wealth of Princes) had wasted the treasure of the Crown, and cut off the means, for all such enterprises as he might execute, by their laws made upon the changes of money: the which if they did not revoke, it were impossible to effect his glorious designs. This was a deadly blow; yet did they add one more of greater moment, giving the King to understand (being young and high minded) that he was oppressed by them, that they ruled in effect, and he in show; and they passed on so far, that they caused a Secretary of the chamber well favoured of the King, and a great talker, (presenting him one day with a commandment of small importance to sign) to say unto him that he might boldly subscribe it, for that he was king until he should return to Lisbon: so as mingling sport with truth, they drew this young Prince from the affection he bore to the ministers which had been given him by the Queen and Cardinal, and changed the doctrine wherein he had been nourished. But Peter D'Alcasoua reaped the whole fruit thereof, for the King being estranged from his enemies, and the laws made by them revoked, Alvaro de Castro the author thereof died, none of his faction remaining save Emanuel Quaresinia, who had the office which they call Dispaccio, of great importance, being Controller of the King's rewards, who having neither experience, nor authority to maintain himself long in this degree, nor yet judgement to contend with Alcasova, the said Peter laid hold of this occasion, to recover his former place: And to effect it the more safely, he married Lewes his eldest son, with the daughter of Christopher de Tavora, a great favourite of Sebastian's. Being thus returned into favour with the king, he easily maintained it, seconding his humours, in making the means easy to recover money, and unfolding all doubts for the execution of his enterprise: by reason whereof he made him Chamberlain, or rather Veador de Hazenda, a place of greater countenance than the other, employing him in most important affairs. And although his cunning did somewhat assist the King in his determinations, yet was there another occasion presented which made his hopes increase, which was this.  
Long time before there died in Africa Mulei Mahamet Cheriffe, he who had united the Kingdom of Feezes, Marroc and Turedant, the which he had always possessed, divided with his brother Mulei Hamet: It seems that these (whiles they lived quietly together) made a law, that all the children that survived after their decease, should succeed in the kingdom before any one of the nephews should enjoy the succession; so as to the youngest uncle should succeed the eldest nephew: yet after their decease, although they left many children, the greatest part thereof (even as it happened unto their fathers) died by the sword, or were strangled in prison, for the jealousy of State, by the commandment of Abdala, one of the sons of Mahamet, who succeeded his father, & reigned xvij. years, the most happy & peaceable Prince that ever that country enjoyed. This man although he were cruel, yet did he refrain from murdering his three brethren; it may be for that they were very children, when he came to the succession; but growing to more years, they fell to distrust him: so as two of them fled to the Turk; the third took his way by land and went to live amongst the Arabians. And although the law had decreed that the next brother should succeed to the Crown, yet Abdala resolved to swear his eldest son Mahamet his successor, which being performed, suddenly this new Prince practised against his uncles, sending a Moor to Tremisenne to kill the eldest, who was detained by the Turks, the which he did effect; wounding him with a dart in the Mezquita. This act did greatly trouble the other brother Mulei Moluc, young and of great hope, who (remaining at Algiers) demanding succours in vain from Philip King of Spain, by the means of Rodorike Alphonso Pimentel, Earl of Benavent, than Viceroy of Valencia; he resolved to go seek it at Constantinople, where he attended long with patience; exclaiming against his kindred, and not obtaining that which he demanded, till in the end (having given an honourable testimony of himself in the last sea fight at Navarin, betwixt the armies of the league and Turk, and at the taking of Golette) he obtained three thousand soldiers of the Turk for this conquest; upon certain conditions that were not observed. With these forces and his Moors that followed him, which wanted not in Africa, he entered his nephews kingdom (for his brother was now dead) and defeated three armies, whereof the last (which seems wonderful) consisted of threescore thousand horse, and ten thousand foot, and took absolute possession of the Realms, living with great reputation both of the Moors and Christians. Mulei Mahamet being in this manner expelled his country, he fled to Pignon of Velay, a fortress which the Catholic king holds in Africa, and from thence by the counsel (as they say) of a Renegado, he sent his ambassadors to the said King, letting him understand of his disgrace, and craving aid to be restored to his estate. Whereunto the Catholic King having made no answer conformable to the desires of the Moor, being gone to Ceuta, he did the like office with King Sebastian, showing unto him, that by this occasion he should easily make himself Emperor of Morocco. The young Prince fed with this vain hope, seemed now to have a lawful subject to make war, whereon he resolved, and to succour the Moor Mahamet. He propounded this to his Counsel, labouring to prove that it was both profitable and honourable, whereunto (although there were some of contrary advise, laying before him that he was without heirs, that Christians should rather employ their arms against heretics than Infidels, that his forces alone were too feeble for so great an action, strengthening their reasons with many examples: notwithstanding as Princes blinded with their own desires, will not allow the mishaps and disgraces of an other, issuing from their ill measured Counsel, to serve them as examples of better advise, there was neither reason nor example could prevail against the King's opinion, but fortified in his resolution by many (who either for their own particular, or for want of judgement) did counsel him to war, it was concluded.  

Sebastian's interview with Philip at Guadalupa.  And although his own weakness was unknown unto himself, yet was he advised by others to take a companion, and to draw the Catholic King into this action, believing it were easily performed: the State of Africa being of greater importance for his kingdom which was adjoining to it then for Portugal. He desired greatly to marry, to have issue (although his Physicians feared much he was unable for generation) and would willingly have taken one of the daughters of the Catholic King, whereof they had given him an assured hope: for these two causes he desired to enter parley with him, sending Peter D' Alcasova as Ambassador unto him, with commandment to treat of three points, that is, for aid in the action of Africa; for the marriage of his daughter, and for an interview. The Ambassador departed, and effected with great diligence the charge his master had given him: and having attended some time in this court, he obtained all three, the promise of marriage with one of his daughters, when she should come to years, for as yet they were too young; That the Catholic King should go to Guadalupa to meet with King Sebastian: And as for succours he should furnish men & galleys, to undertake the enterprise of Alarache, the which was spoken very coldly. For the Catholic King knowing the Portugals to presume beyond their strength, and holding it nothing safe to undertake this action of Africa without great forces, he laboured what he could by letters to temper this heat, dissuading him with many reasons (if not from the enterprise) at the least not to go himself in person: but this young Prince resting immovable in his counsels, and most obstinate in his opinion, did still importune him by letters. Philip confirmed the succours of men and galleys, so as the Turk should send no men into Italy, and that they should undertake Alarache in the year 1577. the whole being referred unto their interview at Guadalupa. The Ambassador returns home more favoured then ever, seeming to have effected more than was thought or looked for: In both Courts they make no great delays, but take their way for Guadalupa, where both kings arrive with no great trains, but with the chief Noblemen and Gentlemen of their Realms: There the Portugals (who arrived last) were received with great shows of love, finding in all places of Castill, where they passed, the kings express commandment to receive him of Portugal as his own proper person, so as at Badagios and in other places, where he passed, the chief men went to meet him, the prisons were opened, and he conducted to his lodging under a cloth of estate. The Catholic King took great pleasure to see young Sebastian, whom he entertained as his host, laying aside all terms fit for a greater King, entreating each other equally in majesty, talking particularly of the war, being both profitable and honourable for the Realms of Spain. The Catholic King did not dissuade him, yet he advised him not to go in person, excusing himself that he could give no great succour, by reason of the continual charge he was put to in Italy to resist the Turk: but Sebastian being fully resolved to go, and admitting no excuse, Philip desirous to please him, accorded with him in this sort. That the general opinion being, and especially of the Duke of Alva, that this action would require 15000. foot, not Portugal's, but of other nations, trained up in war, divided into Italians, Germans, & Spaniards; that the king of Portugal should entertain ten thousand, and the Catholic King five thousand, furnishing the enterprise with fifty galleys; (always provided, if the Turk sent not an army into Italy) and thatthey should go unto Allarache, without entering into the main land, and this to be attempted in the year 1577 otherwise he should not be bound to any thing. This treaty being ended, every one returned from whence he came.  

Preparation for the war of Africa.  In Portugal they made slow preparatives to war, and in the first beginning their money failed them, for that the revenues of the Crown are small, and ill employed. The whole Realm upon the main land yielding but a million, and one hundredth thousand ducats a year: The greatest part in customs (the which be unreasonable) paying for all things twenty in the hundredth except fish, which payeth the one half. The new found lands, as Saint Thomas, Myna, Brazil, and the Indies yield but a million at the most, which makes in all two millions and one hundredth thousand ducats, which comes to the Crown: And although the Indies yield one other million of rent, yet make they neither receipt nor payment thereof, being wholly retained there for the entertaining of armies and garrisons. Of these two millions and a hundredth thousand ducats, there remains nothing at the years end in Court, and if the King use any liberality, his charge exceeds the revenues; for that they receive without order, and spend without measure: For these Kings were never so happy as to be served with men of judgement, and discretion, who could order the revenues and expenses; but giving the charge always unto Noblemen, who were advanced thereunto by favour, and not by merit, (an ordinary custom in that country) they studied to maintain themselves in that throne by other means, letting the revenues of the Crown go as it would. So as what in wages of officers, rents, created, recompense for life, privileges (which they call Giuros) sold by him, entertaining of Fortresses in Africa, preparation of navies, and expenses of the Court, all is spent. They went therefore seeking here and there for money, forcing the people to contribute, and the chief Citizens extraordinarily: for although they gathered much by this means, yet they did draw upon them the curses and exclamations of the people, being most affectionate and obedient to their King; but nothing prevailed against the burning desire of officers. They exacted from the Clergy the third part of their revenues, whereunto they would not yield: yet seeing the Pope yielded unto the King's affections, they granted a hundredth and fifty thousand ducats. They granted unto the new Christians paying two hundredth & five & twenty thousand ducats (that which before had been for a time granted & often since denied) that for sinning against the Inquisition they should not lose their goods as they did. They imposed a new custom upon the salt, and exacted money from the Nobility, and Gentlemen of the Realm, against their ancient customs; many being by this means unjustly vexed. Amongst other Noblemen, the King sent to Francis de Melo, Earl of Tentuguel, who excusing himself, did write unto the King, with greater liberty then possibly reason would allow: For noting greatly the demand of money, which they had made unto him, as unjust, he said, it agreed not with the virtues with which his highness was endued; neither did it seem reasonable, that they whose fathers had been helpers to conquer the Realm, should be subject to the impositions and tributes, which are paid for the wars, where of many of meaner quality were exempt. He laid the blame of these demands upon the sins of the Realm, but much more upon such favourites as the King had about him, of whom he complained; he produced the example of that fatal chance, which happened at Tanger, to Henry and Ferdinand, sons to King john the first, seeking to make wars against the Moors at the people's charge, who ought in reason to pay rather than Gentlemen: inferring thereby that he could attend no better success of the action the King now took in hand, being at their charge, who had never contributed, although the Realm by reason of wars had been seen in greater necessity then at that present, he concluded (beseeching the King to consider better what he did, and to imitate the example of his ancestors, and not to leave a worse of himself to his successors.) This letter, which the King read with disdain, freed the Earl and many others from the contribution of money, seeking by other means (but chiefly by the blood of the poor) to supply their wants. And to the end there might be greater plenty of money within the Realm, he commanded that the Royals of Castill, which before were defended, should be now currant, valuing them a ninth part more than they were accustomed, which many noted as ominous. The King began now to draw his men oftener to field, putting them into squadrons, to come to encounters, and to counterfeit all that which is acted in war, where he himself was often present, in danger of his person, in the midst of their harquebusses, yet had he neither Captain nor Sergeant that could instruct them, only one john de Gama, who in the habit of an Hermit, became a great master of the war. So as notwithstanding the great pain they took in this exercise in manner forced, having never seen any thing, they remained more ignorant then at the beginning. The King gave himself much to hunting, accounting it a glory to encounter with the most furious beasts, wherein he grew very expert: If he went (as he did often) for pleasure from one place to another, either by sea, or upon the river of Tagus, he thought it a shame to go in calm weather, but still attended some storm whereby it seemed that some furious destiny lead him headlong to his end. But in the mean space time steals away, necessary provisions want, and all things proceed slowly forward. They must provide money in Italy, to levy the Italian footmen, and to pay the Germans: but the Pepper whereby it should be raised, was come but that summer to Lisbon, from whence it should be sent by the merchant's ships to Livorno, there to be sold. This enterprise, the which (for that they sought to do it with little money, we may term undiscreet) was now almost made impossible, and Peter D'Alcasoua (who was Chamberlain, and had charge of the treasure) durst not discover the defects unto the King, fearing his displeasure, if he should now contradict that which before he had allowed: He did still temporize with hope, that the Catholic King should excuse himself from furnishing the men, whereunto he was bound, upon colour of sending an army into Italy against the Turks, or for some other pretext, the which he greatly desired, that the whole blame might fall upon Philip: neither was he without hope, for the exceptions under which he had promised, made him believe that which fell out otherwise. In the mean time Mulei Moluck hearing of these preparatives, fearing the Catholic king should join with the Portugals, sent wisely unto him to will him advise what part of his Territories he pleased to have, the which he would give to be his friend and confederate. The King presently let Sebastian understand his offer, advising that it were a matter of consequence to keep the Moor in hope and to send unto him to expound his meaning, the which must needs be profitable, seeing that practises are no suspensions of arms, whereof there might grow some good effect; for possibly the Moor would neglect his defence, or yield that quietly which they pretended to take from him by force: but this young King, who knew not how much better an assured peace were, than an expected victory, and who desired rather to win by force, then by agreement any place whatsoever, pressed the Catholic King not to treat any accord with Moluck. But Philip knowing Sebastian's designs seeing him neither willing to accord, nor able to perform the enterprise, the which was likely to be broken, he laboured to effect it himself; and seeing summer now come, and neither Italian nor German soldiers in Portugal, he made offer unto him by john de Sylva his Ambassador, that if he were not prepared for the enterprise as it was convenient, he would furnish both men and shipping, so as he should pay the two thirds of the charges, according to the Treaty. But forasmuch as this offer was far off from the mark, whereat the King of Portugal shot, it was neither heard nor accepted. And although the season of the year was now far passed, and the preparatives weak, (matters being concealed from Sebastian, who was abused by his ministers) yet he feared nothing, but that Philip should excuse himself, and not keep promise on his behalf, which should make him unable to perform the enterprise, whereof he was so desirous; so as he laboured to obtain of him an assured promise of aid, without exception of the coming of the Turks army, the which he secretly feared, and his ministers greatly hoped for, so were their minds distracted. The Catholic King being advertised hereof, seeming unto him impossible to do any thing that were good, either to satisfy, or to withdraw himself from the promise that he made, left it to the judgement of his Ambassador, to make offer unto the King of the fifty galleys lent, & the five thousand foot, to be presently employed (if need were) according to the Treaty; but he should have a special care not offer them, if he did see any impossibility to employ them, being unwilling to hazard his forces alone without such as the King of Portugal was bound to levy: Upon this offer which the Ambassador had made, Sebastian being come to himself, and casting up his reckonings, he found himself unable that year to pass into Africa, by reason whereof he caused proclamation to be made, that the enterprise should be deferred until the next year: Philip a little before (being moved with the practices of this war,) had sent Captain Francis D'Aldana diguised into Africa to view the towns and fortresses upon the sea coast, who (being in great danger) returned. This man he sent to Sebastian, who receiving many favours, he informed him particularly of the state of Africa: And although Aldana made the enterprise more difficult than he supposed, yet could he no way discourage him; but laying aside that discourse, he inquired secretly of him (as of an expert soldier) of many things touching the government of Armies, wherein Aldana did amply satisfy him. The King now believing he should be well able to execute all he understood, not knowing the difference betwixt saying and doing; the winter come, he gave Aldana leave to depart, honouring him with a chain of gold, of one thousand ducats, making him promise to return when he should need his service.  
In this mean time for the year following Sebastian (by the means of Gomez de Sylva, his Ambassador at Rome) treated with the great Duke of Tuscan, to levy in his Territories three or four thousand foot, accepting in part the offer which the great Duke had made unto him, not long before by his Ambassadors, but the effect followed not. He sent likewise Sebastian de Costa into Flaunders to William of Nassau Prince of Orange (who being chosen head of the Flemings against the Catholic King, commanded in those parts) entreating him to assist him with three of four thousand Germans: He likewise dispatched four colonels throughout his Realm of Portugal, to levy twelve thousand foot; and those were Michael de Norogna, james Lopez de Sequeira, Francis de Tavora, and Vasco de Silueira, the which had never been at the wars. He assembled some Spaniards which came at the brute of wars, and of this voyage, whereof he gathered a good number, without the consent of Philip, and in Castill itself without any noise of drum he enroled many soldiers for this war, which caused Philip to punish some Captains afterwards: But notwithstanding all these goodly shows, no man believed it would take effect, for beside they did esteem the King's forces, too feeble to attempt any war, much more beyond the sea, (whereas the charge would be greater) they did conceive that when the Catholic King, the Cardinal Henry, Queen Katherine, and the people, should see all lets taken away, they would not suffer the King to go in person, which made every man suppose that after the expense of much money, it would vanish to nothing, as it had happened the last year, and some years before, with the army of Edward the King's uncle, prepared for the same Countries of Africa, and some other enterprises. But forasmuch as we can hardly resist the divine powers, it seemed that all things did second the effect of this enterprise: the Queen (a Lady of bounty and great value) who as well for the love she bore unto the King, being bred in her bosom; as to content Philip her nephew, who was the son of her brother, did vehemently dissuade this enterprise, she died. The Pope forasmuch as this war was attempted against Infidels, giving succours in time of need, opened his spiritual treasures, granting the Bull of the Croysada, which till that time was not brought into the Realm. The ships of the Indies returned home to a safe Port very rich. The Prince of Orange although he were sufficiently busied in the low Countries, yet showing how little he esteemed the forces of the Catholic King, granted out of his troops the three thousand foot, which were demanded; so as all things seemed to yield unto the Kings wil All that time which was the ninth of November, there appeared in the zodiac, in the sign of Libra, near unto the station of Mars, the goodliest & greatest Comet, that hath been seen in many ages, the which happening in the progress of this war, amazed many, who looking to examples past, said it was a sign of unhappy success, and that coming from a corrupt air, it did endamage the delicate bodies of Princes. And for as much as the ancient Captains with their divines, did interpret it to good, not for that they believed it, but to encourage their soldiers: the Portugal likewise taking it for a favour said, that this Comet spoke unto the King, saying, Accometa, which is to say in the Portugal tongue: let him assail them, not having any such belief, but for flattery, fearing more the King's choler, by reason of his rough inclination, than the heavens.  
Philip at that time by a certain treaty of peace had pacified the war of the Low-Countries, where Don john de Austria his bastard brother was governor, who seeming not absolute Master of the people, and the Prince of Orange his adversary not well satisfied, desiring rather to be Lord of all, than governor of a part, they began new practises against the conventions agreed on. And Don john's letters being surprised, (the which he had written into Spain,) by the Lords of the country they discovered, that upon the Princes fortifying of some places in Holland, he had an other intention than he made show of, who finding his letters surprised and his purposes laid open, desirous (as he said) to subdue them by arms, he thought it not safe to remain unarmed in those parts: So as one day seeming to go take the air, he retired himself to Namur, upon the frontier of Flanders, towards Lorraine, with his greatest favourites, and there discovering his mind, and dismissing such as he trusted not, he suddenly called back the Spanish foot (the which according to the Articles of peace) were departed, and scarce arrived in Italy; and having made a new levy of Walloons and Germans, the war began in those parts more cruel than before, and with greater disadvantage for the King: for that in the conformity of the treaty of pacification, they had left all the fortresses in the hands of the Flemings. By reason of these new broils, & for that the war of Africa was deferred a year more than was agreed on, the Catholic King framed an excuse to deny his promised succours to the King of Portugal, showing that it behoved him to provide in Flanders for his honour, and the safety of his brother; hoping by this means to divert him from the enterprise, but it prevailed nothing: for the other being rash, resolved in any sort to undertake it, whether he had his expected succours or not, thinking (being young) with his own forces and the Italians and Germans which he attended, to be able to conquer the world. This resolution displeased Philip and did much afflict him, for being unable to assist him, he feared that without his aid the day would be perilous, and seeing the danger increase, he continued these good offices with more vehemency, either to break off the enterprise, or at least to dissuade him from going in person: whereupon he did write many letters of his own hand full of love; he caused the Duke of Alva to write unto him, and in the end sent the Duke of Medina Celi (one of the greatest in Spain) to do his last endeavour to divert him; but all was in vain, he would attempt it at his own cost, although the Catholic King sent him not one soldier. And for as much as good deeds are often taken in ill part, some said that all these demonstrations of King Philip were but counterfeit, & that he wished Sebastian should go, for howsoever it should succeed, he should receive a benefit thereby: if it happened he should take Allarache or any place upon the coast, it were more advantage to Philip then to him, having his Dominions fronting nearer to Africa then the other; but if he should happen to die in these wars, a greater good should come unto him, being heir unto the Realm. But to say the truth, Philip was moved to do this office towards Sebastian, both of his own quiet disposition (being no friend to broils) as also for another private subject, of no small importance, which was: At that time the Treaty of Truce was revived betwixt him and the Turk, whereunto both were moved for one and the self same respect, not to divide their forces at such time as they had most need of them to be united; the Turk against the Sophi, and the King against the Rebleses in Flaunders: So as without infringing this Truce, the Catholic King could not send any Army to endamage Africa, being tributary to the Turk, and especially of Mulei Moluc his friend and confederate. And this excuse was so much the more tolerable, for that he laboured to comprehend the King of Portugal within this truce, desiring him to enter into it, but he not only refused it, but also answered, That he marveled he would treat a peace for three years with the Turk, to avoid war during that term in Italy, being most assured that Africa should be replenished with Turks, and the three years expired, he should have that war in Spain, which now he sought to avoid in Italy: He did advise him not to conclude; or if he would needs, not to comprehend him, to the end he might afterwards secretly assist him against Mulei Moluc: by means whereof with small charge he might assure himself of Italy by the truce, and of Africa by war in the name of the Portugals. Philip disallowed of these frivolous reasons, soliciting Sebastian to resolve himself either to enter or be excluded: After some delays he was contented to be comprehended therein. But as these Treaties were in handling, he supposed it should not any wise hinder his enterprise of Africa: And therefore 
Preparation for the second voyage of Africa,  they armed their galleons at Lisbon, they stayed merchants ships, they enrolled all their shipping throughout the Realm to transport men, horse, victuals, and munition, making ready other preparatives: Lewis Dataide was named general of this Action, but he did not exercise the charge with the authority due to the place, for as much as the King with Peter D'alcasoua and some other his favourites, resolved and gave order for many things concerning the war, which belonged to the General to do, or at the least to consult of. But as he was not greatly pleasing unto the King, although he were the most renowned of all the Portugals, so did he not follow this enterprise being sent Vizeroy to the Indies: Diego de Sosa was made General at the sea, Christopher de Tavora his Chamberlain, and master of his horse (whom he loved entirely) was made commander of all the Nobility that should go into Africa, and of many strangers that came by adventure, giving him the Title of Captain of the Adventures, by means whereof he was preferred before all the Nobility. And for that he could not make himself equal with the Moor in horsemen; he resolved to fortific himself better with foot, commanding that no man should furnish himself with horse, but such as he should appoint, the which should not be lightly armed, but barded, like to the ancient men of arms, so as many gentlemen that prepared to go on horse back remained on foot. It was strange to see the Portugals furnish themselves to war; for being an exercise that requireth order & measure, all things were there disordered and confused: The faults which were committed in taking of Musters, giving of pays, superfluity in many things, and defect in other, were infinite: The gentlemen after a new prodigious manner attired themselves like unto the castilians, in steed of scouring their Arms, they guarded their habits, for corselets they provided doublets of silk & gold, they were charged with sugar and conserves, in steed of water & biscuit: The vessels of silver, & the tents lined with silk and satin were without number, every gentleman went furnished like a king, and the poor soldiers died for hunger: To conclude, it seemed they supposed that he that went bravest and best furnished with delights, and pleasures, should soon conquer the enemy; contrary to the opinion of true soldiers, who believe that when a man goes to the combat clad in gold, and silk, he is either slain or returns home laden with blows; but when he goeth covered with iron, and steel, he returns a conqueror laden with gold. Sebastian was careful to whom he should leave the government of the Realm, for that there was none remaining of the blood Royal, but his uncle the Cardinal, whom (being very old, & not greatly pleasing unto him) he would not willingly admit to so great a charge, yet having no other, he went to Euora where he lived, entreating him to take the care in his absence, the which he would by no means accept, excusing it by reason of his age, and indisposition; so as he made choice of four governors to command in his name, which were George d'Almeda, archbishop of Lisbon, Peter d'Alcasoua, Francis de Sada, & john Mascaregnas, to whom he gave full power in all things, leaving with them a Seal which did imprint with ink this word REII, with the which he commanded them to subscribe their dispatches.  
In the mean time upon Africa side, the Cheriffe Mahamet did still solicit Sebastian, by Ambassadors to make haste, and by no means to abandon the enterprise, and with many hopes he gave him to understand, that (besides a good number of soldiers, he had already armed) he was most assured, that upon the present view of the Portugals ensigns in Africa, being known that they came in his favour, the greatest part of towns, forts, and men of war would rebel against Mulei Moluc & come to him. It is most true he dissuaded the King for going in person, saying, it was not necessary, but would prove very hurtful, alleging that the Moors (which easily would yield at his devotion) seeing the King of Portugal there in person would grow jealous, lest he came to subdue them to the Christians; and therefore would not so willingly leave the enemy. The which he said, both for that it might so fall out, as also fearing (not without reason) that if the King were conqueror, and there in person to, he would not leave him his kingdom free. All these things greatly inflamed Sebastian, & the more the Cheriffe dissuaded his going, the more his desire increased, supposing that the Moor grew fearful that his coming should deprive him of his kingdom, he did firmly believe that he should conquer it: and continued so blind in this desire, that he caused a crown to be made and carried with him, with other preparatives to be crowned King, not knowing in the morning what the evening brings. But it seemed to him that fortune began now to smile, for that Albacarin the Moor, who commanded for Mulei Moluc, in Arzilla, a town upon the borders of the sea, sometimes belonging to the Portugals, & voluntarily abandoned to the Moors, by the intercession of the Cheriffe Mahamet, had delivered it to the governor of Tanger, whereof the King received great contentment, and believed now the Moor had such as he said, affectionate to his party.  
At this time the Irishmen rebelled in divers parts of that kingdom, pretending the liberty of Religion, and complained to Pope Gregory the 13. taking for their leader the Earl of Desmond and others, as Oneale, and some other of the savage Irish, affirming that if they were aided, they could easily draw the whole Island from the Queen's obedience. The Pope did communicate this with the Catholic King, exhorting him to undertake this action, as most godly, & to succour this people, the which they resolved to do. But forasmuch as the Queen of England did seem in words friend unto the king, & did as the Spaniards supposed covertly underhand assist the Prince of Orange in Flaunders against him; the King would likewise march in the same path, and make a covert war against her: they concluded to assist this people in the Pope's name, but secretly at the king's charge. To this effect they levied certain footmen in the territories of the Church, whereof six hundredth under the conduct of Thomas Stukley an Englishman, fled out of England for treason; (who a little before had obtained the title of a Marquis from the Pope,) were embarked at Civitavechia, in a ship of Genua, to be transported into Ireland, the which arrived at Lisbon, in the time they made preparation in Portugal for the war of Africa: the king hearing of their arrival, and that for want of money he could have no Italians out of Tuscan, desired to see them, with an intent to retain them, & use them in the war of Africa, & having caused them to disimbarke, and to lodge at Oeiras near to the mouth of Tagus, he went one day to view them; and although they were no chief men, yet did he admire their order, their speedy discharging of their Harquebusses, their disposition to handle the pike, and their strict obedience: and having had some conference with the said Stukley, they persuaded him to promise to go with him into Africa. The Catholic King for that he would not show himself a party, would not contradict it. The Pope was so far off, that before the news could come unto him, he gave them impress, and they remained for his service. In this time the foot which were levied by three Colonels, approached to Lisbon: the fourth which was Francis de Tavora, should embark in algarves. The three thousand Germans (which the Prince of Orange had granted) were (under the conduct of Martin of Burgundy, Lord of Tamberg,) arrived within the mouth of Tagus, in Flemish ships, and were lodged at Cascays, and thereabouts, to the great amazement of the peasants, not accustomed to the charges of war. King Sebastian before his departure, desired to see the Duke of Alva, whom he sent unto, but he excused himself upon the King; and the King at the entreaty of the Duke, upon the infirmity of the old man; so as his desire took no effect. The Duke's friends told him he should have accepted this favour; whereunto he answered, that having known by the practices and discourses of Guadaluppa, and by the King's letters, his resolution to pass into Africa, he thought it impossible to divert him from that opinion, that having been discreet in his youth, he would not in his declining age make himself author of the ruin, which he did foresee of a King and kingdom. Sebastian without any grave Counsellors, hastened his departure, impatient of the least delays, his forces being all assembled with the ships at Lisbon; the soldiers (which were scarce nine thousand) were embarked against their will: The Noblemen and Gentlemen likewise had every one a ship armed, wherein he should embark, with those under his command, but hardly were they drawn from their dear houses. And although there were a certain day for their departure appointed, yet was it 
The second voyage of Sebastian with his army into Africa.  not observed: So as the King going one morning in great troop to the cathedral church, with the Standard he meant to carry into Africa, he caused it to be hallowed with great pomp, and delivered it to the master of his horse, and so returning (many believing he would have returned to the palace) he went directly to the galley wherein he would pass, to hasten the rest, saying that he would presently depart: And although this were the xvij. day of june, in the year 1578. yet did he stay eight days in the Port, and never disimbarked, preparing the rest of the soldiers, who were no sooner ready than the day after Midsummer: at what time having a prosperous wind, the whole army set sail, to the great pleasure and contentment of the King, who young and unskilful, guided by some sinister star, or by that divine permission which would punish this people, went into Africa, to a dangerous (although a glorious) enterprise, leaving the Realm emptied of money, naked of Nobility, without heirs, and in the hands of ill affected governors.    

THE SECOND BOOK.  
The Contents of the second Book.  
The King of Portugal's passage into Africa: his counsel and resolution to enter into the main land; the way his army took; the preparatives for the war of Mulei Moluc, the quality and disposition of his camp, the battle of Alcazar, the overthrow of the Portugals; the death of King Sebastian and of Moluc, and the creation of King Henry.  
THe King of Portugal's departure from Lisbon, was so mournful, that it gave apparent signs of evil success, for in so great a number of men, and of so divers qualities, there was not any one with a cheerful countenance, or that did willingly embark, against the common custom in the beginnings of war, but all (as it were presaging of ill events,) complained they were forcibly drawn unto it. There was such a deadly silence in the port, that (during all the time of their abode in so great a number of ships) there was neither flute nor trumpet heard. The King's galley issuing forth, was carried down with the currant and broke her rudder against a Flemish ship: a cannon shot from the town slew one of his mariners in the boat; so as if we shall give credit to signs as the ancients did, these seemed very ominous. The first town they touched upon the main land was Lagos in algarves (where did embark the regiment which Francis de Tavora had levied in those parts) and certain other vessels joined to the army, so as in all one and other they made near one thousand sail; but except five galleys and fifty other ships, all the rest were unarmed, and the most of them were barks to pass horse and munition. They arrived soon at Cadiz, whereas the Duke of Medina Sidonia feasted the King, with chase of bulls, jocodecanna, and all other delights that poor Island could yield. The Duke laboured to persuade 
The arriving of the Portugal army in Africa and their proceedings.  him not to go personally into Barbary, but he prevailed not, having sojourned there eight days like a fleet of merchants, without guard or Sentinel, directing their prowess towards Africa, in few days they arrived at Almadraves, betwixt Tanger and Arzilla, where having cast anchors, they stayed some space. The King having then an intention to disimbarke at Alarache, a small town of the Moors, lying fifteen miles towards the south, a little before the army approached the land, being fully resolved to depart; the King with his five galleys and four galleons (leaving the rest of the ships) went to Tanger, where he made a short abode: for having sent Mulei Cheque son to the Cheriffe, of the age of twelve years, by land with Martin Correa de Sylva, and certain horsemen Moors and Portugals, to the end they should draw towards Mazagon, and back the people thereabouts that should revolt against Moluc; he returned to his army, having supplied the fortresses with fresh soldiers, and taking into his ships the Cheriffe and eight hundredth Harquebuzers that were at the guard thereof. From the Almadraves, he went to Arzilla with all his fleet, where seeing his soldiers distressed for water, he commanded them to land and refresh themselves, meaning to embark them again, or to transport them in barks to Alarache: But wavering in his thoughts, nothing was constant, for the soldiers being landed with no small confusion, it was hard to force them to return, for the small obedience they were in, and for the necessity of water, whereof they must make provision, so as he continued long irresolute. The army was lodged upon the sea shore, having on the one side fortified their lodging with rampires of earth and wagons, on the two other sides the sea and the town served them for trenches: It remained in this estate fifteen days, during which the Portugals landing with their King, had so troubled all the province, that the Moors that are neighbours to the sea towns, as Alarache, Tituan, and others, were resolved not to make any resistance, but to abandon their towns, and had already transported their poor wealth with their wives to the mountains.  
But Mulei Moluc being at Marrock, had before both from Portugal, Cadiz, and Arzilla very particular advertisement of the King of Portugal's preparation, and of the quantity and quality of his men, wherewith he was greatly moved, seeming unto him that Sebastian pretended to deprive him of his kingdom being a Moor, to give it to another Moor, no more friend to him then he was, without any pretext or judgement to whom of them the estate did justly appertain. And seeing the accord with the Catholic King took not the effect he desired, he resolved upon his defence: but weighing how much better an ill peace is then a just war, and discerning well the discommodities, great charge, and dangers it draws with it, he laboured first to compound with him, making offer to the King to give him ten miles of the country lying about his fortresses in Africa for tillage. But Sebastian who was of another conceit, made him answer that he had been at great charge in levying of foreign forces, and therefore he could not desist from the enterprise, unless he would yield him Tituan, Alarache, and Cape D'Aghero. This demand seemed too excessive to the Moor, and therefore made answer that he must pause thereon, although the siege were before Moroca, and that the King should offer to give him in counterchange Mulei Mahamet his capital enemy, That he had conquered those Realms with his sword and policy, and meant to defend them with all his forces. He commanded presently Rhodevano his purveyor general a Portugal Renegado to bring to field all his Tents and Pavilions, the which was performed the next day, being in number above 4000 The six and twentieth of May he went towards Suse, the chief city being Northward from Moroca, to give order in those parts for certain things there concerning the war. But having intelligence upon the way that the King of Portugal was issued out of Lisbon, he returned suddenly to Moroca, where having left the said Rhodevano as his Vizeroy, he assembled those men of war he commonly keeps in pay in that Realm: he lodged his camp at Camis, and from thence came in three days to Temisnam (towns which lie towards the frontriers of Portugal) where he fell sick with great castings and a fit of an Ague. There he understood that Sebastian was come to Cadiz: and although he were very sick, yet continuing his course, he went to Salé with 14000. horse, and 2500. Harquebuzers, whereof one thousand were on horseback, & the rest on foot the most part of Andelousia, & Renegadoes. Here he understood the Portugals were arrived at Arzilla, and therefore having passed the river of Marmore at a ford, having caused some quantity of metal to be brought from Morocco, he cast four pieces of great cannon in his camp, three of them with certain other pieces he drew with him, the other he sent to Morocco, marching himself towards Alcazar; Mulei Hemet his bastard brother, governor of the kingdom of Fez, was already come to field, by his commandment, as general of the horse of that province, and having assembled all the soldiers both horse and foot thereabouts, was come to the place which they call the fair of Thursday, six miles near to Alcazarquivir, where he expected his brother to join their armies together, having two and twenty thousand horse, and five thousand five hundredth foot. There Moluc arrived the xxiv. of july so sick, that he could scarce endure on horseback, who having marched long in his Litter, seeing his brother a far off, he took his horse to meet him, when they approached the one to the other, Mulei Hemet put spurs to his horse, and being come near his brother, he lighted and kissed the ground, in sign of humility, the whole army giving a great volley of shot. His sickness increasing daily, Mulei Moluc entered not with pomp (as the manner was) into his lodging, but returning to his Litter, seated his brother in his place, to effect his entry, himself going before to take his lodging. And forasmuch as he understood, that Sebastian had sent Mulei Cheque with troops to Mazagon, he dispatched Mulei Dan his nephew with two thousand horse, and some foot to make head, lest he should indomage those quarters: Toward Cape D'Aghere, and Alarache, he likewise sent men; but hearing that Sebastian was disimbarked at Arzilla, they returned to the camp. Moluc was a man courageous, hardy, and free in words, seeming to make small account of the Portugals, he said openly, that whosoever went not willingly with him, he should retire, suffering any freely to depart that were more friend to Mulei Mahamet then to him, wherein they should do him a favour; the which he spoke not to contemn the enemies forces, but knowing how hardly he should stay them that minded to leave him, desiring rather they should then go, then attend until a battle, or revolt at some other time when they might do him a greater mischief: And therefore to give them the better means to escape, he made choice of three thousand, out of such as he suspected, sending them to discover the Christians Army, to keep them busied with courses, and to give them often Alarms, not with any meaning they should do this exploit, but if they meant to fly, they might effect it at their pleasure. But this meaning unknown to that nation, wrought in them a contrary effect to that which Moluc attended: for having construed this commandment to the fidelity and trust he had in them, they meant still to remain faithful, so as few went unto the Christians army: The greatest part did well perform that which Moluc had given them in Charge, for being divided sometimes into 600. sometimes more, sometimes less, they ran to the Trenches of the Portugals lodgings, molesting and slaying those they found scattering from the Army.  

A light skirmish of the Moors against the Portugals.  In the mean while the Portugals remaining in their lodgings, before they had yet discovered the Moors, deceived with illusions had twice taken the Alarm in vain: seeing themselves one day followed at the heels by 600. horse, like men that had never yet seen the enemy near or far off, although they were in a strong lodging, joining to a friend town, and an Army at sea within arqebus shot: yet ran they fearfully to embark, and notwithstanding that the Enemies (after a light skirmish with the Moors of Cheriffe Mahamet who were lodged a little without the trenches) returned presently, yet the Portugals were so amazed, that being kept from embarking, they fled from the camp going by land to Tanger, and so fell out of one mischief into another, for by the way they were taken prisoners by the Moors of Tituan & other places thereabouts, who lay in wait to rob and spoil. But the King gathered courage by this first view of the Moor so suddenly retired, for remaining before within the city, he would now lodge without, to be more near unto the skirmishes when need should require. The next day discovering 2000 of the enemies horse, the King went to encounter them with 600. horse, but the skirmish being begun the Moors retired, wherein the King carried himself more like a valiant soldier, than a wise Captain, following Edward de Meneses Marshal of the camp, who marched ten miles from the Army with no small danger, having neither footman nor Harquebuzer for his guard: the safety of his person being of great importance to the whole Army, he seemed rather weary of his life then to do any act of a brave mind, who being a King and might live deliciously was pricked forward with the only desire of glory.  

The means of Moluc to defeat the Portugals.  Moluc had news of this encounter beyond Alcazar where he lodged, from whence he departed not, both for that he expected some troops from Tituan and Mechinee, (places upon the sea coast,) the which arrived soon, as also to draw the Portugals into the firm land; for so he understood they intended, yet he feared it could not so fall out, doubting they would continue along the sea coast, being most convenient for them. Yet he resolved if they entered not into the main, to march towards them withal speed, and before they should attempt any thing, to follow them at their backs; thereby to draw them into the want of many things, not meaning to join battle with them but upon great advantage: but if they should enter into the main land, to suffer their passage as far as he might with assurance, and after cut off their return to sea: In this manner he doubted not to obtain the victory almost without fight, both for the great number of men he had in his Army, as also understanding the Portugals were ill provided of victuals, drawn thither by force, full of delights, and void of experience.  

The counsel and resolution of the Portugals to enter into the main land of Africa.  In this time the King of Portugal assembled the chief of his counsel to resolve of his departure, demanding their advise, what course they were best to take: Many durst not speak freely; for although they thought the best resolution to go by sea to Alarache, yet discovering by daily practices that the King was otherwise resolved, relying more upon flattery then upon the truth; they chose rather to counsel him ill and please him, then to advise him well and contradict him. He was desirous to go by land to play both the captain and the Sergeant, not foreseeing the difficulties the way would bring, nor the danger whereinto he did run, but as ill advised (having no advertisement of the enemies Army) thought with security to overrune their country, and that the Moors should fly before him as those few had done which appeared at Arzilla. One of the 
The Counts of Vimioso seconded the des gnes of the King of Portugal.  chief that did most applaud his humour was Alphonso of Portugal, Earl of Vimioso, who had been (in the King's former voyage into Africa) Chamberlain, and had charge of the victuals; wherein he behaved himself so sparingly, as if they had continued any longer in Africa, or else at sea, they had been starved, the which his enemies took as an occasion to disgrace him with the King, whereof he had been ever sithence secluded. This man (both ambitious and cunning, did second the King's humours, although he did know with himself they were rash and hurtful, and against that which he thought convenient) persuading him to march by land for two reasons: The one to make known unto the King upon his march the want of victuals there was in his Army, by reason whereof he could not proceed: to make his officers odious, and to whip them with the same rod he had been scourged before, whereby the voyage should be broken. The other reason was to show himself valiant to please the King and to recover his disgrace, seeming unto him that whether he did advise it or not, the King would undertake it, and since that he must of force hazard his life, he thought it best to make himself Author of the resolution: if it succeeded ill, the loss would be general; if it happened well, he alone should have the honour of it, seeing that he alone was of that opinion. He settled the King's weak judgement, and therewithal inflamed this desire to march, saying that this Army in Africa being master of the field, should not show any fear by embarking, but turn head wheresoever it pleased and open all passages. And although they were possibly inferior to the enemy in number, yet their valour exceeded them, being well known unto the world how much a Moor was inferior to a Christian, adding thereunto that to disimbarke at Alarache it might prove uneasy and dangerous; he said that both King Philip and the Castilians would report the Portugals durst not without their aid enter one foot into Africa, that they had disimbarked rashly & had retired like cowards. Lewis de 
The advise of Lewis de Silva concerning this voyage.  Silva one of the King's chief favourites spoke his mind freely upon this point, saying, there was no reason for an Army to march by land, that went to a town adjoining upon the sea, having so goodly a Fleet, which might easily be furnished with fresh water for so small a voyage, which was their only want. He alleged that it was most easy to go by sea standing in no fear of any enemy, most profitable, for that the way short and the descent easy, understanding that there was no resistance: chose it was most dangerous to march by land, being ignorant where the enemy did lie, & what forces he had: So as supposing him to be far off, he might be at their backs, and having any wants which happen often in an Army, being far from the sea, they should hardly be supplied; that betwixt Alarache and them did run the river of Lixe (called by Ptolemy Lixos) upon the left bank whereof standeth the town, that having neither bridge nor barks to pass, they must (leaving the sea side by a long course seek a ford, or the Moors bridge, whither being come, it were doubtful to know with what facility they should pass it, being likely the enemies would fortify the passage. Betwixt these two contrary opinions the one by sea, the other by land, the third was spoken of, the which was to march along the sea side in view of the Fleet, with their Chariots upon the left hand in steed of Rampires, and being come to the mouth of the river to pass them with their barks, but this opinion (which seemed to be less hurtful) was not liked of by the King; although the rest that would have gone by sea gave ear to it most willingly; yet those that did contradict it, although they were more in number, yet being of less authority (the King being of the other party) the worst of all three (which was to go by land) prevailed.  
Mulei Mahamet seeing the King so hot in this action grew daily into new fears, hoping of no good success, he doubted before, that if the King should have the victory, he would charge him with too heavy a yoke, but having viewed the Army, he lost all hope of victory if they should fight, and therefore thought it most convenient to advise the King to go by sea to Alarache, hoping he should easily win that place and return into Portugal with that victory, leaving his 
The counsel of Mulei Mahamet to the King of Portugal.  Army in Africa, by means where of he hoped to win such credit that they should abandon Moluc and fly unto him; & yet if he would fight to do it with more facility and greater judgement than it seemed to him Sebastian would. But his counsel prevailed no more with the King than the rest, so as commanding Diego de Sosa to attend him with the Fleet at Alarache, he marched with his whole Army to Alcasarquivir, being the direct way unto the bridge, having but 
The Army of the Portugals and their quality  13000. foot, and 1500. horse; that is 8000 Portugals, 3000. Germans, 1000 Spaniards, and 600. Italians, with twelve pieces of Artillery: but the more they advanced into the firm land, the more their fear increased, and chiefly of them that persuaded to go by sea. And although some did again show unto the King, that Errors in war cannot be repaired, that it would be too late after to change his resolution, and that he ought to have great care in the execution of those things that cannot be redressed, beseeching him not to cast himself into so dangerous an enterprise, and above all not to leave the sea, laying before him the peril, the small gain, the want of victuals, and the little or no experience of the soldiers: yet nothing prevailed, but as it often happeneth that we reap a bad recompense for good counsel, being discontented with those he should have favoured, he would scarce hear them. The rest knowing by this proof he would accept of no counsel, durst not advise him for fear of his disgrace. The Army had no chief leaders able to command, and therefonre could neither march, lodge, nor fight in order: For although the King served as General, Edward de Meneses Marshal of the Camp, with some others of less quality, yet they wanted experience: for although the strangers had their commanders of more experience in actions of war then the Portugals, as the Marquis general of the Italians, the Lord of Tamberg of the Germans, and Alphonso d' Aguilar of the Spaniards, yet for that none of them was General, and being strangers they might not dispose of the Army, so as none of the Portugals knew his charge. The King the 29. of july made his first lodging at the Milles three miles from Arzilla; the second at Menera; where he had advertisement that Moluc approached. From thence he wrote his letters to Lisbon to Peter d Alcasova briefly, but full of overweening, in the which he said he understood that Moluc drew near him, and if he escaped not he would join battle with him. At that time arrived 
The arrival of Aldana in the Portugal camp.  Captain Francis d'Aldana who had promised to serve the King, and for that effect had obtained leave of the Catholic King, (which no man else could do): as a man expert in war having viewed the ill disposition of the Camp, began to execute all the greatest charges, disposing the soldiers in the best order that he could, although being a stranger and of no credit with the Portugals, he could not effect all he understood: In this sort they marched slowly lodging always in places of advantage, by the industry of the said Aldana and of Philip Terzy, who served as Engineer; although they discovered some horse, yet knew they not for certain what Moluc 
Letters and a Present from the Duke of Alva to the King of Portugal.  pretended: Aldana brought unto the King letters from the Duke of Alva, with present of a headpiece which was the emperors Charles the fifth, and a cassock of white taffeta, with the which the said Charles entered conqueror into Tunis: He said unto some, that he had been sorry the King should attempt any thing in the firm land of Africa: But hearing by his own letters that he would only go to Alarache, he did receive great contentment, and did commend his resolution; being in the mean time come into certain small hills which they call Cabeza d' Ardana, they took their third lodging, from thence they went to Bercain, but to come to the fifth they must pass the small river of Mucazen at a ford, the which falls somewhat lower into Lixe.  
Moluc advertised of the Portugals course, having made longer stay at his lodging beyond Alcazar than he meant, to give the enemy better means to approach, his troops being joined, he dislodged the second of August, marching towards Alcazar: The day following he went directly towards the bridge, which the Portugals sought for, and being passed did strongly encamp themselves towards the sea, not meaning to pass any farther: the ways being full of hills, though easy to mount and to pass with carriage and artillery, yet not commodious to give battle where the army consisted most of horsemen. The same day the Portugals had passed Mucazen, and come to their fifth lodging, they were in doubt whether to encamp on this side or on the other side of a small river, which begins in the marshes of Alcasarquivir, part of the army having passed the water, they turned head, resolving to lodge on this side: there they understood that Moluc approached, making show to fight; and if it had not grown late the armies might have discovered each other. Moluc grew then extremely sick, without hope to live many days, not forbearing to command and dispose of all things that were necessary with great resolution: and seeing the enemy to draw near, he first 
Molucs speech to his brother.  called his brother unto him saying. That although he did not think him to have the spirit and courage fit for the place, he would give him; yet being his brother, he made him general over all the horse, that he might fight, conquer, and die with them, assuring him that if he were noted with the least show of cowardice, he himself would strangle him with his own hands, and issuing forth of his tent, he put his army into battle, going himself from rank to rank in a small 
The quality of Molucs army.  litter carried by men, executing the office of a Sergeant. His army consisted of many nations, there were three thousand Moors of Andalousie, as well on foot as horseback under the conduct of Doali Algori and Osain their Commanders, valiant men, which are those that passed into Africa from the wars of Alpussarres or the mountains of Grenado; he had also three thousand foot, and twenty five thousand horse, with a thousand Harquebuziers on horseback, the most part of them Renegadoes and Turks, all of them men of war, entertained daily in pay: and this was the principal force of his camp. He had about ten thousand horse gathered together, & five thousand foot, so as in all he had about forty thousand horse, & eight thousand foot, besides a great number of Arabians and adventurers that were come unto him. Moluc had no great confidence in the hirelings or Arabians, esteeming the first fearful, and the last inconstant. Amongst his entertained bands, he had likewise three thousand horse, which (as is said) he suspected to be friends to Mulei Mahamet, and not greatly favouring his rule. But the Portugals who for their honour do willingly augment their number, affirm that the Moors were threescore and ten thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, and the Moors (who do increase their own actions) do report their number to be very great: but it is verified by men without passion, that although Moluc could have assembled threescore thousand horse, and more footmen than he did; yet had he no more in his army, than we have specified, with thirty and four pieces of artillery. Moluc kept to himself the title of General, he gave to his brother (as is said) the charge of all the horse. Osarin of Raguse was Colonel of all the Harquebuziers on horseback: Mahamet Faba of the Renegadoes: Doaly of the Andalusians, the rest were under men of less quality, every one commanding his nation: & Musa was captain of his guard. The same day towards night Moluc sent Soliman the master of his horse, a Renegado of Cordube, with certain horse to view the enemies army, and to discover if they were in battle, who descrying the Portugals that had passed the river to return again; did not believe it had been done to leave the river betwixt the two armies, but imagined they had retired▪ he returned to the camp with this false news that the Portugals fled; wherewith the Moors being moved, would have pursued and not let them depart without some damage: but Moluc would not suffer them, and as a wise Captain who pretended only to defend himself, and to make a bridge unto the enemy if he would fly, said, Let them go in a good hour, I will not run after them; suddenly he altered the disposition of his army, not for that he believed the Portugals were retired; but being informed by Mahamet Taba Colonel of the Renegadoes, that there was treason in his camp, forasmuch as there were three thousand Harquebuziers Moors, that had neither powder nor bullet, suddenly he caused to be proclaimed, that whosoever wanted munition should repair unto the Purueior, and he should furnish him, and every Harquebuzier that should be found the next morning without fifty bullets, and two pounds of powder, should be corporally punished: He called unto him likewise all the Captains (and to be more assured of their fidelities, and to take from them all means to effect any treason they might have practised) he changed every man's charge, and made one Captain of an others company, without leaving any man of quality in his accustomed place.  
This night passed with more quiet than the nearness of the armies did threaten: And although Sebastian had proclaimed that no man should shoot at any Moor, that should willingly retire himself into their camp, but receive him; yet there came not any one, either for that they bore no such affection to Mahamet as he made a show of, or for that they kept so strict a guard in the Moors camp, that none could issue forth, as indeed they did. It prevailed little for Mahamet to plant his colours in the head of the army, as it were calling them, for no man stirred. And the day being come the Portugals held a Council what to do? The King became more mild, having assembled the chief, heard with greater patience the opinions of 
The conceit of the Portugal to fight.  such as would not have proceeded so far. They propounded either to retire back, or to march against Alarache, & to pass the river at the mouth: but the most expert in war, those that had dissuaded the course they had taken, and laboured by all means to fly the sight of the enemy, held that they must fight; the resolution being too late now to avoid the battle, and to turn head: for to retire they could not without great loss: to stand still, want of victuals would not suffer them: and to continue their undertaken way, they could not without the hazard of a battle: that it was better to encounter the enemy valiantly, then to give him courage by a retreat, or by shunning the way. The Cheriffe Mulei Mahamet, although his hopes to recover this kingdom were grounded upon the only victory of a battle (and that the King being master of Alarache and the sea towns, he should reap no profit thereby) yet did he all he could to dissuade him from fight, esteeming the Portugals to be inferior, persuading them to keep close together, and to seek means to retire although it were with some loss. And although Sebastian were some what tempered, yet was he not amazed, like to all the rest, but with great courage desired the combat, not esteeming the enemies forces so great as they were: No man durst contradict him, both for that (as it is said) many thought it necessary to join battle, as also for that the Portugals do generally think it cowardice to dissuade from fight, holding it more honourable to lose a battle with rashness, then to conquer with cunning and judgement, without fight. For this reason it was resolved (after great contrariety of opinions) to march against the enemy, although some practices of peace were yet in hand, but with weak hopes: So as the same morning 
The order of the Portugals army.  they dislodged, having divided their army into three squadrons, the one following the other immediately, and almost united together; that in the front, was in a manner divided into three, for in the midst the adventurers were led by Alvaro Pirez, brother and Lieutenant to Christopher of Tavora: on the left hand were the castilians led by Alphonso d'Aguilar, lined with Harquebuziers of the same nation, commanded by Lewis d'Godoy: and the Germans were on the left hand under the Lord of Tamberg, intermixed with Harquebuziers Italians, and those Portugals that used to be at Tanger, commanded by captain Hercules d'Pisa: every nation was set in long ranks with their Commanders in the front. In an other squadron which did second this, were the Portugals of Michael de Norogna and Vasco de Sylueira, with harquebuziers in flank: and in the other which served for the rearward, were the Portugals of Diego Lopez de Sequeira and Francis de Tavora (although that Sequeira remained at Arzilla,) for the guard whereof besides two wings of shot, there were three hundredth Harquebuziers in the rearward: on both sides of the army were their horsemen divided being in all fifteen hundred, placed in triangles, whereof the right wing was commanded by George d' Alencastro Duke d'Auero: on the left side was the standard Royal, jean de Sylva, Ambassador for the Catholic King, and young Theodose Duke of Barcellos, (for so they call the eldest son of the Dukes of Bragançe) and on the right hand a little separated, were about two hundredth horse, of those which live commonly on those frontiers, which they call Africans: not far from them were the Moors, of the Cheriffe Mahamet, but few in number: In this order they marched with their baggage in the midst betwixt their horse and foot on the right wing, leaving a space on both sides betwixt their squadrons to retire if need were.  

The disposition of Molucs Army.  Moluc who lost no opportunity, had now put his army in battle; he placed his footmen (which were all Harquebuziers) in form of a crescent; the first rank were of Andalusians; the second of Renegadoes, and the last of Africans placed expressly in this sort, for that one nation being enemy to an other, they might press forward their contraries, and not suffer them retire: upon the two horns of the crescent, he planted two squadrons of ten thousand horse in each; and behind (as it were in the rearward) followed in equal distance, all their horse in small troops, resolving (if they meant to fight) with so great a number of men to compass in the Portugals army, and charge them on every side. But in the mean time his sickness increased, feeling himself die by degrees: and although his Physicians used all their skill to succour him, yet decaying hourly, they found he could not live two days. He felt a double death by reason of the time wherein he died, and not being able to execute his resolution in this war, he doubted that he should not leave any one that could effect them. For although he were then in battle, yet had he no meaning to fight at that instant, foreseeing (after that he understood the Portugals did march into the main land with their baggage) if they sought to delay the battle, they were all undone, and that without the loss of any one man he would take them all prisoners, by reason of the want they should find in that poor country of Africa: But seeing this resolution (which required time and could not be effected in haste) would not succeed by reason of the shortness of his life, he was much troubled. He thought it not convenient to discover his conceit unto his brother, that should succeed him, both for that he much doubted of his judgement, and knowing assuredly that if he died before the victory, the Moors would fly, and rebel against his brother, and yield to the Portugals, chiefly by the pretence of Mulei Mahamet, and in this manner the kingdom would be lost. Afflicted with these cares, seeing the enemy near with so great an Army, and his death approaching, he resolved not to trust his heir, but leaving his first resolution, rather during his life to hazard a bloody and doubtful battle against all Reason of war, then to die with fear of the loss of his Realm, the which he knew assuredly would happen after his death: being resolved to fight, all practices of accord dismissed, he assembled the chief commanders of the Army, and spoke unto them in this manner.  

Molucs Oration to his Army.  Your valour (soldiers,) and the justice of the cause which hath put Arms into your hands, will not suffer me to speak much to encourage you to fight: For you are those who under my command, have always brought to happy end every enterprise were it both difficult and dangerous. The enemies which you have in front, are the same Portugals, which in times past, your fathers and your own right hands have often vanquished and overcome. The Italians and Germans, which are come to their succours (more terrible in name then in deed) should not any thing amaze you, being men without experience, and in small numbers. And as for me who have sometimes made trial of them, I take upon me the charge to yield them subject to your forces. And if reason prevail any thing in battle, shall not the victory be on our side? We lived quiet in our houses, without vexing or molesting any one, content with our fortunes, not practising against the wealth and prosperity of any other: And a nation by nature our enemies, differing in law, comes from a far country, not only to pull from me my Crown, but also to spoil you of all your goods, to deprive you of your liberty, and to ravish your lives: You perchance suppose, that in this wicked people, piety hath so much force, as to plant Mahamet in the kingdom (a stranger, contrary to their Religion) whose friendship and bounty is unknown to them; they should undertake this pains to hazard themselves to death. It is the thirst of gold, and of your blood, with the desire to rule, that hath brought the King of Portugal hither, supported not by his own forces, but with the hopes he hath to deceive you, under this feigned show of piety, to this Infidel Mahamet; who if he had any feeling of a man, should be rather contented, to live subject to my Empire, according to our laws, than (invading my Realm by force) procure the destruction of his own blood, the ruin of his country, the slaughter of you all, and the slavery of himself. But the deceit is apparent to you all, there remains nothing but that you oppose your valour, which shall fight in a most just cause: You shall repel injuries from your families, maintain your liberties, preserve your lives, and win honour, and conquering, or dying in what sort soever, you shall gain Paradise. Moluc would have spoken more, but his soldiers interrupted him; crying, that he should presently lead them against the Portugals, whereupon he held his peace, retiring himself into his Litter in the midst of the circle of his Army, where were his colours and his guard.  
In the mean time the Christian Army marched on, and approached near the enemy, in an open Champion, (which the Moors call Tamiza.) When as Moluc half dead, viewing this weak Army approach in so small a number, being not above 12000. foot, he gave order they should not fly, as he had resolved before, that seeming assured 
The beginning of the battle.  of the victory there might few eseape: And therefore extending the horns of his croissant and the troops of his horse, he drew them into a large circuit, keeping his men round, about a cannon shot from the enemy, he environed all the Portugals camp, joined the two horns at the back of the rearward, making it an oval circle: having thus environed it, he then straightened it, drawing his troops more close together (so cunning were these barbarous people) so as the Christians Army being compassed in of all sides with their horse, the Moors footmen stood in front to stop their passage: They continued long in this estate, the Moors discharged their artillery at a reasonable distance, the which though it did a little indomage them (some bullets passing thorough the ranks) yet did it no great matter of importance. The Portugals fearful and amazed (imagining upon the first moving of the Moors, that they dislodged to depart) seeing themselves environed, did likewise discharge their cannon, but with so great disorder, and so much out of season, as it did small hurt. And forasmuch as the Moors (having charged their cannon again, began to play, although to small effect) yet the Portugals were so much terrified, that upon sight of the fire, they fell all to the ground: wherewith the King (lest the artillery should any more annoy the Portugals, and augment their fear,) gave sign to the battle: whereat the squadrons of the avantguard and of the horse, did jointly move with wonderful force and great valour: then their footmen encountered the Moors, who came to it resolutely, for that the Andalusians, (desirous to revenge old wrongs) did their best endeavours: The avantguard did so withstand their force, that although the fight was in equal balance whilst the shot played, yet when they came to handy blows, the Moors had the worst, for they were thrice broken and put to flight, with the loss of their colours: But for that their number was great, the battle was still renewed by their Commanders, with fresh troops and new order. In the rearward they likewise charged Francis de Tavora, with the regiment of Diego Lopez de Sequiera, where for a while they resisted weakly: Those in the midst were the last that fell to arms: But Moluc gave them no long time of rest, for he sent to assail Vasco de Sylueire, and Michael de Norogna, on both sides, so as at one instant they fought on all parts: These made weaker resistance than the rest, for that some of them casting cowardly away their arms, and falling on their knees, yielded to the discretion of the Moors, who for the most part divided their heads with their Cimiters, in recompense of their base yielding. The combat being hot on all sides, the circle of the Moors horse, & their squadrons that were behind, drew near, and first charged the avantguard, where they found their succours were more necessary then in any other part; (for that the Italians and castilians had cut in pieces a great number of the Moors, and of their best men,) pressing the Christians army on all sides they could approach, without any disorder of their own, who now grown fearful, began to 
The Portugals have the advantage of the Moors.  lose ground, and to shrink together, to the great discontentment of the King, who for any labour of his, could not contain them in their ranks. As these Moorish horsemen began to move, the Portugals horse that were accustomed to live in those frontiers, the Moors of the Cheriffe Mahamet, and the Duke of Avero with his triangle did valiantly march towards them, charging the first they met, & greatly endomaging them, and put their horsemen on that side to flight. This happy beginning of victory lasted little: for whilst the Duke who commanded the greatest number, did fight hand to hand, he discovered on the one side not far from him, a great troop of the enemies horse, the which he durst not attend, doubting his own strength, but turning head, followed expressly the chase of those that were before him, thinking to return to the fight with greater advantage, as indeed he did: for turning his horse, he went to charge them that came to encounter him in flank; but finding himself overcharged on every side, wanting courage to withstand them, and turning his horses violently, pressed by the enemy, he found no place of retreat among the squadrons, but rushing through the ranks of the Germans, some part of the horse entering amongst the foot, bred a great confusion; and being unable to relieve themselves, they wrought no other effect, but disordered their friends, who were after less able to resist the enemies horse and foot, that came to charge them: On the other side of the army, where stood the Standard royal, and the rest of the horse, which set forward somewhat slower, they made a great slaughter of Moors, (although the King were not present, being gone toward the vanguard) whom they pursued even unto their artillery: But being succoured by one of the squadrons that were behind them, the Moors returned furiously unto the fight, so as in short time it happened unto the Portugals that were in that part, as to their other horse, whose success was so much the worse, for that on the outside they were charged by the Moors, and within, their foot were disordered by their horse, who had the charge on the other side, and all amazed, fled; so as in a moment all was confounded, the Portugals horse remained disordered, and dispersed, showing small courage, and less discipline: for although it were full of Nobility, and men of resolution; yet were there many young men sent by their fathers, who not expecting they should come to fight, were the cause of this disorder: so as in one place you should see men of one squadron both fight valiantly and fly away cowardly not being pursued: yet the Commanders of the horse, and some others, turning face to the enemies, they both by words and effect encouraged the rest, and slew some that fled: But as their number was small, and the amazement great, they prevailed little. In the vanguard (where the King was a looker on) they made great resistance, killing above two thousand Moors, but they were in so great numbers, that the Italians and Spaniards who fought on that side (not being succoured by any others) after they had encountered the enemies with their daggers, were in a manner all slain, not overcome, but weary with killing. The small order they observed to invest the enemy, was hurtful unto them; for the front being composed of divers nations, who contented to make show of their valour, they did not one stay for another, and the Germans more phlegmatic, remained behind; so as their forces dismembered, wrought not that effect they had done united: yet notwithstanding the valour of those men, the first charge of the horse, especially of the Africans, commanded by Edward de Meneses, struck a great terror 
Molucs fear.  in the beginning unto Mulei Moluc; for seeing his men fly (although he were sick to the death) mounted to horse in choler, going towards them that ran away, to stay them, and encourage them. And although the press increased, and the shot of the Christians drew near, he made show to march himself foremost, either to retain his men by shame, or by the hazard whereunto he should thrust himself: But his greatest favourites came about him, some holding him by the stirrups, some by his gown, and some by the rains of his bridle, beseeching him not to hazard himself. But he persisting his resolution, and they to stay him, he grow in choler, laying hold of his sword to disperse them, at what time being seized with a cruel fit of his disease, he swooned, and had fallen from his horse; but being taken down by them about him, he was laid in his Litter, where putting his finger unto his mouth in sign of silence, suddenly, or (as some report) before he was laid down, 
Molucs death.  he gave up the ghost. The Renegadoes which remained near about him, kept his death secret, with great care, having so formerly appointed if he should die; an argument of great magnanimity in this Barbarian, who measured his counsels with the hour of his life, and provided that death should not deprive them of the victory. The Litter being shut, they placed at the door a witty young child, who being instructed what he had to do, making show to speak unto him, and receive his answer, told them his pleasure was, they should pass forwards. This secret was of great importance to the Moors, 
The Arabians spoil their friends  for without doubt if his death had been discovered, they had all fled. The Arabians who were not come with any intent to fight, but with a desire to spoil the conquered, having first viewed some Moors run away, that their Mercenaries grew fearful, who kept their lodging, doubting some ill success; they fell upon the Moors baggage, and spoilt it, putting to flight such as kept it, who running even unto Feezes, with many others of the camp, gave out that the Moors had lost the field: so dangerous a thing it is in an army to conduct a nation light and unconstant, who upon the least contrary event falls upon his friends. But fortune who had hitherto been doubtful, although it seemed more to favour the Moors then the Portugals, after the Italians and castilians were defeated, remaining yet a good number of Germans and adventurers disordered, did now show itself apparent in favour of the Moors, and the victory assured, having gotten their artillery: For the Renegadoes who were in the second rank of the Moors, their orders being open, did without any confusion receive the Andaluzians, and all those that had been broken by the vanguard and fled, who returning a fresh to charge the adventurers and Germans, they found but weak resistance. The arrival of certain Renegadoes that fled from the enemies prevailed but little, bringing news of the death of Moluc: For although some went up and down crying victory, and publishing that Moluc was dead, thereby to encourage the soldiers; yet was there no means to draw the Portugals to imitate the example of the strangers; but all fearful without any courage, retiring themselves, they still lost of the field: The squadrons of the main battle did not yet move, but unfurnished of shot (who without keeping their places were crept forward) did stand firm without succouring of their friends, saying, that such was the King's commandment, and therefore charged by the Moors shot on horseback, were miserably consumed, when as their commanders finding their errors would 
Francis de Tavora slain in the battle.  have drawn them forward, the soldiers were so amazed, that they could not do it. In the rearward Francis de Tavora was slain with a shot, having long by his valour withstood the Moors charge; but being dead his men grew more amazed then before, crying for mercy without fight, & flying away without any respect of the King, who was come thither from the vanguard: they retired of all parts so far back, with so great a confusion, and without consideration whither they went, that all the squadrons in a confused order came close together on all sides; so as the horse, soldiers, chariots▪ munition, tents and pavilions, with their other baggage, came all confusedly together on a heap, and in such a strait, that many were trodden down in the press, and smothered under the horse and chariots: So as this army which did contain above three miles in compass, was in a moment consumed by the sword, and did so restrain itself through fear, that a small room might contain it. The Duke of Avero, Ambassador for the Catholic king, Aldana and some other chief men, having gathered together some horse, charged the Moors first on the one side, and then on the other, where they did see greatest need, but being disordered and few in number, if they prevailed on the one side, they received hurt on the other: For at the same instant when as certain of them attended the King towards the rearward, whereas there needed succours, there came a great number of Arabians against the vanguard, who according to their custom, to fall upon those, whom they see in rout, charged that part with such fury, that they slew almost all the Germans with their Captains, and many men of 
The death of the Duke of Avero, and of Aldana, and the imprisonment of the Prior.  account: There the Duke was slain with a shot, Aldana died likewise: the Ambassador of the Catholic King was hurt and taken prisoner, so was the Prior and the Marshal of the field. These being dismounted, every man fled; the Moors entering into the ranks of the Christians, with their Cymiters cut them miserably in pieces: Whilst this was a doing, the fire fell by chance into the Portugal munition, which did endamage them no more than the Moors: for as they entered among their baggage, it consumed many of them. The circle of the Barbarians horse did no way guard the passage towards the sea, so as the Christians that meant to fly that way, might easily do it, but such as thought to return to Arzille were either slain or taken prisoners; for such as escaped the Moors, being ignorant of the ways, and passage of the rivers, were either drowned, or fell into their hands, who made them slaves: There were many drowned, deceived with the rising of the river, & ignorant of their former passage; for whereas the rivers (and particularly Mucazen) do ebb and flow, like the Ocean by the course of the Moon, filling itself with salt water, when the army passed they were almost dry; but in their return, the Tide (as they commonly say) being full the rivers were greatly risen, whereof the Portugals being ignorant, and unskilful of the Ford, fearful, and chased by the Moors, they were swallowed up; so as of a great multitude of Christians, which were in this battle, there escaped but one hundredth, so well could the Barbarians execute their resolutions. The King (who in the beginning when as Molucs artillery first played, went through the army in coach with Christopher de Tavora) took his horse, and as they say, went courageously toward the vanguard, where remaining a while a looker on, sending first one, than another, to command what he thought was necessary, he was lightly hurt with a shot in the right arm toward the shoulder, whereof making small account, he went ordering things in all parts of the army, leaving the triangle of horse where his Standard remained. But for that he was young, and deprived of the greatest treasure that Kings can enjoy, I mean a wise man near him in whom he should trust, when he did see his men begin to break, and the Duke of Avero to go forward and retire back, he came furiously with certain Gentlemen that were about him, to fight among the soldiers, encouraging his men valiantly by the effects, but with 
The King of Portugal fights valiantly, but is vanquished.  few words. Those that beheld him fight, wondered at his courage, for although that they slew three horse under him, without any whit daunting him, yet was he never weary to charge, strike, and succour all parts of the army, where was greatest danger: But being but a man, aided by few, he cannot resist the enemies fury; nor make his friends partakers of his valour. Many of the Nobility which remained yet on horseback, seeing the army in rout, sought the King in all parts to help to save him: but the Standard which was carried before him as a mark to know him, was now taken, and the bearer slain; and being deceived with another somewhat like unto it, which Edward de Meneses carried, they followed the one in stead of the other; so as the King remained as a man lost, with some of his most trusty servants about him, and one Renegado, who laboured to save him: Having in vain sought to fly, being advised to yield with his arms, he would by no means agree unto it. One amongst them holding upon the point of his sword a white napkin in sign of peace, went towards the Moors, as an Ambassador for the rest to yield: but they either barbarous, or wrathful, took the messenger prisoner, and charged the rest, who being few in number, wearied, & without courage, they were all slain. Some say, there grew a controversy amongst them about the Kings own person, and for that occasion they slew him: They sent after to seek his body, and by a notable example of the 
The King slain by the Moors, and carried to Molucs tent.  inconstancy of this world, they carried it naked upon a saddle pommel, into the royal tent of Moluc, where letting it fall to the ground, it was carefully viewed by the Nobility that was there present, & a public certificate made that it was he, keeping it aftewardes at Alcazer-quiver. Such was the death of this unfortunate King, wherein chanced all things that might make him lamentable, his young age, the expectation of his virtues, the want of succession, his violent death, and the imprisonment of his body. He was endued with excellent qualities, but nothing profitable unto him, wanting by reason of his unripe years, that predominant virtue of our actions: For all his resolutions that did guide him to so rash an end, were grounded upon his magnanimity, zeal to religion, liberality, thirst of military glory; of the disposition of his body, and the vigour of his courage. It seems that we may well say of this unfortunate young Prince, that which was sometimes spoken of Alexander the Great; That Nature had given him virtue, and Fortune vices: For in truth Sebastian had his virtues of nature, and his vices from his education. Mulei Mahamet escaped his enemies 
Mulei Mahamet drowned.  hands, but his too great haste to pass Mucazen, and to recover Arzille, was the cause he was drowned in his passage. Those whom idleness had made curious, did note the diversity of these Prince's deaths, for being all lost in one battle, within the space of six hours, the one died of his natural death; the second by the sword; the third was smothered in the water. When as Hamet see the battle won, he ran towards his brother, thinking to find him alive, and to rejoice with him: but being come to his litter, they informed him of his death. And although Moluc had left one son, 
Hamet proclaimed king of the Moors.  yet did they salute Hamet as their King, running through their camp with ensigns proclaiming of his name, according to their custom: And for that according to the conformity of the grandfathers will, the eldest (as it is said) of the nephews should succeed, therefore Hamet was sworn Prince. The Moors fell to spoil, and take prisoners, making a very rich booty, by reason of many precious things the Portugals had brought with them into the camp; but especially for the prisoners, which were in great number, and of great importance, for their wealth and nobility: besides that the Moors make more account of one Portugal prisoner, then of any other nation, for that being delicate and not able to suffer, they redeem themselves for great sums, as these gentlemen did afterwards; who by an example of small patience, set themselves at six thousand ducats a piece and more. This day was famous by the death 
A battle famous by the death of three Kings.  of three Kings; that is, Sebastian, Mulei Moluc, and Mulei Mahamet, by the imprisonment of all the Nobility of a Realm, & of so many soldiers; a thing seldom or never happened; and also for the importance of Sebastian's death, in the other affairs of the world. The number of the dead, was not so great as of the prisoners; but for that the truth is hard to be verified, it hath bred divers opinions in the Portugals: Some have reported that the enemies were infinite in number; others have been more moderate; yet have they augmented this point: Notwithstanding there died three thousand Moors, and as many Christians, or more; amongst the which were some 
The names of the chief slain in the battle.  men of account: For besides the Captains of the strangers, and the Duke of Avero, there was slain Alphonso of Portugal, Earl of Vimiosa; Lewes Coutigno, Earl of Rodondo; Vasco de Gama, Earl of Vidiguera; Alphonso of Norogna, Earl of Mira; john Lobo, Baron of Aluito; Aluara of Melo, son to the Marquis of Ferrara; Rhoderick of Melo, eldest son to the Earl of Tentuguel; jamie brother to the Duke of Bragance; john de Silueira, eldest son to the Earl of Sorteglia; Christopher of Tavora; and many other of account, so as some noble families were there wholly extinct. Arias of Silva, Bishop of Porto, and Emanuel of Meneses, Bishop of Coimbra, died likewise: The Duke of Barsellos, with Anthony Prior of Crato, were taken prisoners. The new King having gathered together his army, and the greatest number of prisoners he could get, resolved to return to Feez; where he entered in great triumph: For besides the colours taken, and the number of Captives he led with him, he caused the body of Mulei Mahamet to be found out, and having flaied it, and filled the skin with straw, he carried it in triumph, to take from the Moors all the hope they had conceived in him. After he studied carefully to discover 
The covetousness of Hamet.  the Gentlemen that were prisoners, taking them from the Moors and jews, who had bought them for a small price, to draw from them a greater ransom, as indeed he did: Whereupon he was noted by some to be more covetous than valiant, seeming a great indiscretion, that after so great and absolute a victory, remaining no relics of an enemies army, he should so suddenly betake himself to rest. They would (being but twenty and five miles from the forts which the Portugals held in Africa) he should presently have laboured to force them, and have freed the Province from such a curb (being the opinion of the most expert) that if he had advanced his camp, he had soon forced them, unfurnished both with men and munition; and the Portugals that were there in guard remaining so astonished, for the death of their King, that they could hardly have made defence, and so much the less having small hope to be succoured out of Portugal, Sebastian having carried with him all the Nobility which were wont to defend those places. So as upon this discourse, many said, as was spoken to Hannibal of the same nation, that the Africans although they know sometimes how to vanquish, yet could they not use the victory: But all well considered, the Moor proceeded in this action, with more judgement, than others believed, for not suffering himself to be carried away with prosperity, having advertisement that the Realm of Feezes (the which they had received from such as had escaped the day of the battle the hands of the vanguard of the Christians and of the Arabians) was somewhat altered, seeing himself newly King, he thought it more convenient being armed to go pacify his people, and take assured possession of the Realm, then to busy himself with new conquests, and leave the certain in doubt for the uncertain: Besides, having well considered the conquest of these fortresses of the sea, he did not esteem them easy, but of hard attempt: for besides they wanted no garrisons, and that Portugal was not yet so unpeopled, but that it might soon be succoured, he held it for most certain, that King Philip for his own private interest would defend them with all his force, the which he might easily effect by reason of the great number of galleys he had prepared ready in Spain, fearing perchance that which had happened. And for that he doubted the Andaluzians might have some intelligence with the Turks, and practise some treason against his person, he cut off the head of Doali and some other Commanders, and of some others of his train. By this means Hamet got the name of a wise and considerate Prince, the which he preserved, governing himself with judgement.  

The Portugals army at sea returns to Lisbon.  Diego de Sosa General of the army at sea, who as we have said, remained near Alarache, hearing the noise of the artillery, and the brute of the two armies, most assured they were in fight, he knew not what to do: for although his commission was there to attend the King, yet he doubted least the view of the enemy might force him to change his resolution, or that the way should be stopped, and that he should expect him in vain, not resolving whether it were more expedient to return to Arzille, or attend in that place: He made likewise a question, whether he should batter Alarache, (whereunto he was inclined) thinking by his cannon to give the King a sign of his being there, and to trouble the mind of the Moor, while he was in fight; but he resolved not any thing, detained by his blind commission, and the advise of some other Captains. The army being broken, he received letters from Peter de Mesquita, governor of Arzille; and withal, news of the success, in part false, writing unto him that he should return with the army to Arzille, and that King Sebastian came thither to embark. And although this letter did not easily move him, doubting that Mesquita, demanded the army more for his own assurance then otherwise; yet being certified of the King's death, he ran alongst the coast unto Tanger: seeking to gather up the remainder of the army, and so after return to Lisbon.  
These things passed in Africa, the news came (but without good assurance) to the Governors the fourteenth of August, which did so amaze them, that for a time they knew not what to determine, yet they kept it secret, resolving in the mean time to call the Cardinal Henry (who they said) succeeded directly to the crown, he a little before not greatly pleasing nor agreeable to his Nephew, in a manner retired himself in the Abbey of Alcobassa, to whom with great dissimulation they sent father George Serrano, of the order of the jesuits, to declare unto him the success, and to beseech him to come to Lisbon, to receive the Sceptre; although on the other part some reported that Peter d'Alcasoua had secretly advertised the Catholic King of all things, beginning to yield obedience, as to him whom he did foresee would be future Lord of the Realm, if this were not a practice of his enemies to make him more suspect unto the Cardinal Henry: generally through the Realm they knew nothing of assurance, for all passengers were stayed by order from the Governors; all letters that came from foreign parts were taken, giving the people to understand a thousand fables, doubting perchance, that if the people knew themselves to be without a King, they would attempt something. The City of Lisbon, as also all the rest, were in great garboil, understanding that there was a Carrier come with such news, as had greatly altered the Governors, not knowing what it was, seeing the Council daily assembled, the letters retained, to understand that they had sent both into Castill, and to the Cardinal, to hear that both the Christians and the Moors camps were approached, held the whole Realm in fear of some ruin. There was none in Lisbon but had some interest in this war, who so had not his son there, had his father; the one her husband, the other her brother; the traders and handie-crafts men who had not their kinsmen there (and yet many of them had) did venture their wealth in it, some of them for the desire of gain, and others for that they could not call in that which they had lent to Gentlemen, and soldiers: by reason whereof all were in heaviness, every one seemed to foretell the loss of such friends, and goods he had in Africa: and although they stood yet doubtful, yet might you understand their secret sighs.  

A message sent to the Cardinal Henry by the Catholic king.  The Catholic King, advertised of the success of Africa, and of that which was treated in Portugal, sent thither presently Christopher de Mora, a Portugal; at that time a Gentleman sewer, one of those which went into Castil with the Princess mother of Sebastian: He carried with him two Commissions: the one was to visit Henry, and to let him understand the King would presently send to him another parsonage for the full performance of that office: The other was to sound the hearts of the Portugals, for the which he was thought best able, being there borne, and well understanding the state of the Realm. They gave him not the title of an Ambassador, for that being doubtful of the life or death of john de Sylva▪ (who was in Africa with that charge) the King would not yet appoint any other. Mulei Hamet, before his going to Maroc, desirous to make the Catholic King his friend, sent to that effect, to present him the same peace, that had been betwixt Moluc and him, offering him in gift the body of King Sebastian, which he held prisoner. This Ambassador being arrived in the Court of Castill, the 
An embassage from Hamet to the Catholic king.  King heard it willingly, and although he accepted the delivery of his Embassage, yet would he not receive the King's body, but appointed it should be consigned to the Portugals, and therefore Andrew Gasper Corse, in the name of the said Cheriffe, did consign it by public act, to the governor of Ceuta, for the Catholic King: who at the same time (to requite the Moors bounty) sent Peter Venegas of Cordube for his Agent into Africa, with a present of stones, valued at a hundredth thousand ducats, as well to continue the treaties of peace, as to demand the Duke of Barcellos, the which he granted, and sent him after free to the frontiers. In this time the Cardinal came to Lisbon, at whose arrival they published this heavy news, so as this inward and general sorrow, which was suppressed by the uncertainty of the report, increased and 
The Portugals sorrow.  burst forth into tears, and lamentations: I cannot well describe the general sorrow, how all things were filled with sighs, how every man was overladen with mourning: It was a pitiful thing to hear the women (whereof the most noble in their houses) from whence you might hear the noise, and the rest in the streets, pouring forth their cries and tears unto heaven, the which they redoubled so often, as the news was confirmed by any new advertisement: And as it often happens that minds suppressed do oftentimes turn to superstition, so they and likewise many men did not believe what was said; but hoping beyond all hope, and trusting more than they should (although it were verified unto them that their husbands and kinsfolks were dead, yet would they have them still living,) and deceived by sorcerers and witches, but most of all by their own desires, remained long without their widows habit, expecting in vain news of him which was passed into an other life. Many men complained, and some cursed the King, and such as suffered him to go into Africa, one blames the King himself, an other his favourites, some the Cardinal, and some the Chambér of Lisbon, who had not hindered so foolish a resolution; some did see that Portugal was near her last period, and with their own misery lamented their countries. The Governors yielded their 
Cardinal Henry swerne King of Portugal.  government to the Cardinal, who by the Nobles and Magistrates was sworn Governor and future successor to King Sebastian; The which was done to quiet the people, expecting a better confirmation of this news from Africa, which stayed not long but was verified from all parts. And therefore they resolved to finish the ceremony which they have accustomed in bewailing their King dead, and to break their Scutcheons, which was this: There parted from the Magistrates house, a Citizen on horseback, covered himself and his Horse all in black, with a great Ensign in his hand likewise of black, bearing it upon his shoulder that it 
The ceremony of the Portugals in bewailing their King dead.  might trail on the ground: After him followed three old men on foot in mourning weeds, with three scutcheons in their hands, like bucklers or targets, bearing them high upon their heads, without any figure of them, but all black: Then followed some Citizens of the same Magistrates, and other inferiors in great numbers: All these went through the principal streets of Lisbon, and coming to the steps of the Cathedral Church, which is near to the place from whence they parted; those which hold the scutcheons, mount up certain degrees, and one amongst them lifting up his target, cries with a loud voice, People of Lisbon, lament your King Sebastian, who is dead: Then all the people weeps and cries: Having ended his words, he breaks his Scutcheon as a frail thing, striking it on the place where he stands: Then proceed they on, and being come to the new street, ascending the stairs of the little Church of our Lady of Olivera, an other of them which carries the Scutcheons, pronounceth the same words the former had done, and breaks his Scutcheon in the same manner: The like is done by the third, upon the stairs of the Hospital: So as all the three Scutcheons were broken in these three places, and then they return from whence they came. At this time Christopher d' Mora arrived at Lisbon, who desirous to deliver his Embassage from the King unto the Cardinal, was not permitted; for Henry (I know not the reason) would give him no audience, before he was sworn King: Therefore they made haste to perform ordinary ceremonies, which done, the King did hear him lovingly, and he remained in the Realm, executing the charge his master had enjoined 
The ceremony of the Portugals in swearing their King.  him: The form of the oath was done in this manner: The xxv. of August the Hospital Church of all Saints was hanged with tapestry of silk, in the which they erected a little scaffold, on the which they placed a seat of cloth of gold; thither came the King in the morning, in the habit of a Cardinal; going from the palace there marched before him eight Attabales, or drums on horseback, after the Moresco manner, and nine Heralds all on horseback, carrying upon their cloaks their coats of Arms: after followed on foot, almost all the officers of the Court, those of the Chamber, and other Magistrates; behind them was the Duke of Bragance on horseback bore headed, bearing in his hand a sword, with a scabbard of gold as Constable: a little after came the Cardinal upon a Mule, the which Alvaro de silva Count of Portalegro Lord Steward of his household, led by the reins; there followed after many Noblemen and Gentlemen on horseback, with much people on foot: The Cardinal environed with a great multitude ascends the stairs of the hospital, being entered the Church, having heard Service, and ended his prayers, he seats himself in the chair prepared on the scaffold, where presently Francis de Sada (one of those that had been governors) put the Sceptre in his hand, and Michael de Mora Secretary, standing a little off, said, (reading it with a loud voice,) that King Henry, by the death of King Sebastian, did succeed in the Realm, and therefore they had delivered him the Sceptre, and that he was come to take the accustomed oath, to maintain and observe unto his people, and to any other all liberties, privileges, and conventions, granted by his predecessors: which done, the Secretary kneeling before him with an open book, the King laid his hand thereon, swearing so to do: then did the Attabales sound, every man crying Real Real, for Henry King of Portugal: this done he riseth, & with the same company holding always the Sceptre in hand, he returned to the palace, the Attabales sounding, and the Herold's crying from time to time as before.   

THE third BOOK.  
The Contents of the third Book.  
The descent of the Kings of Portugal; The pretendants to the succession; The resolutions of King Henry; And the people's demands; The voyage of the Duke of Ossuna into Portugal, and other Ambassadors from the Catholic King; The imprisonment of the Duke of Alva: The Catholic King's letters to them of Lisbon: The States of Portugal: The grounds of the pretendants to the succession; The sentence of Henry against Anthony Prior of Crato, upon his legitimation by virtue of the Pope's Brief: The reasons of the Catholic King to the Realm against every one of the pretendants: The preparatives to war of the Catholic King against the Realm of Portugal; The suspension of the brief; The second sentence of Henry against Anthony; The alteration of King Henry his will concerning the succession; And the Pope's offers to the Catholic king.  
MOst men from all the noted parts of the world, had their minds and judgements turned upon Portugal; both for that hitherto the affairs of Sebastian were worthy attention, as to see now Henry come to the Crown, who was old and without successor; which made all Prince's doubt that the succession of this Realm might trouble the public quiet: for the Pretendants were divers, their actions differing, all allied, and all with grounds: And although their forces were unequal, yet were they made equal by certain respects: But to the end we may the better understand the grounds of every one of the pretendants, I will make a little digression to report briefly 
The descent of the pretendants to the Crown of Portugal.  the descent of these Kings. And although from the first unto Henry there reigned seventeen, yet do I not think it necessary to take their beginning but from Emanuel forward who was the fourteenth, who began his reign in the year of our Lord 1495. for that of his only progeny is issued the number of Princes that pretended to the Crown. This man had three wives: of the first which was Isabella, daughter to Ferdinand King of Castill, widow to Alphonse, son to john the second of Portugal, he had no other children, (for she died in childbed) but Michael, who died in the cradle, who had been (as they say) the pillar and corner stone to unite it and Spain together: But by his death the Portugals lost the kingdoms of Castill and Arragon, whereof Emanuel and Isabella his wife were sworn Princes; the issue male of the blood royal, being extinct in Castill. His second wife (which was Marie sister to Isabella, third daughter of the said Ferdinand) brought him many children, uz. six sons; and two daughters, Isabel was married to Charles the fifth Emperor; Beatrice to Charles the third Duke of Savoy; john did inherit the kingdom; Lewes died without marrying, leaving behind him Anthony his bastard son, he (who as you shall hear anon) was the cause of great misery to his country, by reason of his pretension to the Crown: Ferdinand deceased without heirs; so did Alphons who was Cardinal, called by the title of Saint Blaise; and Henry of the title of Saint 
* Of four Crowns.  Quatre Coronez, this outlived all the rest, and it is he of whom we speak: Edward took to wife Isabella daughter to jaime Duke of Bragance, by whom he had Marie, which afterwards was married to Alexander Farnese Prince of Parma; and Katherine, at this present wife to john of Bragance; he had likewise a son, the which being borne after the death of his father (who lived but four years in matrimony) was likewise called Edward, This is he who disfavoured by Sebastian died at Euora, in the year 1576. of his third wife, which was Leonora daughter to king Philip the first of Castill, archduke of Austria, who was after married to Francis, the first king of France; he had none but Charles who died young, and Marie, who being about six and fifty years old, died a maid at Lisbon, in the year 1578. But returning to john, the third son of the second wife, who succeeded Emanuel in the kingdom, he contracted marriage with Katherine, sister to the Emperor Charles the fifth, and had issue Marie, who after was the first wife of Philip the second king of Castill, now reigning, from whom issued Charles, who died young; the which if he had lived, without doubt had preceaded the Cardinal Henry in the succession of the crown. The said john and Katherine had many male children which died young, one only outlived the rest, named john, who (as some say) died young with excessive love of his wife, sister to the said Philip, leaving her great with child, and after delivered of Sebastian, during his grandfathers life, who soon after passed to an other world, and this is that Sebastian which died in Africa.  

The pretendents to the Crown of Portugal.  Let us now come to the pretensions: The Catholic King, as it is said, put himself foremost, being borne of Isabella the eldest daughter of Emanuel: And although as a castilian, he was naturally hated of that nation, yet he supposed that being mighty, compassing 
The King of Spain.  in the Realm with his dominions, and the Portugals unexpert, he should soon either by love or force become master thereof: john Duke of Bragance challenged the Realm as the right of Katherine 
The Duke of Bragance.  his wife, alleging he was nearer to the succession than the Catholic King, being (although a woman) daughter to the said Edward, brother to the said Isabella. And forasmuch as the Duke is the greatest parsonage of the Realm, and his subjects most warlike, trusting on the favour of Henry; who did then grace him, and having small experience, in the affairs of the world, he held himself half in possession. Alexander Prince of Parma, son to octavius 
The Prince of Parma.  Farnesse, did pretend it for his eldest son Rhainucius, as male, issued from Marie, the eldest daughter of the said Edward, sister to the said Katherine. And although his territories were far off, yet besides that some supposed the Church should favour him, it seemed the Portugals would be pleased to have a young king, whom they 
Anthony Prior of Crato.  might breed up after their own manner. But Anthony Prior of Crato, son of Lewes, who was brother to the said Henry, sought the Crown, but with more vehemency, saying, he was legitimate, and no bastard, as it was supposed: And although he were without lands, and disgraced by Henry, yet being favoured by the people, he supposed that Henry dying, he should in despite of all the rest 
The Duke of Savoy.  be crowned. Emanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy, although son to Beatrice, youngest sister to the Catholic King's Mother, and younger than the said King, did not yet leave off his pretensions, but with greater modesty: And for that amongst the pretendants strangers, the Portugals were more inclined to him, then to any other, it was supposed he would not let slip the occasion: And this inclination proceeded from the opinion they had, that in regard of the quality of his person, he should be fitter than any other to defend them from their enemies, and if need were, he might vigorously resist King Philip if he should stir, both by reason of his valour, and for the means he had to molest him in his Duchy of Milan, joining unto Piedmont, using chiefly the alliance 
The people of Portugal.  and neighbourhood he had with France. The people's pretension was not unconsidered, for that the issue male of their Kings failing, they pretended the election to belong to them: they grounded it, that women did never succeed, but in an interreigne, a woman was excluded; and john the first, the tenth king of this Realm, chosen by the people: It seemed that this pretension should not only be contrary to all pretendant strangers, but also might breed 
The Queen mother of France.  a division within the Realm. Katherine of Medecy (widow to Henry the second King of France) did likewise pretend, saying that she was before all others, by an action fetched a far off, but fortified with lively reasons by her Ambassadors. The ground was, That when as Sanches the second reigned in Portugal, whom they called Cappello of the habit which he did use, Alphons his brother married with Matilda then Countess of Boulogne in Picardy: And that after by the weakness of Sanches, the people with the consent of Pope Honorius the third, then reigning, called in Alphonse to be as tutor and governor of the Realm (a testimony of the ancient Religion of this nation) who even in temporal matters did fly unto the Pope: And although at his coming he did but usurp, yet soon after the King dying without heirs, the Earl did lawfully inherit the Crown; having had before by his French wife some children, who understanding her husband to be King, and not to return any more to Boulogne, having prepared certain ships she went to him into Portugal: But for that Alphonse being now King did treat a marriage in Castill, to have the Kingdom of algarves in dower, as he after had, without the consent of the Pope, she was neither seen nor received by him: So as all the other Portugal Kings which have succeeded, have drawn their original from this Alphonse, and the children of his castilian wife: The Queen's Ambassadors said, That all the Kings which had succeeded him, and his children, had (as Bastards) unjustly inherited, and that the kingdom ought to return by direct line, to the heirs of the lawful children of the said Alphonse, and the Countess of Boulogne, whom they said to be Queen Katherine of Medicy, mother to King Henry the third, daughter to Laurence of Medicy, and of Magdalen of Boulogne, the only remainder in direct line of that house, and heir to that County; the which although she did not then possess, being incorporate by the Kings of France, as a matter of importance, seated upon the limits of Flaunders and England, yet they gave unto the Queen in recompense the Earledom 
The Pope pretends the election.  of Lorangueil which she now enjoyeth. They did likewise affirm (but with small reason) that the Pope did pretend, alleging that the Realm was not only the spoil of the Cardinal, but when as Alphonse, who was the second Earl of Portugal obtained of the church the Title of a King, he bound himself to pay certain marks of gold for a Tribute. But here of they made small reckoning. These pretensions did much afflict the minds of Princes, and made the people fear some broils, understanding that both the Queen of England was displeased against the Catholic King for the affairs of Ireland, and that the King of France, and the Turk, were not contented to see King Philip become so mighty, conquering a kingdom of so great importance: On the other side, Philip would not endure that any other but himself should become Lord, for the neighbourhood of their countries, supposing the least inconvenience that could happen, was the civil war betwixt the Duke of Bragrance and the Prior.  

The deliberations of King Henry at his coming to the Crown.  But returning to the Cardinal Henry, being seated in the royal throne, although he were of 67. years of age, and not healthful, yet he looked about him, and (as it were determined from above, that Portugal should fall by degrees to his declining) he did not provide for the state, according to the opinion that was conceived of him: but the Realm by reason of their miseries passed, remaining as a body empty and afflicted, which needed a wise Physician to restore it. But as one mischief comes not alone, the new King did more torment it; for although many supposed, that he being old, a priest, and of an exemplary life, he should lay all passions aside, and be more careful to settle the state of the common wealth, than he had found it, yet notwithstanding he could not temper himself with such disposition as was fit for his years and degree: But as it often happens to such as have been oppressed, who coming to rule, seek revenge of their enemies, even so did he (not imitating the example of Lewis the 12. King of France, who disdained to requite the wrongs done him being Duke of Orleans) he resolved to revenge the injuries done him being Cardinal, if they may be well termed injuries, when as Princes be not respected of their inferiors as they ought: For being not greatly favoured by the King his predecessor, the ministers and favourites of his nephew did not respect him as was fit, not conceiving (being so old and Sebastian so young) that ever he should have attained to the Crown: By reason whereof he deprived almost all the officers of the court, and some of them that did manage the King's Treasure of their offices, and advanced his own servants. The first on whom he discharged the heat of 
Peter d' Alcasova in disgrace with King Henry.  his choler was Peter d' Alcasova, for that he did detest him from the time he was Secretary, and he Governor of the Realm, during the nonage of Sebastian: as also for that he thought to have reason to punish him, having been an actor in these wars, and seconded the Kings will, and as one of his Chamberlains had had the greatest charge to make the preparatives for the war, he did suspend him from all his offices, and proceeded against him by way of justice: And although all his faults were restrained to this, only to have counseled, or at least not dissuaded the king from the war of Africa, yet his process being verified, he suffered condemnation by the judges, to lose all his offices, privileges, and recompenses, which had been given him in the end of Sebastian's life. It prevailed not for his justification, to allege, that if the Cardinal himself did not persuade the enterprise, yet at the least he did consent unto it, and approve it, which fault was greater in him, then in any other, that his persuasions should be of more importance with the king, than all men's, seeing that for the pre-eminence of his place he alone might speak clearly, and force him, which others could not do, fearing as subjects (and with reason) the indignation of a young king; the which (they say) he ought not to have feared, both for his quality and his age, which should neither yield to fear nor hope. He took the same course against Lewes de Silva, and many others that came out of Africa, whereby it was apparent the King knew not absolutely how to use clemency, nor wrath: for neither did he pardon as a man of the Church, nor revenge as a displeased Prince. This bred an alteration in all the affairs of the Realm, neither was it sufficient that such as were advanced to these new offices, were men without experience, who by their ignorance did mightily trouble such as did treat with them, but for that we easily incline to the worst, some of them under colour to seem affectionate servants to their king, not only provided for that which passed their charge, but examined the actions of their predecessors; finding therein a thousand cavils, and preferring the appearance of the king's profit, before justice, they disannulled conventions and laws, to the great trouble and damage of many, and small honour to themselves, and then did they seem to do best justice, when they did molest most, such as Sebastian had favoured, and wrought quite contrary to that which had been formerly done: Notwithstanding, if any thing were done by them that was absolutely good, it was the disannulling of the impost of salt, which Sebastian had imposed.  
Whilst these things passed in Portugal, the Catholic King 
Sebastian's obsequies at Madrill.  having sent Christopher de Mora thither, & Peter de Venegas into Africa, he performed the funerals of Sebastian, in the Church of Saint Jerome at Madrill, although it was secretly muttered that the Duke of Alva should say, the King should have performed it in Portugal, in our Lady's Church of Belem, where the other Kings are accustomed to be interred, inferring it may be, that Philip was successor to Sebastian, or at the least should assure himself by force of the succession after Henry, causing himself to be sworn Prince. The report of the Duke's words, did greatly move Ferrant de Silva, Ambassador for Portugal, and all the Portugals, being a speech that did pierce their hearts, proceeding from a person whom they held enemy to their nation, for the old grudges betwixt him and Ruigomes de Silva, a natural Portugal, in great credit with Philip; besides that, being a principal man of account, they feared lest he spoke it with participation of the kings mind, and took 
The discord that fell out for that one said Philip did preceade Henry.  it as a declaration of his meaning. In this time they spoke diversly of these affairs: For although amongst the castilians, the Duke himself, and one or two other principal persons, had this consideration, yet in general they did not believe it, neither had they considered that Philip should inherit this Realm, but they supposed it did of right appertain to the son of the Duke of Parma. But the Portugals (who had better considered thereof, and whose laws were more in favour of Philip then those of Castill) were amongst themselves better resolved: neither was the Catholic King long unsatisfied; having both in his own Countries, in Portugal and other places caused learned men diligently to examine who was by right & equity the true successor of this Realm, he began now to conceive that after Henry the succession appertained unto himself: And now he found, that it was not only the general opinion of the Doctors, but some amongst them, yea of the Portugals themselves, did maintain that the King did preceade the Cardinal, and that these Realms did appertain to the Crown of Castill. They alleged (but with the authority of few Doctors) that the laws of Portugal, and the Civil likewise, ordain, that in case of Realms, the inheritance shall go to the nearest kinsmen of the last possessor, provided always, that he be issued from the same stock: That Sebastian being the last, the Catholic King was the nearest kinsman he had, and of the same race; for besides that he was the eldest of the Nephews of King Emanuel, he was brother to the King's mother deceased, and preceaded the Cardinal a degree, being brother to his grandfather. They did likewise renew the ancient pretension of the castilians, saying, that by right the Realm appertained unto them, for that King Alphonse the sixth, could not by general consent, nor with any reason disunite it from the Crown; neither Alphonse the tenth give the algarves to his daughter in dowry, nor free it of the tribute whereunto it was bound. And although this last pretension to preceade Henry, seemed to the King and his ministers of force, yet he resolved only to follow the first, and to succeed the Cardinal, for desiring to enjoy the Realm with peace, Henry being already proclaimed king with the consent of the people, he supposed he could not without offence, or without forces take possession thereof: besides the respect he bore unto his uncle, and the hope of his short life. here may be noted the hazard (if we may so term it) whereunto the King (if he had interest by his affinity) did thrust his heirs, by the concealing of his right, fearing to offend that nation. For besides that during the life of Henry, the Portugals should have leisure to prepare against him, if they were not disposed to yield to his subjection, and if he should die before the Cardinal, his successors were excluded from this great inheritance, and Emanuel Phillibert Duke of Savoy did preceade all the rest.  
While these things were consulting in Castill, the King of Portugal somewhat settled in his Throne, and the heat of his first inclination tempered, all the States of the Realm entreated him to provide, that before his death a successor were declared, that after his decease they might not live in suspense: And therefore the Magistrate of the Chamber of Lisbon, being superior to all others of the Realm, made great instance upon this point, and one day all the officers being assembled, they went to court, where one of them in the name of the rest spoke thus unto the King; Your 
The demands of the people of Portugal.  Highness shall understand, with how great desire and affection his people of Lisbon, beseecheth the Lord to grant him a long life, for thereon depends all our good, hoping that in time it may alter many things which now holdeth us in careful consideration: The wound of afflictions, which this Realm hath suffered, is yet so green and so lamentable, as we will not at this present make mention thereof; It sufficeth they are such, as the memory will never be extinct whilst the world continueth: and although we be bound to lay the fault upon our own offences, yet may we attribute a part to the negligence of the people, and of such as at that time did govern the common wealth: But being expedient not to heap error upon error, it seems we ought with a lively voice, and due humility, cry unto your highness, that (as a just and holy king,) you would prevent the miseries that hang over us: It cannot enter into our thoughts to move you to marriage, being no judges of your conscience, and disposition; but we may well say, if these two considerations do allow it, why do you suffer the delay of one day? If you be resolved not to marry, your Highness ought with the like care to say unto such as pretend to the succession, that within a time prefixed they should come to deliver their reasons; that if the successor be a natural borne, the people shall have some breathing from the afflictions they suffer; if he shall be a stranger, it seems convenient they should know it, and have leisure to advise what to do: For if our sins permit that the Lord shall call away your Highness, being in the state we are now, what shall become of us? being most apparent that all such as pretend to have any title, do consult, arm, plot, and measure their forces, while the people remains doubtful, not knowing with reason unto what part to incline: Your Highness dying in this time before the deciding of the cause, we beseech you to consider the oppressions they shall suffer, the spoilings, the murders, the dishonouring of women and holy things, and all other excess, which is commonly practised in such times, the which may be wholly avoided, by knowing who shall succeed unto the crown. We do solicit your Highness to swear a Prince, (for it may be, he that at this present hath interest to this Realm, God may call him before your Highness) but the contrary happening we may plainly know who shall succeed, for herein consists the quiet of this Realm: if you do it not willingly, or that there be any let, you ought to consent that the people declare one, especially they of the city of Lisbon, upon whom all Portugal depends: The holy Ghost, who is the guide of kings, inspire your Highness, that by his merits, the anger of God may be pacified, the which he poureth down upon us for our offences, and grant that we may amend our lives, and preserve your Highness in health, for which all his people pray. In this manner the officer of the Chamber spoke in vain, but forasmuch as it seemed unto the king (over ruled in this respect by the divine power) that the remedy was not so easy, nor the matter so soon decided, as they supposed; he made answer, that it was a care graven in his heart, the which he would effect with all possible speed, resolving to have regard unto it.  
But this succession gave greater cause both to think, & talk secretly, and openly in Castill then in any other place; for the King resolving by all possible means to unite Portugal, with his other Kingdoms, the Nobility did not willingly entertain it, but did seem that the greatest from Charles the fifth forwards, had not tasted the greatness of the King, less respecting them, than had done the ancient Kings of Castill, making them march in one degree of equal justice with their inferiors. The other Gentlemen and common people were nothing inclined to this union: Saying, that if this Realm were not separated from the rest of Spain, they should have no means to marry their King's daughters, but into other provinces, which were dangerous both for that the women did not inherit, and for the heresies wherewith the northern Regions be at this present infected: Many and of all qualities, (who holding Portugal as the Sanctuary of Castill) were content with the separation, remaining as an assured retreat for offenders. It seemed to the King that he should not only send a sufficient man thither to perform that office, but also that it was necessary, that one of the chief of Spain, and best acquainted with the affairs of State, should go to propound the cause of succession: For this occasion they named as it is said Gasper 
Council upon the Embassage the King sent to Henry.  Quiroga, Cardinal and Archbishop of Toledo: Ferdinand Aluares of Tolede, Duke of Alva; Anthony of Toledo, Prior of the order of Saint john's, master of the King's Horse; Francis Pacheco Cardinal of Burgos, all principal personages: Quiroga was thought very fit by reason of his dignity and wisdom, together with the experience he had gotten in the court of Rome, having been there long Auditor of the Rota: The Duke of Alva for his authority, experience, and wisdom, was thought the better, for beginning to fear they should come to arms, it seemed that he best could treat of the succession, and withal sound the Portugals forces, and what succours they might draw unto them, and afterwards if need required, being a great captain, could by his advise undertake the war with greater assurance. Many did approve Anthony of Toledo, for besides the opinion, they had of his wisdom, he was accounted godly, religious, and otherwise virtuous, the which they supposed would make him more pleasing unto Henry. But in the judgement of the most advised, they preferred the Cardinal of Burgos, for besides those other good parts which he enjoyed with the rest, he was thought most able to treat the matter of State; besides that, being a priest, and a Cardinal, they should seem to 
The Duke of Ossuna sent to Henry.  send unto Henry a companion. But notwithstanding, there was not in Spain any greater personages of like experience unto these, to manage a matter of so great importance, being the greatest that ever was presented unto this crown; yet the preferred Peter Girone Duke of Ossuna; and although his quality (being great among the greatest of the Realm) was worthy of any charge, accompanied with many virtues, and some other particularities, that were necessary for the voyage; notwithstanding, some did attribute this election to the ordinary diseases of the court, and to the respects which Kings Counsels do commonly use, inferring thereby that therein he was extraordinarily favoured by Peter Fassardo, Marques de los Veles his kinsman, at that time favoured by the king. Some said also (and it may be not without ground) that it was not convenient to send any parsonage into Portugal, whose wisdom, and judgement were known unto the world, to the end the Portugals should not fear to treat freely with him of all matters, but it was necessary they should esteem him affable and courteous, to discover easily unto him their minds; of which humour the rest were not. And although on the one side the Cardinals did seem fittest to treat with a king, who was also a Cardinal; they did think 
The imprisonment of the Duke of Alva, and the cause.  on the other side that Henry might take it ill, to send one unto him, who was equal with him in dignity. There happened at the same time a matter which bred no small wonder in this court, and in others likewise, the which for that it chanced to a person of whom we are often to make mention, although it be somewhat from our purpose, we will not leave to report. The Duke of Alva was banished by the king's commandment, to Vzeda, five and twenty miles from the court, for that Frederick his eldest son, being taken at Tordefillas, a village of that Realm, for that he refused to marry with one of Queen Isabella of Valois her maids, to whom (as she said) he had promised, whilst the king was entreated by her friends, to force him to marry her, he by the advise of his father, broke prison, and was gone to Alva, to marry with Marie de Toleda his cozen, daughter unto Garcie, he which was General at sea, the which he effected, returning presently unto the same prison. The Duke bore this affliction with great humility and constancy, so as all hatred ceasing, his very enemies did pity his misery. This banishment was remarkable, both for his estate, age, and the notable services he had done unto this crown, as also to see the integrity of the king, who notwithstanding the necessity he seemed to have of his person in matters of importance, that drew near, could not cause him any thing to dissemble the execution of that which he thought fit for justice, or his reputation: It was also remarkable for the great offices, which some Princes did in his favour; but most of all his holiness, who did instantly solicit his delivery by the means of his Nuncio, saying, that although he could not presume of the kings just intention, but that the Duke's imprisonment proceeded from some great cause, yet he could not in duty but perform this office: It was said, this good will of the Pope towards the Duke, proceeded from the service he had done unto the Apostolic seat, having made long war against the Infidels and heretics, and also for that which he had done against the Church itself, effecting that which was convenient to his king, whilst as enemy he was contrary unto it, as he did defend it, being a friend, binding unto him, not only Paul the fourth, who was then Pope, but also his successors. And it seems strange that the greatest love they say the Church had unto him, sprung from the war which he made against it: The Deputies of Castill which were then in court, laboured for him, and although the king sent them word they should be contented, and not sue unto him, for that he would not refuse any thing they should demand, yet this manner of demanding and denying served for a great office. The King from the beginning, was in hope to make himself peaceable Lord of the Realm of Portugal, although he were not ignorant of the small inclination the Portugals had unto him, but he let pass nothing which he thought fit to gain their loves; and to this effect he did write to all the chief cities of the Realm, his pretension, offering and threatening; but in the greatest part his letters were not received in public. To the city of Lisbon, he did write in this manner: Most 
Philip's letters to the city of Lisbon.  noble, and our well-beloved, although I have appointed Christopher de Mora to say unto you some things, which you shall understand from him, yet would I give you to know by my letters, that there is no man in this world (more than myself) that hath felt the loss of noble king Sebastian my nephew, and of his men: The reasons for which I ought to have this just feeling, are easy to be considered, having lost a son, and a friend, whom I loved tenderly, and in the same degree I held and hold all those that are lost with him, for I do cherish and love all them of this Realm as my own subjects: And I think it is not unknown, the great diligence I used to divert his journey, as well personally myself at Guadalupa, as also before and since by my ministers, whereof many of the principal of this Realm are good witnesses: But not to revive so great a grief, let us lay apart the things which cannot be remedied, fixing our eyes on the true consolation, which is, that those afflictions were given by the hand of God, and suffered by the greatness of his providence: we ought likewise particularly to comfort ourselves, that in this wretched and miserable age, this Realm hath gotten for their Governor so Christian and wise a Prince, as is the king mine uncle, whose rare virtues, and exemplary life, giveth us cause with reason, to expect that he will settle the present affairs in so peaceable an estate, that we shall proceed in all things with the mildness and gentleness I wish, for the love I bear to all, and singularly for the degree of amity, and affinity, which hath always been betwixt these two crowns, and betwixt myself and the Lords of the same Realm, being all of one blood, and myself and my children, nephews of noble king Emanuel, being nourished and brought up by the Empress, and Lady my Mother. For these causes and considerations, I have as great respect to the king mine uncle, and as great cause to wish him a long and happy life as yourselves: But the affairs of the succession of this Realm, being in the estate you know; I have with great consideration, and due advise examined the right, which it hath pleased God by his secret judgements to give me: And causing this action to be viewed by men of great learning, and conscience, both within mine own Realm, and without; all do find, that without doubt the succession thereof doth rightly appertain unto me; and that there lives not any at this day that can with reason contradict me, by many and clear grounds, being a male, & the eldest, as it is apparently known. And having resolved to make this point known to the noble King mine uncle, with love and due respect, I have earnestly entreated him, that it would please him presently to declare it, as he is bound, for the discharge of his conscience, and for the bond he hath to do right and justice; but most of all for that it concerns the preservation, peace, rest, augmentation, and prosperity of these Realms, and of all the subjects thereof, the which he ought both chiefly to care for, and to procure, seeing that besides the said effects, it shall cause an other of greater importance, which is that which concerneth the service of God our Lord, & the assurance & increase of our holy Catholic faith. I thought good to do the like office to this city, having regard unto the fidelity, whereof it hath always made profession, & being the chief of these Realms, assuring you therewithal, that he that shall inherit, is no foreign king, but a natural borne, as I have said before, seeing that I am nephew and son to your natural Princes, issued of the same blood, and will be always a father to every one of you, as you shall find when it shall please God: But at this time I will entreat you, that with your wisdom, and great experience, you would consider and note wherein I may honour and favour you, not only to conserve your liberties, and privileges both in general, and particular, desiring that all other cities of the Realm, should understand the same, whereof I pray you to give them notice, being requisite that every one should know the love and affection which I bear to all, and it shall be just, that in knowing it, you conform yourself to that which is the will of God, whose judgements and determinations no man may resist, but we ought to believe that what he determines is for the best: So as trusting, that both this city, and the rest, when time shall require, will do that whereunto they are bound: I have nothing to say, but that besides the feeling which I have had of miseries past, I have been in particular grieved for the loss of so great numbers of the Nobility and Commons of this Realm, whereof that battle was the cause: And therefore I require you to advise, what I may do for those that remain yet slaves, and write unto me: for although I both have, and daily had that care, I have thought fit and convenient, yet shall I be glad to understand your advise, that all things convenient might be performed for their delivery, and rest assured that whatsoever shall concern you, I will deal in it with the love of a father, as you shall know more particularly by the effects, when as occasion shall serve to make trial thereof, the which you shall understand by Christopher de Mora, to whom I refer you. The Catholic king sent this Letter by the said Mora, to be delivered to the Magistrate of the Chamber, who going for that intent presented it unto them: But being troubled, they doubted that in receiving thereof, they should offend against the Crown, so as refusing it, they willed him to take it with him, and deliver it to the King, the which Mora denying, it remained still with them unopened: And lest they should be ignorant of the contents, he drew a copy out of his bosom, and read it unto them publicly, dispersing sundry copies throughout the city. The original was by the Vereadures carried to the king: This did smally further filips affairs, but rather hinder him, and was by the wisest both of Spain and Portugal, and also by some of the King's Counsel, held as a remedy not fitting the Portugals humour; who generally hating the castilians, being new and rude in this matter, it was not probable 
The deliverance and return of john de Silna, Ambassador for Philip in Portugal.  they should yield upon a simple Letter. At this time there came intelligence, that he who had the charge of Ambassador of Portugal, was not only living in Alcazerquivir (although sore hurt) but that the Cheriffe had released him, & was coming with the body of King Sebastian to Ceuta, and from thence within few days (being at Christmas, in the year 1578) they understood he was arrived at Civil, his coming was (by the best acquainted with the affairs of Portugal) held very profitable, for returning to his charge, he seemed more sufficient than any other to treat of so weighty a cause, being endued (besides his good judgement) with many other good parts, necessary for the managing of such a business. For besides that he had good experience of King Henry his disposition, and the humour of the Portugals, he was very pleasing unto them, it may be, for that he was of the house of Sylva, who being very noble in Portugal, passed into Castill, during the controversies betwixt king john the first, and the master of the avis, and being borne of a Portugal mother, they held him for their countryman: Besides that, with the favour of King Sebastian, he was married in Portugal with Phillippa de Silva, heir to Alvaro de Silva, Earl of Portalegra, Lord Steward of the King's house, and one of the principal Noblemen of the Realm: But whilst that every man expected his present departure from Civil to Portugal, the King called him to Court, saying, that he would first instruct him by mouth, of his intentions, and of the present occurrents. In the 
The Duke of Ossuna arrives in Portugal, and his proceedings.  mean time the Duke of Ossuna arrived within the Realm, who seeming to be sent only to perform compliments with the king, he was lodged, and royally entertained at the charge of the Court, where having delivered his simple legation, he went to Settwall, to visit Magdalen Girone, his sister, widow to George d' Alencastro, Duke of Avero, but he returned suddenly, making show he had new commission to treat of the succession, wherewith king Henry was greatly discontented, being unwilling to have the presence of a parsonage so qualified, on the behalf of Philip as it were a witness of his actions, the which did likewise displease all the Portugals, the rather for that (with Mora) he began to solicit the King to declare Philip successor of the Realm, showing unto him formerly by many reasons that his title was just.  
Now did King Henry at the great entreaty of his subjects resolve to set the best order he could touching the question of succession, and to content them: For this cause remaining greatly in suspense, having consulted the matter with few, but of his greatest favourites, they concluded after much counsel, infinite opinions and many disputations, that it was not convenient at that time to declare any one Prince: The reason was, that the nearest heir unto the Realm, they supposed to be the Catholic King, whom they hated most, and therefore sought by all means possible to fly his command, thinking nothing more fit to effect it, then to protract the nomination of the Prince, not meaning to specify any: For naming any other they should procure his indignation against them, and give him occasion or his heirs that should succeed him, to attempt an action better grounded, whereas by delaying it, there should remain unto them (at the least) this weak hope, that the Catholic king (although younger, yet mortal) might die before old King Henry, which happening they should be freed from the castilians, and then should succeed (as it is said) the Duke of Savoy, of whom they had no such fear, but would more willingly yield to his subjection. 
King Henry inclined to the pretence of the Duchess of Bragance.  The King supposed that Katherine Duchess of Bragance, preceaded all other pretendents, except the Catholic King, aided (as it may be) by his own natural inclination, he converted all his thoughts in her favour, and (if it were possible) to give her the crown, writing to the university of Coimbra, many allegations in her behalf: To effect this, it was thought necessary to cite all the pretendents, to appear and produce their reasons, the which was suddenly put in execution, although in the judgement of many it was thought out of season, seeming more convenient first to conclude it in parliament, and then to effect it, whereby it was apparent that the king did govern himself daily without order, or any constant resolution what he would do: He did yet foresee, that dying before Philip as it was likely, the Realm should remain confused, and without a Governor which should rule the Realm, during the interreigne, and that the Noblemen and Commons should presently swear obedience unto them, and after examine the reasons of the pretendents. And although they feared that King Philip would be displeased, yet they hoped to satisfy him, promising it should no way prejudice his title, nor any thing delay it, but only to proceed with more ground, as it was convenient, giving out, that King Henry would marry, and send to Rome for a dispensation, being a Priest, so as being capable of issue, it was not expedient to swear a Prince: This matter being concluded amongst few, and of the chiefest, within few days after (lest it should not seem to be done in private, but with a general consent,) and to choose governors Henry called to Court the three estates of the Realm, that is, the Clergy, the Nobility, and the Deputies of the cities, and towns, the which assembled the first day of April, in the year 1579. in the great hall of the palace at Lisbon, the King having 
The States of Portugal at Lisbon.  before him nine Herold's, accompanied with the Duke of Bragance, and many Noblemen, he went in the scarlet habit of a Cardinal, retaining nothing of a king but the sceptre, being mounted upon a scaffold of wood prepared at the upper end of the hall, four steps higher than the Deputies, he seated himself in a chair prepared for him, covered with cloth of gold under a cloth of estate of the same: Every one being in his rank according to their ancient degrees: 
A summary of the Oration made at the assembly of the estates.  Alphonso de Castelbianco a priest stood up, (by the King's commandment) at one of the ends of the scaffold, who with a long speech, after he had a little renewed the sorrows of their forepast miseries, and mitigated them with hope of a future good, he forgot not to praise the King, with all virtues, adding, that being weak, he did not spare his life, employing it to what was profitable to the Realm; he compared him in his government to the King of heaven, in his love, justice, pity, and sacrificing himself for his people; he commended this assembly, resembling it to the Counsels, and said it could not err: he concluded the king had there assembled them to propound what was convenient for the Realm, & to provide for it with their advise. The first act being ended, it was decreed, that daily the Clergy, the Nobility, and the Deputies of the Realm should assemble a part, the which they effected, where they found diversity of opinions, and very different one from an other: some of them (friends to the conclusion) would suddenly have it determined to whom the Crown appertained, without hearing the pretendents allegations; others held the parties should be cited, and that they should proceed with deliberation to sentence, after instruction of the process; many inclined to have governors; others would not hear speak of them, every one taking the course never to agree. The king hearing of this, having called the chief of his Council one after one, and acquainting them with his resolution, he showed unto them, that it was so convenient for the liberty of the Realm, so as all difficulties accorded, they concluded not to make any election of a Prince at that instant, but the pretendents being heard, the King should judge to whom the Realm belonged, that he might be declared after his death: And although God did suffer (it may be for a punishment to the Portugals) that the King held this Council for the best, yet experience 
An Ambassador chosen to go to Rome, to obtain dispensation for Henry to marry.  did show, that it was the worst course they could have taken, for to put the cause in process, did breed vain hopes in some of the pretendents, which after were causes of great ruin to the crown. And to the end the motion of the king's marriage should seem to be spoken with some ground, they named unto the estates Edward de Castelbianco to go to Rome, and treat with the Pope for his dispensation: 
The nomination of 5. governors, & of the judges of the succession.  they did choose fifteen gentlemen upon the back of the roll, whereof the King with his own hand should write five of them, which so chosen, should govern the Realm, until it were decided who should be King. There was also about this nomination of the Governors, no small controversy betwixt the King and his Council of estates, for that the king would absolutely name the five, the Council would not consent unto it, but they would do it: And when they were agreed that the Council should name fifteen, and the King choose five of them, there grew a new discord among them; for the Council desired to know who should be these five; some would not only have them published, but also during the King's life put in possession of the government, that after they might be the better obeyed: but notwithstanding, they resolved to keep it secret, yet generally they conjectured (and truly) who they were. They chose also four and twenty judges upon the back of the roll, of these the King did name eleven, to judge the cause of the succession, if he should not determine it before his death: This was held, and chiefly by the castilians a fault of importance, the king showing himself to be ignorant, that his royal jurisdiction did end with his life, and that this naming of Governors was to rule after his death, whereof they had an example with them, of Elizabeth Queen of Castill, who in vain prescribed laws for the government of the Realm after her decease. In this sort the States ended, and soon after the Duke of Bragance, with the Nobility, 
The oath to obey the elected Governors.  and the Deputies of the Realm, swore obedience to such as the king had chosen Governors, and to him that should be declared king. It would not be forgotten the manner of oath the Prior took, for being called before the king, and commanded to swear to obey the form aforesaid, he answered that he would first speak unto him: The King replied, that there was no need, but that he should swear, the which he refusing to do, the king grew in choler; whereupon casting his eyes upon his friends, that were about him, as who should say, that he was forced to lay his hands upon the Evangelist, against the opinion of many, who believed he should rather commit some disorder then swear. The Roll of the Governors with the nomination upon the back of it was locked up in a coffer, and delivered to the keeping of the Magistrate of the Chamber of Lisbon, the people whereof were male content, fearing it had been given to the castilians: The which 
The discontentments of the people of Lisbon.  was apparent, for that a little before there came boldly to the assembly of the Nobility, before the whole Council, two mechanic officers, of those that representing the people, are employed to the Magistrate of the city. The one of them craving audience, said, they had understood, that some of the chief of that assembly, neglecting their duty and honour, had spoken slanderously, and wrought against the public good, and surety of the Realm, which like good Portugals they resolved to prevent, as before the inhabitants of the same city had done in the times of king john the first, and of other kings: And therefore they required the whole Council, (as the chief and principal member of the common wealth) to aid and support them, that they might not lose their honour and privileges, through partialities and private respects: They said also that for this effect, and for the defence of justice, and to chastise seditious Portugals, they were ready, with fifteen or twenty thousand men, betwixt the city and the county, which they would assemble if need were, in two hours, to burn the houses of such as should speak too boldly, or treat against the public good and quiet of these Realms, the which they would not put in execution, hoping to see them punished, and the matter redressed by some other course: He concluded, that he thought it their duty to give this advertisement, that with more assurance, they might all treat of the common good, without fear of violence, or any prejudice, and to stop the mouths of those, (who suspected in such a cause,) make all things impossible, without seeking or procuring of any remedy. Having ended this speech, one of the wisest of the assembly made answer, that this counsel was acceptable, for the love and affection they had to the common good; but there was not any one amongst them which did not desire it with the like zeal, and therefore they should rest assured, that all things should be handled with good order & carefully: but notwithstanding this answer, they returned with threatening. This assembly discovered to the Catholic King, not only the intention of the Portugals in these affairs, but also of 
Henry desired to marry.  King Henry himself, for that it seemed unto him, they rather held a form of conspiracy against him, than a council of the states. Henry encouraged by his followers, for a time intended to marry, daily consulting with his physicians to see if he were apt for generation, which seemed strange to all such as had known him; for every man believed (considering the chaste life he had always led) that although he had come younger unto the Crown, he would not have taken any wife; and now talking of it being decrepit, of age, and a Priest, it seemed, the desire to exclude the Catholic King, from the Realm prevailed so much, that it did estrange him from his ancient disposition. But honours breed in men alteration of manners, although his age made men think his inclination was rather forced in him then voluntary: Some of the wisest said that the Catholic King should have a special regard, lest he were abused in this marriage; for although the age and disposition of the said Henry might well assure him, yet the matter being of such importance, he should suspect some supposed or adulterate child, or some such like deceit: But having (possibly) laboured at Rome that no dispense 
The Catholic King sends a lacobin into Portugal.  should be granted to Henry, he sent into Portugal Friar Ferrant of Castillio, of the order of preaching Friars, and an eloquent divine, the cause of his voyage being unknown, I myself being unable to search the secret: It was generally thought he went to dissuade the King from marriage, with many reasons, and especially saying, that in so dangerous a time by reason of the Heretics which did reign, when as Heretics did tolerate marriage in men of the Church, if he now did it, being Priest and King, he should 
The predendents to the Crown of Portugal, cited to declare their reasons.  give them a very ill precedent; and this conceit of his going was confirmed to be true, having understood he was neither willingly heard nor presently dispatched. The pretendents had been cited, which were the Catholic King, the Duchess of Bragance, the Duke of Savoy, the Prince of Parma, and Anthony Prior of Crato to send & show their reasons. The Catholic King did not answer in form, although Henry had written unto him with his own hand, but only sent a certificate with a Secretary to his Ambassador in Portugal, that he had been cited: Many disallowed this diligence, and all agreed that the King, causing the Duke of Savoy and the Prior to be cited, had not dealt therein judicially, saying, it was a mean to breed contention, the Prior being manifestly a bastard, and the Duke apparently after King Philip.  

Philip frames a counsel of the affairs of Portugal.  Who being cited, framed a new Council of some of the Lords of his Counsel of State, of his Confessor, one other Divine, and five Doctors of the Council royal, which he called the adjoining of the succession of Portugal, they were twelve in number, and did only treat of those things that did concern that point. At this time john de Silva arrived at Madrill, from Civil, to be informed of matters concerning his charge, who, although he were graciously received of the King, and did often enter into Council, both to give his advise, and to take his instructions, yet did they delay his dispatch, sometimes with one excuse, and sometimes with an other: And although he did earnestly solicit that he might enter into the managing of so great an action, as was the union of this Realm, and after so many travails past, go comfort his friends with his presence, yet in this particular, he had either many crosses, or small good fortune. For being prisoner in Africa (although it seemed to 
john de Silva solicits to be sent back into Portugal.  these Counsellors, that this charge (as his) should not be otherwise disposed of, until they had certain news of his life or death:) yet notwithstanding it seemed, that both the King's meaning, and the disposition of his ministers, were inclined to dispossess him, not only when he was present, but even then when he had most reason to believe it, for that the King, having already discovered himself in secret matters to Christopher de Mora, would not peradventure reveal them to any other, whereof they were apparent signs, some curriers coming out of Portugal directed to other ministers, then to those that did handle the matters of succession: Besides the Duke of Ossuna (to whose will both the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and other counsellors did conform themselves) having entered into great familiarity with Mora, recommending him to the King, laboured that no other should be sent to treat of this business, seeming as it may be unto him (as some did suppose) that he would not so easily agree with Sylva, being more haughty: He answered to these objections, offering not only to agree with the Duke of Ossuna, and with all those that should be sent, but if it were not their pleasure he should deal with those causes of the succession, he would willingly desist and only treat of that which did simply concern the charge of an Ambassador, and after retire himself if need were: But this modesty made him more suspect, for thereby they might judge he desired nothing more than once to have an entry, and after to make himself Patron of the whole 
Christopher de Mora called again, and sent Ambassador into Portugal in steed of john de Silva.  cause. At that time Christopher de Mora was called to court, who treated secretly with the King of many things concerning the Realm, he laboured to be sent back with the Title of Ambassador, yet many supposed his commission being ended, he should not return: But being accounted, (as he was indeed) confident, judicious, and diligent, although of no great experience in matters of weight, being made gentleman of the chamber, he was sent back with the Title he desired, & to keep Sylva from returning into Portugal, all his hopes being frustrate, they stayed him, saying it was convenient the King should retain him near about him, to judge the better of what should be written out of Portugal. And having reduced the number of twelve counsellors of the succession to four, he commanded he should be one, the rest being the Cardinal of Toledo, Lewis Manriques Marquis of Aguilar both of the council of State, and Anthony of Padiglia, Precedent of the council of military orders: The general discourse concerning the election of the one for Ambassador, and the exclusion of the other was divers, but when as the excluded could not prevail (according to the counterfeit show of the court) he took all for a favour.  
Whilst these things passed in Castil, the pretendents in Portugal both natural borne and strangers called by citation, framed their reasons, and every man laboured to make the King capable of his right: The Duke of Ossuna pleaded for King Philip: Charles de la Rowere for the Duke of Savoy, Ferrant Farnese Bishop of Parma for Rainucius Farnese. The Queen of France was not cited, yet did not she desist from her pretension, by the means of urban of Saint Gelais Bishop of Cominges, who had some difficulty to be admitted. The King seemed long doubtful in this point; for on the one side with the inclination he had to the Duchess, he would exclude all others, & with the desire he had to frustrate Philip, he laboured to admit all that did pretend: In this point hatred prevailed before affection: Enduring this infamous allegation of the Queen, who said that Henry (of whom she demanded justice) and eleven other Kings his predecessors, had been all bastards, and unlawful, for that was her plea: And although he doubted of the Bishop's procuration, after some difficulties, promising to satisfy him within a limited time by an other commission, he was received to plead, appointing him an advocate in the cause. The principal grounds of the pleaders were these: Anthony at the end of fifty years would 
The grounds of the Prior.  be admitted for lawful, having never before pretended it, and therefore undoubtedly the succession of the Realm did appertain unto him, for that as a male issued from a male, he said, with the quality of his father, he did surmount his age, wherein Philip did surpass him: that being a male he was before the Duchess, and did vanquish Rhanucius by his age and nearness. Phillibert Duke of Savoy, 
Of the Duke of Savoy.  did not wholly deceive himself, for as he assisted not for any other end, but to show that as the nearest of kin he did preceade the Prince of Castill, in case that Henry outlived Philip he 
Of the Duke of Parma.  was least importune. They did plead vehemently for Rainucius Farnese, and in his favour, the Doctors of the University of Padua had written, and to confute the reasons of proximity, wherein the other competitors did surmount, they alleged that conformeable to pure and simple law, so many sons as Kings have, so many heirs of inheritance they do frame, whereof the first line doth inherit whilst it remains, which being extinct; the second doth succeed it, and so consequently in order. That Edward the Grandfather by the Mother's side, of the said Ranucius, was chief of the second race of the children of King Emanuel, whereof the first being utterly extinct in Sebastian, the line of the second ought to succeed, until it were likewise extinct, where by descending from branch to branch, it came directly to the said Ranucius. And although Philip and Phillibert were pretendents male, and lawfully issued from an elder feminine stock, whilst there was remaining any heirs descending from the elder feminine males (as he was) they could not inherit, and that the Duchess who was a woman, and Anthony unlawful, ought not to take it from him, although he succeeded 
Of the Duchess of Braganca.  them all. The Duchess with more lively hope both of her justice, and of the King's favour, had caused to be written in the University of Coimbra, a long & curious allegation, & the Doctors (who are the learnedst of the Realm) hoping to please the King, handled the cause with all possible care: She laboured to prove, that they succeed in Realms by the inheritance of the last possessor, and that in this kind of succession, the laws allow the benefit of representation: and in the difficulty which the Doctors move in the deciding, whether this privilege be allowable to the Nephews, when they do not join with the Uncle, in the inheritance, they ought to follow those which hold the affirmative, and that the women do not only represent the degree of the predecessors, but also the sex: She therefore representing Edwrad her Father, son to King Emanuel, and brother to king Henry, would precead all the other pretendents, both the Catholic king, for that he issued from a daughter, Anthony being a bastard, Ranucius as being nearer unto Henry, admitting neither degrees, elderships, nor representations, alleging for that purpose infinite authorities of Doctors. These her allegations were imprinted, and sent to the Pope, and to all the Princes in Christendom, hoping thereby to make a great breach in 
Of the Catholic King.  their hearts. The Catholic king said he was the eldest, and lawfullest Nephew male of king Emanuel then living, and that not any one of the others, being not able to make themselves equal unto him, they sought to help themselves with fixions and representations, the which he would prove by some laws, were not to be admitted in this case, nor amongst these persons, for that going before them all ingeneral by age, he did surpass them in particular one after an other. Anthony by legitimation; the Duchess by sex; Ranucius by nearness; & the Duke of Savoy by the age of Isabella Augusta his mother, elder than Beatrice, Mother to the said Duke. The 
The ground of the people.  people allege that the issue male of their Kings failing, in that case the election appertained to them; fortifying this reason by the example of the election which was made of their King john the first: 
The Queen Mother of France.  but of this pretension being general, they made small account. The Queen Mother of France, with a strange ground, to the dishonour of so many kings, would come by direct line to the succession of the Realm, offering to prove by writing out of the ancient Registers of France, and by the ancient possession of the Earl of Boulogne, that she was lineally descended from Robert son to king Alphonso the third, and of the Countess Matilda, his first and lawful wife, and that from that time to this, all the descendants of Beatrice the second wife of Alphonso have unjustly reigned, from whom all the pretendents to the succession draw their beginnings; and therefore they could have no better interest than their predecessors. King Henry seemed now more cold to determine the question of succession, than the importance of the cause, and the shortness of his life required: He was greatly pressed by the people, (who be naturally hard to please) seeing his slow proceedings, complained 
The people's complaint against King Henry.  by words and writings dispersed without authors, and were well content their griefs should come to the king's ears: They inferred that the loss of the war of Africa, partly restored by his coming to the Crown, was now revived, seeing their hopes that he should prevent their imminent dangers, succeeded vainly: They complained that the time which should be wholly employed to decide the succession was spent in accidental things, contrary to their duty, having no other care but to draw into question such as the king hated, to search by justice things of small moment, to borrow money of the merchants to redeem the Portugals that were in Africa, to treat of new impositions, to the oppression of the people and such like (some whereof, as the redemption of prisoners and that which concerns justice, they could not reject as evil) they blamed the time, and the means that was spent in them: Passing from this discourse, & having as it were a desire to speak slanderously, they touched the ministers of justice to the quick, inferring they had corrupt consciences, that the poor were persecuted, the rich favoured, that all punishments were pecuniary or barbarous, expressly invented to molest the poor innocents, & give authority to the rich culpable, who are seldom punished: They showed again how much a brief decision of the succession did import, and that it was no sound advise to cite the pretendents, & assemble the States, being tedious matters, alleging that if the king to receive the sceptre had no need of these things, neither had his successor, but that he ought to decide this cause by himself, with the advise of learned and confident Doctors, and according to that which he should find convenient treat the accords and capitulations, with the greatest liberty of the Realm he could, giving contentment to the excluded, and making of many members one body, thereby to avoid the bottomless gulf of civil wars. And in truth this was the wisest and most Christian resolution of all others: They did not allow of the making of Govenours, terming them bodies without a head, saying, they could not after the king's decease, effect any good, judging there would be amongst them diversity of opinions, the people would be altered, the great would disobey, and every one of the pretendents would call himself king, they did foretell the Realm would be divided in factions, that one would follow one party, the other an other party, & in the mean time the strongest would prevail by arms. The most advised feared the forces of the Catholic king, being near, and always ready, and although some trusting in his modesty, believed after the death of Henry he should peaceably attend the sentence, yet such as (more practised in the affairs of the world) knew that the increase of kingdoms had neither end nor measure, that they be never given or taken away by the opinion of Doctors, they feared most of all; they termed it, a devilish temptation of those, that persuaded Henry to take a wife, or once to speak of it, saying, they were not worthy that God should now work miracles for the love of them. The king moved with these reasons, which were partly delivered unto him, began more vehemently then accustomed, to treat of these affairs. And forasmuch as the Prior, having taken his oath to obey the Governors, was retired to Almada, a city upon the river of Tagus, right against Lisbon, where he made his usual residence, the king doubting, that remaining there, and coming sometimes to the city as he did, he might encounter with the Duke of Bragance, and that as concurrents in one action, and competitors in present, there might grow some perilous contention, the which was doubted, hearing there was hatred betwixt them, for this cause he commanded the said Prior, to retire himself to his said Priory of Crato, the which he did, and likewise to the Duke (though somewhat later) to withdraw himself: The Prior was there cited, not (without permission) to come personally to the court, but to send 
The letters of the Prior to Henry.  his Attourneys, wherewith being grieved, he did write unto the king, thanking him that he had admitted him to plead, and complaining that he was in a manner banished. He said, that he ought not to forbid him to assist in his own cause, when as the Duke of Ossuna Ambassador for the Catholic king, and the Duke of Bragance were present at their pleas: For besides the discommodity he should have in delivering his reasons, whosoever should see him banished from the Court, whilst they treated of so weighty a cause, would suppose him so far in the prince's disgrace, as he should not dare to maintain his title: But all this prevailed not, for the king would never suffer him to depart from Crato, and although he did obey with difficulty, going often from place to place, yet would he never admit him to Court. The first process the king put upon the file, was touching the satisfaction the Prior pretended to give for his legitimation, wherein he had secretly all the pretendents opposite, desiring to have it tried first (as indeed it ought to be) for upon proof of his legitimation, he was either to be admitted or excluded from the succession. And forasmuch as Princes do commonly execute that carefully which they do affect, for this reason and to the end the sentence he should pronounce thereupon, should remain firm, he had obtained secretly at Rome a brief from the Pope, by the which he gave him authority, absolutely to judge the cause of legitimation, without any form or process, according 
The sentence of King Henry against the Prior touching his legitimation.  to the truth thereof: So as having strictly examined the witnesses, he allowed some reasons, and rejected others, and duly weighed the process. Finally, he came to sentence, framed by virtue of the Popes own motion, wherein was reported in a manner the whole process. The deposition of the witnesses which were four, two convinced to be false, for they recanted, confessing they had been suborned by Anthony, and the other two were suspected, being near kinsmen, and disagreeing betwixt themselves: The words of the testament of Lewes, father to the said Prior were annexed, wherein he called him bastard, with many other reasons, whereby he concluded, that he declared Anthony, (these be the proper words of the sentence) not lawful, but illegitimate. And touching the pretended marriage and legitimation, he imposed him perpetual silence, still reserving to himself power to proceed against the witnesses, and himself as he should think convenient: This sentence being pronounced, the king sent Edward de Castelbianco chief of the Sergeants to Crato, with commission to apprehend the Prior prisoner: But some imagined this was rather a show of the king to amaze him, then for any other effect, judging as it happened, that he would not be found.  

The reasons of the Catholic king against the pretendents.  Now was the Catholic king more effectually satisfied touching the interest he had to this Realm, for although in the beginning the Doctors had resolved him that the succession appertained unto him, yet desirous to know with more ground, the opinion of learned men of other provinces, especially of Portugal, who weighing and disputing the reasons of every pretendent, with their contrarieties and terms, had resolved amongst them that Philip was undoubtedly the successor, being the eldest kinsman that Henry had a male and lawful, and that with these qualities he did surpass and exclude all the competitors, one after an other. They held 
Against the Prior.  Anthony directly to be unlawful, having always lived in that opinion, and was so held by his Father Lewes at his death (as it appeared by his testament) that although he had demanded his legitimation at Rome, and had obtained it, yet could not any royal or pontificial 
Against the Duke of Savoy.  legitimation serve for the succession of a kingdom. They discharged themselves of Phillibert Duke of Savoy in few words, saying only that he was younger of years, and son of a younger sister than the Empress, Mother to the Catholic King. They denied 
Against the Duke of Parma.  the reasons of eldership, whereon Rainucius did ground himself, saying moreover, they might well grant it without danger, for that the same Doctors which favoured this law, do not understand it should take place, if the same person, from whom they would transport it did not enjoy it. And forasmuch as Edward was deceased many years before Henry succeeded, or ever thought to come unto the Crown, he could have no interest nor any considerable hope that might come to his descendants; so as they made small account of all that Rainucius could allege, touching the lineage, eldership, imaginary degrees, and transmissions, saying, that such as ground themselves most upon these subtleties, do lean still upon representations, without the which they are of small moment, proving that Rainucius could not aid himself with representation, being out of the degree wherein the laws allow it, and therefore remained inferior to Philip. Against the Duchess, they alleged that kingdoms 
Against the Duchess of Bragance.  appertaining to the ancient laws of nations, the succession ought not to be ruled by the Civil law full of fictions and subtileties, the which were framed by the Emperors many years since: And although sovereign Princes did bring them in for the good government of their subjects, yet had they not altered the simple natural rules of the succession, the which they affirmed should be observed in this case, as it had been before the birth of justinian, who was the author of these representations. And although some Doctors would rashly make the succession of Realms, subject to civil institutions, yet according to this consideration they made Philip's title undoubtful; and those which held this opinion were learned men, and more curious of antiquity then are commonly our ordinary Lawyers. But lest they should seem to take that course to avoid the laws, they would also withdraw themselves within the terms of the Civil law, as if it were a matter in controversy betwixt two persons for a private possession. There did they prove that in Realms more properly then in any other thing, they succeeded by right (as they call it) of consanguinity, that is to say, having regard unto the first instituter, and that following this law, they should consider the persons of the pretendents, by themselves without representations or respect of their fathers, as if they were children of the last possessor, in which sort Philip remained in stead of the eldest unto Henry: They said also, that if they should yield that which the Duchess pretends, that they succeed not in Realms by right of consanguinity, but by that which they call inheritance, having regard unto the last possessor, yet could she not be equal unto Philip, for that the representation where with she pretends to help herself, doth not extend to the Nephew, but in concurrents with the same uncle, according to the most ancient, most approved, and most grounded opinion. They added moreover, that the succession of kingdoms, not only by the right of nations (as is formerly related) but also by the same Civil law, is exempt from all representations, being not brought in by custom: And although the Duchess may represent the degree of her Father, notwithstanding it were impossible she should represent the quality of a male, being a hard matter that a woman equal only in degree, and in all other things inferior, should pretend to be preferred before a man in administration of Realms, and that her private defect should hurt her less, then to Philip that of his Mother: It was therefore resolved, that of all the Nephews of king Emanuel, he that should be found to be eldest, a male, and lawful, should precead the rest, and this was the Catholic King. And 
Against the people.  although the pretension of the people, and of the most Christian Queen were held vain, and only moved to trouble Philip, yet did they answer them formally. Against the people they said, that they had no greater privilege of election within this Realm, then in the rest of Spain, the which all fall by succession, when there is any lawfully descended of the blood royal: And that in Portugal they have less liberty than the rest, growing from the gifts of the kings of Castill, and from the conquest of the kings of Portugal: And forasmuch as the people hath not given the realm to their first kings, there could not any thing chance whereby they should name or choose one. And for that which they allege of the election of king john the first, they answered that not only this reason did not serve them, but thereby it did appear that the realm in that case was successive, having (leaving apart, that it was rather a violent cry of conquering Partizants, than a free election) themselves secretly confessed, that they had no right to choose, whilst there remained any one lawfully descended of the Royal issue, inferring that Beatrice Queen of Castill was a bastard, and that the Realm was in the same estate, wherein other Realms of succession may choose their King, all the kinsmen of the last deceased being extinct. They 
Against the Queen mother of France.  pleaded against the most Christian Queen, that her pretension was improbable, and prescribed, seeing that the successors of the Earl of Boulogne, had never made any mention thereof, neither is it credible that since this pretension was incorporate to the crown of so mighty a Realm, such wise and mighty Princes, as were Francis the first, and Henry the second, would have forgotten to have called it in question. But the truth was, the Countess Matilda left no children as it appears in her Testament, in the public Registers of Portugal, making therein no mention to leave any by king Alphonse, nor to have had any, and viewing the antiquities of the Realm, they said that a writer was abused, who reported that a young child buried in the church of Saint Dominico in Lisbon, was her son; and though it should be so, yet doth it not contradict, since she doth not affirm she had any children, but that he died young. They did likewise prove that Matilda had not any, by a formal request found in the same registers, by the which all the Prelates of the Realm did beseech Pope Urban, that it would please him to disannul the curse which he had laid upon the Realm; and that he would approve the marriage of Beatrice the second wife of Alphonse, that he would make their children legitimate, that there might be no hindrance in the succession of this Realm; whereby they concluded, that if there had been any lawful children of Matilda, they could not have persuaded the Pope to prefer the bastards of Beatrice. They added that these reasons were not unknown in France, and that of late there had been a book printed of the genealogy of the houses of Medicy, and Boulogne, continued unto Katherine the most Christian Queen, whereby it did clearly appear, that Matilda had left no children by Alphonse her second husband, having been formerly married to Philip, son of Philip Augustus king of France, by which marriage she had one daughter named jane, who succeeded not her mother in the County, dying before her without issue: So as Robert son of Alix, sister to Matilda came to the succession, and this is that Robert from whom they would draw the descent of the Queen Mother, being the Nephew, & not the son of Matilda. So as not being proved by any means that Alphonse the third had any children by his first bed, but the contrary by many reasons; they said the Queen had no reason to pretend, neither had she done it in time. Philip 
Philip sendeth to signify his right to Henry.  therefore being grounded in this action, sends into Portugal for assistants to the Duke, Rodorik Vasquez, and Lewes de Molina, Doctors of the law, and Auditors of his Council royal, with the title of Ambassadors, to signify unto the King, and to his Council his apparent justice, with advertisement not withstanding that they should do no act, whereby they might infer that they acknowledge any jurisdiction in the king: Being arrived, and all the Agents of the Catholic King consulting together, they propounded the matter of succession in form as they were commanded, delivering in writing unto the king an ample allegation of the reasons of Philip: But for that in the beginning they had found the king's thoughts bending to the Duchess of Bragance, they laboured long in vain to make him capable of the justice of their king. They used all means they thought convenient, and here in Mora performed great offices, not only with the King, and his favourites, but with the Gentlemen and Noblemen of quality: so as many with lively reasons, giving to one, offering to an other, by effects, words and writings, he drew all he could to the Catholic King's devotion: It seemed that this manner of sounding the Nobility with money, and promises, 
Philip prepares for war against the Portugals.  did then serve to purpose. And although the course which the king held, for the attaining of his pretension, seemed unto him expedient, yet did he not so rely thereon, as (knowing the Portugals to be resty) he would omit force, for that seeing the indisposition of Henry, he sought to win time, and so to prepare himself, that if he should chance to die, at such time, when as the Portugals would not yield him the Crown quietly, he might suddenly take possession thereof by force. But having learned by experience in the war of Granado, the loss of Golette, and the defence of Malta, that one nation alone showeth not so great a courage, as united with another, this competency serving as a spur to animate them, he resolved to prepare to war, with the forces of divers nations, as if he had been certain, that of necessity he must win this Realm by conquest. And although the general opinion were, that few men would serve against the unexperienced Portugals, and that he should not find any resistance against his force, yet knowing that there is not any humane force but may be vanquished, he resolved to make an army of forty thousand foot, considering, that although the Portugals were such as it was said, yet being at home, and by reason of the hatred and fury of the whole Realm, they might in one day draw together above seventy thousand men for any expedition, and therefore it behoved him to be strong. He therefore commands Inico Lopez de Mendosa, Marquis of Moundegiar, than Viceroy at Naples, to keep in a readiness his Spanish foot, with the ships and munition for Portugal, he levied nine thousand Italians, under the command of Peter de Medicy, brother to Francis the great Duke of Tuscayne, he brought down six thousand Germans, with Count Jerome of Lodrone: and although he might have raised in Spain a great number of men of all sorts, yet trusting only to his entertained soldiers, he levied the greatest forces he could, purposing to join to those Spaniards that were but fresh water soldiers, some of those that had been in Italy, and such as were come from the wars of Flaunders: But these things were effected with more ease and less numbers than were appointed. For although the Viceroy of Naples did in the beginning very carefully provide for it, yet after he grew cold, abandoning all, having intelligence that the King had chosen to succeed him in his charge john de Suniga, great commander of Castill, and that he should return into Spain: yet the soldiers were enrolled and conducted with arms and munition to Gibraltar, and other places of Andelouzia thereabouts, from whence they marched after to the confines of Portugal, the number chiefly of Italians, being greatly diminished, with hunger, and other discommodities, not without consideration that nine thousand men seem much in Spain. And although they arrived a year later than the king had commanded, yet came they sooner than necessity required: for Henry yet living, they were long idle. But this prevention was done like a valiant and wise Prince, maintaining an army upon the confines of his own Realm, without use thereof, during a man's life, attending his natural death, when as no man is yet so near death, but may live some years. The Catholic King preferring the danger to be unarmed, and Henry deceasing before his expenses, gave this testimony, not only of his wisdom, but of the great desire he had to be assured of this Realm, wherein he did surmount his own nature, and the custom of the Spanish nation, who by their long delays, do often fail in their enterprises: The galleys and ships which had transported these men, went to Saint Marie port, where the whole navy by sea should assemble.  
Henry was still discontented with Anthony, who (notwithstanding the King's late commandment not to approach within a hundredth miles of the Court) wandered from place to place, drawing the people's hearts unto him. The King was desirous to find some means to punish him, with a more rigorous sentence. But the Prior when as the cause of his legitimation was in question before the King, by virtue of his holiness brief, mistrusting what happened, had by the counsel of Alexander Formento, than the Pope's Nuncio in the Realm, sent to Rome, complaining unto the Pope of the hatred his uncle did unjustly bear him, beseeching him to revoke the cause unto himself, and to be the only judge thereof, for that the King was suspect unto him: By reason whereof, the Pope saying that his 
The suspension of Henry's brief.  first intention was not to make Henry absolute judge to give sentence inclusive; he write unto him by an other brief, with defence not to proceed in the cause, for the which he appointed as new judges the said Nuncio, & George de Almada, archbishop of Lisbon, but not with authority to give sentence, but after due information of the process, to send it to Rome. This brief was sent to the Nuncio, that he might deliver it unto the King, the which he did, by an apostolic Notary, fearing he should have refused it. Henry was greatly moved that the Pope had revoked the cause unto himself, both for that the execution of the sentence did import, as also imagining he was wronged by taking the cause out of his hands, whereof before he had made him judge. So as greatly discontented with the Pope, and his choler increasing against his Nephew, he would now use his royal authority, and leaving to proceed as the Pope's substitute; he began as King to proceed against the Prior. And although the Nuncio (it may be by the Pope's commandment, or rather by his own inclination) was favourable unto him, showing himself very opposite to the Catholic King: yet Henry left not daily, yet coldly, to continue the cause of the succession; for having cited him to court, and he not daring appear, he caused his edicts and proclamations to be set upon the palace gate, whereby he was cited to appear within twelve days. The Prior (who had soon a copy of this edict from his agents) was greatly displeased, to see the course the King held against him, yet durst he not appear, fearing if he fell into the king's hands, the hatred he did bear him would draw him to some strange conclusion; he resolved therefore to absent himself labouring to appease his wrath by letters, which he did write unto him, complaining of the manner of his proceedings in 
The Prior's letters to Henry con  his behalf, striving to make known his better deserving. He said that he joyed in his afflictions, calling him in his edicts Nephew, as indeed he was, and son to that his brother, to whom this Crown 
cerning his rigour.  having so great a bond, he did not believe he should so son forget it, although his ill deservings had been greater than his father's merits: He remembered the respect the King himself, and his predecessors had unto his father, and the amazement they should have to see him thus by him unjustly persecuted: He did not attribute the blame of the king's inclination to the king himself, but to the sins of the Realm, and to the ill disposition of some favourites, showing on the one side, that he bore with patience, what it should please God to impose, and on the other side complained of his uncle, that he did execute against him the passions of private men: And forasmuch as when he returned from prison out of Africa, some had given out that he had fled from the battle, and was not taken prisoner, he touched likewise this point, lamenting to be so slandered: He complained of the King, saying, that to the end no man should have compassion on him, he was forced to leave the Court by night, having only had some speech of his legitimation, showing he was not worthy of any brotherly reprehension. He did aggravate his banishment with no small prejudice to his credit, at such a time as his competitors were favoured, environed with their kinsmen, and demanded justice face to face: He alleged that his holiness brief which the king had obtained against him, was ignominious and full of discourtesies, nothing agreeing to the honour of his father: And although he had obtained an other contrary thereunto, whereby his holiness had revoked to himself the knowledge of the cause, yet was he resolved not to alter any thing, but to pass his days in misery and sorrow, whilst the evil deserved passion of the king should continue: He lamented to have been forced to give in his proofs within two days, much more time being granted to any other that pretended; and that they had given no answer to many things he demanded. He complained grievously of the sentence and commandment, to apprehend him for subornation of false witnesses, the which he denied, although he said that in the king's public seat of justice, such as had produced false witnesses, were not greatly punished: He seemed to be greatly grieved to be called disobedient, & a troubler of the public quiet of the realms, excusing himself with most vehement words: He lamented that the Realm was ruined, which his predecessors had won, defended, and maintained: He made no mention of appearance, but said it was lawful for him as to thieves, to hide himself and fly the face of justice, adding, that if the faults wherewith he is charged were such, as the laws of the Realm command the Church to redress, for that he hath no sure access, it would please his highness to grant that Crato should serve as his sanctuary. And although (if his sins so required) that being Nephew to the king, the first person of the Realm, his humble and obedient vassal, it could not mollify his uncles heart, he would crave at God's hands, remedies for his afflictions: He required with humility that it might be lawful for him to appeal from his edicts unto the king himself, better instructed, demanding copies thereof to contradict them, concluding that if it might not be granted, yet at the least his letter might be annexed to the process, for if due respect would have suffered him, he would have caused it to be set up in the same place of the edicts, for the discharge of his honour, and to make known to the world that he was vassal, nephew, & faithful servant unto the king. This letter did nothing move the king's heart, but wrought the same effect with his choler, as a little water doth to a great fire: For being more incensed against his Nephew, he proceeded still against him. So as within short time he pronounced a new sentence, not as a judge, substitute by his holiness, but as an absolute king, that it might not be subject to any appeal, supposing by this means (seeing he could not cast him into prison) he should banish him the Realm. 
Henry's second sentence against the Prior.  Wherein repeating his faults, his absence, his contumacy, his disobedience, with the premises (as was) that he had made to draw the Nobility & people to follow his faction; he deprived him of all his jurisdictions, pre-eminences, honours, prerogatives, liberties, graces, and what other recompense soever he had from the kings his predecessors, commanding he should be razed out of the books, and not paid any thing, not holding him for a natural borne, but a foreign to these Realms. He pronounced the like against such as should aid him, lodge him, or any way treat with him: He commanded him to depart the Realm within fifteen days, saying, it was expedient for the service of God, of him, and the people's quiet. But notwithstanding this sentence so severe, yet was it not of force to expel the Prior, for being well beloved of his friends, and common people, he remained safely in secret: And although for a show only he had retired himself into a monastery of Castill, yet he stayed not long there, only to procure a certificate (as he did) of his departure: whereof king Philip being advertised, he was advised by some to take him prisoner, both to be assured of him, & to please Henry; but he thought it not then convenient, whereof after he repented him, for Anthony being returned again into Portugal, it was generally thought that he was ill affected, and grieved with the king, for the sentence he had pronounced against him. Henry grew fearful he should attempt something against his person, which so increased, that (besides his ordinary guard) he raised certain commpanies of soldiers for the assurance of himself, and his Court, a thing at any time unseen in that Realm. At this time the Ambassadors 
Henry changeth his opinion to the benefit of Philip touching the succession.  of Philip had made Henry capable of his title: having laid before him, both the good and evil which might ensue, by giving and taking from him the crown; who being inclined to do justice, moved therewithal, & with the fear of war, having well considered the matter, and laid aside all affection which made him inclinable to Katherine, he resolved with all his power to give it unto Philip, by the best means he could devise. And having imparted this his meaning to the Duke of Ossuna, and Christopher de Mora, he said he would end the cause by way of composition betwixt Philip and the Realm, without proceeding unto sentence: Provided always that the Catholic king should grant certain privileges; not dispose the offices of government and justice, but unto the natural Portugals, and give certain graces & exemptions, to the general good of the Realm. here plainly appeared the error of Henry, who having cited all the pretendents, and brought the matters to terms of justice, thought it after wards more convenient to come to composition with Philip, which should have been formerly done, if it were to be done. These capitulations were sent unto Philip, to Madrill, whom Henry entreated to keep them secret, as one that feared a contrary disposition in the people. And although he were not ignorant, how hard the quiet execution of this his will would be, by reason of the people, and some Gentlemen of contrary faction; yet commanded he it should be propounded to the states, with all the mildness it might be. Some hold that father Leon Anriquez, of the order of jesuits, the king's Confessor, was rather the cause of this his unexpected resolution, than the practices of the Catholic kings ministers, and that from him (in whom the King did greatly trust) proceeded his first inclination to the Duchess of Bragance, but fearing the indignation of Philip, he turned the thoughts of Henry to favour his title. By means whereof in October 1579. he called again the deputies of the Cities, and other estates, upon colour to impart unto them a matter of importance. Philip disallowed this resolution of Henry, to assemble the States, for being assured of the small affection the Portugals bore him, he was most assured that assembling them together, they would never agree to yield him the Crown, and therefore he advised the King, without any other assembly, to declare a successor, seeing in the last Estates held at Lisbon, the whole Realm had given him full power, the which if he would use in this controversy of the Realm, and not make any new convocation of Deputies, he should write to every city in particular his intention, and advise, thinking it more easy to persuade them divided, then united in one body: But Henry not daring effect it, did solicit the coming of the Deputies. In Italy (seeing the Catholic King a little before assemble so great forces) they made divers conjectures thereof, they furnished the places of ordinary suspect, with new garrisons: some believed he that had entered league with the Cheriffe, Mulei Hamet, that both jointly together would attempt Alger, supposing the Moors had propounded this enterprise for fear of the Turks, and that the king with his aid would expel them from thence, being so necre neighbour unto Spain. The Pope understanding the contrariety in Portugal, seeing the Catholic King prepare so greatly to arms, he commanded Philip Sega his Nuncio in Castillia to say unto him, that although he knew these preparatives of wars, were against Infidels; yet seeing the estate wherein Portugal stood, it might be supposed it was intended against that 
The offers of Pope Gregory. 13 to the Catholic King.  Realm, and being dangerous to come to arms, and to stir up the humours which cannot be settled at pleasure, he offered himself to be a mediator betwixt him and Henry, and to settle this business peaceably. The king accepted the Pope's offer in general words, entertaining his Nuncio with delays, without giving him any resolute answer, for that (as it was said) many things did trouble his mind concerning this action. He considered of the one side that being of good years, and his heirs but young, enjoying (except the state of Flaunders) all his countries quietly, it was not fit to stir up humours in Spain; beside, being fearful to other nations, they would not willingly see him augment his dominions, he doubted (that in busying himself in Portugal) some would then take occasion to breed some alteration in his territories, and therefore he willingly gave ear to any treaty of peace. On the otherside he was not well assured of the Pope's disposition, seeming he should prejudice his title, to put it to compromise: beside, that to former precedents, he would not willingly add this of new, to acknowledge the Apostolic seat as a judge of Realms. He thought it less danger to attend the sentence of Henry, then of any other, for pronouncing it (having not acknowledged him for judge) he was not bound to obey, if it were in his disfavour, retaining still the right of arms; by reason whereof in this suspense, he forbore still to give the Nuncio his answer, until that being better assured of the disposition of Henry, he made answer, that his interest being so apparent, and the King so well inclined, there needed not any mediation, the which if it were requisite, he would accept of this office, & of the good zeal of his holiness. The indisposition of Henry, and the disquietness of his mind, did much afflict him, so as he resembled a lamp near extinct, the which sometimes yields a great light, sometimes seems quite out: They feared he should die of an accident which happened, and therefore his Counsel thought good not to attend his death, for the declaration of the Governors, but to put them as it were in possession, the which was partly executed. For the King being half dead, they brought unto him the coffer wherein the Roll was kept, with the names of the Governors in the great Church of Lisbon, and having opened it, they found them to be George Dalmeda archbishop of Lisbon; 
A publication of the governors of Portugal.  Francis de Sada, first groom of the King's chamber; jean Tello, jean Mascaregnas, and Diego Lopez de Sosa, Precedent of the Counsel of justice of the city, who took their oaths to govern according to the laws of the Realm, and to the limited commission, which Henry had particularly set down. This diligence bred aswell in the people's minds, as in the Catholic Kings, a jealousy of the king's death, and the rather, for that two days before, they would not suffer any to see him, supposing they would keep it secret, until they had taken counsel, put the Governors in possession, and prepared for defence: And although it were presently known that the King was yet living, and so amended, that he had almost recovered his former health, yet the general opinion being, that he could not live long, all men's minds were in suspense in this Realm.   

THE FOURTH BOOK.  
The Contents of the fourth Book.  
The castilians and Portugals discourse upon the state of Portugal; the vehemency of the plague; the estate of Almerin; the death of King Henry; the Regency of the Governors; the practice of Anthony to be chosen King; the Testament of Henry; the diligence of the Catholic King to understand if he might with a safe conscience make war; the election of the Duke of Alva as general of the enterprise, and the privileges the Catholic King offered if they would deliver him the Realm.  
THe Catholic King in the mean time kept his army together in Spain, with greater pains, and more charge, than he had done else where; for the country being not greatly fertile, he was enforced to fetch victuals from other parts, being then about the end of November, 1579. there was then no assurance of things, whereby they might either dismiss their army, or employ it. For although king Henry was yet living and well affected, yet the Portugals being most obstinate against the castilians, he desired not to live any longer doubtful of the succession, as well for the charge as for the event; and therefore he ceased not continually to importune Henry to declare him Successor, objecting many reasons, why he was bound to do it, and propounding many inconveniences which would follow, not doing it, the which was spoken in doubtful terms; whereby it seemed he would make the equity of his cause apparent by force: And although this entreaty seemed somewhat to threaten, yet did it nothing displease Henry, suffering it expressly to be published, that the people might believe, he was forced to this declaration. The whole Realm was discontented to see Henry dying, the Catholic King armed, and the small remainder of time spent in matters of light importance, whereof their discourses and opinions were as divers, as they were different in passions.  

The discourse of the Portugals upon the state of the Realm.  The Prior's partisans being in a manner all of base quality, having their reason darkened, and not settled in opinion, said, that he was legitimate, and that the Crown appertained unto him; but that the king of his absolute authority, hating him would deprive him; and that all his favourites did concur in this resolution: For the King having always persecuted Anthony by their advise, they feared that he coming to reign, would take such revenge as they deserved, and therefore preferring their own security, before the liberty of their country, they would take the Realm from him and give it to a stranger. Many others alleged, that although he were a bastard, yet they ought to give him the Realm, being the nearest allied of the blood royal: Others in whom hatred to their neighbours prevailed more than any other inclination, said, that whosoever had interest to the Realm, yet should they by no means give it to the Catholic King, but rather come to arms, vaunting themselves to be valiant. They added moreover that they would demand aid from France, and England, whereof they were assured, and having them, they doubted not to seat a King, at their pleasures: There were some, yet few, but of judgement, who comparing the forces of Portugal with Castill, found they could not fly the yoke of the Catholic King, and although with great grief, yet they hoped it might prove a gentle amity, and that these Realms united together, Portugal might reap great profit, by the commerce & traffic. Many spoke after their own humours, saying, that Anthony leaving the habit of Saint jean should marry with the daughter of the Duke of Bragance, and being united together, they needed not to fear. Others gave out, that the Catholic King would be contented to give his second son to the Portugals, for their king, to be brought up amongst them, the which they should accept, for were it whosoever, it were sufficient to have a King alone. And some say, that Henry laboured to effect this, but Philip soon resolved him, saying, that he could not do it, but to prejudice the Prince his eldest son, fearing by this means to leave a seminary of division in Spain betwixt his descendants. The persuasion of the Catholic King's Agents, with the Nobility were of great effect, by reason whereof there were few Gentlemen, amidst this diversity of opinion, but either did willingly incline to the said King, or corrupted held their peace, and retired themselves from Court, avoiding all occasion to declare themselves. Of the five Governors chosen, three were drawn to the Catholic King's devotion; and although we should not be amazed, to see the common people (who by custom inconstant and without judgement) hold the worser part, yet did it breed a wonder in many, that the Portugals in general, every one according to his quality, framed in their minds a resolution, contrary to that which by reason they ought to have done, in a matter of so great importance, in the which they should have taken greater consideration: For that some discoursed without passion, that the Nobility (accustomed to be respected of the King) should fly the obedience of the Catholic King, being credible, that Philip (according to his custom) would with laws and his power, keep them under, and chose, that the people should embrace him, whom he doth equally favour, yielding them equal justice. And yet notwithstanding the greater part followed the contrary, for the Nobility did embrace Philip, and the people fled him: For satisfaction whereof, and to reclaim them from the opinion they held, the Agents of the Catholic King were desirous (besides the diligence they had used) to publish throughout the Realm the King's title, and the mildness of his yoke, seeming not sufficient (for the content of the common people) to have privately imparted it to many. Their adversaries (amongst the which was the magistrate of the Chamber of Lisbon) would willingly have taken occasion to publish unto the world their contrary reasons, whereon they grounded; but it was not tolerated, neither for the one nor the other, to speak publicly in the assemblies of the people: for besides that it was prohibited, every one durst not freely discover his intention: For this occasion divers fell to write the grounds of their party, by discourse and letters. And although writings breed not so firm an impression in the mind as the voice, yet their discourse published, did persuade with greater efficacy than they had done by speaking; for that writings came to the hands of more men than words could have done, where, reading and examining them, they wrought great effects.  

The castilians discourse touching the affairs of Portugal.  There were many of these letters seen without authors, and although some were frivolous, and without sense, yet the better sort which followed the Catholic king's party, tended to satisfy the people, and to terrify the motives thereof by the greatness of the action, and the peril of war: They did particularly touch one after another, the reasons of the pretendents, and refuting them all, showed that the Catholic King did precead. They made no small ado about the process of Anthony, saying, that he was a bastard, although he had been declared legitimate, and to precead Philip, yet should they never satisfy the world, but they would surmise some cozenage, devised to take the Crown from him who ought to enjoy it. They disproved the reasons of such as maintained the election of the King to be in the people, having a lawful successor, bringing in examples of the Pope's authority in the nomination of Kings, as well of Alphonso the first, as of the Earl of Boulogne: And if john the first were chosen king, it was after a battle won; the Portugals affirming, there were no lawful successors, but bastards & illegitimate: but by their own reason they said it was apparent, there was now no question of the election, seeing there remained a lawful kinsman. They laboured to make known that God having called unto him two and twenty successors, which did all precead the Catholic king, that his pleasure was by uniting of Portugal to the Realms of Castill, to fortify an arm of the Church, to resist all the outrageous attempts of infidels and heretics. But leaving the justice and will of God aside, they discoursed, examining the honours and blames, the losses and profits, which by the one or other means, might happen: as for honour, they should not take for any disgrace, and obedience which fell by lawful succession, alleging that the States of Castill, (when as king Emanuel did inherit) being strong enough to defend themselves if they would, received him courteously. And when as the Archduke of Austria, (although a German) did succeed him, they did the like. They mocked at such as said that Castill should be united to Portugal, but not Portugal to Castill; proving, that no Portugal ever came near this Court, but he was embraced & greatly honoured; many of the principal houses of Castill being issued from Portugal. They did contradict with lively reasons, such as feared to be oppressed, like to the estates of Flaunders, Naples, and Milan; saying that in Flaunders they had always used the people with great kindness, that they had been governed by their own nation, & that the Spaniards had no charge there: That many of the principal had rebelled against the church of Rome, & against their king, the which he would not suffer, that in this enterprise (more for that which concerned the good of the Church, then for any other respect,) the King had spent 50. millions of gold, and that having for enemies, both Germany, Flaunders, & England, they could not take these countries from the King's possession, but having means (granting free liberty of Religion) to be absolute Lord, and to reap thereby great profit, he would not accept thereof, only for the remorse of his conscience, preferring the service of God before all other respects: They said that the Neapolitans and Millanoyes had been conquered by force, weak of themselves, and environed with enemies, that they were not burdened, neither could he do less then maintain garrisons, inferring thereby, that if they were peaceably inherited, they should have liberty like good and faithful subjects, and maintain with more force that which their fathers had gotten, without fear of any thing whatsoever; but if they suffered themselves to be conquered by arms, they should be Neapolitans, Millanoyes, and possibly worse. They commended the Portugals, as faithful, obedient, and endued with commendable parts, blaming the baseness of such as were not ashamed to think, they could be ill entreated of any prince whatsoever. They said, that since Philip was resolute, and that he had written to the cities of the Realm the assurance of his action, seeing that in fourteen years he had never abandoned the enterprise in Flaunders being far off, having so many kings opposite, and the Flemings suing to be subject under just conditions, that it is not credible he would desist from Portugal being so near, so weak without succours, and having so great an interest: they reported with joy the deeds of the Spaniards, saying, that when as Spain takes arms, he doth imprison the king of France, and the greatest of Germany; makes the Turk to turn his back, takes from him Malta, dissolves his armies, maintains continually in Flaunders an army sound and lusty, breaking and dispersing his enemies, and yet the Noblemen of Spain remain quietly in their houses. From their valour, they came to the consideration how Portugal would resist so great a Monarch, entreating them with affectionate words to have regard thereunto. They said that the comfort of men of judgement, was to see the small force of the Portugals, for if it were greater, they might for a time make some resistance, considering their obstinacy, judging that in the beginning of this war, the kings of the Indies would presently become Lords of the sea coast, the Moors would assail the places of Africa, the French and English would attempt the Islands, some would usurp on one side, some of another, not only to the loss of the Realm, but of all Christendom. They brought in the example of King Sebastian, showing that he was lost for not measuring his forces: And although the consideration had been easy, many protesting against it, and many foretelling the future event, yet God took from them their understanding, as he doth from those whom he meaneth to punish, and in this manner he hath deprived them of judgement, who advise to take from the Catholic King the succession of the Realm. They compared the amity of Castill with that of France, reporting the wrongs and piracies, which the French being at sea had daily done to Portugal, and the small reckoning was held of them that had complained, and chose the concord and rest which since the last peace made with the castilians until that day, they had enjoyed, without the breach of any one article, blaming the manner of the French, saying that they sought nothing else but to be admitted, and after to become masters; the which not succeeding, they strived to be admitted to plead, the equity of their King's cause, seeking always occasion to complain. They added, that if the election were in the people, and that the Catholic king had no interest, only to be free from the French, they should unite themselves with Castill, that they might live in peace, and bridle this French fury, which hath often thrown the Portugals alive into the sea, and slain their governors and the King's captains, by their King's commission; for by this union, besides the service of God, the French would fear and not spoil so boldly at sea. They commended king Henry as just and holy, saying, that the best resolution they could take, was to fall at his feet, beseeching him that seeing the Catholic king was the most honourable, the most nearest, and the eldest kinsman that he had, that in the name of God he should swear him Prince, according with him of the most necessary points, for the liberty of the Realm, and showing themselves conformeable to the bequest sometimes made by king Emanuel: That they should not lose this occasion during his life, but (laying aside their obstinate intercessions) labour jointly to fly the war, and not be forced to yield to Castill at such time, when as it should not be acceptable, performing the which they should not only preserve their own goods, but inherit others, seeing the greatness of Castill doth indifferently admit all subjects Spaniards, to the greatest dignities; bringing for examples, that the Archbishop of Toledo, and the office of the Precedent of the Council royal, which be the highest dignities spiritual and temporal, were not then enjoyed by castilians. They protested that if they stopped their ears to the truth, and did open them to apparent lies, they should feel within their own home war, with the murders, spoils, thefts, 
The Portugals answer to the castilians discourse.  and burnings it brings with it. On the other side the Portugals made answer to their letters, saying, they desired no war, but would defend themselves against any that should attempt it: They alleged many reasons of their justice and force, with ancient examples of the holy Scriptures, whereas small numbers in a just cause have vanquished a great army. They refuted that opinion that God by the union of these Realms would fortify in Castill an arm of the church, showing many grounds, whereby they should judge the contrary, blaming the sack of Rome, and some other unworthy actions of the castilians. They laboured much to prove that the Prior of Crato was legitimate, & that King Henry had been a most passionate judge in that cause. They spared not to touch the reasons of the Duchess of Bragance, showing that she ought to precead the Catholic King in the succession. They condemned the said King, saying, that distrusting his Title he had prepared to arms: They showed by a long discourse, that the union of Portugal would neither breed them profit, nor honour, but loss and dishonour, were the conditions never so ample and good: drawing examples from Flaunders and Arragon, showing that the behaviour of the Spaniards in the Low-countries, had been the cause that those people had rebelled against God, and against their temporal Lord: They did object that all nations subject to the Catholic King, were reputed his subjects in matters of charge, and burdens of the war; but in honours, recompenses, and exemptions, they were unknown: They valued not the King's forces, saying, that if it were fearful to other Provinces, yet was it not so in Spain, being apparent, that by reason of the barrenness of that country, he could entertain no great Armies, neither durst he for the weakness of the places draw in mercenary soldiers, bringing for example the war of Granado, where encountering but with four disarmed Moors, there was so great danger with the loss of so many men. They added moreover that the King had not at this day one Captain of account, naming a number which were of the Seminary of Charles the fifth who were all dead, and not any other which had succeeded them, imitating the King's humour who loves rest more than arms; by means whereof he had not augmented his Realm, but lost Goletta, with the States of Flaunders, and had yet made greater losses, had there been other Kings living in this age, but that in France, England, and Portugal, the Sceptres were in the hands of women and children. They concluded that it was not credible, that the Catholic King, notwithstanding his threatenings, and his prepared forces, would take arms in Spain, for that his forces being united (he was in danger upon the least contrary event) that some of his Provinces would rebel against him, and that the French (being a stirring nation) would embrace this occasion: besides that, being now old and the hours of his death uncertain, he should consider, that not enjoying the Realm of Portugal in peace, and dying with an Army in Spain, having no heirs but pupils, he should leave them in danger, not only to be deprived of the possession of Portugal, but also to be much troubled in Castill and his other Kingdoms of Spain, labouring to prove, that the Kings were not there beloved as in Portugal. Then began the year 1580. a year full of miseries and afflictions for the Portugals, not only by reason of the war which followed, but also for the dearth and plague; for that the season having been very dry, the fruit of the earth was in a manner all lost, neither had the husbandmen in many places reaped what was sown; beside there came not from France and Germany such quantity of corn as was usual: But 
The plague in Portugal, and the proceedings.  this misery was supportable in regard of the rest, for never was the scarcity so great, but things necessary would be found for money: That of the contagion was most cruel, for having run through Italy, Germany, England, and a part of France, it came finally into this Realm, from whence it spread throughout all Spain, but most of all in the city of Lisbon, having begun lightly the year before, it increased at the entering of this spring, and so augmented all summer, but declined in the fall. This contagious mortality (suffered it may be of God for our sins) proceeded not from any corruption of the Air, but from infection; and was brought into the Realm, by men and merchandise from countries infected, for the city being a great part unwalled, and of great traffic, it could not easily be guarded. The natural inclination of the air, the filch of the city, their feeding of fish (which all generally do use) and the ill order, nay the great disorder of the magistrate of the health, in separating the sick from the whole, and in all other things touching his charge, did help to increase it. The suddenness wherewith it did infect and kill in a manner all those that did frequent the sick, as fire doth in powder, struck a great terror in the citizens, their remedies and diets were most uncertain: for although that many did physic themselves diversly, and were governed in sundry manners, yet there died infinite numbers of all qualities, experience did teach that the application of lenitive things, the drinking of unicorns horn, and the Bezoar's stone were most sovereign remedies, 
Bezoar stone excellent against the plague.  yet to many it did no good. The greatest part of the Nobility, (and of such as had ability to do it) retired themselves to their gardaines, and farms in the country, where (although the whole country were infected) yet did they seem to live more assured, or at the least out of the infection, & from the horrible spectacle of dead bodies, which were hourly seen in the city, where the mortality grew so great that there was nothing to be seen but Beeres with dead bodies, for the burial whereof (the churchyards being full,) they were forced to use the streets and fields.  

The States of Almerin.  At this time were assembled in the city of Almerin where the king remained, all the Deputies of the Realm, being called thither: The city of Lisbon made election of Emanuel of Portugal, and Diego Salema, who went not, but were rejected of the King, as seditious, and deprived of their offices, in whose place they made choice of Phoebus Moniz, and Emanuel de Sosa pacheco: The said Salema was not beloved of the king, for that before as Vereador of the city of Lisbon, he said unto the king, that they understood he went about not only to judge to whom the Realm appertained, but also to make a composition, the which he ought not to do, without hearing the people: whereunto the King having answered, that the people was not capable of this matter, he replied, that he wondered the king should judge this people incapable, whom he had held to be most sufficient to raise him to the crown, wherewith Henry was greatly moved. This alteration of Deputies ministered matter of discourse unto the world: for it seemed the King had declared himself against the people, and that not accepting their election of Deputies, he would draw by force from the States what he 
Henry changeth the Deputies of Lisbon, and the cause.  pleased, but such as knew the true reason, and how that Emanuel, and all those of the house of Portugal, deserved in this case to be repelled, commended this act: These were suspect, forasmuch as john of Portugal, Bishop of Guarda, brother to the said Emanuel, always esteemed more than he was, would not only precead his equals, but did scarce bear any respect unto the Cardinal before he was king, whereof grew a great heart burning; so as the Cardinal to debase him, having drawn forth a certain information of his ill behaviour, liberty of life, and ill government in his Bishopric, sent it to Rome, so as the Bishop (as it were forced) went to his holiness to purge himself. He was much grieved with this cross, for passing by the court of Castill, the Catholic King being informed of his voyage, would not suffer him to visit him, although he were entreated: so as now although the Cardinal were come unto the Crown, their hatred continued, and having no other means of revenge, then to oppose himself to his resolutions, seeing him inclined to give the Realm to the Catholic king, he laboured all he could to let it, by means whereof, he seemed at one instant to be revenged of two kings: for the effecting whereof, there conspired together the Bishop; Emanuel his brother; Franncis earl of Vimioso his nephew, (for the contrarieties, that both Alphonse his father, and he had with the Cardinal) with other their kinsfolks and friends, favouring Anthony Prior of Crato, they resolved to make him king, trusting to the people's humours. But King Henry having discerned the equity of the Catholic king's cause, resolved, as it is said, to give him the Realm; & having assembled the States, he sent Paul Alphonse a doctor, in whom he reposed great trust, to Villa Vizosa, whereas the Duke and the Duchess of Bragance remained, giving them to understand that finding the succession of the Realm to appertain to Philip, and that they were upon the point to pronounce sentence in his favour, he did advertise them in time, to the end they might make their composition with him: But having made small account of this advertisement, interpreting it otherwise, they did not embrace the occasion, the which was likewise represented unto them by the Catholic king.  

The opening of the Estates at Almerin by the Bishop of Leiria.  In this time the Estates were begun in the palace of Almeryn, the ninth of january in the king's presence, who (being very sick) was brought in his chair, whereas Anthony Pignero bishop of Leiria, an eloquent Orator, made the oration, enriched with a goodly style, saying, That the King's thoughts were bend to procure the general good of all Christendom, the preservation and increase of our holy Catholic faith, and the peace and tranquillity of his subjects, & for the effecting of that which concerns his charge, & to follow the examples of kings his predecessors, & progenitors, conformeable to the actions of his life passed, considering with sound judgement, great experience, & wise discourse how much it doth import the general good to declare (during his life) to whom the lawful succession of the Realm did appertain; he did apply all his care to the decision of that cause, with so great study and zeal, that not suffering himself any way to be interrupted with the many grave and extraordinary affairs, nor by the trouble of his long infirmity, he had with the help of God brought it to that estate, that it might speedily be declared, as they had required, and ought generally to wish for: And seeing the final decision of the cause was brought to that issue, it seemed convenient to the king, to assemble the States, and to communicate unto them some points of great importance, for the service of God, and the good and quiet of these Realms, as they should understand, by that which should be particularly delivered unto them by his commandment: He exhorted them, that using the my steries, which had been presented lately to all faithful Christians, with prayers, sacrifices, works of devotion and charity, they should dispose themselves to receive the light of that heavenly wisdom, which God doth always impart to such, as frame themselves to receive it, without the which man's wisdom (were it never so subtle) could not work as it ought, that doing so, the holy Ghost by his grace would inspire their hearts, and lighten their understandings, making their wills conformable to his love, to the end that all that shall be treated of, may be to the service of God & his glory, the increase of Christian Religion, and the quiet and profit of these Realms, as he still pretended in all things, and as he doth especially desire and procure in these present occurrents, to the hindrance of his health, but with a most holy zeal.  

The answer of Sosa Deputy of Lisbne.  Having ended this speech, Emanuel de Sosa pachecho, Deputy of Lisbon, rose up saying: That since God by his providence, (amidst so many afflictions happened to the Realm,) had given his Highness for successor, (trusting in his virtue,) they did expect from him a remedy to their eminent dangers: That they were most assured, that for the love and desire of his subjects peace, he did not spare his own health, for which love and grace they did kiss his hands, offering him all ancient and firm loyalty, love, and obedience, wherewith the Portugal nation have been wont to serve their Kings his predecessors. At the end whereof, the trumpets sounding, the King was carried into his lodging: and for that Almeryn is of small eceipt, all the Deputies were lodged at Arem, which is near upon the other side of the river of Tagus, assembling at the convent of Friars, there to hold their council. The king laboured all he could to draw some good effect from these Estates, using in one case both mildness and severity; but he feared greatly the contrary: for notwithstanding he supposed that he had drawn the city of Lisbon, to choose Deputies according to his own humour, yet could he not do the like with other cities, beside he knew not 
A mutiny at Coimbra.  whom to trust. And now was there happened at Coimbra some small rumour, being advertised that the Magistrate of the Chamber of that city, with some other citizens, spoke too freely in the behalf of the Prior of Crato, touching the succession of the Realm, whither he sent Martin Correa de Sylva, to pacify these stirs, and to punish the offenders: But they laughed at him, and he returned without effecting any thing; neither did it prevalie, that the king for that respect did imprison Aryas Gonzalez de Macedo, Deputy of the same city, who was after freely set at liberty. The king received great contentment by the answer given him by the Clergy, and the Nobility, having imparted unto them the interest of king Philip, and propounded that it were convenient to make some agreement with him: they kissed his hands, yet was there great disagreement amongst the Nobility, before they could resolve, for being all reduced to eight and twenty, and those put to voices, the Catholic king prevailed only with one voice, to the great discontentment of the contrary faction; and herein the diligence and promises of the Catholic Agents prevailed much. But Henry was no less displeased with the proceedings of the third estate contrary to his intent and meaning. It was generally thought that Phoebus Moniz Deputy of Lisbon was conformable to the kings will, & was chosen to that intent, yet upon the first assembly of the Deputies the thirteenth of januarie, he plainly discovered his heart, being all assembled, as chief of the Council he spoke in this manner. That 
The speech of Moniz Deputy of Lisbon.  the Portugal nation was more pleased with deeds than words, and for that he was a Portugal, although some did believe the contrary, he would speak little: I believe said he, that every one of you in the Mass of the holy Ghost, which hath been lately celebrated, hath beseeched God to direct all to his honour and glory; for it is that we ought to seek. We have a most holy king, who being such, it is not credible that he hath assembled us here but to do us honour, & for the preservation of our public good: The Realm hath chosen us for Deputies, all men's eyes are turned upon us, to view if they have made a good choice: Let us give them to understand, that they have attained their desires, procuring as much as we may the preservation of our general good. It doth not displease me to hear some say that God hath reserved this cause of succession to be determined in heaven, let us embrace this saying: Let us go all to heaven to beg mercy at his hands: let us all make us ready as at the last hour: let us forget all things below; I will assure you on his behalf that doing so, both here & in that heavenly city he will entreat us as his best beloved: I rely much upon you, and I beseech you that if by reason of my sins, I decline from the name of a Portugal, you will help to support me, that I may not lose it; I will be always ready to join in any resolution that shall please you. These words spoken with more vehemency than eloquence, revived the spirits of many of the deputies, who doubted of his inclination, so that after the creation of the officers, they alleged: That seeing that the city of Lisbon, having propounded to the learned whether the election of the King appertained only unto them (as the chief city of the Realm) and finding it was a thing incident to the whole Realm, that it were convenient, before the 
The Deputies of the Realm sent to Henry to be admitted to the election of the King with the answer.  King should send unto them, to demand permission in the behalf of the Realm, to pretend the election of the King; being all conformable, they sent two deputies to deliver this embassage, who being joyfully received, and with doubtful speeches, returned with no other satisfaction but that the day following, he would send them an answer: who being returned to the assembly and making report what they had done, Antonio Pignero Bishop, arrived, sent from the King, who spoke thus in his name: That the difficulty in assembling the States was so great, & the matter treated of, of such importance, that it was fit to touch the point of the conclusion, laying aside many things which were of no moment: That the Catholic King (since that his Highness had taken the Sceptre of these Realms) had pressed him to declare his successor, saying, that he was assured, both by the opinion of Doctors of his own Realm, and of others, that the succession appertained unto him, but that King Henry made answer, he must be better informed, & hear the parties pretending to the same seccession, entertaining him in this sort until he had knowledge unto whom it appertained by right, and being now satisfied, finding there yet resteth some doubt betwixt the Catholic King and the Duchess of Bragance, he knew that making declaration by way of justice, it might breed many inconveniences and troubles to the Realm, being already exposed to many dangers: And therefore he found no better course then to determine the succession by way of accord, if he should die before the King of Castil, for by that means he should provide for all things fit for the Realm, giving satisfaction to him that should have the strongest pretension: And although the matter were still in doubt, yet the King had thought it the best course, as they should well find, and if they would consider thereof, being of such importance as his Highness had thought it convenient to impart it unto them, and with their counsel to determine what should be most necessary, for the service of God and the profit of the Realm. That he did recommend it unto them, that with quietness of minds, and the only respect of the divine service and the common good, they should treat and consider of this matter, giving the King present knowledge of their opinions: This embassage did greatly alter the council, who expected an embassage from the King, whether he would admit their demand concerning the election, and seeing they treated with them of a matter half ended, laying aside what the Ambassador had propounded, they resolved to send back to the King to expostulate an answer of their embassage, which done they profited no more than before: But to Phoebus Moniz (one of those which went, who possibly spoke without respect) the King made answer, with great patience; That he should have come accompanied with choler; whereunto he replied, that it was reasonable, seeing his Highness would give the Realm unto the castilians: Let him give it to any Portugal whosoever, they were all contented. The day following the Bishop returned to the assembly, and without any answer to the Deputies demand, he said unto them in the King's behalf; That his Highness understood that some of the Council were mistaken, supposing the accord whereof he had made mention should be betwixt the King of Castill, & the Duchess of Bragance; which being contrary, he thought it good to explain his meaning, that the accord which he laboured, was betwixt the King of Castill and these Realms, and to let them understand that sentence was ready to be given in favour of the king of Castill, and therefore they should consider how much more fit it were to end it by accord then by sentence, that they should well consider of that which he had sent to be delivered unto them, for being a matter so important to the Realm, it was necessary that all should be capable. The Bishop being departed, many of the Deputies grew in choler, some of them saying, that the Bishop (affected unto Philip) had forged this Embassage of himself, and that it was not credible, the King had delivered it thus unto him. Many spoke freely, and some sought to interrupt him before he had ended, seeming unto them that the king not answering their demand, made small account of this assembly, saying, that he could be no just judge of this cause, seeing he had declared his intention: But weighing better if they should confess that he had pronounced it as a king and judge, they were bound to obey, they began to say, he had made no declaration, holding it in suspense. They sent to the assembly of the Clergy, to let them understand what had passed, and to complain, and to the King likewise, to demand an answer, who (answering them that he would send) did press them to rest satisfied, and to commit the care of this resolution to some few of them; whereunto the Deputies would not agree, fearing lest the authority of the pretendents might force them, or corrupt the judges, protesting openly that they would neither convent nor accord with the castilians: But King Henry seeing the Deputies obstinately forcing an answer to their demand, finding he could neither draw them to composition, nor to compremit the matter to few, fearing if he should pronounce the sentence, they would make some exception, resolved to make short, to grant that which they demanded: For which cause he sent back the Bishop the third time, who with a more pleasing audience then before, said unto them in the king's behalf. That seeing the accord he had propounded did not seem pleasing unto them as unto his Highness, he would make no other motion, but would admit them to plead the interest they had in the King's election, giving them notwithstanding but two days liberty to produce their reasons; The Deputies glad of this answer, sent to kiss the King's hand for this favour, craving leave to draw some ancient writings out of the Records, requiring more liberty of time, the which he would not grant, referring them to the Sovereign magistrate for the writings. The Portugals were puffed up with hope, by this permission to elect a King at their own pleasure, and therefore many more hastily than they should, declared themselves, protesting they would rather yield to any then to the castilians: And not only the common people, but many of the Nobility said the same, whereof many showing themselves too seditious, were banished the assemblies, whereas such as seconded the Kings will (besides the promises of the Catholic Kings Agents) were favoured and rewarded by Henry. The pretendents to the succession were discontented with the King's inclination, some complained, others dissembled: The Duke of Bragance relied greatly upon his wives Title: The Bishop of Parma coming to the assembly of States, complained publicly of the King with grave words, to whom Emanuel de Sosa made a wise answer, assuring him of the King's intent to do justice: whilst the matter stood upon these terms, the King grew so weak as he could not rise from his bed, 
King Henry sick.  giving signs of a short life, yet did he not leave to the hour of his death to provide for all things necessary. At that time the Duke of Bragance thought it fit to send Katherine his wife to Almeryn to visit Henry, & to persuade him to declare her heir to the Crown, the which he did, with small content to Henry to whom she spoke freely: This her coming (the Archbishop of Euora uncle to the Duke, having at the same time given a prebend of the same church of great revenue to Paul Alphonso) bred matter of jealousy, in such as were affected to the Catholic King, who not knowing the quality of this Doctor, and the obedience, wherewith they keep 
The death of King Henry.  the King's commandments, charged him not to have performed such offices with the Duchess, as were conformable to Henry's commission; who drawning near unto midnight passed into an other life, a thing worthy to be noted, that he began to die in the beginning of the Eclipse of the moon, he died with the end thereof, as if that the celestial sign had wrought that effect in him (being a King of a weak body) which it doth not in stronger, or at the least, not so suddenly as Astrologians do write; neither is the hour to be neglected, being the same wherein he was borne, 68 years before. The religious which were at his death, said, that he was always talking: About ten of the clock he demanded how the time went, and being told, he desired some rest, and that they should call him before eleven. So as being turned on the other side, he remained sometime, but being called by the Religious, he asked again what it was a clock & being answered that it was eleven, O give me (said he) that candle, for now my hour is come, and taking it in his hand, died soon after, having reigned seventeen months: This was the last King of Portugal, in whom ended the direct masculine line: And as the first Lord of Portugal, although under the Title of an Earl was called Henry, so doth it seem the last should be so termed: He was thin of body, small of stature, and lean of his face; as 
The life of Henry  for his wit it was indifferent, endued, (besides the Latin tongue,) with some knowledge. He was always held to be chaste, and did never blemish this angelical virtue, but with the desire of marriage in his latter days: He was accounted sparing, giving rather then denying, for he refused seldom, but he gave sparingly; he was ambitious of all jurisdiction, as well Ecclesiastical, as civil, zealous in Religion, and the faith, yet in the reformation of religious persons, he was more strict than was convenient. He was Bishop, Governor of the Realm, Inquisitor Maior, legate Apostolic, and King. But the more he mounted, the more he discovered his incapacity; suffering himself in greatest matters to be ruled by his ministers, not being able to determine the cause of the succession. Opinions were grafted in him with great obstinacy, retaining a continual remembrance of wrongs, so as justice was in him but an injust execution of his own passions: and for this cause a religious man (whom he had pressed to take upon him a most strict course of life) said unto him, that he would obey, seeing there was no humane help against his commandments, seeing he had the will of a man, the authority of a Pope, & the execution of a king. Finally he was endued with great virtues & with fewer & less vices, yet were they equal, for he had the virtues of an Ecclesiastical person, and the defects of a Prince: during his life, he was feared of many, and beloved of few, so as no man lamented his death, only such as were well affected (desiring the cause had been first decided before his decease) had some feeling. 
The regency of the governors.  These things happened in Almeryn, where suddenly the five named Governors did assemble to provide for that, which should be necessary, terming themselves Governors and Protectors of the Realm of Portugal: But in this beginning, after the king's death they feared some mutiny of the people, both at Almeryn, and at Lisbon; neither did the governors themselves, nor the Catholic King's Agents think themselves secure: They hated the assembly of the Deputies of the Realm, which were continued at Saint Arem, both for that they held it as a superior council, as also fearing it might cause some insurrection of the people, and therefore they did still abuse them with words differing from their meanings: for which cause they sent Martin Gonzalues de la Camera, a gentleman of the church, who in the time of Sebastian, held the first place in the 
Martin Gonsalues sent to the deputies of the Realm.  goverument of the Realm, which he could not continue: for although he were not covetous of riches, but full of integrity, yet was he severe and hard to be entreated, that they held him inexorable: Him they sent being a popular man and contrary to the Catholic King, whose words they thought should be of more credit than any others: having particularly reported the King's death, he said that the Governors chosen at the last estates, began to look unto the government, and to give order for things necessary to the Realm: And although the death of King Henry were a great loss, yet being in heaven, he would mediate for them, and that they should rest assured that with the greatest zeal and love to their country they could, they would endeavour to do justice, as well to those of the Realm, in the pretension they had to the election, as also to the pretendents to the succession: That they would deliver them all writings whereof they had need, exhorting them to treat with peace, and love, without causing of any mutiny, were it never so small, in any man's favour; and for the better ordering of that which concerned the common good, they were well pleased they should put them in mind of any thing which they thought necessary. Having 
The deputies answer to Martin.  ended this speech, all men keeping silence, Phoebus Moniz answered that they were all assured, that of the five Governors three were suspect: for when the King laboured to bring the States to make agreement with King Philip, they were not only conformable to the will of Henry, but did urge them, and commended this resolution without respect of the liberty of the Realm, seeking only to please the King's humour, and their own interest: which being, it was not reasonable to suffer such suspected Governors, whom they were not bound to obey, and this was the opinion of them all. Martin replied that he was not of opinion they should then alter any thing, for in steed of helping, they should heap danger upon danger, and trouble upon trouble, that for a while, they should be lookers on, and if in time they should find the Governors not to do their duty as they ought, they might then help with the same remedy, seeing they had always authority to do it: whereunto, although Phoebus Moniz answered, that this remedy could not always be applied, for that the council could not still be united, for the great charges they were at; yet the reasons of Martin Gonzalues were of such force, that they resolved not to alter the Governors, as a matter scandalous, but accepting what they had sent to be said unto them, that they should advise what they thought necessary, they began suddenly to set down in writing such Articles as they would 
The resolution of Gonzalues, embassage.  have performed by the Governors: The which were, that leaving the abode at Almerin they should go to Saint Arem, to be nearer neighbours, more in quiet and in greater safety; that for the avoiding of charge and scandal, they should discharge the Soldiers as unnecessary: That presently they should send Ambassadors to the Catholic King, that as Governors of the Realm, they would do justice to the pretendents in the cause of succession, the which his Majesty should believe, not suffering within his Realm any attempt against Portugal: That they should presently provide for the fortresses of the Realm, as well upon the sea, as in other places, sending trusty Captains, garrisons, and necessary munition, and to every Province men of great authority, to force men to defend and succour the weaker parts, that they should send some unto his holiness, giving him to understand the King's death, their succession to the government of the Realm, for the defence thereof against any one that would usurp it, contrary to equity, against the sentence which should be pronounced touching the succession, beseeching him to write to the Catholic King to rest satisfied, and to be bound to stand to judgement: They did urge them to take information by way of justice, against those, that in the cause of succession did suborn with promises of money & honours, and also such as were suborned, having knowledge that there were many such: Whereunto the gonernors answered, that they would presently depart from Almeryn, but whither; it was not expedient then to say, and that it should be conformable to the demand of the city of Lisbon. They said that they would not discharge the soldiers being levied by the commandment of King Henry, for the guard of his Court, and of the pretendents: That some having refused to carry this Embassage into Castill, yet in the end they had chosen Gaspard de Casale, Bishop of Coimbra, and Emanuel de Melo who prepared to go: That already they had commanded all Captains to remain in their fortresses, & where there were none they were providing, as also of arms, both in the fortresses upon the river, as in all other provinces: That it seemed not necessary to send to Rome, but if king Philip made show to stir, they would beseech his holiness, to do as he hath been accustomed, and that they would proceed with all the rigour against such as should be found culpable in the matter of subornation. Now had the Agents of the Catholic king sent news into Castill, of King Henry his death, and were remaining still at Almerin, fearing some alteration: but this people accustomed to a heavy yoke, without knowledge of liberty did not stir. The Duke of Bragance said unto the Governors, that he was ready to obey, and that they should proceed to sentence for the succession: He sent to the Duke of Ossuna, and the Catholic Agents, willing them not to fear any thing, that he would assure them from danger, offering them his lodging, the like did the Governors.  

Anthony's course to obtain the Crown.  Whilst these things passed in Almerin, Anthony Prior of Crato, who at the King's death was not far from thence, ran unto Lisbon, lodging himself in a garden near unto the city: he did write unto the Magistrate of the chamber, and to many of the chief, signifying unto them that he was there, and that they should come unto him: The which the Magistrate understanding disdained, sending him word that he should retire, but making no reckoning thereof, he sent both into the city and places of pleasure thereabouts, some of his followers, who, both in private and in public gave out, that the king was dead, and that the Prior expected them there, believing by that means (for the affection the people bore him) they would all jointly proclaim him king: which being done in that city (which is the principal) all the rest of the Realm (for he was greatly beloved) would follow their example, yet he was soon deceived. And this may serve as an example to those which rely too much upon the vulgar sort, for there was not any one that durst come unto him but in secret; and as for gentlemen there were none by reason of the plague: As for the new Christians which are there in great number (whereof a part was likewise abroad) they wanted courage, and being rich, feared to do that which might cause the loss of their goods. The people (most base) of themselves had no commander, that could move them or lead them, so as having laboured by divers means to draw men to his devotion, & finding his practice not to succeed, having spent some time there, he went to the Monastery of Belem, from whence he did write to the Council 
Anthony his letters to the states of Almerin.  of States, with words more conformable to the quality of time, than his intention; saying, That having intelligence of the death of the King his Lord, understanding likewise that his body should be transported to that Monastery, and that not to fail of his duty, he was come thither to attend it, seeing he could not be in time to accompany it, the which he had done that performing this last office, he might do them the service he ought: but understanding that he was not brought thither, he had assisted the fathers in their sacrifices and devotions recommending him unto God: And as a true Portugal, and mindful of the bond, which (as son and nephew to his father and grandfather) he had to the quiet and preservation of these Realms, he thought it good to advertise them, that he was ready to expose for this cause, not only his life, and receive the laws which they should please to lay upon him, but also in all present occasions to live in submission & due obedience, not any way transgressing their commissions: He protested to show the innocency of those crimes imposed upon him in the sentences, which it had pleased his uncle to pronounce against him together with the interest he had to the suceession of the Realm: He promised to yield himself into their hands and protection, relying upon those persons, who by the special grace of God in so afflicted a season, had been chosen as a remedy to restore this Realm, referring himself for the rest to Lewis de Brito who should deliver it by mouth: To this letter the which was received in council, contrary to the advise of some who said it ought not to be accepted, Brito added that the Prior would be there with speed, that they should command where 
The States answer to Anthony, and his arrival.  they pleased he should lodge: They answered that he might come when he pleased, yet they would not intermeddle with his lodging, but leave it to his own choice: But almost all in general were pleased with his coming. He stayed not long but presently upon his arrival, he presented the Pope's Bull containing the suspension of the King's sentence, he began to renew the pretension of his legitimation (without the final decision whereof they said they could not treat of the succession) wanting no hope to obtain by the council of States that which before he did expect from the multitude at Lisbon: The Deputies of the Realm did assemble daily at Saint Arem, without effecting any thing of importance: They spent some days only in sending to visit the pretendents, and their deputies, & to make unto them offers of justice, and likewise to receive from them thanks for their good dispositions, wherein all aboured to show themselves protectors of the liberty of the Realm, and most of all such as lest desired it: And for that the going and coming to Almeryn was very incommodious, being forced to pass the water without a bridge, that by this reason in communicating the affairs to the rest of the States, that is, to the Clergy and nobility, & by treating with the Governors they lost much time, it was propounded in council to reduce all together, yet could they not effect it, for many of the Deputies began to want money for their ordinary charges, desiring rather to be dismissed, then united: They desired to depart, saying, that they were not furnishèd from their cities, but as they were not discharged, so were they not relieved with money: & although Balthasar de Faria Deputy of Barcellos, the Prior of Saint Steuens, and the Bishop of Parma, every one apart did offer money to such as wanted, that the assembly might not be dissolved, yet the Deputies unfurnished would not accept thereof, not willing to be bound in their own proper names, for that their cities were bound to furnish them: Besides in this assembly the opinions were divers & few inclined to favour the pretension of the Catholic king; many knew not what to resolve, & a great part were affected to the Prior, but all in general feared the Governors & mistrusted their proceedings, so as besides the advertisements they sent daily unto them, they did solicit the execution, making new demands & pressing them above all to discharge the soldiers: They demanded a copy of the authority to govern left them by King Henry, & the words of his will which concerns the point of succession, the which were wholly delivered unto them; his will was made 8. months before, & contained these words: Seeing at the time of my will making I have no descendants directly 
The clause of King Henry's testament.  to succeed to the Crown of these realms, and have called my nephews which may pretend, and have put the matter of succession in justice, I do not at this time declare who shall be my successor, but leave it unto him to whom by right it shall appertain, & him I do declare my heir & successor, except that before my decease, I shall name him that hath this interest: And therefore I command all men within these my realms of what quality soever, that presently after I or the judges appointed shall have named him, to acknowledge him for heir & lawful successor, & so to obey him. There followed many other words in recommendation of justice & religion, but they served not to this purpose. And although his will contained these words, yet they say the King at his death would have resourmed it, & declared the Catholic king successor of the realm: But the governors desirous to hold the government for a time in their own hands, did divert him, saying, That whether he made any declaration or not, no other than the Catholic king could succeed both by law & force: that it was not expedient to nominate him, to the end that the realm might with greater advantage capitulate & agree with him: Many supposed that they did not dissuade the king from this declaration so much for these reasons, as fearing it would breed some popular sedition to their hurt, being held as authors of the said declaration. The limitation which he had left to the Governors contained, that they could not create Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, Bishops, nor Archbishops, nor give any commandery nor revenue which passed 125. ducats. But in matters of war & revolutions they might do & give any thing with the advise of the council & not otherwise. The deputies being satisfied with these writings, whilst they debated the 
The speech of the Deputy of Portalegre.  reasons of their pretended election, Stephen Lopez Doctor & deputy of Portalegré, spoke publicly amongst them, who having showed how fit it were to give God thanks for the quiet they now enjoyed, said it was not necessary to continue so many deputies still together, with so much trouble & so great charge, that they should be reduced unto few, & the rest return to their houses. And for as much as they were advertised that the Catholic King began to arm, they should surcease from the cause of succession, until the said King had dismissed his forces, and the preparatives for war he had made, for by that means the free liberty to treat of the cause, and for the pretendents to allege their interest was taken away: That by the suspension of the cause, they shall discover the Catholic King's disposition in laying aside arms: If he do it, it shall breed these good effects: That in the mean time they shall have leisure to provide for things necessary, to gather in the fruits of the earth, and the pretendents shall live in peace and quiet: if he refuse it (which we ought not to believe of so Christian a Prince) then shall they be satisfied, and both the States and the pretendents (united in one body,) may the better defend themselves, and when as all things were quietly settled, then to determine the cause, disabling notwithstanding before all things, the said Catholic King (who using force when as justice is offered him) for being King of these Realms: And this he said was the disposition of the law, that in the mean time they should command the Pretendents to the Crown to make their residence in divers places, the one at Elves, and the other at Begia, as fronter towns, swearing not to attempt any thing one against the other. The reasons of this Doctor as a man of small account were not followed, but the council being resolved with two 
The states send to the Governors.  others of the States to send six Deputies to Almerin to treat of matters of importance with the Governors: Thither they sent them with instructions different from this form of speech, videlicet, that the Governors should pass to Saint Arem, and there make their residence to take a view what arms, men, and munition the city of Lisbon had for their defence, & to supply what wanted, to take notice what Captains be appointed in the fortresses upon the river of Lisbon, and being suspected, or not valiant, to place others with men and other necessaries: That they should send arms to all cities of the Realm, and train up their men with exercise thereof; that they should beseech the Pope by his Ambassadors to persuade all the pretendents to take the course of justice, and lay aside arms upon pain to lose the interest they pretend, requiring that Emanuel de Portugal purveyor of the fortresses of the Realm might be restored to the same office, whereof the King had suspended him, and that they should do the like to Diego Salema, and to Alvaro de Morais in their offices in the Chamber of Lisbon: And for that they found themselves tobee unfurnished, they would have all the ships & vessels stayed throughout all the ports of the realm for the conducting of things necessary for the war. The Governors made but a cold answer to these demands, as they had done before to all others, saying, that being matters of so great importance they would consider of them first, & then advertise them what should be done.  
The Cheriffe had as it is said before in the life of King Henry, and at the instance of the Catholic King delivered the Duke of Barcellos, who having passed the straight to return into Portugal, being arrived at Gibraltar where (as afterwards at Saint Lucar) the Duke of Medina Sidonia Lord of those places did him great honour, by means whereof he spent sometime in sports: At this time 
The duke of Barcellos detained by the Duke of Medina Sidonia.  the news coming of King Henry's death, the Duke of Medina thought it a matter importing the Catholic King, to detain the said Duke of Barcellos as eldest son to the Duke of Bragance, and of Katherine chief pretendent to the Realm, until the cause of the succession were decided, so as the sports before showed unto the said Duke in courtesy were now redoubled for this other intent, detaining him expressly, until he might receive answer from the King, so as showing him first one place, and then another, this young Prince was taken unawares: But the Duke of Medina having stayed certain carriages, under colour to show him some feasts, he then conceived the cause of his detaining, and wrote forthwith unto his father in Portugal, that he should not then expect him, and that his detention should not any way prejudice the rights of the Realm, preferring justice before his own life: This letter being come into Portugal was by the Duke his father sent unto the assembly of the States, showing on the one side a grief for the detaining of his son, and on the other side a contentment, that in so young an age, he was so great a lover of his country's good, offering if need were to sacrifice him for the service of the Realm: Yet this fear of the Dukes continued not long, for having written to his son that he should labour to come away, or they should make declaration of his stay, he was suffered freely to depart; for so the King had commanded. Some say that Philip had long before this consideration, having means to stay him, not only in Spain, but also in Africa, but fearing to incense the Portugals, and desirous to make the Duke his friend, he had procured his release in Africa, and suffered him safely to depart from Andoluzia into Portugal: yet the said Duke of Barcellos or his father, by whose commandment he was directed, was noted of some ingratitude, for being invited by Philip to pass by his court as desirous to see him, the jealousy of the State of these Realms prevailed so much that he did not satisfy his desire, but took his direct way to Villavizosa, fearing perhaps a new detention.  
These things passed in Portugal when as in Castill the Catholic King being advertised by his Agents of the death of King Henry, of the small affection the Portugals bore unto him, of the lively pretension of Authonie and other pretendents, and to what 
The diligence of the catholic King to assure his conscience for the Realm of Portugal.  estate the matter was brought, was greatly discontented, seeming he should be forced to take arms for the obtaining of the conclusion of his interest. But desirous to satisfy his conscience in the effecting thereof, he had formerly the advise of Diego de Chiaves of the order of preaching Friars, being his confessor, and of some other principal Divines of that order, and yet not well satisfied with their opinions, lest he should seem only to follow the advise of the dominical Friars; he desired likewise to treat with other orders of religious persons, and to that intent he sent one to acquaint the chief Divines in Spain with the cause, and to demand their advise: This care performed, not only with the chief prelate's and reader's in Divinity, but with the jesuits and the Friars of Saint Francis, all agreed that the Kings right being so apparent he was not bound to represent it otherwise then out of judgement to King Henry, as he had done, and to make his council and the rest of the Realm of Portugal capable thereof, such as with sincerity of heart would understand the truth, and by the mildest means, procure (as he had done) that Henry should declare him successor, & if these diligent proceedings were not sufficient to persuade the King and the Realm; that then Philip had sufficiently justified his cause, and that he might assure himself by arms, without thrusting the succession (which was due unto him) into evident peril, his person being as it is said, sovereign, exempt, and free from all reprehension, and only bound to justify his right before God, and to signify it to the King and the Realm, saying, that this point was now without all doubt, since the death of Henry, no man living that could pretend any interest in the decision of the cause. It appertained not to the Pope, being a matter wholly temporal, nor agreeing with the circumstances, which may give him any right over temporal matters; and less to the Emperor, being no way acknowledged by the Realms of Castill and Portugal, and much less to certain judges named by Henry, for besides that he could not choose any after his death, they were now become the material party, and the thing itself whereon they pleaded: Besides that all the Realm was become insufficient, when as making themselves a party, they pretended power to choose a Prince, & although all this ceased, yet would they prove that no Portugal but was suspect in this cause, & to be excepted against for the manifest hatred they bore to the castilian nation: They found likewise that he was not bound to submit himself to any compromise; for besides the difficulty and impossibility to find a trusty person in so dangerous and jealous a cause as this is, the bond of compromise is not incident but in a matter of doubt, and the definition of doubt is when as the advocate and Doctors conclude, not for any party finding equivalent reasons for either: but in this, all being of one agreement, the cause is not doubtful nor to be compremitted.  

The Catholic Kings preparatives against Portugal.  The King being resolved to take arms (having no possession delivered unto him) provided for it, for this cause he writ to the governors, to the three estates, and to the five principal cities, to all of one subject, but in diverse forms; after he had lamented the death of his uncle, he required them to receive and swear him King, as King Henry had resolved, and declared him to be; he thanked the nobility and clergy for their good affection shown, when as Henry had said that the succession appertained unto him; he made offer to all and threatened cunningly; he sent to the governors a copy of the privileges which King Henry had required in the behalf of the Realm, offering to grant them more amply than they had been demanded, protesting, if they would not obey to use force: But all these things were received and rejected according to the humours of men. The governors made answer they could not resolve until the return of their Ambassadors which they had sent unto them: At this time there was ready at sea as well in Spain as in Italy about threescore galleys, (whereof Alvaro de Bassan Marquis of Saint Croix was general) the which should sail 
The duke of Alva chosen general of the army into Portugal.  towards Portugal, as the occasion of the time should serve; there was yet no general named for this enterprise, and every man greedily expected who should be chosen, for that few were thought fit for so great a burden. The Duke of Alva was generally held most sufficient, yet few believed that the King would willingly free him from prison: the Marquis of Mondegiar (who was returned from the government of Naples) affected this charge, & many believed he should prevail, in recompense of the discontentment he had to be drawn from Italy: Many believed the King would go to this war in person, both for the inclination they see in him, as for some other signs which were apparent, for he not only caused his arms and pavilions to be ready, but also commanded Ferrant de Silva Conte de Cifuentes, Guidon Mayor of Castill with the Standard Royal to furnish himself; the which in that Realm is not accustomed to be carried, but in the Squadron where the King is in person: but in this case it behoved him to remain irresolute, and to govern himself according to the necessity and occasions which time should 
The Catholic King's Letters to the Duke of Alua.  discover: In this hope of things the King commanded a Secretary of the council of war to write to the Duke of Alva, demanding of him if he were able to serve in this enterprise, whereunto making answer that in that which concerned his Majesty, he never made reckoning of his health, he was commanded to prepare himself within three days and to go to the camp, the which he putting in execution, he went to Barrazas, a village ten miles from the court, (which was at Madrill,) having no leave to come thither: but that which caused admiration, the king having at the same time caused the Prince Diego his son to be sworn by all the estates in a Chapel, although with ordinary ceremonies, yet with less pomp then of custom, did not admit the said Duke to the oath, being so near and so great a parsonage: He did neither write unto him, nor treated with him concerning these wars but long after: So as the Duke marching with the army, finding himself not fully released from the prison wherein he had been, said that the King had sent him to conquer Realms, drawing after him chains and fetters; such was the severity of Philip, and the obedience of so great a minister. All Spain was pleased with this election, for besides the delivery of the Duke which followed, they esteemed not the valour of their soldiers, without a Commander to their minds, and in the Duke's person they held any army good. The General being 
The Catholic King goes towards Portugal.  dispatched, the King provided all things for his journey into Portugal, he caused a daughter borne at that time, to be secretly baptised, and having made the said prince of Castill to be sworn (without calling, or the presence of Ferrant de Sylva, to his great discontentment) the King went to Guadalupa, being now the time of Lent, under colour to perform the obsequies of King Henry there, and so to draw near unto Portugal to give encouragement to his affairs; and thus did he write to all the principal cities in Spain. He departed from Madrill in coach almost all alone without giving order for the Queen's departure, or for the officers of his Court, notwithstanding cherishing her dearly. After he had passed two days (seeming convenient, and a great sign of amity that being now to enter into Portugal) he should be accompanied with his Queen, he called her unto him. The Duke was now gone to Glierena 
The Duke of Alva arrives at his Army.  where a part of his army lay, being in far lesser numbers than had been levied, for that discommodities and sickness had consumed many, and many places were void by the captains policy, being in all but four thousand five hundredth Italians, 
The numbers of the Duke's Army.  three thousand five hundredth Germans, and three thousand Spaniards come out of Italy, and other seven thousand newly raised, with fifteen hundredth horse, which being a body long before prepared, for a matter so well foreseen, seemed to him but small. But the Duke trusting more to the quality than the quantity of his soldiers, desired to have them fewer, and of more experience, and these seemed in a manner all without knowledge, and therefore the King at his entreaty commanded, that all the soldiers which were come out of Flaunders into Italy, should pass into Spain, being such whom he knew, and had tried in the wars, yet they arrived not in time but returned back. The Duke said that surmounting the enemy in horse, he would undertake this war with twelve 
The coming of the Ambassadors from the governors to the Catholic King, and their negotiation.  thousand foot well experienced, neither did he value the great number of the Portugals which assembled, as it was given out, making reckoning to waste them by policy, & to conquer them without battle. The King being come to Guadalupa, there arrived the Bishop of Coimbra and Emanuel de Melo Ambassadors from the Governors of Portugal. The King with his Council were doubtful in what sort to honour them, some would have them treated like subjects, without respecting them as Ambassadors: Others would not have any thing altered of the ordinary course observed in those causes; yet not to discourage them, it was resolved they should be heard as Ambassadors with their heads covered, and that the King should put off his hat, yet the King had written before to the Governors, that he would treat with their Commissaries as with subjects. These laboured by a long speech to persuade the King to lay aside arms: they said that King Henry had greatly desired to end the question of succession, by the ordinary course of justice, but that death had prevented him: he had in the States held at Lisbon in the year 1579. not only chosen Governors and defenders of the Realm, but the States had also named four & twenty judges, (whereof the King had chosen eleven) to judge definitively the cause of succession, if he died before the effecting it; the which after happened, and that the matter being brought to that pass, the realm remained quiet and peaceable, resolute to obey, and acknowledge for their Lord and King, him in whose favour sentence should be given, conformable to the oath which the whole Realm had taken in the said estates: the which was after ministered to the same Governors in the great church at Lisbon, when as the coffer (which contained the nomination) was opened, and therefore they were ready to administer justice, and to acknowledge for King, him unto whom the realm should be judged by right to appertain: and being thus affected, they beseeched his majesty to command his ambassadors to assist judicially to the cause in the conclusion thereof: But the King being assured of his right, provided of forces, and seeming no blot to his conscience, made answer that he was well pleased with the show of zeal to the public good of these realms, and that he was persuaded that what they had propounded, proceeded from a good inclination: that he would have been glad their demand had been such as he might have satisfied them, the which he will do always in matter that shall be just, & tending to the general or particular good of these realms. But the equity of his cause being so apparent to the world, & remaining no lawful or competent judge, they neither ought nor could perform the oath which they said they had taken, seeing it were an apparent prejudice to his title, and a damage to his own realms: and therefore he entreated them presently to resolve, to receive and swear him for their king and lord, as God would have it, they themselves knowing (chiefly touching this matter) what king Henry thought, determined, and had resolved, and the bond where by they were tied to obey his will: in doing whereof he would grant unto the realm not only the privileges which he had set down (the which the Duke of Ossuna should offer in his name) but any other they should require, being just and reasonable, & hoping they would take that course which was to be expected from wise men, and Christians, he would continue his determination. The Ambassadors seemed not satisfied with this answer, but demanding leave to impart it to the Governors, they accompanied the king until he came to Merryda.  

The conclusion of the States at Almeryn.  Now were the Governors in Portugal (wearied with the Council of the States) desirous to dissolve them, and having first required a prolonging of the government the King had left unto them, and not obtaining it, they did signify unto them that the States were ended, & that the Deputies might return to their houses, leaving only ten of them to treat of matters which should fall out, for so small a number might lodge any where, being now forced to leave Almeryn, and to take some small place near the city of Lisbon, being greatly entreated thereunto: but the Deputies (who had sent john de Noghera to the University of Coimbra, to study the point of their pretended election) having received answer that the election belonged to the States of the realm, they would by no means be dissolved, persuaded thereunto by the bishop of Parma, the Prior, the chamber of Saint Arem, and many particulars, offering money to supply their wants: but they opposed in vain. For although they had sent to the Governors to allege their reasons in law, labouring to prove that the States were not to be dissolved, & that their procurations were offorce; yet the Governors did again disable them, saying, their authorities were of no force, so as many began to separate themselves, and return to their houses. The 
The Governors prepare for defence.  Governors prepared to defend themselves, for although the greatest part of them were not of that opinion; yet to content the people, and to please the other Governors and gentlemen of the popular faction, it behoved them so to do. For this cause they armed their galleons, they brought arms from other countries, they mustered men for the war, they sent gentlemen throughout all the provinces of the realm, and laboured to employ such as (contrary to the Catholic King's faction being present) hindered their resolutions, who willingly accepted of these charges, seeming to have greater confidence in them then in any other. Diego de Meneses was sent into the province beyond Tagus; john de Vasconcello; into Beira; Emanuel of Portugal into the mouth of Tagus; and many other to divers parts of the Realm: George de Meneses had charge of the army at sea; so as they were all dispersed, and the Governors had good means to effect their desires: yet Martin Gonzalues de la Camera, no less popular than the rest, remained in court, of whom the Governors grew jealous, that having employed him as a mediator between them and the States of the realm, he was become a superior. But the provision and preparatives that were made (although some used all care and diligence) seemed rather done for show and fashion sake then to any effect.  

The manner of the enterprise of Portugal.  In Castill they discoursed upon the manner of this enterprise, seeming, impossible unto the Duke to gather together so many carriages as was necessary for the conduct of victuals and munition, and therefore devised to transport his forces by sea: He determined with few men to keep them busied in Extremadure to divert them, and under colour to hasten the army, to march towards Andelouzia, and speedily to embark his soldiers at Saint Marie Port, to assail the entry of the mouth of Lisbon, in despite of all the fortresses that were there: making account to lose some ships which should by chance touch. But receiving certain advertisement, by men expressly sent into Portugal, that there was above six thousand chariots to be found, he left this dangerous resolution, more for the regard of the sea than the enemies. He determined to march to Settwal thinking it necessary to win a port of the sea of so great importance, for the harbouring of the navy: for coming thither laden with victuals, & he not able to carry with him by land above a months provision, it seemed necessary to join the forces & provisions of the sea to them of the land, and that therein consisted the victory: with this resolution he went to Merrida, where the King remained, of whom being received with a cheerful countenance, they treated what course the army should take. There grew some diversity of opinion betwixt the Duke and some others, who (persuaded by some confident Portugals) would have the army march to Almeryn, and there pass Tagus at a ford, or at Saint Arem upon bridges: that they should force that place being but weak, and so they might pass safely to the walls of Lisbon, the which without attending any battery would yield presently, or (it may be) before their arrival: for taking from them the victuals from the plains of Saint Arem, they should not only besiege them by famine, but they should so furnish their army with corn, that they should have no need of provision from the fleet, the which they should better receive at Lisbon then at Settwal, without hazarding the enteprise, and the army by the dangers of disembarking, which (going to Settwal) they must be forced to do against the forts upon the mouth of the river, and with loss of time in winning of them: This opinion seemed so grounded, that it required no less authority or art to disprove then the Dukes, who being chief of this enterprise, and to hazard his reputation, drew the King to his opinion. Philip had likewise environed (as a man may say) all the realm of Portugal with arms, though not with mercenary soldiers, yet with such as they could assemble together; he commanded all Noblemen, whose livings joined to the confines of this realm, that having enroled the greatest number of their subjects able to bear arms, they should be ready at his commandment, yet in the mean time they should receive gently in his name the cities and subjects of Portugal that would obey him. In Gallicia Peter de Castro Earl of Lemos, and Gaspard de Fonsequa Earl of Monteré had the charge: against the province behind the mountains, john Pimentel Earl of Bennevent, and Diego de Toledo Earl of Alva: In Estremadura, Beltramo dela Cueva, Duke of Albequerque, and Ferrant Anriques marquess of Villa Nova: against Vera, john Pacheco marquess of Seraluo; and in algarves, Francis de Suniga 
The state of the Duke of Alva his army.  Duke of Bezoar, and Alonso de Gusman of Medina Cidonia. In the army where the Duke of Alva was commander of all, both at sea and at land, the places were thus divided: The Italians had three colonels, Prosper Colonna, Vincent Caraffa, and Charles Spinelli, having for General Peter de Medicy, brother to Francis the great Duke of Tuscaine, with whom was sent by the said great Duke Lewes d'Ouara, whom the King had made one of his counsellors at war. Sanches d'Auila was Lord Marshal of the field: There was no commander of the horse, the Captains being all Noblemen and men of account, they could not conveniently make them subject to any one of their companions, the place requiring a man of such quality, as he could not be inferior to the Duke, and superior to the said Captains, although after in time of necessity Ferrant of Toledo, son to the said Duke, was made their leader: Count Jerome of Lodron commanded the Germans, Francis d'Allaua had his ordinary charge as General of the artillery, but although the preparations were brought to this point, yet the King daily protested by his ministers to the Governors, of the inconveniences of the war, if they delivered not the realm in peace unto him; neither did they cease to treat many things in Portugal concerning an agreement, & for that the King rather desired to show his forces, then to use them, to conquer by gentleness then by rigour, he offered unto the realm many graces and privileges delivering him peaceable possession, and the Governors (the greatest part whereof inclined thereunto) had already debated with the Agents of the Catholic King, what conditions the King should grant unto the realm, the which were published by the Duke of Ossuna, and signed with his hand, offering that the King should grant them, in 
The conditions that the Catholic King offered if they would deliver the realm quietly.  giving him the crown, and they were these: That the King should take a formal oath to observe all the customs, privileges, and liberties, granted to these realms by the Kings his predecessors: That when there shall be need to assemble the States for the affairs of Portugal, it shall be done within the realm, and that in no other assembly of States whatsoever: They shall neither propound nor resolve upon any matter concerning these realms: That appointing a Viceroy to govern, or any persons with what title soever, they shall be Portugals. The like is to be understood in sending of a Visitor or judge, with this condition notwithstanding, for as much as concerns the authority of the realms, and to do them a greater favour, his majesty and his successors may send for Viceroy or Governor one of the blood royal, be he son, uncle, brother, cozen, or nephew to the King: Besides, that all superior officers or inferior, belonging either to justice, or to the revenues of the crown, shall be distributed to Portugals, and not to strangers: That all offices which have been in the times of former kings both of the court, and of the realm, shall be bestowed upon the natural borne, such as shall deserve the same when as his Majesty or his successors shall enter into the realm: And the like is to be understood of all other dignities of what quality soever, either at sea or land, which are at this present, or shall be hereafter created: The garrisons which shall remain in any forts, shall be Portugals. Moreover they said that the traffic of the Indies, Ethiopia, and other places, appertaining to these realms, being discovered, or to discover, shall not be dismembered from the same, neither shall there be any other alteration made then is at this present: And that the officers and their ships which shall be employed in these traficks, shall be Portugals, and shall sail in the ships of Portugal. That the gold and silver which shall be coined in these realms and their dependencies, and all that which shall come from those provinces, shall be coined with the arms of Portugal without any other addition. That all Bishoprics, abbeys, benefices, and pensions shall be given to Portugals: And the like is to be understood of the office of Inquisitor, Mayor of commaunderies, of the offices of military orders, of the Priory of Crato: and finally of all other ecclesiastical livings, as hath been formerly spoken of the temporal. He did yield there should be no thirds exacted of ecclesiastical goods, neither subsidies nor croysades, and that for any of these causes they should procure no bulls: That they should not give either city, town, place, jurisdiction, nor royal prerogative to other then to Portugals: And falling any vacancy of the livings of the crown, his Majesty nor his successors should not retain them for themselves, but give them to the kinsman of him that did enjoy him, or to other Portugals that shall deserve them: Provided always that the castilians and strangers which now live in these realms, and have been servitors to the Kings deceased, shall not be excluded: That in military orders nothing shall be altered of the state it now stands in: That gentlemen shall be paid their pensions amounting to twelve years, and that his Majesty and his successors shall yearly entertain into his service two hundredth Portugal's, to whom he shall give that pay which they call Moradia; and those which have no title of gentlemen shall serve in the wars of the realm: That when his Majesty or his successors, shall come into those realms, they shall not take up their lodgings as they use in Castill, but shall observe the custom of Portugal. Moreover his Majesty in what place soever he shall be, shall carry with him a man of the Church, a superintendant of the revenues of the crown, a high Chancellor, and two Disambarcadours of the court, which jointly shall be called the Council of Portugal, by whose means all matters shall be dispatched, with them shall go to clerks of the revenues, and two of the chamber, for all occasions incident two their charge, all shall be written in the Portugal tongue, and all shall be Portugals: And when his Majesty or his successors shall come into Portugal, he shall retain the said Council and officers, which shall be united to such as shall treat of the government of the realm: That all correctors and other officers of justice, with all other inferior offices, shall in the King's absence be disposed of in the realm, as they be at this present: & the like shall be understood of the officers of purveyors, auditors of the reckonings, and others of the like quality, concerning the revenues of the crown: He declared likewise, that all causes and charges appertaining to justice of what quality or sum soever, should be definitively ended and executed in these realms, as they be at this present: That his Majesty and his successors shall entertain a chapel in manner and form as the kings of these realms have formerly done, the which shall be resident at Lisbon, that the divine service may be continually celebrated with the accustomed ceremonies, except the King's person, or in his absence the Viceroy or governor shall make his residence in some other part of the realm, and would have there the said chapel remain: That his Majesty shall conformably admit Portugal's to the offices of his house, according to the custom of Burgundy, without any difference betwixt them, the castilians, and his subjects of other nations. That the Queen shall likewise entertain into her service, Noblemen, and the chief Ladies of Portugal, whom she shall favour and recompense, marrying them in Portugal or in Castill: That for the good of the people and generally of these realms the increase of traffic, and the good correspondency with those of Castill, his Majesty shall be pleased to open the barred havens on both parties, that the merchandise may pass freely, as it hath formerly done before the impositions of such customs as are now paid: That he would command that all courtesies possible may be done for the bringing in corn into Castill for the provision of these realms: That he shall command to be delivered three hundred thousand ducats to be employed for these causes following: First sixscore thousand for the redemption of captives, at the disposition of the house of Pity at Lisbon, the one half to be employed for the redeeming of poor gentlemen, and the other half for ordinary persons, all Portugals: one hundredth and fifty thousand to make the ground of a stock to be lent without interest whereas need shall require, as it shall be disposed by the magistrate of the chamber of Lisbon, and the thirty thousand remaining, to cure the infirmity that now reigns, which shall be distributed by order from the Archbishop and chamber of Lisbon. They said likewise that touching the provision which shall be made for armies sent to the Indies, the defence of the realm, the punishment of pirates, and defence of the frontiers of Africa, his Majesty shall take such resolution as shall be convenient within these realms; although it be with the help of his other countries, and the great expense of his royal treasure. That in recompense of the love, which the natural borne of these realms do bear unto their princes, it would please the King to make his ordinary abode there: And although the government of his other realms which God hath subjecteth unto him, hinder the effect of this his desire, notwithstanding he promiseth to make the most abode he can in this realm, and having no cause of hindrance, he will leave the Prince in his place, that being brought up amongst the Portugals, he may know, esteem, and cherish them as his Majesty doth. This role was published throughout all the principal cities of the realms, by the ministers of the Catholic king; adding thereunto, that if the Portugals desired more, the king would grant them anything, supposing that as Christians they would require nothing but just and godly things, inferring (it may be) secretly, that they would not yield to points of the Inquisition and of justice.   

THE FIFTH BOOK.  
The Contents of the fifth Book.  
The fortification of the Driehead, the confusion of matters within the Realm, and of the Governors: The Catholic Kings answer to the Ambassadors of Portugal, his expedition in the University of Alcala touching his entry into the Realm: The contrariety of opinions whether the King should march with his army in person or not: The recovery of Eluas and of Ollivenza: The creating of Antony for King: The governors flight: The embassage of the Duke of Bragance to King Philip, and his answer: The taking of Villavizosa: The entry of the Army into Portugal: The yielding up of Stremos.  
THe Portugals did not generally accept the offers made by the Catholic King: for although three of the Governors, the Nobility, and the Clergy, did in their hearts like of them, yet the third estate did blame them, saying, it was a roll of deceits, and a discovery of Philip's small force: And that such as had framed these conditions, were more inclined to their own private profit then the good of the realm; desiring still the cause might be ended by justice. The Governors therefore still 
The Governors solicit their defence.  continue the preparation for defence, and had secretly sent Francis Barretto into France, to let the Christian King understand their right, and the wrong the Catholic King did them, seeking to possess the Realm by force, and to demand the succour of six thousand foot, giving commission to Barretto to go from thence to Rome to beseech the Pope, to mediate with the King a suspension of arms, and to bind himself to judgement. They sent Elizee of Portugal into Germany, to satisfy the Emperor, and other princes touching their defence, with many justifications, such force had their desire to choose a king after their own humour, that seeking succours from foreign princes, it was the greatest care they used to shake off Philip's yoke, for that (the which would seem incredible) even in the life of king Henry, some gentlemen that were prisoners in Africa, had required aid of victuals and men from the Cheriffe, although there were no likelihood he should grant it, seeing that (besides the diversity of laws) there was no amity, nor other respect of state whatsoever could bind him unto it. For although the union of these Realms under Philip discontented him, yet being wise and of judgement, it was not likely he should discover himself against so mighty a neighbour, nor trust to the weak Portugals, being offended, and (as a man may say) having their hands yet died with their blood: They proceeded slowly with the preparation of their armies and fortifications both for want of money, and for the often disagreement of their ministers: And Lewes Caesar chief purueior, inclined to Philip, cared not greatly to hasten the affairs, yea expressly (sometimes with one let, sometimes with an other) delayed them, so as they only repaired the fortresses upon the mouth of the river of Tagus, and made new rampires, in places where they might descend, putting greater garrisons in all places than was accustomed, and throughout all the city of Lisbon, they began to build many platforms, to plant artillery, for the defence of the sea, making ready their galleons, and such other ships as they had: Yet Emanuel of Portugal either not well satisfied with these fortifications, or being naturally inclined to seem to have more knowledged than the rest; resolved (against the opinion of many well skilled in that act) to build a fort in the midst of the river, at the mouth thereof; for that being large in that place, ships should not 
The Dry head, fortified.  pass but within shot of their artillery: it seemed unto him that he had good means to effect it, for that near to the place whereas it runs into the sea, there riseth a small flat hill of Sand, but little discovered of the waters, the which they call Cabesasecca, the which divides the navigation or entry thereof into two parts, the one lying betwixt the Island and the left shore (having but a shallow channel) is not navigable but at a full sea, and with small vessels: but the other which lies betwixt the Island and the banks on the right hand, is likewise divided into two channels by a shelf which they call Cacippo: That which lieth betwixt the right bank and the shelf, is defended by the rock or castle of Saint julian: the other which is betwixt the shelf and the sandy hill, which they term La Carriera d'Alcasoua, is not defended by any fort, neither can the artillery of Saint julian reach so far. Emanuel would build a fort in the Island to defend this passage: And although having digged deep in the sand, he could find no firm ground to settle his foundation, yet would not Emanuel desist from his opinion, but having no means to build it of stone, he raised it of wood, filling it with earth, the which he supplied with artillery, and many other things necessary, yet could he hardly furnish it with water, for that his cask burnt with the sun and the reverberation of the sands, (which is vehement in those parts, although they were covered 
A confusion of the affairs of Portugal, and the Governors.  with sails) did break, and would hold no water. At that time the Governors did an act of great consideration to animate men to the defence of the Realm, for by a new and dangerous example, they used religious men as instruments to execute their intention: commanding all religious houses that they should not only in their sermons, but also in their confessions, command their preachers and confessors, to animate the people to defence, in that sort as they preach the Croisado against infidels: And for that the Portugals are too ambitious of honour, they commanded them to use this encouragement, that such should be most honoured, who did most readily prepare for resistance, so as their preachings which should have been religious, were become furious orations of soldiers: This was greatly blamed by the good and wise, and was the cause of great hurt to the whole Realm, for besides the employing of priests in a profaned action, they did animate the poor people to this defence, the which afterwards did thrust them rashly into arms. It was likewise very hurtful to the religious houses: for as it is dangerous to stir up the minds of religious persons, these being by the death of king Henry grown more than before, adding thereunto this other liberty to speak publicly; whilst they did animate others, it bred in themselves warlike affections, so as having passed the limits of their profession, in a manner all the Ecclesiastical state ran into mighty abuses and disorders, as we shall hereafter see: There wanted money to furnish the charge for this defence, and therefore they desired to borrow one hundredth thousand ducats of the merchants, the which (although they would not agree unto) they were forced to pay: These things were practised at Lisbon more than in any other parts of the Realm. In the mean time the Governors were in division, and irresolute, losing still of their reputation: For the Prior continuing still in the cause of his legitimation, and seeming daily a more obstinate pretendent, threatened such as should contradict him: The ministers of justice began to decline from their accustomed authority, and every man presumed to speak and do what he pleased, showing well that it was a realm without a king, the which was remarkable in two points, which then happened, as well amongst the religious as the secular. The one was that the religious of the 
The disorder of the religious of Belem.  order of Saint Jerome in our Lady's monastery of Belem, being desirous to recover their liberty which the king had taken from them, who with consent of the Pope, and of his authority had bound them (notwithstanding the rules of this religion) to choose superior officers at his pleasure; that is, one of the four or five religious men that he should name to every office: Friar Emanuel d'Euora being then Provincial, all the Religious went unto him, saying; That he was not judicially chosen to that charge, and therefore he should renounce his office, and they would choose another according to the Statutes: The Friar (to whom this seemed of hard digestion) opposed himself to their demand, with many reasons, and multiplying many words, both of the one side and of the other, they did forcibly put the Provincial prisoner in a Seller, using him something hardly in their choler: The kinsmen to the Provincial hearing of this disorder, ran for remedy to Alexander Formento then Nuncio for his Holiness in that Realm, who understanding the reasons of both parties (although the Religious protested he was not their judge) yet he commanded the Provincial should be delivered, and restored to his charge, citing some of the Religious men of the Monastery before him as seditious: The Friars (to whom this sentence was signified by a public Notary) would not obey; So as the kinsmen of the Religious prisoner, craving aid from the secular power, the Governors sent the officers of justice of the city of Lisbon to the Covent, with three Ensigns of soldiers, to see this sentence put in execution by force, who being come to Belem, the Friars shut their gates, leaving the Church open; where notwithstanding the grate of wood which shuts up the great Chapel and the Sepulchres of kings was close, they went into the choir singing their Litanies: But after the officers of justice had knocked a while at the Covent gate, and no man opening it, entering into the Church they burst down the grate of wood, so as the soldiers coming into the Cloister of Friars, they laid hold of such Religious persons as they met, with small respect of their priestly order: And although the elders came with their Crosses, Bulls, and excommunications, it nothing prevailed, for they must of force deliver the Religious man, and restore him to his former estate, the which they did, protesting they had used violence, and that they would complain to the Apostolic seat. The other case was that Fernand de 
Doctor Fernand de Pina slain.  Pina a Doctor and Citizen, being chosen in the place of Diego Salema (whom Henry had deposed) Vereador of the Chamber, which is the highest degree of magistrate, that hath charge of the city; he was at noon day in the market place, wounded in the head with a Curtle-axe, by Anthony Soarez, whereof he died soon after: the which the Prior had caused to be done, for that Pyna in his office, had not only spoken ill against him, but also laboured to draw the officers, and all the Council of the Chamber, to the Catholic King's devotion: Anthony desired to revenge himself in this manner; and the offender (who knew better how to strike then to fly) being hurt by the Sergeants, and retired into a Church, without the city, was taken prisoner by the justice, and after some days of imprisonment was hanged, and quartered, the which execution was done with trouble and fear, lest the people should deliver him: For the authority of the governors declining, the ministers of justice were not respected: And for that they knew this murder was committed by the commandment of Anthony, the people were inclined to save him. The Religious for the like respect (alleging, that the secular power could not judge him being taken in the Church) came running likewise to the place of execution to succour him: And had not Damain D' Aguiar (a severe and resolute officer) had the charge thereof, who suddenly put this sentence in execution, there was so great a concourse of people, crying, and of religious men with their crosses, and excommunications, that the offender had been easily rescued. These disorders displeased the lovers of religion, and quietness, who blaming somewhat the Friars, for not suffering their Provincial, quietly to end the term of his charge, yet did they attribute more fault unto the governors, for suffering in such a season so public and rigorous an execution, against the religious, and chiefly upon a Monastery seated upon the banks of Tagus, saying, that if for no other reason, yet should they have forborn, in respect that many English and French ships anchored there, whose men infected with heresy, would rejoice to see the religious in the hands of Sergeants. The death of Pina was held for an indiscreet and cruel resolution of Anthony, for being but a matter of small moment, to be revenged by so foul an example, upon an old man, alawyer, and of mean condition, he had thrust himself into an exigent either to be held unthankful in suffering of Soarez to die as he did, or else to do violence unto justice. But for that princes hate the executioners of their follies, for in their life doth live the remembrance of their errors; even so the Prior hated this man, after the offence committed, neither did he labour to save him, although his death made him contemptible to the people. The said prior was then at Almerin, labouring the cause of his legitimation, & soliciting the judges to decide the same, who excused themselves that they could not do it, (observing the laws of the realm) if he retired not himself 25. miles from the Court, that in so doing they would look into the cause: But for that the Duke of Bragance and the Ambassadors of other princes were there present, he would not depart, & for this reason the matter surceased: at this time Emanuel of Portugal, who remained at Belem, laboured ambitiously that john Teglio, one of the governors, his brother in law, conformable to himself in opinion, (principally in the exclusion of Philip,) should be sent to Belem, with authority from the other governors to provide by his presence for all things necessary, seeming a matter hard to effect at Almeryn: The other governors desirous to be rid of his company, and not daring to contradict any thing that seemed to concern the defence, gave him authority, and suffered him to go to Belem: There he consulted with Emanuel, and receiving with some difficulty, the money borrowed of the merchants, he resolved (for the gathering together of a greater sum) to sell the jewels of the Crown, the which were there, and therefore causing them to be brought forth, he dealt with some merchants upon the price. The Duke of Ossuna was then returned into Castill, leaving Mora in Portugal, with the other Ambassadors that were Lawyers, who understanding the jewels were upon sale, the said Mora in the name of the Catholic King, required the said governors not to sell them, as appertaining to the King, protesting both against them and the buyers, that they should be bound to restore the price at their own charge, so as they found not any that would deal with them.  
Philip being at Merrida as it was said, having by a long protestation required the governors to deliver him the possession of the Realm: The Bishop of Coimbra and Emanuel de Melo returned 
The answer of the Catholic king to the Portugals.  the second time, making the like proposition to the King as they had done at Guadalupa, offering to put the cause to arbitrement, and complaining he had given them too short a time to resolve: But Philip being now well resolved what he would do, and informed of the aid the Portugals demanded from other princes, he made them the like answer as before: Many judged the proposition of those Ambassadors to be ill grounded, saying it was an unseemly thing to require the King to make himself subject to the judgement of nominated judges, seeing that King Henry himself (who with more appearance of reason, might pretend to be lawful judge in this cause) did never require the King to acknowledge him for judge, neither did he ever declare him contumax, in the cause debated with the pretendents for not acknowledging him.  
The Catholic King came to Badagios the 20. of May, where the Portugal Ambassadors laboured to persuade him, making suit, that before the taking of arms he should admit an assembly to the estates, but they were no more admitted to audience; the king resolved to send his answer unto the governors, and to publish it throughout the whole realm in the name of his Council, the which he did as followeth: That experience had taught that by two examples of the estates last held at Lisbon, and at Almerin, they wrought no good effect, in favour of the apparent right of his Majesty, but in the one, and the other, they had still laboured to trouble it, seeking lets, and delays, which might have bred the loss thereof, and therefore it seemed a treble error to attend again a new assembly of these estates: That they have no reason to complain that his Majesty had given them too short a time to resolve, accounting from the day of the receipt of his letters the xiii. of March, (by the which he required them to swear him) saying they made no good computation, if they supposed he were dispossessed of the realm, but from the time that he demanded it, appertaining unto him from the hour of King Henry's death: but that his Majesty had expressly contained himself a month and a half without making of any motion, to the end they should not lose the thanks, by calling him to the succession whom God had called; and might have leisure amongst themselves to make clear this bond by which they were tied, and give satisfaction, making the pretendents capable of reason, to the end they should not hinder the public quiet, and that they might be intercessors for them and for the realm, which course the king himself had taught them: That their excuse might be taken in two senses, saying, they could not receive his Majesty but in a general assembly of estates, their meaning is, either that they cannot do it by right, or that they may not do it, for that they dare not: In the first case they are deceived, for there needs no assembly of estates, when a king makes his entry unto the realm, although he succeed not to his father, but to his kinsman; neither were they necessary when as Henry succeeded to his nephew. In the other case that they cannot do it, because they dare not; the excuse is good, but not to bind the king, neither in justice, nor conscience, to desist from taking the possession of his goods, if the delays make the means difficult. That this deceit should grow from the opinion they have conceived, that in the end, all that they can do for his Majesty, is to consign him the realm by accord and composition; not remembering that he received it not from their hands, but from God and by his own right, so as these words of capitulations, transactions, and accords be neither proper, nor fit; for if they look unto the preservation of their statutes, and privileges, they should not be called accords, but bonds, the which his Majesty must accomplish, as lawful king of Portugal: And if they refer it to that which is newly to be granted them, much less do they deserve that name, but rather of the liberality, greatness, and mere grace, whereunto his Majesty, for the bounty and love he beareth them will bind himself, with all the assurance they can demand, so as the estates were necessary, when as the realm might dispute upon these graces, and choose another king whom they pleased; but having no authority, but to entreat for the augmentation of these favours, the estates had nothing to do with his entry: That they delivered all these things only to make plain the matter, with the rigour of truth, without any meaning of his Majesty, to refuse such graces, as had been offered on his behalf, or to give the assurance they should require for the accomplishment thereof; neither doth he stand upon the means, terms, or words which shall be requisite, to give full contentment to the realm, although they be in effect the same with capitulations and accords: That as the inconveniency they allege wants substance and reason, so those which are presented in his majesties name were so precise and necessary, as they admitted no more delay, although that he desired to satisfy their demands, as he always sought to do by effect in any thing he could. That it is apparent, the army now marching and approaching so near, it cannot turn head, nor entertain itself, for that the victuals in the country are consumed, and that which they have in store would be spoiled; besides it is a dangerous matter to entertain an army obedient so long time at sea, and therefore were most reasonable to discharge them of this burden: That although his Majesty be easily persuaded that the greatest part of those which require him to stay, do it with a good and sincere intention, yet can they not deny but another sort of people desire and labour to hinder him by the accidents that may happen, and to cause him to lose the opportunity, wherein he might employ his galleys upon the coast of Portugal, knowing the season for vessels that go with oars to be quickly passed: That since his Majesty came from Madrill, he hath sought all possible delays, having (as they know) spent three months in his voyage, to the end they should want no time, to understand, agree, and accommodate themselves; but although the time had been continued a whole year, it is apparent the business had been nothing advanced, having spent so many days in superfluous replying, during which they might have assembled their estates, and forgotten them: And whereas on the one side they offer to hold them with brevity, on the other side (being now the month of june) his Majesty understandeth, that neither the Prelates, the Nobility, much less the Deputies of towns are arrived, and that the elections are not yet made in many cities, having intelligence that they delay them by cunning and subornations; whereby it is apparent, that these estates would rather breed a confusion, than any good effect: And although the small fruit they may hope for hereby, be evident; yet do they not believe his Majesty will hinder them until his entry into the realm; but being entered, he will ordain that which shall seem fit for the service of God, of himself, and of the general good of this crown, be it by means of the estates or otherwise, seeking always the most profitable, for the natural subjects of the same realm: That his Majesty cannot (although he should shut his eyes) rest fully assured of their propositions, seeing his good subjects in these realms, oppressed and afflicted, under colour of an unjust resistance, which they call defence, and those only persecuted, and ill entreated, which follow his party, and acknowledge the truth of his Title, whereas chose those which are passionate and slanderous perturbers of the peace, good and public quiet, are favoured: That to conclude, his Majesty would have their works conformable to their words, for otherwise they cannot blame him, if he proceed cunningly: And that they may understand with how great reason he distrusteth their delays, he did signify unto them, that he had certain and late advise from many provinces, that at the same time when as they entreated him with fair words to stay and attend, they did with great instance demand succours from other nations, making secret practices most hurtful to the good of the Church, and the peace of all Christendom, although God would not suffer them to trouble it: That although with the help of God his Majesty would soon enter into Portugal with mighty forces, yet should they not believe that he came to make war against them, but would labour all he could that none should receive hurt, but such as did oppose themselves obstinately to his just possession, hoping they would not any ways hinder him, but would willingly make easy all difficulties, to the end that by their good succours, his Majesty might this summer turn his force against infidels.  

The governors inconstancy.  The governors viewing this grave and wise answer with the king's resolution, by the which the whole realm was assured to have war, both within and round about, being odious unto the people, who blamed them for the slack and evil execution of all matters, and of the weak resistance they prepared, they were doubtful what to do: They would have left Almerin, for the plague beginning to reign, and the season hot (the place being sandy) would not suffer them to stay: And having intelligence that Anthony animated the people against them in his favour, they desired to retire into some place of strength, as well to assure themselves against the rising of the people, as for the war, for that Almeryn was without walls. They judged Settwall (whither they had called the estates, although with small hope to hold them) more fit than any other, being a walled town and a port of the sea, and therefore desired to withdraw themselves thither: They had devised (at the least three of them) to assist the Catholic King, for his entry into the realm, in despite of such as should prepare for the defence, esteeming this strong place fit for that effect, there to bring in the king's army at sea, and so to frustrate the fortification which Emanuel of Portugal had made in the mouth of the river of Tagus: but they could not bring their purpose to pass, for the deputies of the last estates remaining, discovering their intention, said, it was fit they should all stay at Saint Arem, so as fearing to give greater cause to suspect, they could not depart: They added moreover, that leaving the Prior there with the deputies, in a time when as the Catholic king should begin to take arms, they might in their absence under colour of defence erect a tyranny. So as ignorant what course to take, or how to redress things, they did (being friends) by their irresolution more hurt to the Catholic king, than they could have done being enemies: for the king (hoping these would have delivered him the crown) proceeded slowly with his army. At that time it chanced that john Gonzalez de Camera, Earl of Caglietta, died of the plague at Almeryn, so as the Governors took this occasion to depart from thence, and went to Settwal, with the Duke of Bragance, the Agents of the Catholic King, and others of their faction; for having created captains, & placed a garrison, they commanded the gates to be guarded. The Catholic King having assembled his army near to Badagios, & received advertisement that his navy was at Saint Marie port, ready to set sail, before they should enter into Portugal, not yet well satisfied with the diligence he had used (as it is said) with many Divines; desired to consult again in the University of Alcala, where the profession of Divinity flourisheth most in those realms, upon his entry in arms into the realm, and the proposition made by the Portugal Ambassadors: And to that effect having assembled all the doctors, being in number 
The diligence of the Catholic King upon his entry by force into Portugal, made by the Divines of Alcala.  above thirty, having made their prayers and supplications unto God, in their sacrifices; and the matter considered by every one apart; it was disputed of in three sessions: For although the matter were not hard to decide, yet was it grave and new: All, without any disagreement, concur in opinion with the first, with whom the King had consulted, & without viewing of their reasons, they sent a public decree unto the King. There was propounded unto them three articles: ay he first, that the King being certain to succeed by right, after the death of King Henry to the realms of Portugal: whether he were in conscience bound to submit himself to any tribunal judge, or arbitrator, who might adjudge him the realms, or put him in possession thereof. The second was, that the realm of Portugal refusing to acknowledge him for their Prince, unless he would first stand to judgement with the pretendents: Whether he may of his own authority, take possession thereof by force, against such as shall make resistance, presupposing that there is no doubt or scruple of conscience in his title whatsoever? The third was, that the Governors of Portugal, alleging that they and the whole realm, have sworn not to receive any for King but him that should be judicially so declared, and that they may not receive the King otherwise, the rather for that the pretendents complain and offer to stand to judgement: He desired to know if the said Governors, and the whole realm, may pretend this oath for an excuse not to receive him for King. To the first they answered, that the King was not bound in conscience, to submit himself to any justice or arbitrement, seeing that he had of himseife private authority to adjudge unto himself those realms, and to take possession: They excluded (especially from this authority of judging,) all Princes, and such as might pretend to take any knowledge thereof. And first humbly saluting the Pope, and the Apostolic sea, they denied, that this jurisdiction did appertain unto him, the cause being merely temporal, and nothing concurring where by his holiness should use that indirect authority which he hath in temporal causes, so far forth as they concern the spiritual good: They showed he was not bound to the censure of the Emperor, for that the Kings of Spain were sovereigns, not acknowledging the Emperor in any thing, and much less to any other King. They proved he was not subject to the commonwealth, nor the realms of Portugul, saying, That when as common wealths do choose their first King upon condition to obey him and his successors, they remain subject unto him to whom they have transferred their authority, no jurisdiction remaining in them, either to judge the realm, or the true successor, seeing in the first election, all the true successors were chosen: Being therefore most apparent there is a true successor; it followeth that the common wealth of Portugal hath no jurisdiction to judge of him that doth truly succeed, and that the King hath as great a warrant not to be subject to the censure of this common wealth, as he hath to be true successor. And as touching the eleven persons of the four and twenty which King Henry had named; they said that Henry himself could not be judge of him that did succeed after him, for that after his death the office of administering justice was expired, and all his authority and jurisdiction passed unto his lawful successor. Against arbitrators they spoke little, only that the bond of compromise had no place, when as the equity of the cause was not doubtful, as it was supposed. They answered them which said, that the King had no interest to the realm of Portugal as King of Castill, but as kinsman to King Henry; by reason whereof, he could not in this case challenge the pre-eminence he hath as King of Castill, saying, that this imaginary division cannot be made in the person of the King, for it is so annexed to the dignity royal, that his person cannot be wronged, but the dignity would suffer. And seeing the Prince may lawfully make war upon an other Realm, for injuries done to his brothers and friends confederates, with greater reason may he do it, in taking possession of a Realm which appertains lawfully unto himself. They made answer to such as said, that (observing the civil & canon law) a matter litigious, should be judged where it happeneth, and therefore this should be decided in Portugal, saying, that these decisions speak of particular persons, who have their superior judges, and not of sovereign Princes and their dependencies. To the second article, they answered with more reasons then unto the first, saying, the King was not bound to any thing but to signify unto the Governors his Title and certain interest to the Crown, and if notwithstanding this demonstration, they should make resistance, than the King by his own authority might take possession of the Realm, (using if need required) force of arms, for that in this action it can not be termed force, but a natural defence of the Realm which is his own, and a just punishment of Rebels. To the third, they said that this oath could not bind them that had undertaken to observe it, seeing it is most certain, that neither in Portugal nor else where, any judge may determine this cause with the King. Moreover, that this oath is to the prejudice of his prerogative royal, and as this oath did not bind such as had taken it, so could it not excuse them from the bond by the which they were tied to receive him for King; and that the allegations of the pretendents, and their offer to stand to judgement did not bind the King 
The Catholic King takes possession of Portugal.  to acknowledge for judge, such as were not. The Catholic King, having viewed these reasons, resolved to stay no longer from taking possession of the Realm, and therefore he caused his whole Army to march to Cantigliana three miles from Badagios, there to pass into Portugal, where he himself with the Queen would see it lodged; for which effect he commanded a scaffold to be made in open field, where being mounted, he set down all the orders, directed 
A question whether the Catholic King should go with the army in person.  by the old Duke of Alva in the habit of a young soldier: And although it seemed the King had resolved to stay at Badagios; yet this matter was disputed amongst the curious with divers reasons; and besides the general opnions of some, who did maintain that Kings ought to be personal in their enterprises, they did allege some other special reasons, which did bind the king to go with his army: They distinguished three qualities incident to the enterprise, whereby the King should go in person: that is, the importance of the pretension, the hope of happy success, and the difficulty to execute it by a minister: showing that all three did concur herein, seeing it was a question for a realm of importance, rich, and bordering upon his other countries, head of many rich estates, and then in the way of greatness. That the hope of victory was in all humane consideration certain, both in regard of his justice, and force, as also for the weakness of his adversaries: That the difficulty to undertake it by a minister was great, and proper in that case; the King not entering into Portugal to subdue cities, but to win their hearts; not playing the part of a conqueror, but of lawful Prince; who entereth with necessary forces to suppress the ordinary alterations of realms, newly gotten, as he had protested to the Governors and estates of the realm; that such offices for so important causes could not be committed but to the person of the eldest Prince, being a commission unfit for any child or nephew, much less for a captain General, being a castilian of nation, most imperious both by nature, and for the great and important affairs which he had managed; besides being for his own particular hateful to the Portugals: They said it was most certain if the King entered the realm in person, of friends he should make faithful subjects, of neuter friends, and of enemies neuter; where as chose, the Duke would make his friends neuter, his neuter enemies, and his enemies obstinate rebels: With these reasons and others, such as judged the King's presence necessary in the enterprise, fortified their opinions: On the otherside it was said, that when the resolutions of the one side have so great difficulty, as they draw near to impossibilities, there is no disputing what is convenient, but of force they must obey necessity: that the question of the Kings entering into Portugal was of this nature, seeing that by divers accidents the strength of the army was so weakened, that it was both in quantity and quality most different from that which had been set down, for there wanted above six thousand soldiers 
The King's army wasted.  of them which had been levied, the number of the Spaniards which came out of Italy was greatly diminished, and there wanted half of those that were new raised, and the bands that came from the low Countries could not arrive in time. If these which were the strength of the army had been joined, and the number appointed in the beginning assembled, the King might well have performed the enterprise in person, for than had he made the way open for the succours of men & munition, from the frontiers unto Settwal, leaving garrisons in all places to receive & conduct them. But wanting horse and foot necessary for the action, there was no other remedy but to run the fortune of two great dangers: The one was to conduct all the victuals with the army, which would cause a new and monstrous form of Camp, wanting horsemen to cover their carriages: The other of no less importance was, that the life of these men depended upon the inconstancy of the sea and wind, which should conduct the army from Andelouzia to Settwall, with the other victuals and munition to serve the want of those whom they transported. And although the Duke contented himself with the number of his soldiers, he did it trusting to his own dexterity, and the ignorance of his enemies: And if he hoped to surmount these dangers, he grounded his opinion upon the Portugals unskilfulness to prevent him, entertaining him behind with continual skirmishes to convoy him, the which if they could effect were dangerous, for there by they should force him to turn back and fight with disadvantage of the place, where they might be defeated, or stayed from passing the army over the river of Tagus, the which were to put a battle in compromise, for the humours which might daily arise; beside there were some difficulty to join the two parts of the army, the one being at sea, the other at land, & uneasy to join them at a limited time, & the delay of 20. days would hinder the effect for a years employment; so as they concluded that neither by reason of war, nor of state, the King ought to hazard his person in this enterprise, for that neither industry, nor fortune be sufficient warrants for the safety of Princes, who ought not to ground their resolutions upon an others weakness, but upon their own proper forces.  
Whilst that matters in Castill stood on these terms, and that the Portugals grew daily more arrogant and confused, it was apparent with small insight how this realm ran headlong into ruin: 
Confusion in Portugal.  For all being confounded with vanity, no man knew what he would do, no man was resolute what he should execute, and if any were yet blinded, they knew not what course to take: The Governors being at Settwall, assembled the estates, being amazed to understand the Duke of Alva was in field, resolute to invade the realm presently: On the otherside that Anthony was at Saint Arem, incensing the Deputies, that they should not go to the Estates, practising the disorder which happened after. The Duke of Bragance pressed them, showing his griefs in public, it may be for not proceeding according to his humour. The Ambassadors of the Catholic King gave them no time to breath. john Teglio was at Lisbon, preparing for defence, with whom they had no good intelligence: They desired to content all men, yet feared the people's fury; they laboured much and provided for nothing. The cities cried for arms to defend themselves, or to have permission to yield; they answered in general terms without any effect; they received letters from the Duke of Alva, who accused them of cruelty, saying, they observed not the custom of all nations, which is, that when an army enters master of the field, they command all places which cannot defend themselves, to yield, to the end they may avoid the violent course of war, to slay all such as make resistance, whereas not using of this rigour they shall be forced to bring the cannon before every cottage, and make the war perpetual, & yet this letter never induced them to set a resolute order to any town. They were well resolved to give the realm to the Catholic King, yet could they not conclude for the effecting thereof. They feared in a manner to be stoned if they discovered this intention, and therefore they would not hazard themselves, losing daily all hope to bring the matter to that pass, that the King should acknowledge the crown from them as they pretended: Besides the King being wholly of an other mind, they knew not what they could do, if they had would. The people (who flatter themselves much and endure little) supposed the defence was easy, every man showed himself a lion, for the defence of his own house▪ yet would they not go armed to field. Those of the house of Portugal, and the other adversaries to the Catholic King, were in no less confusion than the Govenours; for having been obstinate in their opinions, they found they had moved the indignation of Philip against them without profit: And although they were more confident in the defence than they ought to be, yet did they fear the king's protestations, by the which demanding possession of the realm, he threatened such as should withstand him▪ The Agents of the Catholic King laboured to suborn those as they had the rest, yet it prevailed not, for being in the beginning obstinate, confident in the midst, and distrustful in the end to obtain pardon, they would never agree: yet left they not to hope, that the more they proceeded in the defence, the better they should let the King understand their forces, and might compound with greater advantage: And for that the wars continued, the Governors supposed, that in this fort the King should acknowledge the crown from them: But he being well informed of all these matters, and having treated with many frontier towns of Portugal to yield, having imparted unto them the equity of his cause, by ample allegations, entreating them not to be the cause of the ruin of the realm, having caused Peter de Velasco, sovereign 
The taking of Eluas.  judge of Badagios to write to some particulars, he first attempted Eluas as nearest unto him: The Citizens fearing they should either in deed or word be first set upon, attended daily this Embassage; They were divided as it often happens into two contrary factions; the one inclined to the obedience of Philip; the other, under colour of liberty, & fidelity to the Governors, would by no means receive him for their Lord. The heads of the first party were George Passano, and john Rodrigo Passano brothers, followed by many Citizens, whom they call Esquires: On the other side was Anthony de Melo captain of the city, whose opinion was followed by the greatest part of the Nobility, but in far less nnmber than the rest, whereas every man spoke his mind openly. Diego de Meneses had been there a little before to fortify the city, and seeking to enlarge their ditches, he found it a matter of some difficulty, so as he departed without effecting any thing, saying, that he would return with arms, which the Governors should send; whereof failing, the Citizens knew well they could not resist. True it is, that the King had long before prepared their minds by the means of Friar Vincent of Fonseca, a preaching Friar, kinsman to the Passani, a noble family, and well followed, inclined from the beginning with all their followers to the devotion of Philip: he used all means to draw the rest unto him; yet the day of Th'annunciation of the blessed Virgin, this religious man preaching, labouring to persuade the people to the King's obedience, they did not willingly hear him: So as now when he sought to take possession thereof, having dispatched many messengers to the Bishop, and Anthony de Melo, in the end he sent Peter de Velasco with letters to the principal of the town, and procuration to receive this city to his obedience. Being arrived at Eluas the xvij. of june, with eighteen men unarmed, although the gates were shut by reason of the infection, yet was he presently let in by the judge of the town, and going to the church of pity, he caused the Bishop, the Magistrate of the chamber, and the Nobility to be assembled, to whom he delivered the letters which the 
The King's letters to them of Eluas.  King had written, containing in substance, that the matter being apparent that the succession of the realm belonged unto him, he had sent the said Peter with procuration to receive it unto his obedience, if they would yield it, adding unto his kind words many offers: And although the Bishop, Melo, and the Magistrate of the chamber, received these letters and read them, yet the Nobility did not accept them so easily, for that some feared to commit an error, and others debating who should receive them, they did not accept them, yet they agreed that Friar Anthony de la Cerda, Prior of the Monastery of Saint Dominick should receive the letters for the Nobility, and bring them to the cathedral church; so as all letters being read, Melo and the Magistrate (who preceaded the rest) demanded eight days liberty to consult, and to give their answer, intending in the mean time to send to the Governors: the which Velasco would not grant, but said unto them, that he would presently return, wishing them to advise, and not to cause the army which his Majesty had so near to march to their loss: yet they sent Gaspar de Britto to Stremos, where Diego de Meneses general of that province remained, to advertise him of what had passed, remaining thus in suspense until the next day. When as the Passani informed of Melos intention, contrary to their will and authority, resolved to kill him, if he refused to yield, and had already incensed the people against him, causing many to give out publicly, that they would be castilians: Velasco went after to the castle to persuade Melo in private, to make the matter more easy, and not to show himself (without reason) enemy to the King: But it was in vain, for he said, that he had received this place from the Governors, and that he would not yield it to any man without their commandment: If it were adjudged to appertain unto the King, he would presently yield. Standing upon these terms, there appeared by the commandment of Velasco about the town ditches, near six hundredth horse armed, who seized upon the wells and conduits of water, which served the inhabitants for their watering, putting the Portugals into great fear; so as now the women began to cry, and to curse Melo, and all those that would not yield obedience unto the king. Some young men induced by Philip's partisans, seeing into what danger the captain had brought the safety of the city, resolved to kill him: and going to the Cathedral church where they were all assembled, they attended at the door to effect it when he should come forth; but discoursing with the Bishop who persuaded him, ignorant of the danger wherein he was, a nephew of his named likewise Anthony de Melo, understanding in the castle in what danger his grandfather was, came forth with certain Harguebusiers to his succour, and came in time before he was yet issued out of the church: Old Anthony, seeing this young man enter armed, was amazed, not knowing the cause, but understanding it afterwards, and withal the hazard whereunto he was brought by such as did watch for him, he sent to Velasco that he should compound with the magistrate, that as for him he was content to yield obedience to king Philip, by means whereof all was pacified, for the Magistrate had already yielded: At the taking of their oaths the Citizens (ill advised) required Velasco that in the King's name, he should grant unto the city many privileges and exemptions of customs and impostes, throughout the realm, with many other things of importance: And he liberal of that which he could not give, granted all that was demanded, but these promises were not observed by the King, saying (as it was true indeed) that Velasco had exceeded his commission. These things ended, they were advertised that Gaspar de Britto whom the city had sent to Diego de Meneses was returning with three hundred men, horse and foot, ill appointed, to guard this place; to whom they presently sent word that he should turn back, and having discovered the castilian horse of himself, he fled with all his troops. The day following (the usual ceremonies performed) in proclaiming a new King, Velasco returned, having stayed there but three days: The principal of Eluas went after to Badagios to kiss the King's hand, of whom they had better reception than he is accustomed to give unto such people, sending Garcia de Cardenas nephew to the Duke of Alva, to the city, to thank the Citizens for their good wills.  
Eluas being reduced, Peter Velasco for the same intent took his 
The reduction of Olivenza.  way towards Olivenza, whither he had before written, labouring that Nugno Aluares, son to the Earl of Tentuguell, being captain of the place, should depart, the which he easily obtained: for the Citizens who had their affections inclined to the Catholic King, were resolved to yield unto him, having entreated the King that it would please him not to make this place the first whereof he should take possession, seeing that he had won their hearts, desiring rather to deserve less by obtaining late, then to be accused of inconstancy by hastening much: For this cause they not only thrust forth Nugno Aluarez, but also Diego de Sosa, a knight of the order of Saint john, who had succeeded in his place.  
The news of all this and of the success of Eluas came presently to Saint Arem, whereas Anthony remained, labouring with the people to be proclaimed King: He was always impatient in his pretension, notwithstanding the persecutions that king Henry inflicted upon him, labouring still by all means possible to aspire to the crown, entreating, threatening, and suborning. He treated by his Agents with the Catholic King, in divers manners: Sometimes he seemed jealous of the Duke of Bragance, and would join with the King against him: Sometimes he treated to resign his interest to Philip, if he would make him a good composition, carrying himself as his hopes increased or diminished: So as it happened unto such as managed his affairs with the king, when they found themselves to have concluded a matter, they found their authority revoked. The King in the end, caused Christopher de Mora to talk with him, and to make offer of all he should demand, for the great love he bore unto him, without naming either sum or any thing else whatsoever, but for that he hated Mora, he would not by his means treat of this matter of agreement. Notwithstanding when as the Duke of Ossuna delivered unto the Governors a copy of the king's 
The Catholic king his letter unto Anthony.  mind, as is before set down, he delivered unto Anthony a letter from the King, wherein he did write unto him: That forasmuch as he was not ignorant many years since of the good will he had always borne him, the which he had laboured to make show of in all occasions, he was assured he would not prove ingrate, but show himself answerable unto that whereunto reason did bind him, & the nearness of blood that was betwixt them: He said moreover, that having understood the right and apparent title he had to the realms of Portugal, he entreated him most heartily to show himself one of the first to receive, and to swear him for his King and natural Lord, as God had appointed; that by his example the rest might do that whereunto they were bound, assuring him that for his own particular, he would hold that regard of him, to recompense and grace him, as was convenient, referring the rest to that which the Duke of Ossuna and Mora should deliver unto him. But this letter wrought no effect, for he then said unto the Duke, that he would never agree, making answer unto the King that he could not satisfy him, for that being under the people's protection, he must govern himself according to their minds; and therefore understanding that the castilians began to enter within the realm, he made haste to dispatch this business with the people & the Deputies; and making his profit of the possession the King took, seeing the necessity they had of a commander to make resistance, he induced 
Anthony proclaimed King of Portugal.  them to choose him Protector, or King: And although this resolution was made by the most seditious and arrogant, who by force seek to execute what they please, who would needs proclaim him King, yet were there many that would not yield unto it, many held it more fit to call him Protector. The Prior himself was not well resolved of this point, suffering himself to be led (as in all other his actions) by the greatest number, and his most favourites; who to induce the people to perform this act, in despite of some that would not assent, being then in question to build a fortress a little without Saint Arem, where there stands a small chapel dedicated to the invocation of the Apostles, they spread forth a rumour that Anthony should go thither the 19 of june, to lay the first stone, and that all the people should work in that fortification, labouring in such an assembly to effect their desires. But there needed no great art, for the people desirous of innovation, ran all thither that morning. The Bishop of Parma being innocent, and he of Guarda ofset purpose, came to the chapel where mass was celebrated, in the midst whereof they exhorted the assembly to defence, and with dark speeches to make an election: But Anthony arriving soon after, making his prayers a little without the door of the chapel, the two Bishops went out to meet him, with their Rochets to hollow the foundation of the fortress, but the ceremony was no sooner begun, but that Anthony Barachio an impudent fellow, (holding a handkerchief upon the point of his sword) proclaimed Anthony King, being followed with great noise, and acclamations almost of all the company, who to assure themselves of such as were not of that faction, or to show a certain valour drew their sword: At that time Anthony feigning a certain modesty, or thrust forward by his own irresolution, cried no, no, and stepped forward as it were to stay the people. Peter Coutigno, captain of that place with choler would have stopped their cries, saying that the Prior desired not to be called king; but this prevailed nothing, for Baracchio bending his pistol against the captain, put him to silence; by reason whereof he departed. Anthony whether it were for fear to see so many naked weapons about him, or that raised by such a means to that dignity, brings fear with it, he was amazed and trembled, giving notable signs to his followers, who helping him to horse at the first step he stumbled and almost fell, in sign of presaging ill. All the Nobility that was present followed him on foot, bore headed as King: And although a great part of the people were unadvisedly come thither, yet all followed him: From thence the Prior went to the church, and from the church to the house of the Magistrate, where finding the gates shut, he broke them open, and was there solemnly confirmed King, with ordinary acts and writings, the which were signed by all the Gentlemen Portugal's that were present, and Emanuel de Costa Borges with a standard in his hand, pronounced with a loud voice these words, Real, Real, as their custom is: Being then returned to his lodging, he prepared to go to Lisbon, there to be proclaimed King, as the principal place of the realm.  
In the mean time Velasco was come to Olivenza, where entering without stay by night the nineteen. of june, he was lodged by Diego de Vasconcellos at the request of the Passani of Eluas, and having the day following, requested the magistrate, and the Nobility, to assemble themselves in the Church of Pity, there to receive certain letters from the king, being all assembled, he delivered them; the which were publicly read, finding them full of courtesies: The conclusion was to swear him king; Velasco pressed them to answer briefly. But as of light occasions sometimes grow important matters, so did it here, for the Nobility of this place being divided into two contrary factions; the one was called Lobby and Gama, the other Matt s; it chanced that the letters which the king had written unto the Nobility, were by mere fortune first delivered into the hands of the Lobby, whereof the contrary faction made a sinister construction, and the rather for that Velasco was lodged in the house of one of that faction: They resolved to contradict all, their adversaries should propound: And for as much as at that instant 
Two contrary factions in Olivenza.  there were more of the family of the Mattis in office, then of the Lobby, seeing their enemies inclined to give place unto the king, they began to oppose themselves, and without making answer to the letter, they sent with all speed to the governors, and presently after going to the lodging of Velasco, they said unto him, that they could not give answer, in a matter of so great importance, without good advise and advertising of the governors, demanding four days liberty, whereunto Peter answering, that he could give them no longer time than the next day morning, they departed unsatisfied, saying that they feared nothing, for that God would succour them: where with Velasco discontented, would have sent Fratyn, an Italian Ingeneur (who was then with him) to the Duke of Alva to request him to send some troops of soldiers within the view of the place to terrify them; yet being advised by his friends that were Portugals, and finding the people affected to the king, he stayed: The faction of L●by with all their followers seeing the contradiction of the magistrate, assembled themselves in council, making an act in writing, signed by them all, whereby they protested that they were ready to obey the king. In this time Mark Anthony justinian a gentleman of Genoa, friend unto Velasco, and kinsman to the L●by, advised him to leave his lodging, and to talk to the people in the streets, winning them with fair words, the which having effected, and gathering a great multitude about him, he made unto them a long discourse, showing the profit they should receive, in yielding obedience unto the king, and the hurt in following the opinion of the magistrate, seeing there was a mighty army so near them, wherewith the people who were easily changed seemed content, and following him to the Church of the holy 
The Catholic king sworn at Olivenza.  Ghost where the Nobility was assembled, Velasco entered and said unto them: My masters what shall we do? To whom Friar Alvaro in the name of the whole assembly answered, that they were ready to serve his Majesty: Then justinian (raising Velasco from the ground) proclaimed the king's name, the which was followed by the whole Nobility, and likewise by the people, who going to the house of the magistrate, they called for the judge and the Vereadors upon great penalty, who understanding the people was mutined, and that Philip was proclaimed king, they were afraid, and went to yield their obedience, the which the castle did likewise, performing the ordinary acts and ceremonies; Velasco offering in the king's name many exemptions: In this manner but more quietly in other places, all this frontier did yield as Serpa, Mora, Campo maior, Arronghez; Portalegre, and in other places about the realm, they used the like diligence.  
At this time Anthony was gone from Saint Arem to Lisbon: the governors seeing that succeed which they had long foretold, did fortify at Settwal, with the Duke of Bragance, and the Ambassadors 
The governors neglect the defence of Lisbon.  of the Catholic King, fearing the new King would march to them. They neglected the defence of Lisbon, supposing that Peter de Cugna, captain thereof, and john Teglio, who as is said, was at Belem with their procuration, would provide for it, as they had commanded them, and had sent two officers of justice, to persuade the Citizens to make resistance: But the said Teglio (who it may be with greater zeal than judgement) was one of those that would have the cause determined, understanding that Anthony was proclaimed king, was greatly discontented, for that of force he must leave the government, and make his peace with King Philip, with greater difficulty, if he should now seek it: Besides that, Anthony did not acknowledge the crown from him, and therefore greatly moved, seeming also unto him, that as Governor he did wrong his companions, (they being at Settwal and he at Belem) to suffer the Prior so easily to become Lord of Lisbon without blows; he treated touching the defence thereof, being persuaded thereunto by the Magistrate, who requested him to enter the city to that end, protesting that if the Prior took possession it should not be their fault, which could not hinder it, but his who could and would not: By means whereof, although but coldly, he assembled many companies of peasants thereabouts, the which he sent for the guard of the city, and to hinder the Prior's entry. He commanded Peter de Cugna to take care for the defence thereof, being resolute not to enter himself, and having called to Council, the Gentlemen that were present, they resolved to send with speed to Anthony, Diego de Sosa, and Francis de Meneses, entreating him not to enter into Lisbon, nor to call himself King, but only Protector, being a name more fit for all occasions that might happen: And although they went with this commission, yet many advised Teglio, that notwithstanding all these demonstrations, he should not hinder the course of the Prior's good fortune, so as wavering in his opinions, not resolving in any thing, he was cause that the soldiers or peasants that were raised about the city, having neither order nor commission from the Governors, knew not what to do, whether to accompany the Prior, or hinder his entry; for that Emanuel of Portugal who had projected to make the Prior King, laboured to prevent all their resolutions, and having resolved, he purposely made their executions vain. Peter de Cugna said, that if john Teglio would not oppose himself in person, that he would not accomplish it being his inferior; whereunto Teglio replied, that it was the captains duty, either of them excusing themselves upon the other, both with several intents.  
The Prior drew near to Lisbon, but he was in danger never to come there, for near to Sacaben which is six miles from the city, staying in the field to speak with Francis de Almeda his friend, there was a harquebus discharged at him, wherewith Francis was slain, and no man able to discover from whence it came, they supposed it was intended against the Prior himself. Soon after he arrived at the city with a small troop, especially of the Nobility, having 
Anthony arrives at Lisbon, and proclaimed King.  few other with him but Diego de Sosa, and Francis de Meneses, and therefore they suffered him freely to enter, being of all those that met him proclaimed king. There were few at that time within the city, both by reason of the plague, and for that many held not themselves in safety, seeing the realm in division, on the one side the Catholic king entered with a mighty army, on the other side were the Governors in a manner conformeable to the said King▪ lastly was the Prior being poor alone, & ill advised, made King, by a handful of the base people: So as there was not any of the justice or Nobility that went to visit him, and of the superior magistrates there was but one Vereador to be found, the rest being hidden: Notwithstanding, he went to the palace upon the river, whereof he took peaceable possession, as also of the Arcynal and storehouse of arms, he created a new purueior, and new officers of justice, and new Vereadors, supplying all other offices that were void: From thence he went to the townhouse to be proclaimed King with ordinary ceremonies, all the principal of the city being assembled, to whom Emanuel Fonsequa Nobrega, a doctor of a bold spirit spoke in this manner.  

The speech of Fonsequa for the creation of Anthony.  I see graven in your countenances the joy and content which is conceived in your hearts, having attained to this so happy a day, wherein you swear him king whom you so much desire: I account all words frivolous to animate you thereunto: I may speak unto you with courage, for that your desires exceed my eloquence: I know that every small delay doth not only grieve you, but also greatly displease you, that any other should effect that first, which you have so much wished, and which was fit you should have done, seeing that from this city as principal, the rest of the realm should take their law. But be as joyful and willing to this act as you please, be my words never so superfluous, yet encouraged by duty and love, I must briefly deliver unto you my advise; I will not make any particular repetition of his afflictions, nor with what judgement he hath surmounted them being infinite, and the time short: Let it suffice you to understand as you do, that by a fatal destiny he hath always encountered against the proud arrogancy of this world: For as virtues be (by reason of our sins) most commonly hateful to princes in this age, and vices cherished, as virtuous and nobly minded, he hath always been hated and oppressed: So as sometimes terming him a bastard, sometimes preferring those whom he should precead, they laboured by all means to blemish that glory that did shine in him. I will lay aside the disgraces he suffered with king Sebastian, at his departure for Africa, which others would have taken for an excuse to stay, yet acquainted with the frowns of fortune, although he did judicially foresee that he went to his ruin, he chose rather (with so great danger of his person, following the rashness of an other) to remain a slave unto the Moors, then to blemish his honour with any reproach, how small soever. He remained prisoner as he had foreseen in that unhappy day; King Sebastian his nephew died, before whom many other princes all heirs to the crown were deceased, there remained none but Cardinal Henry, who for the ripeness of his age, and indisposition of his body, was thought to be of short life, so as the realm was in a manner without heir. But the King of kings although he seemeth sometimes slack, yet doth he equally weigh and execute all things, providing so, that whilst king Henry enjoyed the realm, in those few days of his life which remained, he miraculously delivered from the hands of the Moors, him whom he intended should be our true king: I say miraculously, for in truth it seemed impossible that man's wisdom could deliver him, as it followed, for that according to the custom of those infidels, he being a prince, he should have been presented to their prince, and there kept in perpetual prison, or at the least redeemed for the exchange of cities and fortresses, or for some great sum of money, yet (see if this were not a miracle) in short time he was delivered, and without ransom. He returned into the realm, where fortune not yet weary of him, crossed him with a thousand afflictions, all which he hath overcome and surmounted by his virtues: behold him now here, and although he seem to be environed more than ever with enemies, yet doth he rely upon your valour, and I in his wisdom, that he will vanquish all things: Rejoice then that he doth accept of this sceptre, against his competitors, for the love of you doth more encourage him thereunto, than the desire of rule, offering to entreat you perpetually not as a King, but as a father, and brother to you all: Whom do you esteem him to be, to whom this day we give the empire over us? It is the true stock, the lawful line, and the only plant which remains of our Kings, he is nephew to king Emanuel of famous memory, borne of Lewes his son, the greatest and firmest pillars, that ever Portugal had, to him these realms appertain by right: but if it were not so as it cannot be otherwise, yet should we, flying the rest, cast ourselves into his bosom, for by that means we should have assured liberty, and by the rest a most certain bondage and tyranny. At the end of this speech, there was great rejoicing, and all cried out, a King, delivering into his hands the standard of the city: Emanuel Fonseca pronounced from the windows these words, as they were accustomed to do, Real, Real, for don Anthony king of Portugal, the which was accepted by the people with great joy: And having made declaration in writing of this act, the Prior returned to the palace, where soon after taking the ordinary oath to observe the privileges, and liberties of the realm, and all that other princes were wont to do, he dispatched his messengers with letters to all other cities, and places, commanding them to send unto him to yield their obedience. He made many offers to the Duke of Bragance, and to the Marquis of Villa Real, entreating all other Noblemen to come unto him to consult of matters concerning the realm: But the Duke persuaded likewise by the Deputies of the realm, to compound with Anthony, would not do it, the Marquis went not, 
The flight of Teglio.  and few others did acknowledge him. But Teglio seeing the Prior now become king without his help, making she we to go from Belem (where he remained) to Lisbon to kiss his hands, and having agreed with Diego Lopez de Sequeira, captain of three galleys that were in the river, he embarked himself in one of them with the Bishop of Leiria, Anthony de Castro, Lord of Cascays, Martin Gonzales de Camera, Emanuel Teles Barretto, Francis de Meneses, Lewes Caesar purueior of the Arcynal, with some others, carrying with them forty or fifty thousand ducats in gold, which he had caused to be brought from the mint at Lisbon, usurping them from jaques de Bard, a Florentine merchant, who was the owner. And in his departure, when most men believed they should go to the city, they took their course towards the sea, and went to Settwal, where the rest of the Governors remained: yet two of the three galleys disobeying their captains, would not follow the foremost, but went to the city. Teglio being arrived with his galleys at the mouth of the fort of Settwal, the guard of the town would not suffer him to enter, but kept him off with their cannon, being disimbarked a little on the one side, he went by land towards the Governors, to discharge himself, but he was not received nor acknowledged of them as a companion, who both in their writings, and their speeches with him, used him as a private Gentleman, and not as a Governor, for punishment of that which he had done at Belem, and at Anthony his entry at Lisbon: And this was the only thing wherein the Governors showed their authority, for in all other things they discovered their fear and inconstancy. The Prior seeing these men, whereof he held some of them to be his confident friends to fly, to carry away the money, and to join themselves with the Governors his adversaries who began to fortify Settwal, discovered plainly that they had intelligence with the Catholic King: that they would entertain themselves in that place, until the galleys of Italy, which they understood had been trimmed at Saint Marie port, should arrive in those quarters, to give them entry at Settwal, whereby might ensue his ruin, for that the Catholic King entering there with a great army, the city of Lisbon should be in a manner besieged, and therefore having first imprisoned some that were suspected unto him, and demanded money in loan from the merchants, he resolved with what speed he could to recover this place, either by love or force, induced to make this haste by the proceeding of Tristan Vaz de Vega, captain of the fortress of Saint julian, at the mouth of Tagus, to whom having written, he made answer that he could not consign him the castle, nor hold it in his name, alleging that he had taken an oath not to deliver it but to such as had put it into his hands, which were the Governors; so as Anthony reserving this for a second enterprise, having hastily and by force assembled the peasants about the city; the artisans, slaves, and other people gathered together, which in all came not to fifteen hundredth, he transported them to the other side of the river: but before he himself would pass, he sent Francis of Portugal, Count of Vimioso to Settwal, to treat with the Governors, and to persuade them to yield to his obedience; to whom he did likewise write, that they should not dishonour and undo themselves, seeking rather to give the crown to a stranger, then to him who was their countryman, that they should come unto him, and he would freely forgive all things: But the Governors trusted neither to this letter, nor to the words of the Earl, being greatly bound to the Catholic King, whereof some of them as favourites to king Henry had assisted to the sentences that had been pronounced against him: Therefore consulting with the Ambassadors of the Catholic King, they resolved to defend themselves until the coming of the king's army, the which they expected hourly. But this practice succeeded not, for the winds were still so contrary, that the galleys could not arrive, the which the Duke of Bragance considering he would not attend but departed: The Count of Vimioso, desirous to expel them from thence, having incensed the people to sedition, & aided by the guard of Halberdiers of the court, he took arms, and became master of the port, many ran armed to the governors 
The flight of the governors.  lodging, threatening with injurious words to kill them: wherewith being feared and amazed, not only the Governors, but likewise the Ambassadors of the Catholic King, and all the Nobility of the city, which followed Philip's faction, some fled secretly out at the windows, some by sea, some by land, except the Archbishop of Lisbon, and john Teglio, who only remained, the one trusting in his calling, the other in the works which he had formerly done in favour of the Prior, and in his kinsmen. The Ambassadors retired themselves the next day into Castill. This act in truth was full of compassion, for although the Governors for their irresolutions and private interests deserved punishment, yet men's hearts were moved to see these grave old men, in whom not two hours before the royal authority remained, fastened to ropes creep out at windows, to avoid the fury of a young licentious man, who had mutined the people, and the guard itself against them: Such of the Nobility as abandoning their houses in those parts, retired themselves, were Fernand de Norogna, Peter de Meneses, Edward de Castelbianco, 
Anthony arrived at Settwal.  Diego Lopez de Sequeira, Anthony de Castelbianco, Lewes Caesar, and some others. Anthony having advertisement of their departure, passed the river, and went thither: Where he was received under a cannapie with signs of great joy, & having given order to the fortification, & guard of that place as it seemed necessary, he returned to Lisbon, against the advise of some, who persuaded him to assemble his forces to resist the enemy, & not to repass Tagus: But he did it not, saying, he would return presently, fearful (as many supposed) and not holding himself assured on that side the river: Cascays and the fortress of Saint julian, did not yet obey him, yet understanding that Anthony was possessed of Settwal, the wife of Anthony 
Cascayes & S. julian yield to Anthony.  de Castro went from Cascays, after whose departure the city yielded, and the captain of the fortress of Saint julian, being written unto by Anthony, that he would give him four thousand ducats a year rend, made answer, that seeing the Governors had abandoned the realm, and that he was proclaimed king, he would hold it at his devotion: By reason whereof, Bastien de Britto, who served as sergeant mayor of the city of Lisbon, in the place of Peter de Cugna, turned head, who with certain men gathered together, went by the commandment of Anthony to encamp about this fortress, so as all places of importance about Lisbon, remained at his obedience: So did all others in those parts except the city of Porto, which obeyed not yet.  
The Duke of Bragance having foreseen the sedition which was practised at Settwal, being departed as it is said, a little before the governors flight, and gone to Portel, a place belonging unto himself, near the frontiers of the realm towards Castill, seeing justice reduced to arms, and himself disarmed, he thought it now 
The Duke of Bragance sends to Philip.  high time to treat with the Catholic King: He sent therefore a Gentleman to represent unto him, how peaceably he had always carried himself in the pursuit of justice for Katherine his wife; that he had never troubled the public quiet, nor in any thing surpassed the ordinary terms of justice and reason, and if he had not compounded with him, the cause was, for that he understood his reasons were great, neither had he means to do it, by reason of the people who would have withstood him: Notwithstanding he was now resolute, if his Majesty would make him a good composition, to yield unto him all the rights of the said Katherine, and that being agreed, he would publicly send one to treat with him: He alleged that his subjects being the third part of the realm, he could make easy, or greatly hinder the enterprise. He said that the Deputies of the realm had made offer unto him, that they would procure Anthony to leave the title of King, and unite himself with him, for the defence of the crown, and that in the end they should agree: And that the said Anthony had sent to make great offers unto him, the which he would not accept, not seeming reasonable unto him. He requested his Majesty to command the army not to endamage his country: Herein he spoke truth, for although he were a quiet and religious man, yet the Philipins said, that although he had been otherwise, the King had no cause to fear his forces, for albeit he had many subjects, yet were they not all obedient unto him. That the Nobility abhorred his rule more than any other, and that some of his kinsmen did him more hurt then good, by reason of the emulation amongst the Nobility. He relied much on the equity of his cause, yet feared he to be forced by the king's power, which he saw prepared, supposing he would not receive judgement in the cause from any man. This fear had induced him to write to all the great Potentates in Christendom, showing his reasons, and demanding succours. The like office had he done with some Cardinals at Rome. He had sent into France divers copies of his allegations, to the end they might be dispersed into England and other places, making great instance to the two Queens to succour him with money, munition, & captains: But his weakness being known to both, although he gave them to understand he went to join with the Governors in defence, they returned him nothing but courteous words. And some say, that not content to use this diligence, to such as were envious of the kings good, he did likewise write to his enemies and rebels, desiring to treat with the Prince of Orange, and the Duke of Alançon. These things caused him more loss than profit, as it happens commonly to those that will contend with mighty Princes, and build their foundations upon the succours of their enemies ill willers, who will not commonly declare themselves, except their companion be strong. Hereupon it grew, that the King returned to the said propositions so ample, and artificial an answer: for (as it was reported) some of his letters had been surprised by the Agents of the Catholic king, and some other, especially those he had written to Rome, were sent to the King by them, to whom he had written them. He answered, that he rejoiced, that 
The Catholic kings answer to the Duke of Bragance.  in time he had avoided the sedition at Settwal, being troubled with the danger and indignity he might have suffered: That he knew it to be true that in the pursuit of the right of Katherine, he had carried himself with due modesty, but by refusing to agree with him were grown the inconveniences wherein now they were, the which he would gladly they should rather have foreseen, then have made trial of, with so great disquietness, and dishonour unto themselves, for the which he was sorry in regard of the nearness of blood, and affection, he bore unto the said Katherine; That his offer to yield him his right was acceptable unto him, but he would have them to understand that there was no necessity, to add new actions to those which God had given him, apparent to all the world. That he had then wished for two reasons they could have accepted of his liberality, in recompense of their pretension: The first was, that he hoped by this means, he should not have been forced to enter armed into the realm, and to make war upon his own subjects, which is one of the things that doth most trouble him: But that good which might have been reaped by composition, was now extinct by their slackness, seeing that his army was already entered the realm: The second reason was, the desire to increase and prosper his house, to do good to his children, to avoid the ruin of the estate, and the hazard to overthrow it, whereof there was yet some remedy, for being so desirous of his good, that only was sufficient to move him to do them good: He said moreover, that he was much amazed to hear him confess with his own mouth, that they had daily practised with Anthony, that they treated with a rebel who had committed so horrible a crime, advising him in sign of love, hereafter to abstain from all such treaties, so contrary to that fidelity whereunto they were bound, and so unworthy of their authority and reputation, showing likewise, that he marveled they would suffer themselves to be informed from the Deputies, who promised to cause Anthony to forsake the title of a king, which he hath usurped, as if it were an offence capable of repentance, whereas they should well understand, that they be ordinary practices and discourses of rebels, to deceive them as they had formerly done: And whereas the Deputies call it an accord or union for the defence, let them take heed that it prove not a league, and a conspiracy, framed to make him partaker with Anthony his offence, from the which God had yet preserved him: He concluded that he would always give a gentle audience to that which should be propounded on his behalf, with intention to do him all the grace and favour possible in his demands. This answer being received, the Duke sent certain gentlemen to treat an agreement with the king, the which continued long, making unseasonable demands on the Duke's behalf: Notwithstanding the King desiring that before they proceeded further, he should acknowledge and swear him for his Lord: The matter remained in suspense with small content to the Duke, who found not only the hope of his justice to fall out vain, but likewise not to be fully reconciled to the king, who took possession of his countries, having already lost Villavizosa, one of his chief places, and of great importance, where he made his abode, although he had well fortified it.  
The which happened presently after the reduction of Eluas, by the means of a castilian whom he had left within the castle, either trusting in him, or neglecting of it. This man having intelligence with captain Cisneros, who was in the Duke's camp, treated 
The taking of Villavisosa.  to deliver unto him in the night, one of the gates of the castle, the which descends into the ditch, thereby secretly to bring in the king's forces, the which he did effect. The night appointed for this enterprise being come, the Duke commanded Sanches d'Auila, to go with the soldiers he had about Eluas, and take possession of the fortress, who having taken their arquebusiers behind them, marched so that night, that in the morning they came to Villavizosa, and approaching the gate that was promised them, they found that although it were open, yet could they not enter, for that being far from the ground, the ladder which they had brought was too short, and could not reach unto it, so as in despair to put it in execution, the day growing near, they were ready to return, fearing to be discovered. But as many times things are fitted to the violent course of fortune, the castilians found within the castle ditch an other ladder, which the soldiers within the fort had by chance left there, the which bound to that they brought, reached unto the gate, so as all the soldiers entered the castle, without being discovered, having neither guard nor sentinel, but were all laid to sleep, having a mighty army of enemies within ten miles of them, so as in this manner the Duke of Bragance lost the best and strongest furnished place he had.  
Many were then of opinion, the King should not go in person with the army, for although some held it was necessary he should 
Reason's why the King should not go in person.  go, alleging the former reasons, yet such as held the contrary opinion, added unto their reasons, that throughout all the way unto Lisbon, and in the city itself, they died most violently of the plague, although the air did not seem corrupted, that it was not convenient to hazard the life of a Prince, who was a pillar of the Church, and Lord of so many Realms. That they might answer unto the reasons of conveniency, which was spoken against this opinion, that it was like unto all other human things which have two reasons, for weighing the one it imports much, and regarding the other, they seem light: The importance of the enterprise is very great, considering the valour of the realm, and his interest; but if you consider that they oppose against the person of so mighty a king, that of Anthony a rebel, who doth scarce deserve the name of a tyrant, and that with the Duke of Alva, and so many Noblemen, Italians and Spaniards, you compare the Count of Vimioso, young, without experience, and all the rest of their train, and that against so valiant soldiers of all nations, there come peasants gathered together from the villages about Lisbon, and the slaves of Ethiopia, you may easily judge the great indignity the king should suffer being present in this expedition. They alleged the like reason against the hope of good success; for although it seemed a matter easily to be effected, considering the quality of the enemies, yet regarding the difficulties alleged, the matter was in suspense, remembering the examples of King john the first of Castill, & Alphonse the fifth of Portugal, either of them entering at divers times with an army, into other countries, and both returned flying and broken. As for the sweet content it seemed the King's entry should bring, and chose the sharpness of the Duke of Alva, they said it was well considered; yet the King remaining at Eluas, or in any other place upon the frontiers, he should give a general content. This opinion seeming the better, and with most ground, not only pleased the King, but bred such an impression in the minds of many, that it passed the limits, for that the considerations of safety are limited with fear, so as they began to apprehend too much, saying, the king was not sure at Badagios, and that he should retire himself to Civil, under colour to dispatch away the army, seeing it had already entered the realm: for the Duke marching from the frontier, the King should lie open to all attempts of the Portugals, who might make their courses even unto the walls of the city. That Anthony seeking to make this diversion, he might easily effect it with so great force, as the king should be constrained to retire himself with small authority, and recall his army, although it were about the walls of Lisbon; yet would not the king by any means hear speak thereof, but persuaded such as were of that opinion, that for a world, no, for his own life, he would not retire a foot back, but was resolved to stay in Portugal, in some place of the frontiers, which should be thought most convenient, and for that 
The King's army entered into Portugal.  effect retained certain troops for his guard.  
The Duke of Alva who had assembled his army at Cantigliana passed the 27. day of june, by the king's commandment, the small of Caya, which divides the two realms, entering into Portugal with great quantity of munition and baggage, by reason whereof, he carried with him above six thousand chariots, and five and twenty pieces of canon, and passing under the walls of Eluas, there was nothing to be done, being already yielded: In three days march he came to Stremos, receiving all places thereabouts to obedience, which might be amazed at the bruit of the army: But for that he laboured to assure the king's person above all, being entered two days journey within the country, he sent back Peter Manrique de Padilla a knight of account, and well experienced in the war, with two companies of men at arms, and Peter d' Ayala Marshal of the field, an old soldier, with a regiment of Spaniards, who lodged at Eluas, assuring those quarters from all revolutions that might be feared: within Stremos was captain john Dazevedo 
The taking of Stremos.  Admiral of the realm, young and hardy, who put himself in defence, and was cause that the army made longer stay there, then at any other lodging: He (when as the governors were yet at Almeryn) had obtained by the means of Martin Gonzales de Camera somewhat allied unto him, the Captainship of that place, and after being written unto by Anthony as king, he would not obey him, saying that he did not acknowledge any other superior than the governors, to whom he had given his oath: At this time the Duke being arrived, he sent unto him Peter de Luna a captain of horse, with letters from the king, requiring his obedience, but he refused to yield it, for the same reasons he had given to Anthony; he trusted more to the defence of the place, than the force thereof would warrant; and the rather for the diligence of Diego de Meneses, who when he had speech of the fortifying of Eluas, seeing it could not be effected, he had retired himself to Stremos, thinking there to make head, and having animated the people to defend it, he promised them great succours; so as all agreeing with the Admiral, they were resolute to fight. At this time Christopher de Mora, who went from Settwal to Badagios, passing through the city, he persuaded the Landini, chief citizens to yield obedience unto the king, and for that it was easy for them to turn the people as they pleased, they induced them soon to obey: So as the Admiral remained alone in his obstinacy, within the castle with some of his friends and familiars, and although they laboured to bring him to obedience, yet would he not yield, excusing himself, that it appeared not unto him, that the king was heir to the realm; neither did the coming of the Prior Ferrant de Toledo son to the Duke of Alva prevail; who discovering him to be a man of small consideration, made offer unto him, that the Duke should be bound, that whensoever it should appear that the realm appertained not unto Philip, he should restore him to the place he now enjoyed: neither prevailed it to let him understand that he could not resist, making answer obstinately, that when he had done his last endeavour, he would abandon the place with the loss of his life, seeming that he could not otherwise save his honour. But this resolution lasted little, for discovering from the castle, that the Duke had already planted his artillery, that those of the city which had promised to defend him, were all against him, and that some castilian soldiers were entered the city, being all amazed, he resolved to retire himself, and leave the fortress, wanting courage to defend it; but in issuing forth the castilians took him prisoner, and led him to the Duke, who was in doubt whether he should punish him corporally, to terrify the rest by his first example; but he pardoned him, and sent him prisoner to Villavizosa, writing unto the king, that he took pity of him, being young and without experience. When the magistrate and the citizens had taken their oath, and done the accustomed ceremonies to obey the king, the army marched towards mount mayor by the way of Arraialos, leaving Euora on the left hand, a city of importance, but then greatly afflicted with the plague: But to the end it should not remain behind unyeelded, 
Euora yielded.  the Duke sent thither Henry de Guzman with twenty horse to take possession thereof, both for that he knew it was unpeopled, as also understanding that Diego de Castro (who was Captain there) and the principals of the city (who were retired to their gardens thereabouts) desired to yield their obedience, by reason whereof, the said captain and Magistrate being assembled together a mile from the city under the portal of our Lady's church, there Constantine de Brito a Notary, received a public act, whereby they delivered the city to his majesties obedience, the which they all assigned. The Duke being now arrived, in four days march at Mount Maior the new, where having found no resistance, 
The taking of Mount Maior.  although the Count Vimioso had been there a little before, taking possession thereof, he came within four days to Settwal, without wasting the country as is usual in war; for he neither slew nor spoiled the inhabitants of towns, nor suffered them to tread down the corn which was then ripe: It seemed that Diego de Meneses had not showed the fruits, that were expected of his valour within that province, nor of that heat wherewith he undertook the defence, having for that cause refused the place of Viceroy of the Indies, which is the greatest charge given in that realm: For having first from the Governors, and after from the Prior, received charge to defend the said province, he not only neglected the defence, but also retired himself. He excused this weak resistance, saying, that the Governors had deceived him, in not furnishing him with arms, and other things necessary, and that having no other arms with the people, but words, he was enforced to retire himself. But whatsoever the cause was, all that part beyond the river of Tagus, which is the most fertile within the realm, remained disarmed and in pray to the enemy.  

Anthony his entry into Lisbon.  Anthony being returned from Settwall to Lisbon, he was received with great joy, being the first time he had entered as king: And although the infection with the division of the Nobility had much unpeopled it, yet made they devices with great shows of joy. I will not leave to report as a thing remarkable, that there was a company of poor women which sell things in the market place, the which marching in order like soldiers with their arms, she which was their captain in stead of a Halberd carried a fire pan, seeming to remember the ancient battle of Algibarotta, betwixt the castilians and the Portugals, where these being conquerors, they vaunted that a Baker's wife had slain seven castilians with a fire pan. The Governors who were fled from Settwall to a castle, whereas Ambrose de Aguiar was then captain, embarked secretly, and their fear was so great, as not holding themselves assured in any part of the realm, they were conducted to Ayamont, a city belonging to the Catholic king upon the frontiers, where being better advised, they returned into the realm, putting themselves in Castromarin with great discontentment: There they made a decree repeating the deeds of Anthony, from the time of king Henry unto that day, confirming the sentences which the said Henry had pronounced against him, call him rebel, and troubler of the 
The decree of the Governors.  public quiet. They declared (giving testimony of the intention of King Henry) that king Philip was the true succussor. They commanded all cities, places, noblemans, and ministers of justice, to obey him, resigning all their authority unto him: And although it seemed that all justice was now reduced to arms, and that the King had no need of this decree, yet was it of great importance both to justify his cause with the people, as also for that it made many cities to yield.  

Anthony's preparation for the defence of the kingdom.  But Anthony made no reckoning of this sentence, preparing for defence upon the right side of the river of Tagus, he had yet no other nation but Portugals, and such as he could gather together, where with he could not frame a camp upon any necessity; for that the peasants and the people, which were not entertained for the war, could not abandon their trades to go to field, and therefore he desired to have mercenary soldiers, and finding that Francis Baretto stayed long to bring any from France, he dispatched Peter Dora, than Consul of the French in that realm, into France, giving him money to levy two thousand men, he named Diego de Meneses, his Lieutenant general, and gave the charge of his army at sea, to George de Meneses: He understood well the course of the Catholic army, but trusting as well in the people as to the passage of the river, he seemed to be well able to defend himself: He grew doubtful (being ill advertised) that whilst the Duke marched by small journeys towards Settwall, seeming to go thither, he should take the way to Saint Arem as some would suppose, there to pass the river of Tagus with more ease, being narrow, and after to march by land against Lisbon, without regard of smaller towns; Having therefore grounded a great part of his hopes upon the defence of the passage of the river, being amazed with this news, he sent to furnish it with men and arms: But understanding afterwards that the Duke was in truth approached to Settwal, that he had taken Alcazar, which is near unto it, he called back the men which he had sent to Saint Arem, and with some others which he had forcibly gathered together, he sent them to Settwal, forcing the Gentlemen one after an other, and all in general to go thither, sometimes with punishments, sometimes with entreaties, and sometimes with promises of exemptions and privileges: But for all this no man went willingly, and such as were forced complained greatly. The Nobility was small in number, and such as were there, nothing resolute, the people easy to change upon every light occasion, were slothful, having conceived an opinion that it was not lawful to fight against Christians, so as some fled, some hid themselves, and some complained. The king's ministers being new, men ill affected, and not fashioned to command, as those which had the reins at liberty, did tyrannize with absolute authority, forcing all men with an unaccustomed rigour, to fight against their wills. At that time they did tolerate 
Disorders at Lisbon.  within the city infinite disorders, and thefts to draw money from the merchants: they imprisoned some which would not presently pay that which was demanded of them; If any took horse to go out of the city about their business, suddenly they said they fled into Castill, and with this slander they seized upon their persons and goods. He was unhappy that did commend the Catholic kings forces, for he was either stoned, imprisoned, or condemned in a great sum of money, they took from all men by force their horse and arms, who so had little credit or no acquaintance with these new officers, were ill assured: Such as had reckonings to make with the Court were in ill case, for they were forced to pay what they did owe, without compensation of what was due unto them: For this cause, and for that they seemed friends to quietness, some of great means, and very honourable were imprisoned. The barbarous decrees, the commandments that were made to surcease the payments and rents, to bind every man to retire into the city, and stand to the defence, the opening and spoiling of houses that were shut up were infinite, there was nothing but rigour, and rudeness, and all was executed by men who with their ignorance & bad inclination, expressly to cause disorders, made commandments inobservable, the crosses of military orders, especially those which carry the title of knights of Christ, sometime held in reputation, were now given to many base and unworthy persons, by the intercession of one or other. The new Christians who were never admitted to these orders, nor to the degree of Nobility, nor to any royal offices, were suddenly by the favour of this man mounted to what degree they pleased, not for that he was beholding to any that had succoured him in the time of his necessities, but for that he was easily persuaded by whomsoever. The black Negroes to whom (for the great number there is of them in the city of Lisbon) arms were defended, were suddenly all armed, and as it were free, commandment being made, that all such as would serve in this war under captains, likewise moors assigned for that purpose, might do it against the will of their masters, and without paying; for which cause, all the slaves being assembled, and conceiving the King's commandment to be more in their favour than it was, shaking off the yoke, leaving their patrons, they ran unto the city, where taking horse and arms by force where they found them, they committed a thousand insolencies. They coined money in the name of Anthony, a quarter less than it was wont to be, the revenue of the crown was wasted, for besides that he extorted from the treasurers what he could, he laid hands upon the jewels of the crown, and upon that most renowned (by the Portugals) saddle and furniture for a horse, enriched with stones brought from the Indies, which was of great value. The money which Henry had gathered together for the ransom of the Portugals, which were slaves in Africa, was consumed and wholly spent: And this liberty proceeded so far, that they sought into religious houses, for the money which they thought had been there laid in guard, and having found some, although it appertained to friends, and faithful persons, to orphans, and pupils, yet was it seized on, without number or weight, together with the silver vessels of the same churches, the which was violently carried away in some places, and in other places with the consent of the religious men themselves: Neither were the jewels and treasure which Marie the cousin of the said Anthony left, more assured, being given to godly uses, for the good of her soul: For notwithstanding he were greatly bound unto her, yet he took them, & converted them to his own use. They gave liberty to religious men to arm themselves, employing them in military charges, to the scandal of the people, and all good and religious men, and without any fruit. Many of the better sort remembering the time past, and that wherein king Sebastian reigned blamed themselves, for than they complained of the arrogancy of his favourites, who they said had never done any harm. They blessed king Henry saying, that although he knew not, in the small time of his reign how to govern himself as he ought, yet did he never err in will, or suffered himself to be so easily seduced by any to the hurt of another. They cursed the Governors who had been so slow to resign the government, concluding that rashness had reigned with Sebastian, irresolute arrogancy with Henry, confusion with the Governors, and injustice with Anthony. Some excused this last with weak reasons, saying, there was nothing done amiss by his commandment, being courteous & well inclined; but that the greedy covetousness of many of his followers caused this excess, who having long suffered whilst he was persecuted, coming now to rule they satisfied themselves, making things unlawful tolerable, & that the Prior durst not deny their demands, nor punish the offenders, both for that the time was unfit, as also to avoid the name of unthankful, in punishing such as had aided and succoured him, when he was abandoned of all the world, for the severe sentences of King Henry.   

THE six BOOK.  
The Contents of the sixth Book.  
The conquest the Catholic King made of Settwal, and of the fortress: The arrival of his sea-army, there: The thoughts of Anthony: The voyage of Cardinal Riario into Spain: The passage of the army from Settwall to Cascayes, And the retreat of Diego de Meneses, with his Portugal soldiers: The confusion of things in the city of Lisbon: The taking of Cascayes, and of the Castle: The death of Diego de Meneses: Anthony Marcheth with his troops to Belem, & to Alcantara: Apardon sent by king Philip unto the Portugals to draw them unto him: The treaties of Pacification: The delivery of the rock of Saint julian, and of the fort: Of Cabesa Secca being abandoned, & the taking of the tower of Belem.  
THe Duke of Alva drew by small journeys near unto Settwal with his army, marching with small order, and without fear, as they are accustomed to do in their friend's country: But approaching near, calling the chief commanders he said unto them; That although they had hitherto neglected all military discipline, being so far distant from their enemies, now approaching near unto them, they ought not to contemn them, chiefly having Settwal so near, a city of importance, wherein it was likely, there was a great garrison: and therefore that every one hereafter should carefully do his duty, lodging his camp within the gardens on the north side. He presently sent a trumpet to signify unto them of the town, that he was come in the name of the Catholic king to take possession thereof as his own, that they should open him the gates, threatening them if they did otherwise, with all the miseries that did follow war, offering both to the inhabitants and to the soldiers, to leave their persons and 
The taking of Settwal.  goods free, if they would obey. Those within irresolute and divided, demanded time to advise: And for that we do usually regard our own private profit more than any otherthing; the Citizens viewing from the walls, the soldiers to cut their vines, and spoil their banks of salt, whereof there is great abundance in that place, would presently have yielded upon any condition. The mariners & some few soldiers made a cold show of resistance: Yet Francis Mascaregnas who was captain of the city, & Diego Boteglio the younger, who commanded the soldiers, (having well considered the weakness of the walls, and fearing the enemy near, whom they little regarded a far off) were more inclined to yield then to any thing else, neither did it behove him to linger long upon this resolution: For Lewes Dovara had practised with a Frenchman, who was captain of a company within the city, to deliver him in the night, the gate which he had in guard, the which he had performed, but the citizens being formerly resolved, sent Simon de Miranda unto the Duke, to offer him obedience, but he could not execute his Embassage: for the soldiers of the city, who were privy to the resolution of the commanders, being issued forth to go to Lisbon, they found the said Simon without the gates, & saying that he had betrayed them, they led him by force to Anthony, who kept him in prison; notwithstanding presently after, the soldiers of the army were brought in without condition or order. It is true that in this time the Duke had planted his cannon, & was resolved to batter it, & for a punishment of the slack resolution of the inhabitants to yield, their suburbs were spoiled, so as we may well say, that one of the most important cities of the realm was taken by threatenings, neither did the wars seem yet to have any beginning. The Portugal soldiers (as I said) departed free, only Diego Boteglio not trusting to the Duke, or seeming to be one of those that had actually served Anthony, would have fled secretly by sea, but he was taken & kept prisoner. The tower which keeps the entry of the Port, remained yet in the hands of the Portugals: The which, for that it was a place of hard access, & uneasy to bring the canon to it, although it were small and weak, yet was it held by the Portugals to be strong, the rather being backed towards the sea with three galleons armed, which had been sent from Lisbon, under the command of Ignace Rodrighez Voloso: And although it were manned with few soldiers, yet had it no need of any great number, not being capable of many: It was well furnished with canoneers, sufficient artillery, and a captain, who amongst the Portugals was counted valiant. They attended at Settwal the army at sea with great devotion: For besides that the short season for galleys to live in that sea began to wear away, if they had made any longer stay, the army at land had presently fallen into great want of victuals and munition: For this reason the Duke desired to make himself with all speed master of the fortress, & therefore he greatly entreated Mendoza de la Mota, (for so the captain was called) to consign it unto him; the which he refusing, the Duke added some promises in the King's 
The arrival of the Marquis of Saint Crux, with the army by sea.  name, but they prevailed not: And for that Alvaro de Bassan Marquis of S. Crux, captain of the said Catholic army by sea, being departed from S. Marie port, having run all the coast of algarves, and reduced many cities of that country to the king's obedience, was now arrived in this sea, with threescore galleys, and some round vessels, to the great contentment of the camp. The Duke was forced, having with great labour made his platforms, to plant four pieces of cannon, and to lodge his footmen for the force thereof, to the end the galleys having no other port of retreat, should not be forced by the winds to run any other course, whereof he gave the charge to Prosper Colonna: But the artillery was no sooner planted, whereas it might annoy one of the galleons, that was approached nearer land than the rest, the which being subject to the castilians cannon, which slew three or four of their men, they presently hoist sails, entering the port to yield, where they were in great danger; for those within the tower seeing them go to the enemy, discharged all their artillery against them: Colonna turned 
The yielding of the fortress.  the artillery against the fort, and beginning to batter, the assieged fainting, chiefly having viewed the army at sea, yielded, upon condition to depart with their lives, and bag and baggage, the which were stricter conditions than had been formerly offered. But the Duke although he were well pleased with the success, yet did he not seem to allow that Prosper should receive it with these conditions, seeing they had endured the cannon, seeming that the assieged that had not obeyed upon the first shot of the cannon were not worthy of pardon: Then the galleys drew near, and having quietly taken the other two galleons, they entered within the port.  
They had some intelligence at Lisbon of the taking of Settwal, yet not assured thereof, but by hearsay and conjectures; so ill was the Prior informed, that by this means he was subject to believe 
Three poor women crying to Anthony to succour Settwal.  many lies: whilst he was yet in suspense, three poor women with their hair about their ears, came to the palace, weeping and crying, that for the love of God he would cause their husbands to be succoured, who alone fought upon the walls of the city against the whole army of the Duke of Alva, not being rescued by the soldiers, nor any other, being all traitors: And▪ for that we more easily believe what we desire (although it be not likely) than what reason telleth us, he believed that what these women had reported was true, and moved with their tears and lamentations, turning to the 
Anthony's care to succour Settwal.  Count of Vimioso, who had already made offer to go, without any further advise, he commanded him to assemble what forces he could, and for the honour of the Portugals blood, go succour that place. To that end they assembled the whole people by ringing of the bells with other diligence; so as they embarked some by love, some by force, some armed, some unarmed, without knowledge who should lead them, how they should march, or what they should do: Fear did nothing retain them, for as yet they had never seen the enemy in the face, and therefore not only the youth ran thither, but old men armed with heads and hands shaking, embarked, themselves not pressed there unto (being freed by their age) but upon a certain natural hatred: Many religious men ran through the city on horseback with their naked weapons in hand, encouraging the people to embark. The women of base condition made the air deaf; the churches were full of sigh and lamentations, which they powered forth with their foolish prayers, whereby it seemed they knew not what they demanded, for they prayed for Christendom, as if they had been besieged by Infidels: It was the 19 day of july, the heat being extreme, and these poor wretches who were embarked, (attending the course of the water, burned with the sun, not yet a span from the bank) began to suffer thirst, so as many repented, and would gladly have returned if they could. But they remained in this estate until four of the clock in the afternoon, reckoning after the French manner: at what time Anthony going alongst the river, rejoicing to see so many ready to do him service, there arrived a Caravell from Settwal, which brought certain news of the success; the which although it pleased these people, who (half dead with suffering) disimbarqued again, yet it greatly displeased the Prior, who having been there in person, and furnished it with arms and munition, as much as he could possibly, and as he thought was convenient, he had conceived an assured hope, that it should hold out long, but seeing it now so shamefully lost, he grew amazed: And although 
The counsel of Anthony and his resolutions.  he durst neither in word nor deed, make show of any fear, yet as it were foretelling the mischief he was greatly troubled with himself: And for that in the counsels of such as be afflicted, such seems always best, as cannot be executed, having lost the occasion, he began now to consider, that he had done ill in not following the counsel of such as advised him not to take upon him the title of King, for with the name of Protector which he might have taken, it seemed unto him that he might at all times have made an honourable peace. But that now being king proclaimed and sworn with subscribing it in so many places, although he had not suffered any one to kiss his hands, nor taken the sceptre, it seemed unto him difficult, and almost impossible to leave the title but with his life, yet having well considered by the events, that his affairs were weak and unstable, he found the enemy to be mighty, and so far advanced in the enterprise, that he had no means to stay him, nor make him relinquish arms: He found himself abandoned, as a man may say, of the whole realm: For the Duke of Bragance the greatest of all the nobility, having made an agreement with the Catholic king, had retired himself expecting the event: The Marquis of Villa Real, who had given him hope to join, appeared not, and almost all the other great personages of the realm, and a great part of the Nobility, had followed the examples of these, for that some went openly to Badagios, to acknowledge the Catholic king for their Lord; some others stayed, to suit themselves according to the occurrents, so as the least part came to him, and these were such men, as neither love, nor their own desires, but fear, shame, and their own private considerations had drawn unto him; for some filled themselves with vain hopes, by reason of the great familiarity they had with him; some others being present, could not but follow him; and others for the rigorous commandments he had made, that every man should come and acknowledge him, came fearfully, whereof some stood more in awe than others, for such as had their goods and persons any thing retired, made small account of his commandment; and such as were near, as more subject to the execution thereof, came of force, feigning great affection: From these counterfeit looks of the rebellion of cities, of the retreat of 
Anthony's fear.  some to Badagios, of the report daily made unto him, of things which bred doubt in him, sometimes of the fidelity of one, sometimes of an other: he grew jealous that he should one day be delivered into his enemies hands, by such as he favoured most, to warrant their persons from the great danger wherein they were: And this jealousy did so increase, that he imprisoned George de Meneses, captain general at sea, having wrongfully believed, that he had treated to yield the army to the enemies, and to conduct them within the port of Lisbon. Hereunto they added that half the realm was lost, for all that part of Tagus towards Andelouzia was possessed by the castilians, and if there were any corner thereof where they had not been, as at Begia, and some other places of the realm of algarves, either they made no reckoning thereof, or they had compounded; and the other moiety of the realm, where the enemies had not been, was almost all in suspense, for the city of Porto which is the principal, and almost all the rest which lie betwixt the rivers of Doro and Migno, did not yet fully obey, desiring since they were come to arms, to see who should have the better, only Coimbra was more at his devotion then all the rest, and showed itself more of Anthony's faction then the whole realm; for in the beginning of july it began to rise, at the persuasion of john Rodrigues de Vasconcellos, a gentleman and a priest, whom Anthony had sent thither, expelling Peter Guedez governor thereof, who fled with the Corygidor in great hazard of his life, and if the plague had not then afflicted the city, the disorders had been greater; yet this was but one city only: whereas chose Saint Arem, the first place where he was proclaimed king, began to rise against him, for the pacifying whereof, he sent Emanuel de Sylva, one of the first moters of this popular humour which made him King; so as he had scarce any city remaining but Lisbon, whereof he had no great confidence, although the common people by their accustomed braggings, showed him great affection; in this so apparent danger he found not any of so many Potentates inclined to succour him, who in reason should not willingly have seen his enemy aspire to such greatness. So as afflicted with these thoughts, he had 
The resolutions of Anthony, and of his counsel.  easily followed the counsel of an accord, although the fidelity of the Portugals, and the name of King would not suffer him, yet he had no man about him that could persuade him, but was cured by contrary remedies: For taking counsel with Diego Boteglio the elder, his familiar, who had followed him in all his disgraces; and with those of the house of Portugal; although his flight, if he would have attempted it, were stopped, and small hope of victory in battle, yet could he not agree and yield to fortune, but resolved to 
The Bishop of Guarda seconds Anthony.  defend himself: In which resolution he was confirmed by the Bishop of Guarda, who as a bold man would have his opinion pass in all things: For he said the Catholic king was not so mighty as was supposed, that his Spanish soldiers, were new and untrained, that he would not draw forth of Italy his trained men, fearing that being busied in Spain, the realm of Naples, or the state of Milan should revolt: That the Italians and Germans were few in number, for beside there were many dead, it was not safe to bring any great numbers into Spain, a province that is weak, and hateful to all other nations: That at this present when as the brute should be of his taking arms, the States of Italy, of Navarre, and of Arragon would rebel: That the Turk would descend upon his realm of Naples: That Castill itself being grieved and overcharged with impostes, would revolt: That France, England, and a part of Germany, would come presently with many men to his succours, or at the least in assailing the other provinces of the Catholic king, divert the war, saying, it had not yet succeeded, the time being too short to give them notice of his election, or receive an answer: That the realm was mighty enough of itself to defend itself, on this side the river, until his friends had means to succour him: These things being delivered unto him by his friends with so great efficacy, and feigning to have received advise, they did somewhat encourage Anthony, besides that, the desire to reign makes the unbelieving, credulous: These men besides their aforesaid private passions, although they did well understand the weakness of the realm, and the lightness of their reasons, were blinded with two things, whereby they persuaded Anthony from composition. 
The counsel of Anthony ill grounded.  The one was, that knowing the offence to the Catholic king to be so great, that although they should obtain their pardon, yet should they never receive grace nor favour, but remain still in fear of their lives: The other was to enjoy in the mean time the government of the realm, the which in a manner was all in their hands, attributing unto themselves the principal offices, so as for the affection they showed unto the crown, it seemed that Anthony bore them respect, and in a manner subjection, so as the fear of life, and the sweetness of rule, made them obstinate. Amidst these doubts, the Prior was not without hope of some succours from France, for that Francis Baretto being first of all sent by the Governors, and then the Consul of the French by himself, with some little money, he expected at the least one of them should appear with men, although the Governors had sent Baretto more to please the people's desire, with this show, then for any will they had he should work it in effect, being dispatched with ample commissions, they daily by their messengers restrained, and in a manner revoked them, so as he effected nothing of importance: And although that Anthony had written unto him, yet was it late, and the Consul of the French having received money, stayed still in France to take his pleasure, so as they expected succours from those parts in vain, chiefly by reason that the Agents of the Catholic king laboured greatly that court, to keep the Portugals from their desire. True it is, that when Anthony found them so slow in coming, and that the Catholic King's galleys were masters of the sea, he began to be out of hope. Then grew a confusion and disorder in all things, and forasmuch as their minds were greatly troubled, all without rest, and all terrified, it chanced that the night following the day, when as they had received news of the loss of Settwall, by reason of the flight of some castilian merchants, who held not themselves 
An alarum at Lisbon.  secure within the city, they took an alarum, with great amazement, crying that the enemy entered by many places, and as there was no ordered discipline, nor any man that knew what they should undertake, the fear was so great, the confusion such and so unreasonable, the running of people up and down to demand what it was, and to seek for flight, adding thereunto the terror of the night, in so great and well peopled a city, that there could not be seen a greater confusion. And although at the rising of the sun having discovered the truth, this fear vanquished, yet did there a greater seize upon every man's mind: for understanding in trutth the Duke to be strong, they began to hear news of the soldiers insolencies, which disbanded and drew daily nearer, giving no small astonishment to see certain Negro slaves return wounded, who having rashly passed with their ensigns to the other bank, were ill entreated by some horse and shot of the enemy: They found that Anthony made no preparation, neither had he any forces to resist, governing himself with small judgement, and therefore he neither knew how to fight, nor which way to fly, neither yet how to yield himself: He was daily in counsel with his men, but as he suffered himself to be governed by many, whose authorities were equal, and their opinions divers, so did he never resolve any good thing, 
Anthony offers to compound.  as it happeneth often in the like accidents. They then propunded more plainly then before the treaty of an accord, and although some, who before did seem bravest, showed themselves now more mild, yet for that the Count of Vimioso being a young man, persuaded to war, no man durst contradict him: He affected the charge of general, but he knew not by what means to displace Diegode Meneses, who enjoyed it, so as contrarying one an other, they provided slowly for things necessary, whereunto was a great hindrance, the credit that Anthony gave to Edward de Castro, a rich young man, to whom he was bound, having furnished him with money, who desirous to show himself valiant, obtained a commission to assemble what horse he could under his cornet, employing him in matters of greater authority, than was fit for his base quality.  

Cardinal Riario sent Legatinto Spain.  His holiness having intelligence of the refusal the Catholic king had made, touching his intermeddling in the cause, doubted lest the wars of Portugal should alter the quiet of all Christendom. In the beginning he had showed himself neuter to both Kings, seeming to be doubtful in himself to whether part he should incline: whether unto Henry that would give the crown unto the Duchess of Bragance, or to Philip that sought it for himself; for by reason of state he should not be well pleased to see these two realms united, whereby the Catholic king should become more mighty and superior in forces, to all other princes: yet did he not willingly seem to oppose against him, fearing to displease a Prince that had deserved well of him: But understanding that the two kings were agreed, and that Henry had changed his mind, and laboured to give the realm to Philip, he then made it manifest that he would favour Anthony, and the Portugals, the which was more apparent after the death of King Henry, when as he laboured to have the cause of succession ended by sentence: But Philip in regard of the quality of the judges, detested this decision. But his Ambassadors having laboured in vain in this respect (Philip growing jealous, and not greatly trusting the Pope's good meaning) would not put to compromise, that which he seemed to hold certain: His holiness determined to send a Cardinal into Spain, expressly to treat upon this business: Therefore before the Prior was proclaimed king, he dispatched Cardinal Alexander Riario his Legate unto Philip, with commission to dissuade the king from arms, and from thence to pass into Portugal, to favour this business, with commission likewise to offer himself for judge in the Pope's behalf unto all the pretendents.  

The discourse of the Spaniards upon this Legation  There were divers discourses in Spain upon the coming of this Legate; and although the castilians feared not his sentence, seeming he should not offer himself alone to determine so great a matter in Spain, if he had no meaning to pronounce it in favour of Philip; yet they held it not convenient to put the matter into his hands, being of opinion that the Pope under colour to perform the office of a general father, came (as it is said) to make himself absolute judge of realms: that besides the extraordinary authority he should draw unto the Aposto like sea, he should bind the king unto his house, by giving him a kingdom. For this cause the King having intelligence of his departure from Rome, desirous to take possession of the realm before his arrival, he commanded throughout all Spain where he should pass, that he should be entertained and received with all possible pomp, whereof the Legate taking no heed, he accepted of all their kindness. For this cause, and for that the voyage was long, he spent much time; being arrived at Badagios, he found that the affairs had taken an other form then when he was at Rome: For he understood that Anthony was King, and that Philip's forces were entered Portugal, being then at the walls of Settwall: Finding therefore the matter he had to treat of thus altered, he sent to his Holiness for new direction, being in the mean time lodged without the city in a convent of religious men which go barefoot, he sent trajan Mario Apostolic protonotary, to visit the King, who receiving him with great favour, said unto him, that he was right sorry, that by reason of his sickness he could not go to meet the Legate, as he was bound; but when God should give him health he would then perform it, supposing by this means to entertain him the longer, that the Cardinal (desirous to enter with accustomed ceremovies) would attend his recovery, and in the mean time the Duke of Alva should take possession of the realm. But the Legate seeing his indisposition, & finding how much delay did import, craved leave to come to him by night 
The Legate visits the King.  privately in coach, the which with great difficulty was granted, coming unto him one night, accompanied with the Duke of Ossuna, and the Earl of Chinchion: But this audience was of small effect, for the Legate by the alteration of the affairs being irresolute, and the Catholic King most resolute to proceed in this enterterprise, trusting more to arms, than words, there was no agreement, the king saying, that the matter was so far advanced, as it could admit no treating. The Cardianll was lodged in the house of the marquess D'Oignion, not being received at his entry with the ceremonies accustomed for a Cardinal Legat: He remained a while without doing any thing, but to effect the Pope's commission, he would pass into Portugal. The King who desired to stay him, entertained him all he could, supposing that the Legate being within Lisbon, it would be scandalous to go against him with an army: Moreover, he had no great confidence in the Legate, but held him as suspect, for that being before in Portugal with Cardinal Alexandryn, he had entered a strict league of amity with the Duke of Bragance, one of the pretendents, who had lodged and entertained him: So as to delay his departure, the King being now recovered of his sickness, sent unto him, that he would not have him take his journey before he had made his entry with the ceremonies accustomed to a Cardinal Legat; and therefore requested him to go out of the city, and he would meet him with due ceremonies, the which he did: By means of which delay, causing some to advise him not to depart, he entertained him so long that he went not.  
The Duke of Alva having now taken Settwall, he hastened forward: for the realm of algarves and many other cities in those parts, having sent him word that Lisbon being taken, they would obey, he held all that reduced, that lieth on this side Tagus towards 
The sundry opinions for the passage of the army.  Castill, meaning to pass his army on the other side of the river, and so march against Lisbon: He stood in suspense where he should pass, whether beneath Lisbon towards the mouth at Cascayes, or about against Almeryn, and pass at Saint Arem, or else to send the galleys, although with some daughter within the river of Tagus, coasting along the left bank, and he himself to go to Almada or Casillas, there to embark with his army, and so to pass to the other side: The passage of Cascays albeit it were nearer, yet was it more dangerous: For although he might well pass from Settwall with his galleys, yet was there not any shore, or convenient place to land, which was not fortified and furnished with artillery, soldiers, and forts, whither the galleys could not approach without great danger; beside he was advertised that Diego de Meneses was there in field with many men. To go to Almeryn he considered that he should find no barks, being all drawn to the other side; if he carried any with him, they were but few, and to build them there, it was a matter of long delay, and the largeness of the river would not suffer him to make a bridge: And although possible in some places he might wade through, yet the march was long being above threescore miles, that to do it in so hot a season, in a dry country, without water, with a great army, and much baggage, was a painful thing: It might prolong the war, and lose their reputation by turning back, beside they doubted resistance upon the passage in those parts: To go to Almada and send the galleys within the river, it was a Counsel approved of the greatest part, and especially of Lewes Dovara, saying, it was a most assured thing, that from the bank they might batter the enemies army with their cannon, passing their army easily, and so become master of the city without any loss, proving that neither the rock of Saint julian, nor the fort of Cabesa Secca, could greatly endamage their galleys. But the Duke preferring the shortness of the peril, inclined rather to pass at Cascays, then at any other place; and therefore. 
The army passeth at Cascays.  having taken advise of the Portugals, who had fled out of Portugal into Castil, & were then come with the army, chiefly of Anthony de Castro, Lord of Cascays, who knew the country well, having again viewed the sea-coast, resolved against the opinion of many to pass at Cascays, and having made show to march with his army to Saint Arem to deceive the enemy, having in a manner embarked all his foot in the galleys, he took that course. And for that Diego de Meneses was at Cascays preparing for the defence, the galleys being within view of the city, they made show to turn their prooes to that place which is called S. Anthony's shore, the which the Portugals had fortified, fearing the enemy would come thither, as a convenient place for descent: They made this show to draw Meneses from all other parts to come thither, to make resistance, the which succeeded happily for the Duke; for such as were 
The disembarking of the Duke's army.  in guard in other places, assembled themselves there: The galleys having a while run this course, the castle of Cascays discharging some cannon shot against them, turning their stems to the place which they call the old shore, which was rough and unaccessible, finding it unfurnished, it was easy to disimbarque; although before he were in some doubt whether he should proceed or return back, both for that the wind was grown contrary, as having discovered upon the hills some armed men, doubting the success would be but bad, yet he resolved to pass on. It is said, that at that time one of the Duke's eldest captains, and very familiar with him, drawing near upon colour of some other conference, said unto him in his ear, that this disembarking, was rather fit for a General of five and twenty years, then for one of his age, who holding him by the shoulder answered, that he could not deny it, neither could he omit to do it; not withstanding his enemies were without experience; when as the galleys discharged their artillery, the place remained without defence, and the army landed without contradiction. 
The disposition of the Duke's army.   
The first soldier that went a shore was a Hargabusier, who having chosen a place of least danger, turned his face to the enemy, leaving behind him sufficient space to form a squadron: Two others which followed him were on each side, a little behind him in equal distance, making a triangle equilateral, besides these two came three others, and then six, and so the number still increasing they went in rank, the one greater than the other, stretching forth themselves behind the point of this triangle, making the body still greater without losing the form, so as it grew to as great a proportion as the place could contain, the which were all put into this form, after whom the Duke disimbarked. Before this shore was a mountain of hard access, behind the which lay Diego de Meneses with his troops, having planted upon the top thereof, and betwixt certain rocks, some small pieces of artillery, to hinder their descent, but they could not use them, for they were not planted in any place to endamage the galleys; the which being discovered by the soldiers which landed, some of them disbanding from the triangle with their muskets, seized upon the cannon, abandoned by their canoneers, which were retired behind the mountain, where the rest of the Portugals stood: The triangle being finished, the Duke thrust forth the point thereof, and stretched out 
They charge the Portugals, who retire.  the soldiers as well as he could in a square form to march, having ascended the mountain by the easiest way, seeing the enemy amazed, neither to fly nor to defend themselves, & without any form of lodging: He sent about fourscore shot to entertain the skirmish, which followed with great disadvantage to the Portugals, who being less experienced in shooting, and unfurnished of muskets were often and a far off beaten by the enemy; when as their shot could not reach them. So as amazed with the death of some of their men, all the rest began to retire, with no small disorder towards Cascayes, from whence Meneses said they should return to charge the enemy: by reason whereof the Duke remained master of the field with greater facility than he expected; the which was a great sign that all the other things should succeed favourably, seeing in this of so great importance, he had so happy success. Every man supposed, (and the Portugals more than all the rest) that the Duke should have found more trouble in this passage than he had; for besides the fortifications made in divers places, they trusted to the discommodity of the shore, and in the valour of the said Meneses, Who (having been a captain at the Indies) had (but most by his liberality) gotten reputation amongst this nation. But forasmuch as the Portugals deceive themselves most of any nation in judgement of themselves, the like happened in the opinion they had in this their captain: yet were they not deceived in their judgement touching the uneasy descent, for so it was; but these discommodities are easily surmounted, where there is no resistance. Many Portugals having seen this unhappy 
The blames of Meneses, and his excuses.  success, accused the captain of cowardice, who durst not attend the enemy upon the bank to defend him from the shore, or to ascend the hill; some (seeming unto them impossible that a man of that account should have so small valour) charged him with disloyalty, saying that he would not fight, having been corrupted by the Catholic King's ministers. He excused himself weakly, saying, that the soldiers he had, being gathered together of all sorts, and fearful, would not fight, but doubting against reason of his fidelity did mutiny against him, and would not obey.  

A confusion in the city of Lisbon.  These things did greatly amaze both the Prior and the whole city of Lisbon, for Cascayes being but fifteen miles from the city unwalled, and weak, they feared the Duke being master of that place, that the enimeiss might make their courses daily even unto the palace gates. And this fear, which often worketh the like effects in cowards by despair, that inconsiderateness doth in rash heads being mingled with choler, did so trouble Anthony, that having rung the bells, and given the alarum, with great disorder and confusion, he assembled the whole people within the palace yard, some on horseback, some on foot, some armed, some unarmed, saying, he would go to field against the enemy. But at the same time there arrived at court two religious men, who saying they came from those parts, confirmed the enemies descent, and with all affirmed that they had been in skirmish, and that the castilians had the worst, having lost many of their men, and some of their principal captains: The which being believed, turned their sorrow and ringing of bells, into feasts, and sounding of trumpets, and shooting of artillery, the which they discharged for joy: yet soon after they understood the truth; but for that it was late, they deferred the departure of Anthony with his men unto the next day morning. In the mean time all things were so troubled, and so full of liberty, that a false bruit being spread abroad, how that George de Meneses (who was prisoner within the castle) practised to escape, all the people armed, yea the women ran thither, whom if a judge had not defended, although they found him there, and not attempting any thing, they had murdered. The day following, returning to assemble the people in fury, having still news of the enemy, without consideration whither 
Anthony goes towards Cascays.  they marched, or what they had to do, Anthony departed with these men towards Cascayes, but having marched three miles, being arrived at Belem, his choler somewhat qualified, returning back to view such as followed him, he found his number less, and in worse order than he expected; for who so had a pike had no sword, and he that had a harquebus, had no match, and altogether were not above a thousand foot, and five hundredth horse, after the Genette manner: For although they had assembled a great number within Lisbon, yet many upon their departure were retired to their houses: Standing a while in this estate, with the Count of Vimioso, he called all the nobility he had about him to council, demanding of them what they should do: Suddenly there grew a mutiny amongst this people, who cried out that they should march on, vowing to kill any that should speak of their retreat, before they had gotten the victory, and chased away the castilians: For this cause some less blinded, who perhaps would have showed the Prior his weakness, and advised him to retire, durst not speak: But the sun setting, necessity made his troops feel some part of those inconveniences, whereof they were yet ignorant, for desiring to eat, there was not any bread to be found; so as the vain presumption of this people being vanquished by hunger, in a few hours, they all returned back full of confusion.  

Cascaies taken and spoiled.  The Duke being lodged this night near unto our lady's church of Guida, the day following he went to Cascaves, which place being unprovided of defence, was spoiled by the soldiers, against the promise which the Duke had made to Anthony de Castro; yet the inhabitants had in a manner abandoned it: There did he pass his horse in galleys from Settwall, with the rest of the army, artillery, 
The castle taken.  munition, & baggage, encamping round about the castle of the said town, into the which Diego de Meneses had retired himself, unknown to the Duke: And although this seemed no fortress of defence, yet the Duke having sent a trumpet thither to will them to yield, these miserable wretches trusted so much in themselves, that breaking the law of nations, they shot at the trumpet, and prepared for their defence, saying, that they were all resolved to die. Suddenly the artillery was planted, and for that the walls were weak, having with few shot made a great breach, they found their own fault too late, resolving to yield: And although they made certain signs from the walls, yet those without would not understand them, so as lifting up a white cloth in sign of peace, he which held it, being discovered upon the walls, the soldiers that were in guard, made many shot at him, and slew him, which gave small hope of help to the assieged: Yet making an other sign, and seeing the battery ceased not, the which had now made a great breach, despairing of pardon, viewing the ruined walls, without any other embassage or composition, they opened the gates, where the soldiers entered without any resistance: There they found Diego de Meneses, who with a Portugals confidence, supposing he had not greatly offended, sent to tell Anthony de Castro who was with the Duke that he was there, that as one gentleman ought to do for an other, he should obtain his pardon, and take him into his charge, procuring him a bark to 
Diego de Meneses beheaded, & Henry Pereira hanged.  go unto the Prior. But the Duke had him no sooner prisoner, but he cut off his head, and caused Henry Pereira captain of the fortress, with some other of the principals to be hanged, to terrify by this first execution the captains of other forts, that should be obstinate in resisting. The fury and confusion which the news of these events caused in the city, was incredible; so as, if by chance the Peasants took any of the enemies prisoner (as it often happens, with such as for desire of pillage straggle from the camp) he was most miserable: for whilst they led him bound, such as were armed with their arms, religious men with their staves, women and children with stones, did so pitifully handle him, as happy was he that could strike him, and their licentious liberty was so great, as it was lawful for any one (though most base) and for every slave to wrong any stranger whatsoever, to imprison him, and send him to the galleys; for charging him to be an enemy, the whole people at the least motion would rise and execute what they pleased, were it right or wrong.  
Anthony seeing now all hope of defence upon the passage of the river lost, and a mighty enemy so near him, sought some remedy for his affairs. All conditions presented unto him, were most hard: For to issue forth and fight he judged it a folly, finding his defect of men to vanquish; much less to bring the battle in question: To defend the city it was impossible, for the greatness thereof being without walls and weak: His flight by sea was stopped by the galleys, he would not hazard to escape by land, being unable to carry with him many jewels, and some money which he had gathered together; and to compound with the Duke was brother unto death: So as wavering in these thoughts, the magistrate of the chamber of Lisbon went unto him, saying, That seeing the enemy was so near and so mighty, they would not bring the safety of the city in question, nor so govern themselves, that being weak it should be a pray to the soldiers: that therefore he should prepare to issue forth and defend it, the which if he did not, the city could do no less then provide for her own safety. He answered, that the time was now come when as they should aid him with men, entertained at their own charge, which doing, he hoped with many others which he had assembled, God would give him the victory: but the magistrate excused they could not do it, for the great charge they had been at by reason of the plague; whereunto he replied, that within two days howsoever, he would frame his camp, and march against the Duke: For this cause, having let 
Anthony marcheth towards Belem with his men consusedly.  pass the fourth day of August, most unhappy to the Portugals, for the loss of the battle in Africa, and having left some of his most precious things in certain religious houses, he commanded that all soldiers which had been long before enrolled, and all the people of Lisbon without exception of person whatsoever, should march towards Belem; the which was executed with great rigour, forcing many to go in person: For although the hatred against the castilians were in general, yet the tailor, the shoemaker, the handicrafts men, and the peasants, who bragged, that they alone would conquer the whole world, did not willingly leave their houses, but fainting daily, they chose rather to encounter with words than bullets, beside, being accustomed to an other trade, and unfit for war, they had not been trained to shoot in a harquebus, unapt to carry, much less to manage a pike: So as of this forced and tumultuary people they had assembled eight or ten thousand at Belem, whither in the end Anthony went, who still doubtful, and ill advised, without any resolution, expecting what time would counsel him. The resolution whereon he most depended was, that if the Duke came against the city, to meet him upon the way, with some advantage if he could, and give him battle, propounding like a desperate man, either to vanquish or to die: yet soon after, when the occasion was presented, he could neither effect the one nor the other. His troops lay not encamped, but were dispersed here and there, within the houses of that small place, under the porches of the monastery, and other such like, without either form or strength of a lodging. He had no captain of experience, no marshal of the field, nor sergeant that could command the soldiers, lodge them, and put them in battle if need were. Sforce Orsin a young man, and valiant, but of no great experience, was come out of Italy, at the brute of these wars, yet being a stranger and alone, he was not obeyed, neither did they greatly trust him: The private captains of companies had no experience, and there was so great want of men, that some friars were made captains of the Moors, and of the scum of the people, carrying in one hand their crosses, 
Religious men divided into factions.  and in the other their arms. It is not to be forgotten (as a thing not accustomed) the mutinies grown in religious houses, where being divided into factions, few were affected to the castilians, few remained neuter, and infinite were those that affected the rule of Anthony, for the favouring of whose cause, they committed many disorders: The priests were no more temperate than the rest, many whereof having left their priestly habit, were gone to field armed: In this confusion Anthony remained three days at Belem, whilst the Duke approached slowly: The fourth day, he considered that although there came still unto him some soldiers which had been levied in all the cities of the realm, yet the army diminished daily, for that the inhabitants of the city left him, who having their houses near, not accustomed to the discommodities of war, fled from him, therefore he sent to Lisbon, commanding upon great punishments to bring unto him by force, all such as should be found armed, or unarmed, defending that no man should retire to any other place, but where he was, desiring that as well the cowards as the valiant, should run the like fortune with him; supposing (as king Sebastian had done to his loss) it were possible to force men to fight that were both unskilful and unwilling: And forasmuch as his only hope consisted in the people's favour, to the end they should follow him more willingly, he granted unto all (but especially to those of his train, free liberty, the which carrying with it confusion, was cause of great harm; for as the whole city was filled with Negroes and Peasants, the quieter sort had more fear of the people than of the enemy, yet was there not seen any one to power forth his hate, or commit any private revenge, of small or great importance, not for that there are not many dissensions and factions amongst them, but being more apt to revenge themselves by the tongue then by sword: All rigour to force men to the field prevailed little, for fear increasing with this diligence, they hid themselves the more, the which Anthony perceiving, finding himself in no assurance at Belem, having the enemies camp so near, and a conqueror, he was advised to pass on, and to lodge about the walls of the rock of Saint julian, supposing that two good effects would grow thereby, the one, that his army should be more safe under the favour of the cannon, and of the tower, the other that he should assure this fort, being the only defence of the whole realm. But this advise being disallowed of the greatest part, he retired himself by the counsel of Sforce Orsin to Alcantara, a mile 
Anthonic retires to Alcantara.  nearer the city, putting a river betwixt him and the enemy, the which having the banks high on that part, served him as a fortress. And although this retreat was rather caused, by the inconsiderateness, wherewith he went to Belem, then by any new fear of the enemy, yet was it judicious, the place being strong by nature, and fit for Anthony's intent, who desired not to retire far from the city, to keep it in obedience.  
The Catholic King who remained still at Badagios, understanding the Duke's proceedings, being on the one side glad, and on the otherside troubled to see this people attend the scourge of war, besides that he did incense them against him, whom he desired much to entertain as friends, for this cause he sought all means possible, as he had ever done, to win them with the least show of hostility; and therefore he thought it good to grant a general pardon to all portugals, that had been employed in this action against him, seeking by clemency to make his enemies friends, the which he published, being thus in effect: That being informed that in the rebellion that Anthony had raised, usurping tirannouslie the name of a king of Portugal, many of them which had followed his faction, had done it, being oppressed, forced, and deceived, and 
The Catholic kings pardon to the Portugals.  that seeking to provide that such should not be punished with offenders, and that the people more easy to be abused then the rest; should not be chastised with that rigour which law doth inflict; his pleasure was, That all such (as leaving the part of the said Anthony and embracing his, as of their King, and natural Lord,) should come unto his service within a certain time prefixed, to that effect by the Duke of Alva, should be freely pardoned all their faults, whereinto they had run by taking and following the voice of the said Anthony: He excepted notwithstanding the Prior and all the seductors, and authors of the rebellions, committed at Saint Arem, Lisbon, and Settwal, and all such as had received from him any charges, offices, and recompenses as King, and such as did serve him actually, all which, should not enjoy the said pardon. And although this latter point was not approved of all men, yet the rest seemed to be done with great judgement; for thereby they did not only discover the kings good meaning, but also his great wisdom, using clemency to pardon, and martial policy to procure the Portugals to abandon the Prior: But this writing (although there were many copies dispersed, through the realm) wrought small profit to Philip, and little hurt to Anthony; for neither did any greater number follow the Catholic King's party then before, neither did any man for fear abandon Anthony's; his favourites only were a little grieved, who examining the form thereof, seemed to be excluded, as those that had received offices, honours, and recompenses: so as they did see their offences, become daily more capital, together with the example they had seen by the death of Diego de Meneses. Many noted in this pardon, that besides it was written in the Portugal tongue, it began with the name of King only, with the ordinary titles of kings of Portugal, and being accustomed to sign with these words IO n/a REY, now he only subscribed REY:: pointed with five points, called by the Portugals the five wounds, after the same manner the kings of Portugal had used: so as some said, that in matters of small importance, he began to show himself a Portugal.  

The Duke marcheth against the rock of Saint julian.  The Duke of Alva marched easily towards Oeiras, to the rock of Saint julian, seeming so to do expressly, that the Portugals might have leisure to resolve: being encamped so far from the fortress as their cannon could not annoy them, he presently sent a trumpet to demand obedience: But being the very same whom he had formerly sent to the castle of Cascayes, at whom they had shot, he durst not approach near to the fort, fearing they would do the like, so as only having made a sign a far off, without attending any answer, he returned, saying that they would not yield: For this cause having planted their artillery on Saint Laurence day, they began their battery with ten cannons, increasing the number unto four and twenty: The galleys could not approach, for that the fort stood upon the sea, and therefore the Portugal galleons drawing near to the land, did greatly indomage the castilians with their culverins and other great artillery, but having planted three cannons in the night, they forced the galleons with a few volleys, to retire themselves higher unto Saint Katherine's shore.  
Anthony was now at Alcantara upon a hill, being but five miles distant from the fortress, where he remained an unprofitable behoulder of this battery, whereon it seemed his whole fortune depended; for that the whole realm of Portugal had no other fort but this, that could make any resistance; so as losing it, his greatest hope was vanished: but for that he might well succour it by sea, both with men and munition as he did, he hoped well it should not be forced; or at the least hold out, until that either winter should draw on, or some prince (taking pity of his misery) should relieve his estate, before the winning thereof; without the which he did see himself helpless, and the rather for that he had intelligence that the city of Lisbon (being grieved with the great insolencies committed daily by the soldiers disbanded from the enemies camp thereabouts,) were resolved not to give him entrance within the city, unless he returned with victory, or had compounded with the enemy, fearing otherwise the Duke would be displeased, and being weak, give it in spoil unto the soldiers. Some were of opinion that the Prior in whom desire of rule was of more force than religion, or other respect whatsoever, should (finding all hopes lost) procure that this city (which is in a manner the whole realm) should remain as a pray to the avarice and voluptuousness of the castilians, desiring that the Portugals being forced to yield, the realm should be so entreated by the Catholic King's men, as there might remain no hope of peace or amity; to the end, that if hereafter he should pretend the recovery of the realm, the people (in regard of the hatred that such losses engender, together with their natural inclination) should remain still enemy, and be more willing to yield to his devotion: For this cause he sought daily with all his force to reform the magistrate of the chamber, and to place men, in whom he had great affiance, as well to have entire into the city if need were, as also to dispose of things at his pleasure: But forasmuch as the greatest part of those magistrates were mechanic men, in whom fear hath a more interest, than the respect of a King, he did not greatly trust them: When he was proclaimed king, there followed him a gentleman of Castill, who served him as the first vallet of his chamber, seeing the wars to grow betwixt the Portugals and castilians, he craved, and obtained leave to 
A treaty of agreement with Anthony.  retire himself into his country. This man going to King Philip, made offer (for the great familiarity he had with Anthony) to treat an accord with him, being in great hope to effect it; so as he was sent to the Duke of Alva, with order that he should suffer him to go and confer with the Prior: For the effecting hereof he came to Lisbon, at such time as the Duke took Cascayes, and having discoursed at large with the Prior, he informed him of the King's forces, and advised him to compound: The Prior gave ear to this treaty, and Diego de Carcamo, (for so this gentleman was called) did greatly press him to give him a letter of credit unto the 
Anthony his letter to the King.  king, with commission what he had in charge. That such as had been their mediators, were the cause that he had not served him as he desired, but as much as the time would suffer him, he was ready to do it: That if it pleased him to send any person as Ambassador to the three Estates, that he would persuade them to yield him obedience, and that he would say he had defended them so much as possibly he could, but his succours from France and other Provinces failing, he could no longer resist, and therefore he advised them to agree. In this letter which he had written to the King, he did sign Rey. But repenting him afterward, he did write it again, at the persuasion of Carcamo, and subscribed it Anthony: having received the letter & his charge, he seemed to have ended his business; but being with the King, he was returned back to Anthony, with a resolution which he supposed should have succeeded; but with certain letters to the Duke of Alva, whereby he was commanded to govern himself as the estate of the affairs should require. He arrived at such time as the Duke was emcamped before the rock of Saint julian. Now did there lighten forth a great hope of peace, the which soon after vanished away: For although the Duke seemed to be well pleased with this practice, yet may we well say, it did not content him, seeming happily unto him, that being so far advanced, he should have more honour to conquer it by arms, then by agreement. For which cause he returned Carcamo to the Prior with this answer: That he was glad of his resolution to 
The answer of the Duke to Anthony.  serve his majesty, but there was no reason to send an Ambassador to the States, seeing he held not the crown from them but from the people, to whom if he pleased he would send, and grant the like graces unto them, which other cities had received by their yielding. These words were delivered him in writing, but by mouth the Duke added, that he had been an affectionate servant to Lewes his father, and that as he had now taken arms to deprive him of the realm; so would he take them in hand again to conquer him an other, so as it were not any of those that belonged to his King and Lord. Carcamo was not yet without hope to conclude the business, but now the Spanish gravity hindered the effect of so great importance: For the Duke supposed he should not give unto Anthony any greater title than signory, and he that was mounted from Excellency to Highness, held himself contemned, and so much disdained it, that both for the cold answer, & for this respect, he was assured the Duke would have no agreement: He therefore made answer by mouth, that seeing he would not agree, if his people would obey him, and be conformable to his will, they would either vanquish or all die in that place. Upon this answer, the Duke (repenting his manner of writing, or it may be, fearing the King would not like of this kind of proceeding,) sent back Carcamo to say unto Anthony, that he should send one by sea, or by land, and he would send another, and that in the mid way they should conclude all things: But the Prior who had small confidence in the Duke, being greatly moved, made no other reply; but that Kings were Kings, and captains, captains; but that victories came from the hands of God: so as the Duke despairing of the matter, devised for his discharge, that Anthony had sent him word, that he desired to confer with him by night in a bark; and the better to induce men to believe it, he went publicly to lie aboard in a galley, and being disimbarked in the morning, he seemed discontented that Anthony had not come to conference with him, it may be (with this apparent justification) to have more cause to make war, and not to compound, and so to lay the fault upon Anthony, but in truth they did never treat of any meeting.  

The rock of Saint julian battered, and the advise of the Engineers.  Now had they battered the fort of S. julian, touching the which there was before grown some difficulty amongst the Engineers, upon what part they should make their battery: Some would have him plant their cannon at the strongest place, but most convenient to give an assault: Others would batter the weakest part, although most uneasy to enter; for that their defences being taken away, their place of arms should remain open to their artillery; whereupon the Duke to quite this controversy, went himself; allowing the opinion of Fratino, and of Philip Terzi, where it happened that having battered near two whole days, and made but a small breach, the soldiers fainting, (although they had good means to entrench themselves) their army near at hand, and the haven always open, Tristan vaz de Vega, captain thereof, was in doubt, whether he should yield, or defend it so long as he could; but inclining more to yield, then to fight, he was in suspense, what means to use to treat secretly, not trusting greatly to some that were about him. 
A poor woman cause of the yielding of Saint julian.  But fortune made the way for him, for at that time a poor woman near to Oeiras, having her daughter and son in law within the fort, amazed with the noise of the artillery, came crying to the Duke, beseeching him to give her leave, to draw her son in law and her daughter out of the fort which he battered: The old Duke who sought such occasions, embraced this, and said unto the woman that she should go in safety, causing the cannon to cease in the mean time. He willed her to say unto the captain of the fort, that he had done ill to make so small account of the Duke's message, and that he should not wilfully cast himself away; she delivered her embassage, & being returned with her daughter to the camp, she said unto the Duke on the behalf of Tristan Vaz, that he defended himself, having not as yet seen any messenger from him, whom he would have heard and entertained, and that if he would assure him upon his word, he would go to the camp to speak with him. The Duke sent this woman presently back to the captain, saying unto him, that he might not only come in safety, but if he would, he would send him hostages: But relying upon the Duke's promises, he went unto him, and was courteously entertained: The captain excused himself for not admitting of the trumpet, saying, there had not been any one with him, nor spoke with any one that was within that place, the which if he had done, he would have made answer with that courtesy which was convenient, by reason whereof, the trumpet was in danger of hanging. The Duke exhorted 
The rock of Saint julian yielded.  Tristan Vaz with many reasons to resign the fort, as appertaining to his king, showing unto him the danger wherein he was: The matter being a little debated betwixt them, the captain said unto him, that if he would promise in the name of the Catholic king to perform such recompenses as Anthony had granted him, he would yield it up; which the Duke freely offering, they were agreed. So as being returned, leading with him some Spanish captains & soldiers, he resigned the fortress, where the assieged were so decayed, as they seemed to issue forth of a deadly prison: And although some did esteem the captain for this action to be treacherous, and others a coward, yet (as he said) the rock with such unexpert soldiers, was not defensible: beside, the Governors had declared Philip successor. A little before the yielding of S. julian, the Duke had sent to Peter Barba, captain of Cabessa Secca, willing 
Cabessa Secca abandoned.  him to yield the fort, the which he having refused, when as he understood the fortress was yielded, and that the Duke brought in his galleys he would no longer attend, but having abandoned the place with the consent of the Prior, and saved certain artillery, he fled to the camp at Alcantara.  

The fear of them at Lisbon.  By these losses fear increased in the city, chiefly amongst the principals, who fearing to be spoiled, were daily more disposed to yield to the Catholic King; beside they did see small help in the Prior's affairs, and they hoped by their yielding to obtain some privilege from his Majesty, and had before this made offer of themselves, if the respect of the Prior (who was in field and so near) had not detained them: At this time they had intelligence of the arrival of four ships at the Island of Terceraes, which came from the Indies, very rich, and of great importance for the city, the loss whereof, if the galleys should seize on them, would cause great hindrance, both in the particular, and general, and therefore the greatest part wished that one of the armies would yield to the other, before the ships should arrive: For this cause the city sent again unto Anthony, to show unto him the danger, and as it were the siege wherein they were, having the entry of the sea shut up, that the Duke having so great numbers of men, and he so few, he ought not (though he might) to hazard the fortune of a field with so great disadvantage. They did secretly advise him to compound, seeming the best way to end these troubles, and then the ships might safely enter: Moreover they did suppose, that if in fight the Duke should remain victor so near the city, they should hardly save it from the spoil of the soldiers: Notwithstanding Anthony for his small experience being irresolute, disdaining the Duke's speeches, and ill advised by his friends, these reasons could not draw him to resolve; but the next day he sent to the magistrate the Count of Vimioso, the Bishop of Guarda, and Emanuel of Portugal, to entreat the city to defend itself, and to send him more men to the camp, encouraging them, sometimes devising that the French succours were on the way, sometimes showing the Prior's forces to be greater than they were, and the enemies less. But as the words of the magistrate did nothing move the Prior, no more did the speeches of the Prior alter the inward mind of the Magistrate, so as all remained in suspense, every man with his own intentions: True it is, that as well the said Prior as some of the magistrates, had easily agreed with the Duke upon certain conditions: But the Prior's will was forced by those of the house of Portugal, and especially by the Bishop, and the Citizens, by many new officers, who had their places in perpetuity; the which were wont to be granted but for a time: These men arrogating to themselves more authority than was given them, would not suffer the execution of any thing, but what pleased themselves: But for all this Anthony was not without fear that the city would rebel against him to his utter ruin, trusting in few, he could find no better remedy, then to place continually at the gates of the city, and in the army at sea, a number of religious men of divers orders, to guard the entry with the soldiers, and to keep the keys, trusting deservedly more in them, then in the captains that were there employed: For in the assemblies and counsels of State that were often held, there appeared more hatred against the castilians, and more will to fight in the religious men then in the secular.  
The Duke was now returned to the same lodging of Oeiras, a place both by nature and art strong: For besides the great number of artillery and rampires, the country was rough & stony, whereas the horsemen could hardly fight, in whose force the Portugals relied much: He made no show to dislodge, for supposing now (as in effect it was) that from thence he held all the realm assieged, and principally with his galleys, he supposed that both the Prior and the city, would soon yield unto him: Besides that, to march on, considering his crafty nature and slow disposition, and the Portugals army being so near, he thought it not convenient; he laboured with all possible devices to be conqueror without fight; and had now almost corrupted the captains of the galleys, and of the tower of Belem, who should soon have delivered unto him both tower and army; the which had been effected, if Anthony himself had not gone in person, who having dispossessed in a manner all the captains of their charges, and placed others, without giving them respite to execute their practices; but he was now grown so jealous of every man, finding in all men so great fear, and so little faith, that he knew not whom to trust, if he were not a religious man, a mariner, or of the base sort. And for that it seems always to such as fear that they are betrayed, it happened that fire being kindled by chance in certain straw which lay about the castle walls of the city, where his royal tapestry lay, he grew suspicious that this fire had been some sign unto the enemies, and that the merchant strangers whom he had placed there in guard, had made it, for that they would not go to field to fight, and this fear was so violent, that without examining the fact, without considering they were Flemings, whose nation for the most part were the most obstinate enemies, that ever the Catholic King had, thrust forward by his own fear, and that of Emanuel Soars one of the new Veriadors of the chamber, he displaced the strangers from thence, and being not yet well assured, he commanded that all strangers should depart the city, and soon after he decreed, (although it were not executed) that they should be spoiled. These two armies remained eight days in this estate, near one to the other, without moving, and little skirmishing; at the end whereof, the Duke sent forth Sanches d'Auila, with a hundredth and fifty horse, and some few foot, to discover the country, and plot the means to batter the tower of Belem, they were encountered by three hundredth horse, and five hundredth Portugal foot, who without order ran towards them: But for that the castilians pretended nothing but to discover, being but weakly charged by the Portugals, having skirmished a while, with the loss of few men they returned to their lodging, and the day following, they issued forth with a greater number, and having entered skirmish of the one side, the castilians of the other having planted three pieces of artillery, which the night before they had drawn near unto the tower, they forced (after some few cannonadoes) first the army 
The yielding of the tower of Belem.  of galleys to retire to Lisbon, and then the tower to yield, by means whereof, the king's army at sea, might safely enter into the port of Belem, as presently they did.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK.  
The Contents of the seventh Book.  
The rout at Alcantara: The taking of Lisbon: The sack of the subburbes: The praise and dispraise of the Duke of Alva: The sickness of the Catholic King: The voyage of Sanches d'Auila into the Province which lieth betwixt Doro and Migno: The winning of the cities of Avero and Porto: The flight of Anthony: The taking of Viana: The death of Queen Anne: The King's progress to Eluas: The resolution of the inhabitants of the Terceraes: The Pope's offer to send an army against England.  
BEtwixt the two armies there was no other let then the rocks of the brook of Alcantara: The Duke finding that Anthony supposing himself in safety, would not come to the field, resolved; for that he would not force him in so defensible a lodging, to seek some other means to defeat him quite, or at the least to make him dislodge, and free the city from such a curb; the which he understood came not to his obedience, for that this army was so near them. But having not yet viewed the enemy, nor his lodging, but from far, trusting little to the report of others, would first himself see the seat, and how they were lodged, before he would attempt any matter of importance, and therefore on Saint Bartholomewes' day he issued forth of his lodging with his whole army, only with an intent to discover: The left banks of Tagus, whereupon these armies were encamped, is hilly, but yet easy, and is divided by the brook of Alcantara, as it were into strait lines; the which takes his name of a small village seated upon the right angle, where it dischargeth itself into the river: There upon the brook is a bridge of stone; the banks of both sides, beginning from the mouth of the river, running a mile upward, are very high and uneasy, yet upward there lieth a champion ground, although somewhat uneeven, yet very commodious for lodging; upon the left bank was the Portugals camp, in a manner upon the triangle, where the rock is highest fortified toward the enemy with ill fashioned trenches, and much artillery: The Duke marched to the right bank, with his whole army, right against the Portugals; where having made a long stand, considering well the seat to be naturally strong, but little helps by art, he see the enemies (perceiving his approach) to put themselves into squadrons, within their rampires, standing still, without any show of issuing forth, labouring only to endamage them with their cannons: So as having well resolved what to do, after some skirmish, he returned for this night unto the place from whence he came, and for the day following gave this order, that after midnight they should give a hot alarum on all sides, to keep the enemy on foot, to weary him, and to cause him to put his men in order, as he had done the day before: He enjoined Francis d'Alua, General of the artillery, that before day he should plant upon the hills, which discover the enemies lodging, and their trenches, some great artillery, with sufficient munition, to batter the Portugals ranks, to scour their defences, and the place where they should stand to defend the bridge, when it should be assaulted: He commanded to thrust into the army at sea a thousand arquebusiers, five hundredth Italians, and five hundredth Spaniards, with order to the marquess of 
The Duke of Alva his speech to the soldiers.  Saint Croix, to charge the enemies when a certain sign should be given unto them: He called all the chief Commanders of the camp, and said unto them, that he hoped to drive the enemy that day by force from his lodging, that he desired them to be obedient, to observe the directions which he had given, and should give, for as by that and their valour, the enterprise was easy; so without order and obedience it was most difficult: That one of the chiefest points his Majesty had commanded, was to save the city of Lisbon, the which the king had in so great regard, that he had rather leave to vanquish, then by vanquishing to spoil it: And therefore he did press them to promise, that if they were so happy as wholly to break the enemy, they should not only forbear to spoil it, but defend it from such as would attempt it; assuring them that the king would be more pleased with the defence thereof, then with the victory itself: He added moreover, and that with great vehemency; that if his ill hap were such, as that they should not satisfy him in this, he beseeched God, that the first shoot the enemy should make, should rather deprive him of life, then to see a thing so much against the service and will of his Majesty. These words being ended, and all things executed, the Duke a little before day (leaving in his lodging a reasonable guard of all nations) marched against the Portugals in this order, notwithstanding some of the chief were of opinion, they should first try this army with courses and light charges, being a general opinion by the advertisements they had 
The order of the Duke's army.  received, that few men would put them to flight. The Duke divided his army into three bodies, two of foot, and one of horse, the which marched not one after an other, but as it were in front, as the hilly country would give them leave: In the middle was the Duke with the greatest part of the Spanish foot, & some German pikes, divided into four squadrons, which marched not all in front, nor one after an other, but scattered as the place would suffer them, being in all about six thousand: On the right side were all the Italians, the rest of the Germans, & some few Spaniards, ordered in three squadrons, one, a side of an other, by Prosper Colona, which should amount to the like number: On the left hand, which was the third body, were their horsemen, commanded by Ferrant son to the Duke, in the first rank whereof marched their arquebusiers on horseback, in the second their gennetters, in the third their light horsemen, & behind, their men at arms, where Ferrant himself remained; upon the river which lay on the right hand (the which in that place is about three miles broad) was the marquess with threescore and two galleys, and five and twenty ships, the which lying but musket shot from their foot, served as a wing to the army on that side, to answer the horse which were on the other.  

Anthony his preparation against the Duke.  In the mean while Anthony having viewed the enemies the day before, and how little they had effected, believed (notwithstanding the great alarum which he heard in the night) it would fall out as the day before; and that after some light skirmishes, the enemy (he not issuing forth of his lodging) should retire the second time; yet desirous to put his men in order as the day before, he could not do it, for being unaccustomed to suffer, weary with the travail of the day, and disquietness of the night, they did not execute that which was commanded; besides their number was greatly diminished; for many being accustomed to lie in the town all night, and return in the day, were not yet come, and others amazed, were quite fled away: And therefore he commanded the Bishop of Guarda, who played at Lisbon (as a man may say) the part of a king, to send with all diligence to the camp all such men as were within the city, who with drums and bells ceased not all night to sound, and with sergeant armed, to drive the citizens and handy craft's men by force out of their beds, compelling them to go forth armed, with some few whereof, the said Bishop went to the camp that night. But hereof followed no good effect, for such as were sent forth against their wills being fearful, fled to other places, so as the Portugal army neither increased in number nor in order.  
The Duke in the mean time presented himself on the right bank, opposite to the Prior's army, upon the hills where he had planted his cannon; where viewing the Portugals scattered in their lodging, he found himself deceived in his conceived opinion, that upon the alarum given they should rank themselves into squadrons: He now perceived that this intent to batter their ranks with his artillery could not succeed, as he had presupposed, and disordering them to charge them on all sides, supposing in this manner he should easily break them: But having changed his resolution, according to the occurrants▪ being willing to hazard a battle, he did endamage them all he could with his cannon, and so did the Prior likewise on his part: He commanded Prosper Colona to attempt the bridge with his men, that were in the squadrons on the right hand, striving to pass it, and to win as much ground as he could: He gave order to Sanches d'Auila with two thousand arquebusiers, which he had drawn out of his middle Battalion, having passed the brook above whereas the banks are lowest, and easiest to ascend to draw the enemy to combat, with all the advantage he could: charging them in flank even unto their trenches: He gave commission to Ferrant his son, who taking a greater compass, should pass the brook, whereas the banks were not high, unto the other side with his horse, and go against the enemy, but if he should not issue forth of his lodging, as it was supposed, they should then assail them on all parts at one instant, he remaining behind with the rest of the foot, to succour where need should require, in a place more eminent than the rest, from the which he might discover both armies, where having left his squadrons a little behind him, he sat him down, viewing how the assault would succeed, & making necessary countersignes: Prosper Colona came to the bridge before that either Sanches d' Auila, or the horsemen could attain to the other bank, it may be for that it behoved them to make a longer march, or for that the Italians (as the Duke said) to win honour, made too great haste: They found it not unfurnished, for the Portugals had there planted their soldiers of most esteem, who at the first assault made great resistance: For although the Italians fought valiantly, yet was it long ere they prevailed any thing; for the place being narrow, defended and guarded in flank with some Harquebufiers which had fortified themselves within a mill, to the which they could not approach by reason it was environed with water, they came to fight with great disadvantage, so as having in a manner won it, they were repulsed with some losses. But Prosper having caused his soldiers to mount up on a narrow causeway, which kept the water of the mill, by the which they might (though uneasily) come unto the house, having with the loss of some few assaulted it, those within were all cut in pieces, so as such as guarded the bridge, wanting their succours in flank, being endamaged from the same mill, by the Italians, Colona charging them with greater force at the same instant on the bridge, he won it, and passed to the other bank, wherein Lewes Dovara did good service, who seeing the Italians repulsed, he caused them to be succoured, almost against the Duke's will, with some German pikes, the which he obtained from the General: There did they long endure a hot fight, for the Portugals being as yet ignorant that they were charged in any other other part, all the force of the army with the Prior himself ran to the bridge, where Prosper repelled them valiantly, and put them to flight: The Duke beheld what Sanches d' Auila should do, being most assured that if he obeyed him, all the enemies camp were broken, but he feared, that seeing the Italians in fight (being choleric) he should be impatient, to take so long a course as to go charge them in flank, but would assail them at the first encounter, the which he esteemed dangerous, but seeing him obedient, he held the battle won, so as coming to the other bank with his arquebusiers, and Ferrant with his horsemen, they found no resistance: For although that Anthony being scarce arrived at the bridge, came to this other side, the Portugals beginning now to understand the success of the bridge, being fearful, presently fled towards the city. At this instant the Duke gave sign unto the galleys, who without their masters rowed towards the city with the rest of their army, discharging their artillery against the Portugals fleet, the which being a little retired, without any place to fly unto, set sail, but without any resistance they became a prey unto the enemy.  

The flight of Anthony towards the city, his defeat and hurt.  Anthony being unexpert, never supposed the Duke would charge him within his lodging, seeing himself at one instant so much endamaged with the artillery, the bridge to be forced, which he held for very strong, his men to fly, and their horsemen to make way to cut off all way of retreat, he grew amazed: Notwithstanding, being accompanied with Count Emanuel of Portugal, with Diego Boteglio the elder, & Edward de Castro; he fled likewise towards the city, without order, or without any resistance, amidst the press of his people, where at the entry of the suburbs, he was hurt in the head by a soldier on horseback, and if he had stayed but a little longer, or the horsemen made more haste, he had been taken prisoner, by some Italian adventurers, who were advanced very far. In this haste he passed with the rest of his broken army through the city, whereof a part, yet the least, following him, entered by one gate, and went forth by an other; and the other part which was the greater, having cast away their arms, hid themselves in their houses, where they had their wives and children, and such as were come from other parts of the realm, assembled themselves in churches with great fear: In passing he commanded the prisons to be opened, so as with a great number of offenders that were delivered, there came forth such as were committed, as affected unto Philip.  
The Duke's men having slain many of these miserable wretches with their shot and lances, who fled by four and six together, making but a weak and unprofitable resistance, came to the city; Ferrant de Toledo as chief, marching before the rest, under whose authority the whole army was governed, seeing the battle won, fearing the soldiers fury should do more hurt than he wished, did expressly keep them back, causing them to stay, supposing there might remain yet some men to conquer; and being come to the gates of the city, he stayed to parley with the Magistrate of the chamber from the walls, who was come thither to that effect: But their treaties were short, and little disagreeing, for the Portugals seeing themselves before the castilians soldiers, their miserable king hurt and fled, and their army in rout, they seemed to be now reduced to their last exigent: And Ferrant (although a conqueror) yet desirous (according to the king's meaning) to save the city from spoil, they soon agreed: Ferrant demanded the city, the Portugals desired to know in what sort, and although some answered at discretion; yet the Magistrate offering to yield as other 
The yielding of Lisbon.  cities had done, it was granted they should have their lives and goods saved, least by longer stay the soldiers should have occasion to commit some disorder. Notwithstanding some of the Magistrates being let down from the walls, were carried behind some castilian Cavaliers to the Duke, who granted them their demands with better acception, and more freely. Then began the soldiers against the Duke's will to disband and spoil that part of the city, which is without the walls, the which is greater, nobler, and fairer, then that within, and is so spacious, as many great cities are not comparable 
The spoil of the suburbs of Lisbon.  unto it: So as although this body in the midst of Lisbon was not spoiled, yet the suburbs were and all places thereabouts; and likewise some houses within, the which under colour to appertain to rebels, were given in prey to the soldiers, whom they could no otherwise withstand, seeing they had sufficiently obeyed, in preserving the city from spoil three days: Many innocent citizens lost their most precious movables, the which by reason of the plague which then reigned greatly in the city, they had transported to their farms, and other possessions near thereabouts, where they were spoiled. The extortions the soldiers committed were not great, but the riches that fell into their hands were infinite. The galleys did great harm, for besides the spoiling of the banks of Tagus, and the ransacking of all the ships within the port, where they found infinite store of merchandise; they served like wise unto the soldiers that were on land, as a means to hide and carry away all things were they never so great, not being forced to discharge themselves of their baggage, to sell them at low prices upon the place, as it often happeneth. The custom houses, that is to say the general, and that of merchandise of the Indies, always full of precious wares, although they were without the city gates, yetwere they not spoiled: For by reason of their great riches, Alonso de Leva General of the galleys of Sicily, sent a guard of private soldiers to have care and defend them: The religious women, whose monasteries were all without the walls, were preserved; and withal much wealth that was kept there, yet much of that which was left in the houses of religious men was stolen away; but most of all in that of Saint Rock, whereas the jesuits remain; for certain Italian soldiers being first entered, were expelled by the Spaniards, who being sent thither by their commanders, under colour to preserve them being friends, they committed greater excess than the other, being enemies, would have done; for the Italians being departed, the Spaniards having searched out the most secret things, and finding them, they carried them by night into the galleys, and into their houses. The diversity of nations which were at the spoil, caused more respect to the women, and holy things than had been otherwise; for the Spaniards most insolent in other countries, were here against their nature very continent, lest by their example the Italians and Germans in Spain should grow worse. The booty of movables and other precious things, which this city in so many years peace, and by the traffic of the Indies had gathered 
The number that were slain in the battle.  together was infinite. The number of such as were slain in the battle was small, in regard of the little defence they made, notwithstanding there died not above a thousand of the Portugals, and not above a hundredth of the Duke's army, of so small force were the people's arms, rusted with ease. The Duke when the city was yielded, came himself in person for the defence thereof; where having made some stay in one of the houses near the suburbs, he returned to lodge from whence the Portugals were departed. Anthony having dressed his wound at Sacabem, six miles from Lisbon, marched easily toward Saint Arem: The Duke standing doubtful whether he remained still within the city, or were fled, for that the Portugals for his better safety gave out false rumours. This victory was of great importance, and had been greater if the Prior had been taken prisoner, for in his safety, the realm (which should have been in quiet) remained in suspense, all men supposing that he should repair his forces, and try his fortune 
The Duke blamed.  a new. The Duke was blamed of many for not using of greater diligence, saying, it was a great error, in all other things to have set so good an order, and to have omitted it in this of such importance, some did attribute it unto negligence, others unto malice, especially for that Anthony had made so great a stay betwixt Sacabem and Saint Arem; so as he might easily have suppressed him, and this was the issue of the battle of Alcantara.  
In the mean while the ships which came from the Indies, were disanchored from the islands of Terceraes, & sailed towards Portugal, ill advertised of what had passed. And for as much as they had former intelligence of their arrival at the islands, it was thought good they should stay there, being valued at three millions, many doubted they should be lost: For on the one side the Duke had sent some ships armed to seek them, on the other side the Prior had sent certain caravels with advise to go to Penichie, a place upon the coast twenty miles from Lisbon, towards the north, and therefore it was feared they could not escape the one, or the other, either to be taken by the king's ships, or to follow the direction of Anthony, and in what sort soever, they should be lost: For falling into the hands of the castilians they should be spoiled, and going to Penichie, the Prior would become master of private men's goods, and employ them for the necessity of the wars. And some ignorant of Anthony's commission, supposed they should either go to France or England, and that the Prior (finding the weakness of his force, by the event of this battle) should follow them; notwithstanding fortune did so second the beginning, that two days after the battle, they appeared in safety, without any intelligence of these troubles within the realm, or any encounter upon the way; such was the Catholic kings good fortune, that they arrived safe at Lisbon; where he received what appertained to the crown, and delivered to every private man his own.  
All this while they were in suspense at Badagios, expecting whether this enterprise should be ended by arms or agreement, and so doubtful every man was, for that there appeared on either side great difficulty; the rather, for that the Duke could not stay long from entertaining one of these parties so different. But the xxuj. day of August, in the morning, there arrived a Spanish merchant without any letters from the Duke, who brought news of the success: This man following the Spanish camp, when he saw the Prior's army in rout, presently passed the river in a small bark, and took post before him that brought advertisement from the Duke, who presenting himself unto the King, delivered what he had seen, whereof he received such contentment as may be supposed: This news was presently spread throughout all the court, with the incredible joy of all men, and to the great honour of the Duke, and with such kind of commendations, as the force of truth doth usually draw upon the sudden, even from the mouth of enemies: But the confirmation of these news, staying longer than was convenient for the nearness of the place, and the importance of the action, they began to doubt with so great perturbation, that there was no less show of their general desire, then of their received content: The which was after confirmed by the Arrival of Ferrant de Toledo, the Duke's nephew, whom he had dispatched with a private relation, not only of the success, but also of the reasons which had induced them to fight, and his direction given unto the captain, 
The commendations of the Duke of Alua.  the which was generally approved of all, with no small honour to the Duke, saying, that he had now satisfied men's minds, who held him always to be too cunning and watchful, to assure his enterprise by advantages of lodging, and stratagems, avoiding the battle by all means possible without great advantage, following amongst the ancient Captains Fabius Maximus, and amongst the later Prosper Colonna the elder, whom he sought to imitate: And this commendation of the Dukes proceeded from his two resolutions: The one to pass from Settwal to Cascays, and the other to fight at Alcantara, seeing in the first he alone did contradict his counsel, and contested both against sea and enemy: And in the second he resolved to fight dangerously with the Portugals, within their own trenches, having a well peopled city behind them; and against the advise of some of the principal of the army. They did highly commend him to have kept Lisbon from spoil; and at one instant to play the conqueror and protector, attributing unto him for this respect more honour, then to have retired his army from the walls of Rome in the year 1557. having not fought there, unto the gates of the city, as he did at Lisbon.  
But these reasons with other, were dashed by a sudden cruel accident, which so troubled the minds of all men, as there was no time to think nor speak of any thing, the which was that upon the news of this happy success, the king fell most dangerously sick, the which so increased, being brought to that point, that there was small hope of his life, and even his Physicians themselves almost gave him over: upon this subject was all their discourses, for the king dying, it was supposed that the protector of Christendom should fail, and if there were any doubt, that his death in time 
The Catholic king's sickness and the discourse upon it.  might cause any alteration, it was then most of all to be feared: for besides that the affairs of Flaunders were troublesome, the humours of the French ill disposed, Portugal yet in balance to incline to a contrary party, and the rest of Spain was not well assured: The opinions were divers what course to take, but all was confused, and all full of fear. The Duke of Alva whose opinion many of the better sort did follow, thought it fit, that the king dying, the Queen with the prince should presently enter into Portugal, and go to Lisbon, thinking by this means with the forces he had there ready, not only to keep the realm in peace, but also to assure the other estates of Spain: He now laboured to 'stablish the affairs, for depriving from the office of the magistrate of the chamber of Lisbon, such as had been installed by the Prior, he restored such as had been before; calling them unto him, he said; it was now time that in the city's behalf, they should swear obedience unto the king, and proclaim his name in the public streets, with accustomed ceremony; whereunto they willingly offered themselves, demanding leave for this cause to make public feasts, and that withal, the privileges of the city might be confirmed: Whereunto he answered, 
Lisbon swears obedience to the king.  that there was then no need, but they should reserve it, until the prince were there present to be sworn, whom his Majesty had resolved to send unto the city to be bred up amongst them; and as for their privileges, they were very small, that he would grant them more amply. So as the eleventh day of September in the Duke's lodging, they took their oath in form, and the next day after dinner, the magistrate going through the city with the standard and their Attaballes, they proclaimed the name of King Phil p after the accustomed manner; yet with a weak voice, and small assembly of people. And as in the proclaiming of other kings there appeared nothing but feasts and joy; here was nothing to be seen, but secret sighs and hidden sorrow with flattery: The Duke's army was lodged until the tenth of September betwixt the city and Alcantara, at the same lodging where the Portugals had lodged, without any resolution what to do, still expecting some news of the Prior. At which time there grew (as a companion to war) not 
A contagious Catar.  only in the camp, but likewise in the city a contagious infirmity of Catarrh, so dangerous, that it did no less harm than the pestilent contagion; few were free from this disease, and many of them died, especially of the soldiers, for that to a new disease, ordinary remedies help little: Anthony soon after arrived at Saint Arem, where the magistrate of that place, (being the self-same,) who a little before with so great joy had proclaimed him king, would not give him entry, so are men's minds turned with fortune; yet having promised to depart presently, they suffered him to enter upon that condition, and the day following, he went towards Coimbra.  

Saint Arem yields obedience.  Soon after the city of Saint Arem sent to yield their obedience, and whilst they expected that Coimbra should do the like, they had news that the Prior was there, that he fortified himself in those parts, that he repaired Mount Maior the old, and broke the bridge upon the river of Doro: And although there were no doubt, that he could assemble men sufficient to terrify the Duke, yet hereby they understood that the war was not ended, and that they could not dismiss any part of the army, which they had resolved to send back, with the galleys of Italy; so as by a little stay, they lost the season of sailing in that sea with their galleys; but for that the country is not fruitful, and that victuals grew very dear within the city, they lodged the Germans at Settwall, resolving to send the Italians to Saint Arem: But having the news confirmed, that the Prior assembled forces, the Duke would not separate his troops so far from him, but lodged the Italians and Spaniards in the suburbs of the city (which place had been spoiled) to defend them from the daily rain which began to fall.  

The Prior assembles new forces.  At this time the Prior with his train tormented the inhabitants of the province betwixt Doro and Mignio, assembling men of war by force, and for that many (doubting sinister events) feared that in saving of him they should prejudice themselves, he forced obedience upon grievous pains, which he imposed upon such as followed him not: So as some for fear of their persons, others of their goods, came unto him; yet were there others, who of their natural inclination would not leave him until death: In this sort, he gathered together four or five thousand men, with the which he held the city of Coimbra in awe, so as it could not yield to the Catholic king: He went with them to Avero, where having found some resistance, he used his greatest force: For having with some small pieces of artillery battered the walls, he gave a confused 
Avero taken.  assault; but profiting little, his friends within did so weaken the defence by words and force, that the Prior's men entered: The succours which Pantaleon de Sada brought from Porto, coming too late: There he imprisoned divers persons, he slew, spoiled, and ruined all he could: By these acts (which seemed unto them most glorious) his peasantlie soldiers were grown to that arrogancy, that armed with hooks, and staves, they threatened to go to Lisbon, to free the realm from the hands of the castilians: And this foolish presumption was not a little furthered with the news, that Anthony had of the king's sickness, whom they gave out to be dead, being attired all in black the better to persuade them.  
The Duke was well advertised of all these things, finding still more plainly of what importance the flight of Anthony was: There wanted not some that charged him to have forborn too long, in sending men after him, yet having care to assure that which did more import; he would not divide his forces, until he did see an end of the king's infirmity, who having long laboured in the extremities of death, he began with an universal joy to recover, and increasing daily the signs of health, he grew well; wherewith fear which troubled the minds of men being taken away, they began to talk again of the victory, and of the Duke's actions: But this commendation which was attributed unto him (as it happeneth in all worldly actions) continued little, and rarely shall you find so apparent an example of the inconstancy of the people, and the force of envy as this was: for suddenly his praises were turned into murmurings, and open slanders, searching so many reasons to deface the Duke's merits, as two days before they had alleged to extol his actions. The Duke's reprehensions grew from the proper ministers 
The Duke blamed.  of this war, or from such as followed the enterprise, who offended with him for the diversity of their opinions, or for their own private practices, or else (as some would have it) desirous to creep into the king's favour by like reports, did write that the sack had been very great, and freely suffered for three days, whereunto they would attribute the Portugals disobedience, and their discontentment against the castilians, labouring to prove, that if the Duke had pleased, by his authority he might have stayed it, but being partaker with his kinsmen (who were more employed to spoil then to fight) of a good part of the booty, he did tolerate it; leaving outrages and thefts unpunished, although complaints were made unto him. That the terms of conquest, taking of cities, and rout of army, were vain and unproper, seeing that in no place they had found any resistance; and that this multitude of Portugals, as simple people (deceived by their priests in confessions and preachings) could not be termed an army, nor their rout called a victory: And so blind is envy, that two armies encountering with many pieces of great artillery, fight on the one side for the passage of a bridge, on the other side in their trenches, the Portugals foot and horse broken, the enemy put to flight, the standard royal taken, with many other colours, and above a thousand men slain, and yet they would not have this a battle: Some which did charge him with negligence said, that seeing he had an intention to dislodge this army (after he had attempted the bridge & the trenches) he should have stretched forth his horsemen further on the left hand, to cut off the enemies way, and to take him prisoner, if he would fly; but to keep himself so far off as he could not overtake him, was an unexcusable fault in so great a captain: Others said, that it was not credible, but he should have taken him, if he had pleased to place his horse in a convenient place for that purpose, which every ignorant captain would have considered, but that he willingly suffered him to fly; that by means of Anthony's liberty, the war should not seem to be ended, a thing which captains do commonly wish, preferring their own authority, and their private respect, before the public good: Others did add that if he would have taken him after his flight, and the battle won, he might well have done it, for making no haste to fly, he might so speedily have followed him with his horse as the importance of his person did require.  

The Duke's excuses.  Amongst so many accusations, few durst speak for the Duke, yet some of his friends laboured to justify him, saying, that time, place, and desire to assure the victory, doth often hinder the execution of those things which the captain wisheth: That it was not then convenient to follow the Prior: For considering the inevitable disorders of the soldiers, in sending many, he had contrary to the king's pleasure wasted the country, and if he had sent few, they had not been safe; and therefore he desired to temper this heat of victory in the soldiers minds, meaning after to send a part of the army in good order, but when as he meant to effect it, the King's sickness happened, whereof he desired first to see the issue, before he would be unfurnished of his forces. That touching the environing of the enemies camp with his horse, besides that they had no sufficient number to do it, it had not been the resolution of a wise captain to make a fearful enemy desperate; and to force him either to fight or become a prisoner. Touching the sacking of the suburbs, they said it was no small good hap to have so many houses without the walls of the city; for otherwise they should hardly have kept the soldiers from spoiling it, and that it was in a manner necessary for the saving of the city to have something ●o quench this desire, which they had brought with them. And as there was some difficulty to save the city from the sack, so was it impossible to keep the suburbs from spoil, seeing the battle was given within the limits thereof. They laughed at such as said the Duke was partaker of the spoil, seeming unto them a matter far from his quality. They showed that although they would not have it said that the battle were glorious, but unworthy, against a small number of seditious monks, apostates, and fugitive slaves, yet could it hardly be concealed, for it could not be denied but that Anthony had a great number of men in a strong lodging, amongst the which were many of the Nobility, and that which most supplied their want of experience, passionate against the Catholic king, and most affectionate to the Prior; that in armies where such things happen, it is not credible they so easily yield or fly of themselves, if they be not encountered with a captain that is both valiant, & of judgement, who by force or cunning doth break them & put them to flight. They did prove by lively reasons that it was not credible that the Duke with a resolution so hurtful to his king, should prolong the enterprise & seek to continue his command, by means of the war, saying, that although in ancient common wealths, noble citizens were desirous to be employed in expeditions, and governments of armies, to free themselves from the subjection of the Senate; yet was it not so in the government of later princes; whereas such as be near the king have more authority, than such as be retired. They added unto these reasons, the consideration of the Duke's age, fidelity, and experience, with ancient and new examples; concluding it was likely, that without any private subject, he had laboured with his best endeavour wholly to serve the king: But although he were vehemently defended, yet could they not wholly root it out of the minds of men; so is the chance of this worldly Tragedy tossed upside down, that the captain which the week before had been triumphant and glorious, lay now in his bed sick with sorrow, slandered with his Prince, and his army half defeated, languishing with hunger and want, infected with the plague, infamous for excess and violence; some part whereof was true, and some false: so as the soldiers were troubled, melancholy, and angry; and although with the insolency of conquerors, yet seemed they like men vanquished: They commanders of the army were likewise in despair to reap any recompense of their service, so as the captains which resolved to plant themselves in Portugal, and receive great recompense by confiscations, were deceived of their hopes: For the King who had an other meaning, resolved to forget all the wrongs the Portugals had done him, and not only to pardon their disobedience, but also reward and cherish them as his children. It was generally spoken, that upon the Prior's defeat and yielding of the city of Lisbon, the King should presently go thither in person, and by granting rewards and pardons, labour to win the Portugals loves, and to qualify that bitterness which the spoil and insolency of the soldiers had bred. But although there had been already speech of his going to Eluas, and that he desired to make his entry as king of Portugal; yet did he not effect it, for that as it is said before, the plague was dispersed into many parts of the realm. He laboured to become master not only of all places within the realm, but also of all others that depended thereof: when as the army began first to enter the realm, he had sent into Africa to demand obedience of those places, but for as much as Anthony had prevented him by former letters unto the captains, his business being in better estate, than they proved afterwards, the inhabitants would not agree to acknowledge Philip; by reason whereof, the battle being won, he sent again unto them; for 
The yielding of the places in Africa which the Portugals held.  being of great importance for Spain, he feared, that remaining under the Prior's command, he should rashly dispose of them so as promising recompense to the captains, they did acknowledge him for their Lord, but with greater facility in one place then in an other; so as without any innovation, he confirmed the same captains, and the same garrisons.  

The Terceraes.  The islands of Terceraes were not neglected by the Duke, the assurance whereof seemed greatly to import, and therefore upon the brute of the victory, he sent a messenger thither, with letters from the king, and the city of Lisbon: but the matter being first well debated at Badagios, it was supposed by the Council, the Portugals alone to be more fit to manage that business, then if the castilians should intermeddle; and therefore the King did write unto Lisbon to Edward de Castelbianco, that conferring with the Duke as a Portugal, he should go thither: But he resolved not, for being newly created officer of the chamber, he found that Edward Borges whom the Duke had appointed to send, remained accountable to the crown for certain money, so as he thought not good to employ him, nor to choose any other in his place. The Duke understanding of the King's recovery, leaving the care of the islands to him that had it, would no longer delay to send against the Prior, and although the time was unfit; yet the xxij. of September he dispatched Sanches d' Auila into those parts with four thousand 
Sanches de Auila against the Prior.  foot, and sour hundredth horse, who marched directly towards Coimbra, but understanding soon after that many of his soldiers died by the way, that many fled into Castil, and that with great difficulty, (by reason of the great abundance of rain), he should conduct four pieces of artillery, the Duke sent after him other fifteen hundredth foot, under Diego de Cordova, and provided shipping to send the cannon by sea: Sanches d' Auila took his first lodging at Loures, from thence he marched to Torrez Vedras, where having broken one of his carriages, he was forced to leave a piece of artillery there, from thence he went directly to Coimbra, passing by Gibarotta, where he did see the spoils of that famous victory, which the Portugals had against the castilians; from thence he sent two companies of horse to Coimbra, the which 
The yielding of Coimbra.  until they had discovered them would not yield their obedience; yet upon view of the horse, they met them with the keys of the city, and Emanuel de Sosa Pacheco, commissary general of the camp, entered to receive their allegiance. The Prior having news of these things at Avero, would not attend Sanches d' Auila, remaining in suspense, whether he should embark himself, and abandon the realm; but having received letters from some of Porto, who promised to obey him, he marched thither wards with all the troops he could make, whereof having yet made no mention, being a place of importance, we will digress a little to report the estate thereof, during these troubles.  

The estate of Porto and the reduction.  The inhabitants thereof do account themselves the wisest amongst the Portugals, who hearing the Catholic king began to arm, and that the Governors did rule, sent to court, demanding arms and munition for their defence if need were: But their Ambassadors arriving at Almeryn, they found the Governors were retired to Settwal, and that the Prior was proclaimed king; so as the Embassage they had in charge to impart to the Governors, they delivered to the new King, without warrant from their superiors, who gave unto them such artillery and munition as they required: The Ambassadors being returned therewith to Porto, there grew a division amongst the Citizens, for some (affected unto Anthony) approved the Embassage; others being more severe said, that being sent to the Governors, and delivering their Embassage to the Prior, they were worthy of blame: So as one part would receive the munition, and artillery, and use it at their need, saying, that they should receive it, although it came from their enemies; the rest would by no means accept it, seeming that thereby they did acknowledge him for king, and make themselves suspect to the Catholic king; the which they would by no means do, but entertain themselves as neuter and lookers on: but the plurality of voices refusing to accept the arms, the Ambassadors (by the advise of Pantaleon de Sada, Ferrant Nunes Barretto, and john Rodrigo de Sada, who were the most famous men that governed the city) left the artillery and munition within the castle of Fiera, a little from thence, leaving the city unfurnished. But the Duke disembarking at Cascays before the battle of Alcantara, they sent to yield their obedience. When as the Prior came into these quarters he seized on this artillery and munition, and therewith battered Avero; from thence he went to Porto, where although some had given out most slanderous speeches against him, so as it was likely they would have no agreement nor convention with him, yet the greatest part, inclined to obey him: he was joyfully received of all under a cannapie: and Pantaleon de Sada with his companions, (foreseeing the humour of the people) without seeking of any remedy, excusing themselves, if they were not obeyed, would not stay there but embarking themselves in a caravel they went into Gallicia, and from thence to Lisbon.  
The Prior stayed ten days in this city, spoiling some private men's houses, that were his enemies: he took sugars and other merchandise from the merchants, and sent them into France; he demanded to borrow one hundredth thousand ducats of the people; and being advertised that Sanches d' Auila approached, and that Coimbra, mount Maior, and some other places, had delivered up their keys, he sent the Bishop of Guarda to Viana, and to Ponte de Lima, to assemble more forces, and to stop the passage of the river.  

The Portugals and castilians disagree.  The Duke of Alva was now at Lisbon with a troubled mind, for seeing the Portugals become more insolent than before, & to disagree with the castilians; he had no authority from the king to punish them, or to do such execution as was convenient, and had been accustomed to do in other places; that the Prior yet kept the field with his forces; that daily there grew quarrels within the city, betwixt the castilians and the Portugals; and that the nations were so incensed one against an other, that it was to be feared it would breed some great disorder. And although the castilians had express order to endure all things, yet had they not the patience: For this manner of the Duke's proceeding, (misconstrued by the Portugals to proceed from fear) growing daily more proud, they forced the castilians to quarrel with great discourtesy: For redress whereof, the Duke having somewhat fortified the castle, which is seated upon a small hill near the city, a most ancient building, drew thither the greatest number of his soldiers, artillery, victuals, and munition, taking them from the guard of the city gates, where they grew odious; by means whereof he was more assured, and less hateful, and the Portugals choler somewhat qualified.  

The yielding of Avero, and other exploits of Sanches d'Auila.  At this time Sanches d' Auila, approached near to Avero, where he was met without the walls by the principal of the city, who wept for joy, but chiefly amongst the rest, such most rejoiced as had been kept in prison, in danger to lose their lives for resisting the Prior. Having there received the oath of fidelity from the Magistrate, understanding that Anthony was gone to Porto, he followed after, desirous to encounter him with all the speed he could: Diego de Cordova being now arrived at the camp, with troops which the Duke had sent after him; the which by death and the flight of many were diminished to five hundredth: He made divers lodgings, molesting the country little, being arrived at Rifana of Santa Maria, the which is fifteen miles from the left bank of the river of Doro, upon the right bank whereof, Porto is seated, he devised by what means he should pass the river; supposing he had no greater difficulty than this to vanquish the enemy: He knew it was very violent, running betwixt high mountains without any ford; he carried with him upon carts, some small boats to cast into the river; the which although they were few in number, yet did he mean to run alongst the shore, and to take others; but the joints thereof were so shaken and open with the way, and carriages, that hardly could they serve: Having therefore passed the monastery of Griso, towards the river, he sent to the shore to search for other boats, but he found not any; for besides the Prior's commandment, that no bark should pass from the right shore, three or four being armed scoured the river up and down, to hinder their passage; whereupon he sent with great expedition, as well to places near, as a far off, to search for some, whereof he failed not, for although there were none near the city, yet in places further off up the river, where the Portugals supposed the castilians would not come, they found and took many; whereunto joining those of Massarellos (a place upon the left bank) the inhabitants whereof (discontented against the 
The statagem of Anthony Serrano to recover aboate.  Prior, who had burned their houses for not duly obeying his commandment) were fled with their wives and boats unto the castilians camp. It did also some what help, that Anthony Serrano one of the captains which Auila had sent to discover, having run almost to the mouth of the river, and not found any, discovering one, whereunto he durst not approach, putting his men in Ambuscado, stripping himself half naked, seeming to have been robbed by the castilians, and calling the water men to him by the voice of a Portugal spy, which he had with him, he caused the boat to draw near, and being entered into it, he discharged a pistol, which was hidden under him, by means whereof he did not only amaze the mariners, but gave sign unto the ambush, which discovering itself, the boat was presently taken, with two or three others (although but small ones) that were thereabouts; so as all together made five and thirty, with the which he supposed to pass a good part of his army. Sanches d' Auila desired much to hasten his passage, supposing that he had men sufficient, but this resolution was held rash, by the captains that were about him; seeming uneasy to pass with boats any where but at Pietra Salata, where lieth the ordinary passage, the which was fortified; for in other places the steepness of the banks would not suffer it, so as they could not deceive the enemy, as they do commonly, making show to pass in one place, and go to another. They objected there were few barks, and ill provided with mariners, and although they would contain a great part of the footmen, yet could they not hold the horse, the which they must leave behind them, which was not thought convenient; forasmuch as on the other side, they did not only see the place of their disimbarkment fortified with artillery, and rampires, but also the banks replenished with foot, and good store of horsemen; so as it seemed they could not attempt this passage, without great loss, saying that it was better to seek means to provide victuals, and to behave themselves more discreetly upon the passage, seeing that their safety was of more importance to the king, than their speed. Sanches d' Auila weighed well all these inconveniences, yet two things pressed him greatly to pass; the one was want of victuals, and the difficulty to recover them, the which increased daily: the other was to understand that Edward de Lemos, Martin Lopez d' Azevedo, and Anthony de Sousa Coutigno, who followed the Prior in this province, had assembled men to come to his succour, the execution whereof they sought to impeach; adding to this the small account he held of the Portugals by his experience informer actions, 
Sanches D' Auila passeth the river of Doro, at Auintes.  resolved in any sort to pass: for this cause he approached with his army near the river, where the Portugals having fortified themselves within a fort, which is above the city of Gaija, he thought it should be necessary to batter it, and there to make some stay. But it fell out more easy than he expected, for having sent Peter de Soto the elder, with some horse to discover it, they within (having once discharged their harguebuses against the horsemen) abandoned the fort, and retired to the city; so as remaining no defence on that side, he devised by what means he should pass with the least loss. He himself ran up against the stream, to see if he could discover any other passage; but finding all rough and steep, he saw no other place convenient, but Auintes, two miles from the camp, where (although uneasily) both on the one and the other bank, they might embark and descend: There he resolved to pass, for this cause (being returned to his lodging) he published his intent, but some of the army being of a contrary opinion, having assembled them all together, he said unto them: It will seem 
The speech of Auila to his soldiers.  strange unto you, that I have resolved to morrow to pass this river with the whole army, supposing, it may be, that it is uneasy and dangerous, for the season being unfit, the banks steep, the enemy upon the other side, armed and fortified, should make you doubt the victory; especially being in greater number than we are: But for as much as where the fear is least danger, I would let you see that there is no cause to fear any peril, but an assurance of honour and profit: These doubts (if you have any before your eyes) be all vain, for the season doth not offend us, seeing that the waves are calm, the banks give us sufficient room, and our enemies fortifications are as weak, as their resistance hath been hitherto: Remember that coming from Settwall with the galleys, you descended at Cascayes, where the same enemies under the most famous Captain of Portugal had their army, & yet they neither hindered our landing, or scarce endured our sight; for in a manner without seeing us, they did abandon the most important place of the realm. Call to mind that all Portugal, being assembled with their counterfeitking, lodged at Alcantara, a place by nature most strong, furnished with artillery and other arms, in their presence, we battered the rock of Saint julian, and forced it to yield, not daring once to succour it, or issue forth to any small skirmish: and think you that the weakest part of this army, and the most timorous, being retired on the other side of this river, shall make a greater resistance, than it did united? In this action we ought to strive for two things; the king's service, and our own honours and reputations; the which fortune seems to frame, as is most convenient for us: For if the enemies we have in front, were so lodged, that there remained no let betwixt us, we should do the king small service, and win ourselves little honour by the conquest; but our good fortune will have it so, to the end our praise may be the greater, that Anthony had taken (as a buckler against us) this river and these banks, and that there he should show us his forces; that the general opinion is, that there he may trouble his Majesty in the just possession of the realm, so as chase him, we shall deserve the greater recompense, by performing an enterprise that seems uneasy, the which in my judgement will prove no more difficult, than the rest of this realm hath been, if you be the same men you were few days since: Yet suppose not that I acknowledge these victories wholly from your valour, for I think I may attribute it better to his majesties right, & the injustice of Anthony. Who is he but knoweth that the realm appertaineth by just title unto our king? what judgement seat is there in the world which hath not of themselves given sentence in his favour? And chose, who is ignorant that Anthony hath tyrannously usurped the title of a king, that he hath neither right nor title to the realm? that he is a bastard, insufficient, and uncapable of this degree; which things are known to all men, and therefore the justice of God will make us instruments to punish him that deserves it: So as neither rampires, rivers, nor fortresses, can serve him that is in the wrong, for that a guilty conscience, not only weakens the heart, but makes all forces vain. The equity of the king's cause, and your valour, are not to be encountered by so weak enemies, but will surmount greater difficulties than this, as you have seen, and shall see tomorrow, if it please God. These words with the authority of the captain most renowned amongst these soldiers, made all men judge that his resolution was well considered, and therefore Sanches d' Auila for the night and the day following, did thus order the army: He caused them to plant upon the bank, directly against the town, such artillery as he had, in a place convenient, both to scour the passage, & to endamage the other side; leaving his lodging guarded with Germans and Spaniards, he took the third part of his foot, his boats and horsemen, & went by night unto the passage, where he had been, there to embark & pass to the other bank, meaning to charge the enemy in flank; the other two thirds of the army under the charge of Rodorick 
The stratagem of Auila to pass the river.  Sapatta should embark at Pietra Salata, in the rest of the barks, and draw after them so many horses as they could, tied by the reins, making show to pass there, to the end to keep the enemy busied with this fear; yet commanding them not to pass, until they should see the enemy charged by the other third part, which had been transported at the other passage. All these things were duly executed; for the Portugals being unexperienced in war, could not provide for so ordinary a stratagem; so as Sanches d' Auila being come to the town side, he found so weak resistance, that although some companies of soldiers were run thither, yet he landed easily: And whereas their boats were not able to transport all their soldiers together, the first which landed, having entered skirmish with the Portugals, before the coming of the rest, having slain ten or eleven of them, they put them all to flight.  
The Prior believed not the castilians should so soon have passed, but understanding what they had done, and the small resistance of his men, being not yet generally published, having assembled 
The oration of Anthony to his soldiers.  many and of the chief, he spoke thus unto them: Tyrants use in their pretensions, when they distrust their right, to fly under other colours, to force, using this in steed of justice, to obtain their desires; but just and loving Princes, not only submit themselves to justice, but do continually strive to be conformable to the will of their subjects: As for me, at such time as the succession of this realm failed, I was resolute to obey him, that by right should be declared king: I remained quiet, until that Philip despairing of his justice, and taking arms, it pleased you to name me your king and protector: I accepted this burden more (as God shall preserve our liberty) not seeing any one that could govern you with true love, then for any desire to rule: how I have behaved myself, how every thing hath passed, you know, who have been always, and in all things, not my subjects but my companions: want of time would not suffer us to provide many things necessary for the war; for I was no sooner named king, but the enemy prepared, having before plotted many ambushes, and resolute what to do, invaded us with his forces, the which was cause that the munitions appointed & the succours promised by Christian princes, could not come in due time; the which hath made our success unhappy: we have (in a manner disarmed) already tried the hazard of a battle, if you think good to adventure it again, against an enemy that followeth us, do as you please, but I am not of that opinion, for having hitherto adventured my person, and made this breast a buckler, I am not now resolved, except you do otherwise advise me, to thrust both you and myself to the hazard of a doubtful battle; by the victory whereof, although it should remain on our sides, there could not succeed the intention we have, to expel the enemy out of this realm, & by losing it, I should be frustrate of the hope I have conceived, to free you soon from the yoke which hangs over you. God is my witness, that all which I have done, and shall do, neither hath been, nor shall be to any other end, but for the love of you, and to make equal this balance of justice, the which is now forced by the might of the greatest enemy that ever Portugal had. I know well you will believe me, but if any amongst you doth distrust my words, let him consider, that if I had not regarded your profit, but mine own private interest; I had been now quiet, rich, and reconciled with the Catholic king, who hath often sought me, by offers, and large promises; and you had been tyrannised over, and in a manner slaves, as those be that have no kings of their own country: But God forbid that ever I should prefer mine own profit before yours, or mine own benefit before the realms, whose people have so much loved my progenitors: I may well at this time, yield unto the unjust forces, that do oppress me, yet will I never renounce the realm, nor my title, but with new arms and new force, I hope again to try mine action; so as this sorrow which I now see in your faces, shall be soon turned to joy; those arms, that munition, those men, which are not now arrived in time, shall serve hereafter: And if it be a humane thing to take compassion of the afflicted, I hope, being so unjustly molested, to move pity, not only in the most pitiful, but also in the cruelest nations of the world. I know that this love which you have always borne to me, and my predecessors, shall no ways be diminished by any sinister event, and I am so well assured, that although we shall be now separated one from another, that shortly we shall be assembled again to your great benefit and profit, and to the shame and dishonour of our enemies. These words did move the hearts and eyes of many, no man answering him a word; so as being retired with his faithful followers, he departed as it were in secret, without 
The flight of Anthony to Viana.  publishing his departure, and going to the Monastery of Aronca by the unknown way of Vairam and Barcellos, he came to Viana.  
Sanches d' Auila having passed all his troops, and put the Portugals, that kept the passage to flight, he came against the town, the which being ignorant of the Prior's intent, manned with many soldiers, resolved to defend themselves, keeping the castilians all they could from approaching with their artillery: Being come to the enemies cannon, Roderick Sapatta arrived at the same instant 
The flight of the Portugals.  with his boats, who landed without any contradiction, but the Portugals prevented them with their flight; so as there remained not any one: Sanches did long pursue such as fled, and caused his horse to follow them; but the rainy day and the diversity of the ways, gave them good means to escape; so as the castilians returned 
The city of Porto yielded.  with the slaughter of few. The conquerors believed, that the Prior was yet remaining in the city, seeing them make show of defence, and continually to play with their artillery, the which did small hurt: But whilst that Sanches looked about who made resistance, and sought out the fittest lodging to force the town, the citizens discovering the Prior's flight, changed their resolutions, making a sign of peace with a white cloth from the walls, which was an assurance of the victory, and of the Prior's flight; by reason whereof, dividing his horsemen into two parts, he caused them to pursue him, by two divers ways, and the magistrate of the city, issuing forth, yielded his obedience, who offering to open the gates, Sanches commanded him to the contrary for fear of the soldiers, who were greedy of the spoil: But notwithstanding this order from the captain, the city was in danger to be sacked; for remaining yet within some of the Prior's soldiers, as some of the chief of the castilians entered by one of the gates, the inhabitants let forth the Portugals by an other; the which they could not do so secretly, but they were discovered by some of the companies, that lay abroad, who suffering them to pass, entered by the same gate, and began to spoil some houses, on that side of the town, and so had continued with the rest, if before the arrival of the other companies, Sanches d' Auila hearing the noise, had not run in person with the officers, and stayed them by his authority.  
In the mean time the Prior entering Viana, finding he could no longer make resistance within the realm, resolved to embark and sail into France, and for that cause did furnish a ship; but forbore to embark, by reason of the contrary wind. At this time there arrived at Viana one part of those horse which pursued him, having intelligence of his being there, against whom the city put themselves in arms: But the captain saying unto them, that if they refused to obey, they should be spoiled by the army which approached, and would arrive that day or the next, they grew amazed, and yielded upon condition, to have their lives and goods saved. Upon the view of these horsemen, the Prior finding himself in so 
The taking of Viana.  great danger, in a place of small trust, and disarmed, resolved rather to contest against the waves, and winds, then against the enemy; and therefore he embarked with the Bishop, and some other of his train, hoping, that whilst the city made resistance, he lying there concealed, some small wind would drive them from the land: But fortune (to speak after the common phrase) seemed not yet weary of him, for the sea swollen more, and the winds increased, and continued so long, that the castilians being entered, and demanding for him, they had intelligence he was in the ship, making preparation to go take him, whereof they seemed to be assured. But the Prior understanding thereof, seeing into what danger he was now brought, having divided his treasure (which was not great) to such as were about him, he attired himself like a mariner, and accompanied with the Earl and Bishop, and some of his other favourites, with the most precious things that he had, he took boat in great danger of drowing, landing upon the other bank of the river of Minio, the which is directly against the city. The which the castilians discovering, made haste to pursue him: But 
Anthony saves himself on the other side of the river Minio, in danger to be taken.  for as much as the river is not to be passed there, before the castilians could embark, he had time to save himself, losing all his servants, and some things of price, yet had he all his most precious jewels sowed in his garments. True it is that since there was found in Castill some pieces of the rich caparison, where of I made mention, in a soldiers possession, who said, he had then taken it from one of the Prior's slaves; but the King suspicious that Anthony had been his prisoner, and delivered for that ransom, kept him long in prison. It seemed that Fortune did accompany the Prior to preserve him, it may be for some greater affliction for this Realm, for at the same instant he left his boat, and went to land, there arrived on the same side that other troop of horsemen that pursued him, who had easily taken him, if they had once suspected he had been there; but discovering on the other side a troop of horse, embarking to pass the river, not able to discern (by reason of the distance) whether they were friends or enemies, nor for what reason they passed, they were in doubt what to do, during which time the Prior retired himself: And although by their approach they found by their colours who they were, yet before the one could understand the others resolution, the time was spent and they effected nothing.  
The king did now begin to recover his health, after so dangerous a sickness, at which time Queen Anne his wife fell sick of a 
The death of Queen Anne.  rotten fever, the which in few days brought her to another life; wherewith the king was much grieved, being a Lady wholly conformable to his humour, and endued with singular bounty. Having recovered his former health, forbearing to enter the realm, until 
The King enters into Portugal by the city of Eluas.  all were reduced to his obedience, seeing now the Prior to be defeated, and to hide himself, he went to Eluas the first city of the realm, where the Portugals received him with great joy; for that in this city and others, bordering upon Castill, their hatred is not so mortal against the castilians, as in other places: There he did open the barred havens, that is, he disannulled the imposts, which were paid, as well in Castill, as in Portugal, of all such merchandise as passed from realm to realm; the which amounted yearly to 150000. ducats; he set a tax of 80000. ducats upon the Prior's person, as a rebel and disturber of the quiet of the realm: He proclaimed a parliament at Tomar, the fifteenth day of April, where he would assist in person, with the general opinion and great hope of all men, that all Portugals that had offended, should there receive their pardon, and the obedient have reward; and that to all in general, he would give great recompenses, granting to the cities of the realm whatsoever they demanded. There remained neither city nor place, within the main land of Portugal, that had not yielded their obedience to the king of Spain: For after the Prior's flight from Viana, all was in the castilians power; the places of Africa were obedient, and so was the Island of Madera; as for the places further off, time would not yet suffer them to have any certain news.  

The description of the islands of Terceraes and the inhabitants thereof.  There remained the seven islands of Terceres, which had not yet made their submission, having advertisement that (only S. Michael's excepted) all the rest refused to obey; and for as much as they were of no account, this disobedience made them famous: Although they be seven in number, yet are they for the most part small and ill peopled: That of Saint Michael (a hundredth miles nearer Spain than the rest) is the best: There the Bishop of all these islands hath his residence: They call their principal town Punta Delgada, the next unto it is called Tercere, whereof all the rest take their name: This is fertile, and by nature more strong than the rest: Angra is their greatest dwelling, whereof the said Bishop taketh his name: The rest, as Saint Marry, Fayale, Pico, Coruo, and Flowers, be lesser, and some of them wholly unpeopled: The inhabitants of all in general be superstitious, and vain, grounding their discourses upon fancy; for since the battle of Africa, they would never believe that king Sebastian was dead: And although this opinion was held long through out the Realm, yet hath it been more confidently believed there then in any other places; for notwithstanding they had seen the innovations which happened in the time of King Henry, and of the Governors, yet did they still hope he should appear: But when the Prior was proclaimed King, it seemed they were somewhat satisfied; for having presently sent unto these islands to take possession, with letters unto all the Magistrates; he was there sworn and willingly obeyed: and to perform this Act of obedience, they sent as Ambassadors unto him, Stephen Siluera and Friar Melchior of the order of Saint Francis, who arriving at Lisbon, could not execute their charge; for being defeated at Alcantara he was fled towards Porto, yet making no account of the enemies victory, they followed the Prior, & there in the name of all the inhabitants of these islands yielded him obedience. After in the month of November in the year 1580. they returned to Tercomes, giving an account of their charge, adding that notwithstanding Anthony had been broken at Alcantara, yet he began in the Province betwixt Doro and Mynio with 30000. men, to be revenged upon the castilians: And although they had after intelligence of Philip's absolute victory, and of the flight of Anthony, yet they continued firm in their opinions, wherein they were daily confirmed, for that (as it is said before) the King's ministers had neglected to send unto them; whereas chose Anthony and the Earl of Vimiosa did still solicit them by curriers and letters to continue firm: the said Earl, having sent Anthony Scalyn a Frenchman unto them with letters, whereby in the Prior's name he did commend their good affection; they so far passed the bounds of joy, as they received him into Angra in procession, and under a cannapie, conducting him to the Church of pity, where the said Friar Melchior preached, applying their intentions to the will of God: and Friar Blaise Camello did sing Mass, who in his prayer, with a lould voice prayed for two Kings, that is, Sebastian and Anthony, saying unto the people which demanded news of Sebastian, that the fourth of August he would satisfy them. The inhabitants of the Island of Saint Michael, which had no such seditious firebrands, as that of Tercera, being by nature more peaceable, furthered by the Bishop who followed the King's party, did not run into so great disorders, but showed themselves daily more obedient unto Philip, who having intelligence of all these things, desired to try if he could by gentle means draw this rebellious nation to his obedience, and at the last, remedy the error of his ministers; for to conquer them by force was supposed difficult, the Terceraes being naturally strong, and environed with high rocks, besides the sea going so high in those parts, as no ships can live above three or four months in the year: This enterprise was then supposed to be of more importance than it had been, not so much for the quality of the place, as for the situation, being an unavoidable passage for the ships that come from the Indies, and the new found lands, as well from the East as from the West, where the Frenchmen harbouring, they might greatly endamage Spain: for this consideration the King sent Ambrose d' Aguiar, with a letter and ample pardon in a manner to all offenders, if leaving the part of Anthony, they would follow 
The resolution of the inhabitants of Terceraes  his. But arriving near unto Angra and sending his letters to land, the Islanders took counsel what to do; but the people being then mad and without government, did not approve the opinion of this counsel. The richer sort regarding their private profit would obey, for having all their rents in corn, the which they commonly send unto the realm, they could not make sale in any other place; but being few, and not daring to speak their minds, they delivered it doubtfully: The poor, (who finding the less corn were transported from the islands, the better cheap they should buy it,) not caring to have any traffic with Portugal, would by any means follow the voice of Anthony. Many kindled with rage, advised they should suffer Ambrose d' Aguiar to enter the city, and after cast him in prison and punish him as Ambassador to a Tyrant. Some held they should send him away without answer: Some of the chief (who feared they were not comprehended within the pardon) did what they could to prejudice the King's part, for despairing to obtain it, they laboured that no man should follow his voice, but so to wrong Philip as they should lose all hope ever to be reconciled: wherein they prevailed so much, as that Ambrose d' Aguiar (who was appointed to be Governor of the Island of Saint Michael) was sent back. They caused a Mass to be said, where all the people did swear to die for Anthony: In which humour they were still confirmed by false reports that were blown abroad: For although the Prior were yet hidden in Portugal, yet the ships which came from France, and England, to traffic at the islands, to the end they might be the better favoured and received, brought news that he was in their country, raising a great Army. The people being in this humour easy to take any impression, there suddenly steps up a Smith of the basest sort, who followed by the multitude, played the Soothsayer; saying that the tenth of March without all doubt, King Sebastian should come into that Island. The day being come, with great expectation of the people, there appeared a great ship at sea, the view whereof, did so much alter this people, that the Smith crying, this was the ship wherein the King was; every man ran to the shore to see him, as as it were expecting Sebastian's landing. But although the ship followed an other course, not drawing any thing near to the Island, yet the people left not their vain hope, but some of them affirmed, that the ship had put three men into their cockboat, the which were entered into the covent of Saint Francis, supposing it should be King Sebastian, Christopher de Tavora, and the Cheriffe. And although this lie might easily be deciphered, yet their offences would not permit it, but running from one scruple to an other, it seemed they were destinate to live in suspense: for these friars of Saint Francis, against the truth of priesthood (understanding the people's opinion, that the King was in their covent) did confirm it, giving them to understand it was true, and the better to induce them to believe it, seeming on the one side to keep it very secret; on the other side showing they had guests of importance, they demanded secretly (but so as it might be known) to borrow beds of silk, silver vessels, and other things fit for a king's service: They caused also garments to be made, and kept their gates more strictly then of custom, saying in their sermons, that they would give them two natural kings; and some hearing them in their masses to pray for Sebastian and Anthony, supposed he was in their monastery, and not Sebastian, seeing that since his departure from Viana, there was no certain news of him. In this Island Cyprian de Figueredo (sometimes servant to the Count of Vimioso) being sent thither for judge, was become ringleader of all the rest: This man (being contrary to the castilians, and agreeing with the monks) did countenance their practices, remaining in their covent, from morning until night: He confirmed the people in their foolish belief, that the King was there. This nation was not well settled in matters of religion, for growing insolent by their liberty, some preachers attributing unto themselves more authority than they had, promised absolution, and many things which they ought not, making show they would build a church after their own fashion, and for that the lesuites 
The jesuits walled up at the Terceraes.  had opposed themselves, or at the least were not of one consent, they were walled up within their monastery.  
And although these islands were not all obedient, being a slow enterprise, yet the war seemed as then in a manner ended, that Philip having great forces in Spain, knew not how to employ them; & forasmuch as the soldiers (returned from the wars in the low Countries) were now upon the way, coming from Italy towards Portugal, with some others newly levied, they said the King (adding some few forces thereunto) might raise a great army to be employed upon that occasion, for the which they understood the Pope as careful of his charge, had renewed the practises to bend these forces against England, the which would not obey the Romish sea, and therefore he propounded to king Philip, that if he 
The Pope's offer against England.  would levy an army and send it to this conquest, he would assist him in this enterprise with the treasures of the church; offering to grant unto him Croisades, exemptions, and subsidies, and to acquit him of a million of gold, which he said was due unto the church, for the revenues he had received of the archbishopric of Toledo, by title of sequestration, when as the Archbishop was suspended from his charge. But the King having newly taken possession of the crown, seeing the Portugal's not well quieted, sought first to pacify the realm, before he would undertake any other enterprise: Notwithstanding at the Pope's motion, who said, that arming in those parts, he should not only keep Portugal in awe, but all Spain and France likewise. It may be he would not have refused to send a good part of his forces, if not into England, yet into Ireland, if the Pope's ministers had been more resolute, or had been furnished with a more ample commission; but the sufferance of the foldiers, and the great charge, admitting no delay, Rome being so far off, they agreed not, but the King dismissing the Italians, caused the foldiers upon the way to return back, and divided his army into garrisons.   

THE EIGHT BOOK.  
The Contents of the eight Book.  
The soldiers complaints: The Catholic King visits the Duchess of Bragance: The King's voyage to Tomar: The general pardon: The estates wherein they swore fidelity unto the King, and unto the Prince Diego: The demands of the estates: The king's entry into Lisbon: The unhappy success of Peter de Baldes his men, at the islands of Terceraes: Anthony his departure out of the realm, and his arrival in France: The arrival of Lopez de Fegueroa at the islands, and his return without effect: The preparation of the Jlands: The estate of the affairs of France, and of the low Countries: The recompenses which the King gave unto suitors: The opinions of the manner of giving them: The enterprise of the islands: The preparation to war by King Philip and the French, and the departure of their armies at sea towards the islands both from France and Portugal.  
IN these wars, amidst the cares of the realms disquiet, and imminent perils, Francis de Villafagna, doctor of the laws, and Auditor of the Council royal of Castil, which is the sovereign seat of that realm, came to Lisbon; sent by the King with letters unto the Duke, whereby he was commanded to favour him in the execution of his commission; the which being presently published, containing no other matter of importance, but a simple commandment, with the rest of the ordinary officers, to examine the accounts of the army, and to sign the warrants for payments, it seemed a sleight charge for so great a parsonage; the which ministered matter of suspect, that under so simple a show, there was hidden some mystery of importance; and the general opinion was, that he came to censure both the army, and the Duke himself: And although the Duke should have been best informed, yet he made no show to know it, but favoured the Doctor, admitting him to the Council of war, and to other grave matters, which did not concern him: The rest of the Captains & Spanish soldiers, which could less dissemble, spoke with more liberty, and less patience than the Duke; saying it was a new 
The complaint of the Duke's soldiers.  manner of justice, never heard of; seeing that of necessity the controversy must be betwixt the captain general and his army; or betwixt the army and the enemy, not able to discern which should be the contrary parties, for it seemed the soldiers, neither could nor ought to make themselves parties, against their Commander, neither aught the enemies to be admitted against a conquering army. And if so strange a thing should happen, it might likewise be supposed, that the enemy should be declared faithful, and the army which had conquered the realm pronounced rebels. They inquired wherein the Duke had offended; if as a Governor, or as a captain; for said they, he could not err as a governor, having never resolved the smallest matter, without the king's advise, besides that he had not governed above two months: If as a captain, what had laws to do with arms, and the military style with the civil? But for all this discourse, they did not greatly weigh the Duke's offences, supposing in the end that his greatness and innocency should protect him: Their own private interest did most of all trouble them, losing all hope of recompense for their former services, saying, that for this last and notable exploit, they did rather see punishment prepared then rewards: They imagined the king did not well conceive how they had conquered him a kingdom in eight and fifty days, after the same manner (to follow their own phrase) as the kingdom of heaven is won, that is to say, in fasting, with bread and water, and without taking from any man; the which they said, being furnished with nothing but biscuit, & having no liberty to spoil any town: They could not endure to be slandered by idle courtiers, and bachelors, (for so the soldiers in hate and derision of laws & justice, term the greatest Doctors of the Council) saying, that those men remained at Badagios to drink cool in summer with ice, scorning those that suffered these dangers. They remembered their labours suffered at sea, coming out of Italy; the famine of Spain; the intolerable heat of Estremadura; the plague of Portugal; the severe discipline of the Duke, and the gibbets set up for every small disorder: they added, that to the end the victory gotten at Porto should not remain unpunished, the King (to speak plainly) had sent another Doctor against 
The auditor of Gallicia sent to Auilas camp.  Sanches d'Auila, and that part of the army which had made an end, and assured him the realm. And it was true that Francis Tedaldo Auditor of the seat of justice, which remains in Gallicia, was sent thither, who did strictly inform of all manner of excess imputed either to Autla or his soldiers: They said it was apparent in this court, how much, letters were preferred to arms, seeing that all such as followed this action unarmed, had wrested from the soldiers the fruits of their labours, and the price of their bloods; seeing the King had satisfied their desires in the greatest measures they could wish, not giving any recompense unto others; the which they proved in setting down particularly, the offices the King had given to the Duke of Ossuna and other Ambassadors; for they did assure, and it is true, that the greatest in Spain aspire to no other charge, then to be Viceroy of Naples, whereunto they labour to come by many degrees, and that the King had reserved this for the 
The Council of the King's chamber.  Duke of Ossuna. As for other Noblemen and Gentlemen, they sought for nothing more than to be of the King's chamber, which place he had given to Christopher de Mora, together with the best offices of the realm of Portugal. They touched likewise the Lawyers which be of the King's Council, saying, they could not aspire higher than to be of the Council of the Chamber, the which is a tribunal of three or four Doctors elected, who determine with the King of pardons, and other matters of grace; and that this office which Rodorique Vasques enjoyed, he had likewise given to Lewes de Molina, preferring him before his ancients. These speeches with others more inconsiderate, were spread amongst the soldiers, with a soldierlike liberty. And although they erred not much from the truth, yet men without passion, judged that this aggravating was unjust and slanderous; being no great marvel, that a King, who ought to have regard to infinite matters the which passed the consideration of private men, should give ear to the many complaints that were made against this army, and force them to their purgation; and that it was not likely that Villafagna, or Tedaldo, had power to judge in this case, but only to examine the truth: That whereas Villafagna had in a manner carried his commission secret, it was an argument of the King's respect, and modesty, who sought to proceed with the more mildness, and without any blemish to the Duke, or his captains, although it was not reasonable the soldiers should tread this realm under their feet, as the rebellious country of Flaunders, or of a King that were an enemy; or give unto the Portugals the odious titles of rebels and disloyal, although they deserved well the name of troublesome and transported subjects, uneasy to yield unto this new yoke. This mutiny continued long, but for as much as the Commissioners did not punish any, nor as I believe, made any trial, their humours grew more calm, wherein the wisdom of Villafagna prevailed much, together with the small subject they found, when as they came to examine the truth of such complaints, as had been made to the King.  
Now the day appointed by the King, for the assembly of the States grew near; but before he should go to Tomar, the place 
The King visits the Duchess of Bragance.  appointed for their assembly, he meant to visit Katherine Duchess of Bragance, who for that cause was come from Villavizosa, to Villa Boim, whither he went to her, accompanied with all the chief of his Court; and having stayed with her half a day in great familiarity, he returned to Eluas, and from thence departed towards Tomar: He did not there so suddenly dispose of rewards as the Portugals expected; having (as it is said before) made a Council for Portugal, of special men, to whom he referred all matters, not admitting the Castillians, to intermeddle with any cause of the realm; no man was heard nor dispatched as he pleased, for the King made no haste, & his ministers were confounded in the quantity, & quality of their requests; not able to resolve in so intricate a business, so as the care of expedition was delayed; by reason whereof the Portugals said, that although the King, in his letters, words, and habit, seemed courteous, & altogether inclined to Portugal, & had promised great rewards; yet in particular (whether it were his fault or any others,) they yet see no recompense. To the Duke of Bragance who aspired to great matters, as than they gave nothing, being excessive in his demands, he had only confirmation to be Constable of the realm, they gave him the order of the golden fleece, and the King favoured him extraordinarily, taking him to mass with him behind the curtain, without any other recompense, which might either 
The King sworn at Tomar, and the Prince Diego.  breed him profit or power. Before the entry of the Parliament, the ceremony of swearing the King was performed, and soon after, of the Prince in the monastery of religious men of the order of Christ (a religion which is not any where else) where he was lodged in the same sort, as was said of King Henry, but with more pomp, being in an assembly of estates, and with less noise being done with less love; yet was it worth the sight, both for the great number of the Nobility, and the goodly representation of the King, in his habit of cloth of gold, which Henry had not, being 
The kings pardon to the Portugals.  a Cardinal. There he granted the pardon expected with so great desire, the which although it had the name of general, yet was it held by the Portugals to be limited artificial, and conditional: It did pardon generally all such as had been employed for the Prior against him, but particularly he did except many, and namely two and fifty, the chief whereof was the Prior himself, the Count of Vimiosa, and the Bishop of Guarda: he pardoned no religious man; he made all such as had served the Prior, received honour from him, profit, charge, or office whatsoever, uncapable ever after to bear office, or to exercise those they had enjoyed before; so as they said, this pardon served none but such as had made light faults, or had nothing to lose. This did much incense the minds of the Portugals, who found themselves deceived of the hope they had conceived by this pardon all to remain freed; the which although they much disliked, yet could they not get it reformed; but soon after all such were cited by proclamation as were not pardoned, to the 
The beginning of the parliament at Tomar.  end their process might be made: The Deputies of the realm being now assembled, the Estates began the nineteen. day of April, where Anthony Pignero Bishop of Leira, made an oration before the king, saying, First, that the Estates, seeming to have the assistance of the holy Ghost, by the profit which should redound to the subjects, that Philip following the custom of former Kings, had assembled them, to the end that with wisdom, love, and fide litie, they should represent unto him, what they thought convenient for the general good of these realms: He did greatly amplify the graces done by his pardon, terming it the fruits of his clemency, he did show, it was a ground of hope of greater good: he concludes, noting the greatness of the King's love & goodness, promising to increase all their honours, recompenses, & favours conformable to the loyalty and obedience they should carry to his service: Whereunto was briefly answered by Damian d'Aguiar Doctor, one of the Deputies of the city of Lisbon, saying, That in the city's behalf, and of the whole realm, he did thank his Majesty, both for the grace of his pardon, as for assembling the Estates, offering him obedience: All the Deputies both in general and particular demanded what they pleased, to whom they granted many things, as titles of knighthood, rends for life, offices, and to some present money: there were eight or ten of the meanest gentlemen, chosen of the order, and ennobled with such other like things, the which was done rather according to the use of Castill, then after the manner of Portugal; for in this realm it is not the custom to give any thing to Deputies: He gave greater recompenses to the whole realm in general, granting in a manner all those, former things mentioned, which the Duke of Ossuna had promised the Governors in the King's name, if the realm should yield peaceably (except it were to the garrisons) liberty to sail to America, and the west Indies, and to participate with the affairs of Castill, as if they were borne there; saying, that it was convenient, before he should grant them, to impart them to the Estates, being prejudicial unto them. The Deputies delivered unto the King a list of what they demanded, and advised touching the government; whereof the principal were, that the King should take a Portugal borne to wife; that he should send the young prince to be brought up within the realm: that the 
The demands of the Estates.  States of Portugal should be separate from them of Castill, with their coin apart; and many things touching the abatement of imposts, the displacing of garrisons, the ordering of justice, and such like, whereof few were granted at that time of any importance; and to all the rest, they made answer with doubtful hopes: The Nobility, the greatest part whereof (not having borne arms against the King) supposed to have deserved much, appointed thirty amongst them to make petition unto the King, for many things, in the name of the whole Nobility: First, that he should grant them jurisdiction over their subjects: That such Doctors as had been employed in matters of justice should not be censured but by gentlemen: That the King should make no man noble, but for the good deserts of some notable service, and that it should not pass unto his heirs, but upon special grace: That the chief offices of the realm, as the chief Captaineships, the three Purveyors of the Arcinall, the storehouse of the Indies, and of the custom house, with such other like, should not be given but unto Noble men, whereof nothing was granted. Many did not attribute this refusal of their demands unto the kings own nature, nor unto the injustice of their requests, but most complained of those Portugal favourites which governed.  

Touching the University of Coimbra.  Many were of opinion the King should suppress the University of Coimbra, and thought it necessary by all reason of state, saying, that it was not safe in a realm newly incorporate, to suffer an assembly of three or four thousand young men, in a manner exempt from the jurisdiction royal, the which might well be called a Seminary of seditions, and Anthony his disciplined soldiers, ready to follow any other natural rebel of the realm whatsoever: That the avoiding of this evil should cause a great benefit, that the Portugals should go study in the Universities of Castill, where passing the heat of their youth, and growing familiar with the castilians, they should return into Portugal more royally affected, and more sufficient to administer justice than they were: They alleged moreover that those lawyers had both by words and writings, wilfully opposed themselves against the King's right, chiefly when as Henry was inclined to the Duchess of Bragance; that some of them transported with this passion, had in their public letters wrested against Philip, not only the imperial laws, but also the holy canons, interpreting them contrary to their true sense, and contradicting themselves, and therefore they were worthy of punishment. But although this opinion seemed grounded and confirmed by many Portugals; yet the King either by his bounty, or the assurance of his justice, or of his absolute authority, or else, withheld by the natural inclination, he seemed to bear to the Portugal nation, not only preserved this University, but also took it into his protection, confirming their liberties and privileges; he not only received the Doctors which had read and writ against him, with great mildness, but also with a noble resolution, confirmed them in their lectures, and preferred others to them that were void.  

The Pope seems content with the success of Portugal.  In the mean time the Pope discovering the Prior's weakness to maintain Portugal, and that there was no means of agreement, having called home his Legate, he seemed well content with Philip's success, saying, that his only intention was to avoid wars, so as having obtained great rewards for his son or at the least assured hopes, he granted unto the king, that George de Taida bishop of Viseu, who was his first chaplain, should be judged without appeal of all causes, concerning the Ecclesiastical rebels, and of the process of their confiscations; so as the Prior, in a manner doomed to sentence of death, with the Bishop of Guarda and others, were again cited by edicts, to be deprived by justice of all spiritual livings they held within the realm. There was yet no news of him, notwithstanding the reward promised, and the great care the Castilians used through the realm to find him, yet were they daily less certain, for that disguised in a base habit, he went unknown oftentimes amongst those that sought for him. He had intelligence that the Count of Vimioso was come by land into France, labouring to move the French to war against the Catholic King, promising great succours by the people in the matters of Portugal: By reason whereof, and for the Prior's concealment, the King kept in a manner his whole army dispersed in the fortresses and cities of the realm; and although he had dismissed the Italians, and sent the greatest part of his galleys into Italy, yet they gave out, that he after repent, the realm seeming daily less peaceable; and that the French in those parts might arm a good number of ships of war and more conveniently in that sea than the galleys, whereof four being in algarves, had taken a French pirate with great slaughter, who being a knight of Malta had fought valiantly: By reason of these garrisons, of the rigour of officers, of the small recompense 
The Portugals animated, and wherefore.  that was given them, and of the conceit that the Prior was yet within the realm, the Portugals hearts began to turn, some of them assembled at times, lamented the misery wherein they seemed to be, by their not agreeing to defend themselves, or not yielding in time; yet the greatest part held opinion, that united together they might have made resistance. They could not endure, that the castilian officers should intermeddle in matters of justice as they pretended to do; neither was the Portugals disdain appeased, in saying, that the King having commanded john Andrew Doria, Prince of Melfy, to conduct the Empress his sister into Spain, whom he had caused to come out of Germany, was for no other cause but to leave her Governess in Portugal, and so return into Castill, and that as a woman she should reign with greater mildness than the kings of Portugal had done: for although this was the common discourse, yet many held opinion that the king should not depart, being constrained to keep garrisons, the which he would not dismiss, until he were better assured of the Prior, of whom they spoke diversly; for some held, that he was dead, and spoiled by the Castilians, who for that they would yield no account of the jewels he had about him, kept it secret: Others said, that he had sent into France, and England, from whence he expected great armies, at whose arrival, he would discover himself: Many supposed that he should keep himself secret within the realm until the death of Philip, who according to their discourse, could not live long; and yet was there small difference betwixt their ages, at what time showing himself as he did upon the death of king Henry, he should again take possession of the realm, the kingdoms of Castill remaining in the hands of pupils. And although some believed that he was departed the realm, yet the greatest part held that he was there yet; labouring to escape as covertly as he could, fearing to be taken prisoner, the which was true indeed, as it appeared by some of his friends that were taken in the port of Lisbon, who sought to embark with some provision of victuals they had made, who confessed upon the rack, that he was in the realm, amongst which was Peter d'Alpoe Doctor of the laws, who since for that cause and others of high treason lost his head at Lisbon.  
The Estates were now ended, and the king desirous to go to Lisbon, but for that the preparations, and triumphs which the city pretended, were not yet ready, he went to Almada, which is directly against the city, upon the other bank of Tagus, to give them time to finish their preparations: At what time the King having intelligence that those of the islands of Terceraes, notwithstanding the letters which Ambrose d'Aguiar, had carried stood firm in their first resolution of defence, he sent Peter Baldes with four ships, six hundredth Spanish foot, and some cannon, with commandment to assure himself fully of the Island of Saint Michael, which was obedient; to spoil the ships which should come from the Indies, & not to attempt any thing by land until he had sent a greater supply of men. The Court was ill appointed at Almada, and the needful ministers for dispatches, could not all be lodged there. The King 
The King's entry to Lisbon.  desirous to enter the city, would not attend after Saint Peter's day, when passing the water with his galleys, he landed in the city, upon a bridge of wood, framed for that purpose, without giving them time to finish their arches, & statues prepared for his entry: But the sloth and ignorance of the workmen was in part cause, yet did they make a sumptuous preparation: Upon the bridge he was met by the 
The speech of the Magistrate of Lisbon to the king.  Magistrate of the chamber, where Doctor Hector de Pyna, one of them, spoke thus in the behalf of the city, showing the joy they had conceived of his entry: That as this city was the greatest in the world, so God had deservedly given them conformeable to their own desires, a great monarch to be their Lord: He excused the people saying, That if they had no sooner obeyed, it was done rather by error, than their own free will; and that remaining in their own power to choose a king, they would have made election of no other than himself. And touching the death of Ferrant de Pyna, he said that this city had first of all shed blood for his service, seeing that the said Ferrant when as Anthony caused him to be wounded, was a member of this Magistrate: He excused likewise the sleightness of their joys, by the afflictions of the war, the spoil of the city, and the plague, remembering their losses of Africa; concluding that they hoped by his majesties favours, this realm should not be said united unto Castill, but that all the other realms were joined unto Portugal. He than went on horseback under a canopy of cloth of gold, unto the Cathedral church, the streets being richly hanged, were full of people, who made show of great joy for the King's arrival, where having done his devotion, he went in the same sortunto the palace, accompanied with all the nobility on foot. This realm within the space of two years, had (as a man may say) five kings, a thing seldom or never happened in any other place, and it seemed that God in so short a time had thus altered the state of things for the people's punishment, for all of them wasted their poor subjects: Sebastian by his rashness; Henry by his irresolution; the governors by fear, and their private interest; Anthony by tyranny, and Philip by arms. But when all was in a manner quiet, he entered this city, the proper seat of their kings: It was supposed, the sorrows and troubles passed, should now be converted into joy and quietness; but for that it is an equal punishment to a people, either to have tyrants ruling by force, or to make a bad election of 
The Portugals discontented.  governors: The Portugals were scourged with this last rod, desiring rather to be commanded by Anthony, being of so small might, and with all other disgraces that proceeded from him; then by the great power of Philip, impatient to see him so slack, in dividing amongst them the dignities, commaunderies, and revenues of the crown; whereby they grew out of hope ever to draw such recompenses from the Court of Castill, as they had usually drawn from that of Portugal. And although he had given unto Francis de Sada, sometimes governor, the title of Earl of Matosignos, to Ferrant de Norogna that of Lignares, which his father enjoyed, made as it is said, Christopher de Mora one of his chamber, and established Peter d'Alcasoua in his office of Chamberlain, contrary to the decree of king Henry, wherein although the king of himself were well inclined, and resolved to dispatch every one, with greater liberality, than the kings of Portugal had ever done; yet this distribution according to the new decree, appertaining to the Council of state of Portugal, wherein as it is said, their opinions being diverse, and the respects of hatred and love, divers, nothing was resolved, and the abundance of petitions caused these delays, for that every one either justly or without cause, demanded recompense, so as the whole realm did not seem sufficient to content them: the which being ill considered by many, they said he would stay from giving until he were assured of the islands, and of Anthony's person. But 
The council of state of Portugal reduced unto two.  the king finding, that these difficulties, and the slackness in proceeding, grew by the excessive number of Counsellors, resolved (according to the custom of former kings) to refer the dispatch of such as demanded recompense, unto two persons alone, the which were Anthony Pignero, Bishop of Leiria and to Christopher de Mora: It may be seeming unto him, that these two amongst the other officers were most free from all private respects, the Bishop for that he was near his grave, by reason of his age, and infirmity, although of a sound judgement, and without kinsmen; and Mora being a creature of the kings, bred in Castill, and held for virtuous, and fearing God.  
The estate of the Terceraes grew daily worse, with whom all traffic was interdict, there was news that this people being very obstinate, called in foreign succours, resolving in no sort to obey Philip: They understood that Peter Baldes was arrived, and that the King's letters with the reward he had carried for that nation, were not received but contemned: By reason whereof, the King desirous to subdue them, before the end of this summer, and judging the enterprise easy, for that they had no trained soldiers, armed certain ships, and furnished them with soldiers under the conduct of Lopo de Figueroa, who stayed not long before he departed with commission to attempt with Baldes to become master of the islands: Baldes lay now about the islands, expecting the Indian fleet, his 
Baldes' attempt upon the Terceraes.  mariners had often both by day and night landed with their boats to steal grapes which were then ripe, & drawing sometimes near the rocks, upon the which the Portugals had planted behind a small rampire three or four iron pieces, they parleyed often with them; the one not fearing the other: Peter de Baldes finding the Portugals carelessness, and being advertised that some within the islands (amongst a great multitude) were well affected to the Catholic king; had often resolved to send some men on land, to the end that such as followed the king's party, who were said to lie in the mountains, might join with them, and altogether set upon the city of Angra, or at the least so fortify themselves at land, as they should not be repulsed: But for as much as this resolution, with so small a troop was dangerous, and against the King's commission, the which knowing well he did not execute; yet having intelligence that Lopo de Figueroa was to be sent from Lisbon, to undertake this enterprise with a great number of men, who being arrived, he should be commanded to obey, he did confidently believe that at his coming, either by love or by force, he would be master of this Island, and win that honour whereunto he aspired. So as (such force hath the desire of honour,) having ill measured his forces, & against the King's commandment, he made haste rashly to try, whether the resolution which he had formerly conceived would succeed well, whereunto he was likewise persuaded by some of the Island, who as unskilful, had their wills more ready than their power: So as early on Saint james his day in the morning, having shipped in a manner all his soldiers in their boats, he sent them to land, whereas the mariners had been accustomed to go, betwixt Angra and Praia, the which they call the house of Salga, where having found small or no resistance, they landed easily, and the Portugals 
The preparation of them of Angra against Baldes.  who had the guard of this artillery, fearfully fled away. The castilians being now become masters thereof, began to build a small rampire of stone, to the end they might hold a more firm footing on land, and retire such as followed the Catholic king's party; but they had no time, for the inhabitants of Angra, hearing the castilians were landed, had given the alarum by bells and other great noise, so as many of their stoutest issued forth to skirmish; and although they did no matter of importance, many returning terrified or hurt, yet did they keep the enemy from fortifying; who remaining in that place from the morning until afternoon, there went not any one Portugal unto them; for although there were some disposed thereunto, yet durst they not, distrusting both the one and the other; being chiefly terrified by the example 
john de Betancour affect to the King.  of john de Betancour, one of the principals of that place, who having conspired with above a hundredth citizens, upon a certain day to run armed through the city, and proclaine King Philip, he supposed with his authority, and the followers he expected, to move the people, against Cyprian de Fegueredo, and make himself Lord of the Island in the King's name: But having not duly examined the judgement, valour, and constancy of such as he had chosen for his companions (things necessarily required in them that are to execute matters of such importance) being deceived he did not effect this enterprise; for although he had many friends and copartners with him, being at the hour appointed come unto the place, calling the rest, and proclaiming the king's name, he was not followed of any man, but was environed by the people and beaten, outraged, in danger to be hanged, and therefore no man durst stir. In this space the number of Portugals, which the Governor had assembled to go against the enemy, was little less than two thousand, who treating in what manner they should issue forth, they left not to consider, that although the castilians were fewer in number, yet were they more experienced, and better armed: A religious 
A stratagem with oxen made by a religious man.  man of the order of Saint Augustine (for here as well as in other parts of the realm, religious men deal in matters of war) advised that before their men, they should drive a number of oxen, and chase them with all force against the castilians, the which being put in practice, was the safety of the Portugals, and the defeating of their enemies; for that raising a great dust, they were not discovered by the castilians; they defended them from their shot, and disordered the enemy: for the castilians having by their long skirmish with some of the city, spent their shot and powder, being now charged by so many, they thought to retire themselves to their boats, and so to embark, which they resolved too late: For that the Portugals approaching near, covered, & in safety, having the oxen as a rampire, they drove them against the enemy with such violence, that they were forced to disband, and to quite them the place; at what time being charged by the Portugals with few shot, and many lances, they fought a while with disadvantage: For the Portugals 
The ill success of Baldes soldiers.  being many in number, the castilians could make no great resistance; besides that, being minded to save themselves by their boats, they retired towards the sea; the which being then rougher than when they landed, their boats could not come near the shore, and the mariners which were in them were likewise fearful to approach, for that the Portugals shot at them from land; so as the soldiers to save themselves, waded up to the neck in water, and yet hardly could get to their boats, suffering the punishment of their rashness; for the enemy seeing them now fly without resistance, fell to killing, without pardoning of any, and not only followed them unto the water, but made an end of such as being already entered, the sea had cast up again to shore half dead, not hearing 
The cruelty of those of Tercera.  any that cried for mercy: But the Portugals being now grown inexorable, not only slew the soldiers, but pages and valets, so as there died above four hundredth, and not thirty Portugal's, (whereof some of them were but hurt) in this action; hatred prevailed more than any other respect, for having reserved only two alive, which termed themselves Portugals, the extraordinary rage of these men showed itself, who grieved with those few that were saved, turned with cruelty to mangle the dead bodies; for cutting them in pieces, one carried a head in triumph, one, one member, an other, an other, dragging whole bodies through the streets with a thousand indignities. The day following, there remained not within the city, child, man, nor religious person (except the jesuits) that went not to the camp to see the slaughter of the enemies, with instruments and dancing, taking pleasure to cut and mangle these insensible bodies; and some affirm, that there were of them, who tearing out the hearts of the dead, would feed upon them. The Governor having put the arms of the dead men into wagons, and drawing their colours after him, entered the city with great joy of the people: Baldes having hitherto been a better mariner, than he seemed now a soldier, found by this unhappy event, with how much more judgement, he should have undertaken this action: but as one mischief is followed by many, grief did so blind his understanding, as he could not succour his soldiers as easily he might, and give them means to retire to their ships, if drawing nearer to land he had discharged his artillery against the Portugals, who were the first that gave the name of bloody unto this war.  

The defeat of Baldes is prejudicial unto the king.  This important effect, did greatly prejudice the Catholic kings affairs, for this nation being grown more cruel and more rebellious, found there was no hope of agreement, nor remission, whereby the King (who lived in some hope they would be reclaimed) grew now wholly desperate by this unhappy success: and the rather, for that searching the Prior throughout the realm, they had intelligence by letters from Flaunders, that he was arrived in England, from whence he should go into France to demand succours, understanding also that there was hope he should obtain them: By reason whereof, they did fortify the sea-coast of Portugal, and especially the rock of Saint julian: And although this storm seemed yet far off, yet they regarded it the more, for that the king was unfurnished of men, and the people generally of the realm, little inclined to his devotion; so as it seemed, if the Prior would again hazard his fortune, that at the only sight of his colours, the people would take arms: There was no restraint could hold them, seeing the Italians had been discharged, the Germans and Spaniards, whereof many being dead, and many growing rich, fled away; there remained in all not above four or five thousand, whereof one thousand was already employed with Lopo de Figueroa, who was sent unto the islands: for although there were fifteen hundredth appointed, yet the Germans went unwillingly; and for as much as the ships after their departure, which was in july, returned more than once back, by reason of the contrary winds, many of them stole away, not returning to the army, the which greatly diminished their number: the rest were divided into garrisons, in the Province of Doro and Mynio, and other places; so as there remained scant a thousand men within Lisbon, which seemed a small guard for so great a city. This departure of Anthony 
The Prior's good fortune.  was in truth strange, and it seemed both in this & other like things, that he was either happy, or had an extraordinary gift of nature: For remaining captive in Africa, after that unfortunate battle of Sebastian, he was the first of so many prisoners that was freed, being likely for the quality of his person, to have been the last: but he could so well hide himself, and conceal what he was, that he was delivered without discovery: And even when as he departed from Viana in October 1580. until june, 1581. he remained still within the realm so secretly, as he was never discovered, the which is the more worthy of admiration; for that the diligence the King used to find him out was admirable, for all judges, all Captains, and all soldiers, were carefully employed: And although they had sometimes advertisement of the place of his abode, and did follow him in a manner by his foot, yet could they never find him. jerom Mendosa with the help of Emanuel of Portugal (in whom it was likely 
jerom Mendoza treateth an agreement with the Prior.  that Anthony should trust) treating an agreement laboured much to speak with him: But although some of his familiar friends came unto him sometimes at Alanquer, sometimes at Vidigueira, with hope they should meet, yet did he never discover himself unto them; but the sleight execution of the punishment inflicted upon such as did conceal him, did greatly prejudice their search; for many thereby did boldly receive him. The Duke of Alva his officers, in the end of Lent, had like to have surprised him in Lisbon, where the Duke had so many spies, & corrupted so many of his friends, that it seemed undoubtedly he should fall into his hands: but when as with greatest heat he should have pursued it, he grew cold. For understanding that the king held some regard of Mendoza his practice, who with doubtful hopes gave him to understand, that the week before Easter the Prior would cast himself at the King's feet, he feared to amaze him, but the said Mendoza laboured in vain: For as it happens to him that fears Anthony distrusting all men, performed nothing of what he promised; neither went he to any person where he had appointed, so as there neither followed the effect that was expected, but they lost all hope to do any good: Yet was it apparent that the affection which this nation bare unto him was of great force, for although that fortune prevailed in many more than faith, yet in his afflictions, and having so great an imposition laid upon his person, there was never any one amongst so many, in whom he must of necessity trust, that ever sought to betray him for hope of recompense; although some laboured to save themselves, amongst which was Edward de Castro. And therefore he went safely throughout all the ports of the sea, he was at Lisbon as it is said, where the king himself remained, not finding means to embark; some of his men being surprised, he went to Settwal, where by the help of a woman, he hired a Flemish ship for six hundredth crowns, with the help of a religious man, of the order of Saint Francis, and with ten of his faithfullest servants, he embarked 
Anthony arrives at Caleis.  by night, and so went to Caleis, where we may truly say, that God had not yet withdrawn his hand from punishing of this nation, and that this was as a scourge; for by reason of the affection this people bare unto him, it was necessary to keep this people in awe with garrisons, to the great hurt and ruin of the subjects.  

The Indian fleet expected, and the discourse of their arrival.  Now was come the year 1581. at what time they expected the ships from the Indies, Brasil, Saint Thomas, Cape Vert, & all other new found lands, the which stayed somewhat long, and put them in some fear, being looked for with greater desire, than ever any were: Some feared they would not come, others wished they should come, many held opinion they should willingly stay at the Terceres, and from thence go into England, the which if they should not willingly yield unto, touching unadvisedly at the islands, they should be forced thereunto by the Islanders. They were wished for, both for the riches they carried, as to understand by them how the people of those parts were addicted to the obedience of the Catholic king, whereof many doubted: Such as held opinion they should safely arrive at Lisbon, said, that the Indies and other provinces could not maintain themselves without Spain, and should be forced to yield obedience to whomsoever that should be Lord of Portugal: that they needed not fear the Terceres, although they had spoiled some ships which they had taken, or that had anchored there of their own free will; yet now the castilian army being master at sea, upon their discovery they would conduct them to Lisbon, not suffering them to approach the land: Such as supposed they would not come, said, that the said ships were departed from Lisbon in the year 1580. after King Henry's death, during the governors reign, and that Lewes de Taide Earl of Toghia, Viceroy of the Indies, knowing there was a space-governement, with likelihood of war, would attend the event without yielding obedience to any, for that he would then show it when he had intelligence, who were king, to be the more acceptable unto him, or hoping that amidst these tumults, there would something remain to his share: But if notwithstanding he were resolved to send them, he would appoint a captain of his own making, and conformeable to his own will, with commission to obey him to whom he were most affected, and that it were hard to judge whom he wished most to be King: besides that Emanuel de Melo being captain General of the same army when it departed from Portugal, being a devoted servant to the Prior, and had made show to be of his faction, it was likely that if he returned, & had any intelligence of the Prior's being in England, the which he might easily understand at the islands, that he would sail thither, the which if he could not perform in the same ships, he would then land in the islands, and after sail in other boats, whether he pleased with hope of gain and booty: And although it were true that the Indians could not maintain themselves, yet France and England might more aboundanly furnish them, and with greater profit than Portugal. But for as much as in discoursing of matters which depends upon an others will, we cannot consider all causes of their errors, a matter private to the divine knowledge, it fell out in an other manner than had been discoursed: For the Earl Viceroy of the Indies, having by the same ships received letters from the Catholic King, who informed him of the equity of his cause, and of his intent, with large promises, whereunto (and by the means of others which he received from the governors) he gave credit, preferring them before such as he had received from Anthony, resolved to obey the King; so as the ships departed, and being arrived near to the Terceres, they came sailing without ever discovering of the 
The Indian fleet met with a French ship near the Terceres.  king's army; for that Baldes discouraged with his ill success at the islands could find no fit place to encounter them. True it is, that after they had remained a whole day amongst those islands, they were encountered by a French Bark sent from the Terceres, who entreated the Captains to go to Angra: The Portugals demanded the state of the realm, that they might thereby know how to govern themselves, but for that there were none but mariners, they could neither persuade, dissemble, nor speak the truth; but contradicting themselves, those of the fleet could draw nothing from them, but was confused: For one said that the Catholic king was master of the realm, an other, but only of a great part of it; and that Anthony with a great army made war to expel him, whereby there grew some controversy in the fleet: For some (especially such as had little to lose) would land in the Island; others would have them hold together until they had certain intelligence of the state of the realm; others without expecting any further information, would have them go to Lisbon, and yield themselves to him that were king. The Captain general being retired into his chamber to parley with certain Portugals and French men, entertained them with these practises; but the mariners doubtful of some evil, the rumour being appeased, directed their course towards Lisbon, where remained their wives and children, although some opposed themselves. It seemed that these ships being of such importance to the Prior and his disseines, he should have used more care to intercept them, than it seemed he did; but in truth he omitted no diligence, 
The diligence of Anthony to have the fleet.  for he wrote unto the Captain general of the army, that at his arrival at the islands, they should be delivered unto him, whereby he entreated him with large promises to remain there, and to consign him his army, and not to the Catholic King. But the too great diligence of the Governor, as it often happeneth, did him harm, for having sent forth a Bark with these letters, to attend the ships, they did not encounter them, so as sailing towards Portugal, upon the mid way, they met with the army of Lopo de Figueroa, who wondering at the negligence of Baldes, whom they denied to have seen, he furnished them with water and other refresh: 
The fleet arrtues at Lisbon.  They arrived after at Lisbon, to the great contentment of the king, and yet they stayed so long upon the way, that it was constantly believed they were gone into England, and now the merchants began to assure their goods with the loss of the fifth, and the Captain was extraordinarily favoured by the King.  

The arrival of Figueroa at the Terceres, and his return to Lisbon.  In this while Lopo de Figueroa arrived at the Terceres, where he understands of Baldes his misfortune, having viewed the Island fortified on all parts where he might descend, and by nature unaccessible, finding himself to have few men, the enemy victorious, and the season of the year far advanced, the seas swelling betimes in those parts, he resolved (and with judgement) to return to Portugal, without attempting any thing by force. He first sent one to advise the city of Angra, to yield obedience unto his Majesty, promising them pardons, recompenses, and many favours, but they measuring the assurance of his promises, not by the King's clemency, but by their own merits, arrogantly made him answer, that he should say in what part he would descend, and they would open him the passage; by reason whereof Figueroa returned into Portugal, 
Baldes imprisoned in Portugal.  with Baldes, whom the King presently committed to prison; yet he was after delivered, showing the instructions that had been given him, to be doubtful, and not to prohibit him to fight. This return of the army encouraged the Islanders, persuading themselves that Figueroa had greater forces, than indeed he had, and seeing him fearful to descend, they supposed he made great reckoning of theirs. They wrote the news of all these things unto the Prior being in France, who thanked them with courteous letters, and sent them artillery, harquebusies, powder, and other munition, promising to furnish them with men: He commanded them to seize upon the goods of all such as arrived there, being subject to the Catholic king, and send them into France, so as they sent him all the merchandise which they had taken in four or five ships come from the west Indies. And for as much as it seemed to many, that this could not continue, that the King should send from Portugal a great army against them, so as they should not be able to 
The preparation of them of Terceres.  make resistance, they dispatched into France one Anthony Aluarez, and an other base officer, to understand what the Prior did, what forces he had, and what they might expect from thence, who being returned with the orders, the one of Saint jaques, the other of d'auiss which the Prior had given them, they reported, at his entreaty, that he had a great army ready to descend into Portugal, the which in truth was not so, bringing letters to the Governor, whereby the Prior gave unto them likewise a collar of the order, with a thousand ducats of revenue, the which moved some others to go into France, from whence, as also from England, there came some few soldiers to the Island in ships which sailed into those parts, yet they were never three hundredth in number, being often of opinion to send them back, for that the winter was at hand, and to call them back in summer, the which the people would not yield unto, saying, that since the King had sent them, they would entertain them. The jesuits being walled up within their monastery, to whom they gave meat but twice a week, grieving to be thus wrongully imprisoned, upon a certain day they opened the doors of the Church, and having placed the sacrament in the midst, they would try by this means, if they might remain free: The ministers of justice went unto the covent, to demand the reason of this innovation, to whom it was propounded by the fathers, that if their offences so required, they should punish them, but holding them as suspect, they should suffer them to depart into Portugal. The resolution was (after some speeches used beyond the terms of modesty) that the fathers should be walled up again, and a certain person who 
A miracle performed by the jesits.  said that in justice they should burn these priests, with their monastery, the which they had deserved for the affection they bore unto the castilians; he stayed not long to acknowledge his error, for departing from thence, he fell sick unto the death, and God would have him confess (as he said) that this grief happened unto him for that occasion: All the other religious men did what they could to wrong these fathers, who being of a contrary opinion, and practising profession of war, could not endure that these should be castilians in their hearts, refusing to enjoy that liberty: They imprisoned the Vicar, who governeth the spirituality in the Bishop's name, which remaineth in the Island of Saint Michael, and chose an other after their own humour. These things did much displease the Catholic king, whereupon he resolved to undertake this enterprise the summer following, although he doubted it for many causes, which behoved him to provide for, together with the new jealousies which grew, having intelligence that the Turk prepared an army at sea, to send to endamage Christendom. That Lucciali a famous pirate, and Captain general of the Turks army, was come from Constantinople to Alger with threescore and ten galleys, and although it were to no other end, then to visit the state of Africa, and to provide for it, fearing that the king of Spain, by reason of the new Acquisition of Portugal, and the wars wherein the Turks were busied against the King of Persia, might trouble this province; yet he ministered matter of suspect, for the Catholic King having treated with the Cherriffe to yield unto him Alarache in exchange of Mazagon, and not agreeing, for that the Moors are great deceivers in their promises: It was suspected the Turk understanding this practice, had sent Lucciali to divert this exchange, to fortify Alarache, and furnish it with Turks; so as being so near neighbour unto Spain, and a convenient port for galleys, it might greatly annoy him: But he returned after to Constantinople, being called back at the pursuit of his competitors.  

The estate of France and Flaunders.  The State of Flaunders ministered matter of consideration, for although the Prince of Orange had long enjoyed the greatest part of those provinces, yet the king had great hope, especially now upon on the conquest of Portugal, that this people would be advised, and that one day he should reclaim them; but this hope soon failed, for that Francis de Valois Duke of Alançon, brother to the most christian King Henry the third, being entered with arms into Flaunders, and having succoured them that were in Cambrey, he forced the Prince of Parma Captain general for the king (being at the siege thereof) to retire: And although being master of the city, he presently returned, yet the state of France seemed troublesome and ready to attempt some new and important alteration; the rather, for that the French were animated by Anthony Prior of Crato, who was come thither out of England, being embraced by the Queen mother of France, and visited by the whole Court. They had intelligence likewise of a practice which displeased them, that the said Duke of Alançon should marry with Elizabeth Queen of England, and for that he had passed and repassed above once into that Island, it was given out the marriage was secretly concluded, but whether it were so or otherwise, the death of the said Duke of Alançon ended that combination; but men of the greatest judgement, believed that her Majesty of England was not married to the said Duke, because she had refused so many great Kings and Princes in former times, and had lived with the reputation of a most chaste, & virtuous Princess. The Catholic king complained to the most Christian king, that he had received the Prior his rebel into France; of the succours given to Cambrey, and blamed the marriage with England, labouring to divert it all he could, saying, that he ought by no means to yield unto it, for the difference of religion. The King of France, as they said, made answer to these propositions by his Ambassador: That as for the marriage, he left it to the Duke, who was thereunto inclined, with all the Nobility in France, and that he was not master of their wills: That the Prior had been received by the Queen mother, who being Queen (as she believed) of that realm, had received this her vassal: That he had opposed himself to his brother, touching the succours of Cambrey, but his admonitions were of no credit. This answer confirmed the Catholic king in the opinion he had conceived, that these expeditions which had been made in the name of Alançon, were all lets proceeding from the King, and covered with this mask, seeming impossible that the Duke (contrary to the Kings will and pleasure) should raise so great forces in France. The which although it seemed incredible, yet France had continued long in such an estate, that it was no marvel, for that King Henry and his predecessor Charles the ninth, having been molested by their subjects upon the points of religion, all was in disorder; and although the state seemed somewhat better pacified, yet their minds, by the means of these former troubles, remained still inclined unto war: And for as much as France, England, and Flaunders, did somewhat assist in these matters of Portugal, for the better understanding of things that follow, it may be lawful for me to digress a little to speak something of these countries.  

The Queen of France discontented with Philip, and the cause.  In France lived Katherine de Medicy, mother to the king, whose age and valour all France obeyed: she seemed to be discontented with the Catholic king for divers respects, but that she made most show of, was, that he had taken the realm of Portugal by force, refusing to submit himself to justice, saying, that she had more interest than he; whereupon it was supposed, that (moved with this disdain) she should labour to make war against Portugal: with whom agreed the said Duke of Alançon her son, no less enemy to the Catholic King than the mother, moved thereunto, for that having demanded one of the daughters of the said King in marriage, he was refused, for that he required with his wife, a portion fit for her quality: He was followed by the whole Nobility of France, whom he might easily lead where he pleased, although it were against the King's liking, the which grew, for that remaining the third son to Henry the second, with small hope ever to aspire unto the crown, having two brothers Charles and Henry his elders, having a great mind and stirring, he gave ear to all such as discontented with the king, or desirous of innovation (whereof there are numbers in France) laboured to alter the quiet of Christendom, with whom he had often resolved to conquer himself some new estate out of France. Persuaded to this resolution by such as were about him, he supposed for a time, that his brothers were opposite unto him, and that by no means they would like of his greatness: so as that which was given him by the wisest for good counsel, he did interpret to the ill affection they bore him; and that they sought to obscure the glory whereunto he aspired: And this jealousy increased when as his brother Henry was called to the crown of Poland, by not giving him presently such places as he enjoyed in France. By this and such like, those which followed him, took an occasion to settle in his conceit, a hatred against his brethren, giving him to understand, that they detested his greatness, the which they could so well effect, that although the said Henry did afterwards come, by the death of Charles the ninth, from the crown of Poland to that of France; yet the Duke continued still his first desires, and that with greater train than before: For some considered that Henry being sickly, and without children, he should one day be king: It was therefore no wonder, if without the king's consent, yea contrary to his liking, he attempted many things, although there were some show, that the king his brother had intelligence with him. And although his forces, joined with the Queen Mothers, were of importance, & might well cause the Catholic king to fear, yet it seemed, that those of England would likewise join with him: For it was given out, that Elizabeth doubting the King's force, and knowing the Pope's intention against her, having seen the proof thereof in the affairs of Ireland, sought to secure herself, that they might not wrong her, and to that end she entered into an agreement (as it was said) with the Queen and her youngest son, to the prejudice of Philip, whereof the effect was soon seen. 
The Duke of Alancon sworn Duke of Brabant.  The said Alançon being returned again into England, being already agreed with the Prince of Orange, who was the instrument of all these practises, he passed from thence to Antwerp, where the people's humours being before disposed by the said Prince, he was received in all these places with great joy; and the nineteen. day of February, in the year of our Lord 1582. they did swear him Duke of Brabant, the which caused a general admiration for many reasons: It seemed strange, that the Prince of Orange, in a manner absolute Lord in those countries, the which he had so long defended, would upon the end of the work spoil himself of the state, & give it unto a stranger, without constraint, without profit, & to the prejudice of his honour: And although it seemed he had done the like to Mathias Arch Duke of Austria, & afterwards sent him back into Germany, it was not credible that he hoped ever to do so unto the Duke; for besides that he was entered in a manner by main force; his power, the nearness of France, & the favour of England, might well induce men to believe that he would so establish himself, as he need not fear to be expelled. There wanted not such as would excuse the Prince, saying, that the people were now weary, and unfurnished of money, by reason of so great wars, that they could not relieve him as he had need; and therefore it behoved him to seek some one that should aid him against the Catholic king, who having now recovered the realm of Portugal, should be able with greater ease to molest those countries, & seeing that he was forced to seek for succours, there was no greater person than this, making in a manner an muincible union of these estates with France and England; beside, the Prince should attain to the wished end, which was to deprive the Catholic king of the whole possession, and many did so much rely upon the Prince's foresight and judgement, that they supposed he would like wise expel Alançon when he pleased. Many blamed the manner of the Duke's proceeding, who sought to usurp an others patrimony without any title: others excused him, forging laws of state after their own humours, saying, that the privileges of the country did allow, that if the Catholic King did not observe them, they might choose a Prince of themselves, the which the King having broken, they had sought out an 
Preparation; of the french against the Terceres.  other Lord. The effect of the league was not yet ended in those parts, but to divert the Catholic King from making war in those countries, at the mediation of Anthony to trouble the state of Portugal, they prepared a great army in France: Some said it was to be employed against the same realm, hoping the people would rise against the castilians: some supposed it should be sent to succour the Terceraes, the winning whereof, Philip threatened to attempt; and some believed that they went for no other intent, but to surprise certain ships that came from the new navigations, charged with gold and spice. There happened at that time in Flaunders, 
The Prince of Orange wounded by a Biscaine.  a matter of admiration and seldom seen: For the Prince of Orange being in Antwerp, quiet, and in the greatest fortune that he was ever, was shot in his house, rising from his table, in the midst of all his servants, with a pistol, by john Scaurigni, a young man, a Biscaine, moved thereunto by zeal of religion, as he pretended: the bullet hitting him under his right jaw, passed forth through the window; and although he was supposed to be dead, yet was he cured and lived, and the offender was presently slain by his guard, and all such as were found accessary, were executed.  
Whilst these things were determined in France and the low Countries, the king (who remained still in Portugal) sought to give 
The king's recompense to the Portugals.  contentment to the Portugals, who having long, and with importunity sought for recompense, were in the end all in a manner dispatched, giving unto many of them orders of knighthood, much of the revenues, and all the offices that might be given, to the great grief of the castilians, who said, that this realm with more right appertained unto Philip, seeing he had inherited it, bought it, and conquered it. This distribution was made by the two Deputies with great bounty, yet wrought it no good effect in the King's favour, neither was it acceptable; for finding two kind of Portugals, which sought for reward; that is, those to whom Philip in the time of Henry and the Governors, had promised money and honours to follow his party; and such as faithfully without promises, yea, refusing them, had loyally served him: It was in a manner impossible to equal their recompenses, so as one of the parties should not be discontented; but they proceeded so, as some were grieved, and others proud: For besides the errors that were committed by reason of the ignorance of the officers, being more easy to promise then to perform; the king's Agents had made large offers not only to such as could help, but also to many of small means, and less countenance. The King desired in any case to satisfy these bonds; and although he would have rewarded the most faithful above all others, yet could he not perform it, for that by reason of their excessive promises, all the revenues of the crown had not been sufficient; so as it often happeneth in Courts, they gave not unto them that deserved, with the like proportion, as to such as were unworthy: So as the love of the subjects was nothing increased by this means, for the most trusty were discontented, seeming against reason to be worse entreated than those, which had been less faithful, but with reward in hand, alleging also that many of them had not performed that, for which they were paid; seeming sufficient unto many to remain neuter; and to some that had served Anthony, to say, that they were forced, and such as were least faithful (for that their hearts were not so firmly settled to the King's service) they supposed to have carried themselves wisely: They esteemed every small matter to be of great importance, and (supposing the king to understand well what need he had of them,) in contempt of the rest they grew insolent. These were the general causes for the which the greatest distribution that ever was within the realm, was not pleasing; but the nature of the Portugals is uneasy to content, in this respect, for being envious, they do feel with greater grief an other man's profit, than their own loss: Those of the base sort, although they expected no answer, having enriched themselves in their trades, by the great multitude of Courtiers; yet could they not suffer the castilians to be superiors, and as it is usual with the common people, they desired innovations; the which the King discovering, did greatly trouble his mind, finding himself to fail in that, which he supposed should have bred him a quiet enjoying of the realm. He did appoint (as it hath been 
The Empress Mary comes to Lisbon.  said before) that his sister Marie, widow to the Emperor Maximilian the second, being then in Germany, should come into Spain, with Margaret her daughter: And although the discourse of her coming were divers, for that some supposed she should remain at Madrill, with the king's daughters; others, that she should come into Portugal, where the King would leave her as Governess of the realm, to go unto the States of Arragon, whereunto he was called; yet in the end she came unto Lisbon: Notwithstanding, whether the rumours of France increased, by reason whereof the King would not depart; or that it was not fit that of an Empress she should become Governess of a small realm, the King for that time did not depart, neither did she govern at all. True it is that having resolved to leave Cardinal Albert, Arch Duke of Austria, the empress son in the government of the realm, he began to acquaint him with the dispatch of affairs, and having one day assembled the Council of estate, he said unto them, that for that he was burdened with the government of many 
The Cardinal of Austria made Governor of Portugal.  realms, whereof he had the care, he desired somewhat to discharge himself; and for this consideration having thought the said Cardinal fit for the government of the said realm of Portugal, he would leave the charge unto him, and therefore hereafter they should hold their Council in his presence.  

The Terceres in confusion.  In this space the Portugals of the Terceraes within the city of Angra were in no small confusion, for after they had imprisoned john de Betancour, walled up the Jesuits within their College, taken divers ships, and committed extortions upon divers Citizens, which followed secretly the Catholic king's party; there grew among themselves some difficulty, for that it seemed unto many that Cyprian de Figueredo, chief governor, did not continue with that vehemence he had begun. And as it happens to him that rules, all the seditious did malice him; so as upon any small matter, they took occasion to slander him & accuse him of infidelity, although the cause may only be imputed unto him, that this Island was not obedient unto King Philip: by reason whereof, being desirous in the beginning of winter, to dismiss certain ships which were there detained, and likewise to deliver the jesuits from the prison wherein they were, all the observers of his actions opposed themselves, and chiefly the other religious men, as those in that place, being more seditious than the rest, feared most, and were most watchful of the affairs; so as he that in a manner had been absolute Lord, the people being now incensed against him, he found that he could no more execute those things, which had been before tolerable. And although he laboured so, as the ships were dismissed, yet could he not deliver the jesuits; for he must of force, with greater rigour, try the people's inconstancy, and the distrust of Princes: For having advertised Anthony being in France, of the estate of the Island, and of the authority that many took upon them against him, demanding when he would come into the realm, adding withal, that this Island was ruined, and that it could not long continue in this estate; Anthony grew in jealousy of him, furthered by the letters he had received from his enemies, the which said plainly that he was a traitor, and therefore he resolved to send from France, unto the government of these islands, Emanuel de Sylva, whom he had newly made Count of Toresuedras, one of his chiefest favourites, who arrived 
The carriage of Emanuel de Sylva at the Terceres.  there in March, with as ample commission as might be given in that place, and having dispossessed Figueredo from his charge, he began with a barbarous tyranny to molest both friends & foes for the recovering of money: Before his arrival, a ship laden with meal departed from Angra, with show to go unto Brazil, the which being not far from the Island, took her course for Lisbon: Some supposed that this was a practice of Figueredos, and that by this means by his letter, he had demanded pardon of the Catholic King, and offered to deliver him the Island, advising him what course to take; for afterwards an other ship departing from Lisbon, it was known, they not only carried the king's letters to Figueredo, but also to many of the better sort, the which took not the effect that was expected; for the said ship arrived after the coming of Emanuel de Silva, so as Figueredo being dispossessed of his place, could not execute his practice, if he had any such thing in hand.  

The preparation at Lisbon against the Terceres, and the advise upon this enterprise.  During these stirs, they made a slow preparation at Lisbon for the islands, for that the King was not yet well resolved to attempt it in the year 1582. his Council varying in their opinions: Some advised him, presently with all his power to force them, alleging that the longer he delayed it, the more dangerous the enterprise would prove; for both the French, and English, who (as it was said) were bound thither, would, if they landed, fortify, if they had time; so as hardly afterwards they should find any entrance: They did likewise weigh this enterprise with regard of honour, saying, that it was a thing of small reputation and dishonourable, that so weak an Island, should dare in the view of Spain, resist the forces of so great a King: They showed of how great consequence it was, being (as they said) seated in a place which was the only refuge of all the ships, which came from the east and west Indies, and from all the new navigations, into Spain: for although there were other islands in this sea, yet was there not any so commodious as this, the rest being very unfit; and if the French and English became masters thereof (as it was to be feared if they protracted time) and lodged their armies there, they might from thence encounter the ships of those navigations, the which by reason of their long voyage return home weary and torn, and (being of themselves indefensible) spoil them, to the great loss and dishonour of all Spain: They made the enterprise easy, saying, that besides that from France they had received no great provision of arms and munition; in the I'll itself, the greatest part of the Nobility, and many other would obey the king, but they were forced by the multitude, and durst not discover themselves; yet when the King's colours should with a mighty army be discovered, there would appear in a manner as many friends as enemies: Others, that were of a contrary opinion, said, that this enterprise was worthy of great consideration, the which they ought not rashly to undertake, for attempting it advisedly, it was most assured; but going to it hastily, it were dangerous: They showed that the Island was by nature very strong, by reason of uneasy landing, being of all parts rough and inaccessible, but in some few places, which it was likely they would fortify and guard: They said, that the garrisons of strangers which they understood were there, were they never so few, with the inhabitants of the Island, were sufficient to hinder their landing: They made great reckoning of the roughness of the sea, the which commonly suffereth not any ships to ride there above two months in the year, concluding it was better defer it, then attempt it in vain, as they had twice done with small honour: They said, that the assurance of the enterprise consisted in delay, for that the Island should be neither stronger nor better furnished than it was at that instant, seeing their strength is by nature, & that a great garrison cannot long live there; that by delaying, the inhabitants themselves will be advised, for (besides the insolency of the French) wanting their traffic with Spain, they should grow so poor, as they will soon acknowledge their errors: That the ships from the Indies made so small stay at the islands, as they had no need of them, but only to take in fresh water, wherewith they may furnish themselves at Saint michael's. These reasons held the Catholic king in suspense, and for that he was a friend to peace, he inclined to delay: but as the news from France, Flaunders, and England, did vary, so did they hasten or slack the preparation for the enterprise.  

The Catholic King arms in all places and the cause.  In this sort, and with no small trouble of mind, the three first months in the year 1582. passed away, but having intelligence at the spring, that they did arm many ships, both in France, Flaunders, and England, and that they were meant for Portugal; that the Turk (notwithstanding his war against the Sophy) threatened to send forth his galleys; that certain troops of foot were come out of France unto the Marquisat of Salusses; the King thought it expedient to arm, both to perform this enterprise of the islands, as for the guard of many places, where he might be endamaged: He thought it a hard thing, and unworthy, to suffer the states of the Low-Countries, to be wrested from him by the Duke of Alançon, without revenge: He did foresee that the charge would be very great, and that he was furnished with little money, and less credit; for by means of the decree he had made against the merchants, he was cause of more hurt to himself, then to his creditors. The provisions it behoved him to make were all forced, for he could not do less then provide for Italy, as well in regard of the French as of the Turk: He must of force entertain an army in Portugal, for although the Realm were in show quiet, yet the Portugals being of a stirring humour, he could not avoid to arm a navy sufficient to encounter the Fleet: He thought it necessary to provide for Flanders, if not wholly to recover those estates, yet for fear he should lose more. But that which troubled the King more than all the rest, was the ships which he expected this year from the Indies, and Newfound lands; fearing that the French having the advantage of the islands, might spoil them, finding that some Pirate had not only passed into that sea, but also threatened to assail the Island of Saint Michael, and that of the Maderes: And 
The king's order in preparing.  therefore the King began to prevent all these dangers in this manner. He mustered all the foot he could in Spain, and caused them to march towards Portugal, especially to the Province betwixt Doro and Minio, to the government whereof he sent Ferrant de Toledo, Prior of Saint jean: He sent the marquess of Saint Croixe to Sevill to arm all the great ships he could, and to prepare some galleys: In Biscay he commanded eighteen Biscaine ships to be furnished, to make their rendezvous in Andelouzie, where they prepared their galleys, and built a good number of great boats to land their soldiers: He wrote into Italy to the Viceroy of Naples, and to the Governor of Milan, that either of them should levy 6000. Italian foot: He gave order in Germany to bring down 10000 Germans under colour to send these two nations into Flaunders: And for to be assured of the Island of Saint Michael, although that Ambrose d'Aguiar were there with one Galeon, he sent thither Peter Peixotto with five other ships, who arrived there in good time; for certain French Pirates were assembled to assail it, the which they did not forbear to attempt, for Peixotto with his ships lying at anchor, before the city of punta Delgada, three French ships leaving other six behind showed themselves, supposing that with his five ships he would not fail to fight with them three, and as he should retire the other six coming to succour them, they might conquer them, and after this victory 
Peixotto sent to Saint michael's, fought with by certain French ships.  assail the Island being weak and unarmed: But this devise succeeded not for Peixotto (who desired not to fight, but to preserve the Island all he could) would not come forth against those three French ships, the which he forbore the rather, for that the other six ships which remained behind, discovered themselves, so as the Frenchmen finding they could not deceive the Portugals, and their ambush (as one may say) being discovered, being loath to retire without some booty, they resolved to charge Peixotto as he lay at anchor: But the wind grew scant to approach to land, and the artillery from a certain weak fort, would not suffer them to join: But the captains ship, being of better sail than the rest, drew so near, that he grappled with a Portugal, where they fought above three hours, with great slaughter on both sides; but the French had been victors, if Ambrose d'Aguiar who was at land, foreseeing that the loss of the ships would be the overthrow of the Island, had not succoured Peixotto by boats, sending him above an hundred & fifty men, with the which he defended himself, and the French ship, unloosing itself, retired to the rest, worse handled than the Portugal; but it was supposed that if the wind had been any thing stronger, so as the other French ships mought have come up to the Portugals, they had been taken in the view of all the Island. And for that soon after there arrived eighteen Biscaine ships at Lisbon, which the king had commanded should be armed in that Province; he sent four of them with six hundredth men, for the assurance of that Island, the which arrived soon after the departure of the French. summer was now come, and there was still news from France, that they made greater preparation for war, arming many ships in all their ports at the instance of Anthony The Catholic kings affairs went slowlier forwards than the importance of the cause required, for that it seemed the Spaniards were not yet well assured, whether the French would turn against Portugal, and not go to the islands; yea, some believed, that making show to do so, they would take their course for Flaunders, seeming more to import wholly to assure those countries, and to expel the Catholic King's forces, then to undertake an other enterprise of greater difficulty: And the assurance of this opinion did help the French, for it did divert or at the least divided the Spanish forces, and was cause that in Spain they prepared not their armies with such expedition as was convenient: But having after assured intelligence, that the French prepared to encounter the ships that came from the Indies, and the new found lands, the provision for Flaunders went slowly forward in Italy: And in Spain they made greater haste of their navy, for the which there was want of sailors, and other necessaries, yet with some trouble they had prepared in Andelouzia about twenty ships and twelve galleys. The marquess was returned to Lisbon, giving 
The marquess of Saint Cruze embarkes for the Terceres.  order to the navy to go to Cape Saint Vincent, and there to attend their charge: At his arrival he found within the river of Tagus twenty other ships ill appointed, comprehending the Biscayne's and some Flemings, hired in a manner by force, where having shipped six thousand Spanish foot, under Lopo de Figueroa, the marquess embarked with many noble men, Ferrant of Toledo, going as a private soldier, with some other gentlemen. This was not the kings first intention, being resolved to assemble the body of his army in Andelouzia, whither the ships of Biscay at their departure had commandment to repair: but in sailing, being come to Lisbon, and having hired some others with the galleons of Portugal, the king supposed the greatest number was there, & that he should spend time to cause one part of the army to go seek the other; supposing they should meet, he commanded both the one and the other to sail towards Portugal, as they did, labouring to join by the way: And although all this was slowly executed, yet had it been more, if the king by his own presence had not hastened their departure, the which was not before the x. of july, in the year 1582. so slow are the Spaniards by nature in the execution of their business: At that time the French army departed with Anthony, and all his followers, being in number above threescore and ten sail, and seven thousand foot, whereof Philip Strozzi and Mounsieur de Brisack were commanders.   

THE NINTH BOOK.  
The Contents of the ninth Book.  
The description of the Jland of Saint Michael: The arrival of the French army there: The arrival of the Spanish army: The battle at sea: The death of Philip Strozzi, and of the Count of Vimioso: The voyage of Anthony to the Terceres, and his manner of proceeding: The sentence of the marquess against the prisoners, and his execution: The death of the Duke of Alva, and his praises: The new estates where Prince Philip was sworn, by reason of the death of Prince Diego: And how the Cardinal Archduke of Austria was made Governor of Portugal.  

The hopes of the French army at sea with Strozzi.  Whilst the French and Spanish armies sailed towards the Terceres, both Courts were in suspense, and in divers hopes of success: but in France they conceived more assurance then in Portugal; for the French not esteeming the Spanish forces, held themselves superiors, in number both of ships and men, and having the islands at their devotion, they stood assured that their army should both spoil the Indian fleet, sack the Island of Saint Michael, and overcome the enemies army, if they joined with them: And they relied so much thereon, that extending their hopes farther, furthered by the promises of Anthony, and of what he said, that he had followers in Portugal, they hoped to approach the realm, and to put men on land, and to arm the unarmed Portugal's; for which cause they carried great quantity of arms, and to set so firm a footing upon the main land, as they should easily maintain themselves, so as with this intention many Noble men and gentlemen embarked with the Army, both for that the French are easy to move, as also herein 
The hopes of the Court of Spain touching the Army at sea.  to please the Queen mother. In the Court of Spain, their thoughts were not all so conformeable, nor so joyful; for the Portugals, being now as contrary in their humours to the castilians, as they had been ever, making hope equal to their own desires, seeing the affairs now in equal balance, many wished they should make no resistance, and many expected the coming of Anthony: The rest of the Portugals, more content with the present state of the castilians, showed great hope the wars should now end, saying they were assured, they should defeat this Army, take Anthony prisoner, and either by love or force subdue the Islands; yet inwardly they were not well satisfied: For seeing their armies divided, without hope to join, it seemed unto the wisest the victory was not so assured as some supposed, and that the Spaniards by giving battle should hazard to lose much and win little, and chose the French to win much and loose little; for that the greatest mischief that could seem to happen to the enemies, was the defeating of the Army, and taking the Islands from their obedience, which things although they should all happen, yet were they not of any great moment to France; but if chose the Spanish Army should be defeated, their loss would be equal to the French; for besides the ships, they should with all lose with the Island of Saint Michael, the hope to recover the rest, the Indian Fleet withal their treasure should serve as a Pray to the French, and the realm should be still in doubt, subject to all those inconveniences, which so great a loss should bring with it, chiefly unto a realm newly conquered. This fear was augmented, for that their Army, which consisted of good ships, and was manned with good soldiers, was notwithstanding unprovided of mariners, and wild fires, whereof some were drawn by force, and the Marquis himself went with small contentment, not for that he feared, but having been at his departure, somewhat discountenanced by the King, blaming him to have been too slack in the dispatch of the Army; besides going, in Flemish ships, and with German soldiers, little acquainted with the sea, increased these doubts: yet outwardly these men showed a great confidence, grounding the rests of their hopes, upon the quality of the Spanish soldiers, and the greatness of their ships. Many wondered how the words of Anthony could so prevail in France, as in a manner to move all that Court to undertake his protection, with so great vehemency as they had done, not showing any pretension he had unto the Crown, having no great hope to make him Lord, nor to employ such forces as he pretended to have, seeing, that such as favoured him were kept under in Portugal with great garrisons: And this readiness of the French, seemed to them the greater, for that before they had showed themselves more slack to succour the Portugals against the castilians, when as they had a fitter occasion and a more grounded hope of good success, than now they could have; for in the year of our Lord 1466. Alphonse the fifth King of Portugal, going into France to demand succours of Lewis the eleventh, for the wars which he had against the Catholic King Ferdinand, he obtained nothing at all, but having spent some time in vain returned home in despair. But laying aside all old examples, it seems that if the French should have risen in favour of Anthony, either to aid him sincerely, or to use him as an instrument, to set footing in Portugal, they might have done it with better means in the year 1580. when possibly they might have disquieted Philip in taking of possession, or at the least kept him that year from passing the river of Tagus; so as it seemed strange to see France send forth so great an Army out of season, in favour of Anthony a fugitive: But the estate of worldly affairs considered, it seems there are new reasons, whereby the French should be more easily induced than they had been then; for to have a brother to the King of Frannce, in a manner to possess the states of Flaunders, and the Queen mother to pretend to the inheritance of the Realm of Portugal, and to be moved against Philip, were all subjects to draw the French ready against this Realm, and divert the Spanish forces.  

The arrival of the French are  In this while the French army arrived at the Island of Saint Michael the fifteen of july before the Spanish, and drawing near the village of Laguna there they cast anchor, and landed about two 
mie at the Island of Saint Michael, and the description thereof.  thousand foot. This Island hath not above an hundred miles in circuit, it is in form so long and narrow, that extending itself from East to West above forty miles, it hath not above twelve in breadth; that part which looketh to the South is most fertile, and best inhabited; for towards the North, except one village which they call Riviera the great, there are few dwellings. Upon that part which is towards the South, beginning from the East, and at the Cape which they call Morro, running towards the West, there are divers habitations: The first which is five and twenty miles from Morro, they call Villa Franca; wherein there are five hundred houses: The second Acqua de Palo; the third Laguna, all smally peopled: The fourth is the town which they call Punta Delgada, greater than the rest, the which hath upon the West a small Castle. Betwixt these dwellings there run into the sea some promontories; the first before you come to Villa Franca, is called Punta de Garza; the second La Gallea, betwixt the said place and Acqua de Palo; betwixt Laguna, and the city, there are two others, but less, that is Pugnette, and Teste de Chien: At the point of Pugnette, 
Or the dog's head.  towards Laguna, as I have said, the French landed, and having spoiled the village, they marched on to seek for greater Pray.  

The death of Ambrose D, Aguiar.  A little before Ambrose D' Aguiar, who had the place of Governor, was deceased in the town, and although his wives son would have succeeded in the Government, yet it seemed that Peter Peixotto, Captain of the five ships, was amongst the Portugals of greatest authority; but Laurence Noghera, a man of courage and valour, was Captain over the Spanish soldiers, in that which concerned matters of war: All the inhabitants being fearful, had already transported their wives and goods unto the mountains, and having discovered the Army, this fear increasing, the town remained empty of all things. The chief being assembled in counsel, they resolved to run their ships on ground, that the enemy might have no use of them, and go to field with their Spanish soldiers, with the Biscayan marrines, and such Portugals as would go; the which was not fully executed, for the Biscayne's would not suffer their ships to be broken; and Peter Peixotto was unwilling to have his men defeated; yet the soldiers put themselves in order to march against the French, led by Noghera and Peixotto: They had gathered together above two thousand Portugals, who with the castilian soldiers and Biscaine mariners, made near three thousand: but Laurence Noghera being doubtful of the Portugals, before their departure exhorted them with mild words to fight; making show of fear that they would abandon him; but they made answer, offering themselves with such willingness, and courage, as he hoped to prevail, and therefore issuing forth against the enemy, he hoped to force them to retire.  
The French drew near unto him, but having intelligence by their avant courrers, they resolved before they approached nearer to leave the right way, and go to the city and castle without fight, hoping to find all unfurnished: for this cause having left the sea shore, they went more to land, which being known to Noghera, altering his course he went to encounter them: The skirmish being 
The first encounter of the French.  begun, when as the captain hoped to use his men, he saw his Portugals fly, so as being unable with his castilians and Biscayne's, to withstand so great a force of the enemy, he retired himself to the castle being wounded, with the loss of some of his men, where soon after he died; the remainder being in hope (amongst the which the Bishop Peter de Castiglia behaved himself wisely) to be able to defend themselves, although they had more hope in the coming of the Catholic army, then in their forces: Peter Peixotto although he were in credit amongst them, yet fearing that all was lost, stealing forth by night with a caravel, he went to Lisbon, to advertise the marquess; but it was not his hap to meet him; yet was he for all this being a Portugal, favoured of the king: There appeared at this time, amongst the islands, one of the Indian ships, very rich; yet the French were not so happy as to meet with it, although it sailed almost in view of the Terceres, for having intelligence by a French ship of the occurrents of those parts, he left his right course and went to Cape Saint Vincent, & from thence to Lisbon in safety.  
The news of these things which Peixotto brought to Lisbon, did more confirm the hopes of the Anthonians, then trouble the castilians, or their followers; for those varied in their thoughts upon every small event; and to those who were more settled, it seemed, that hitherto the French had not only done any thing of importance, but contrary to that which good soldiers ought to do, they had assailed this Island: For that it seemed their principal intention being to seize upon the Indian fleet, or to cause a tumult within the realm, they should not busy themselves, and spend time in any other action, with small hope of gain: for that the Island being weak, and the town without walls, it was apparent, that to be masters thereof with trouble, were to labour in vain; for although they did subdue it, yet the weakness and facility of landing will always force them to obey whom soever should be master at sea: beside they were in danger, the Spanish fleet arriving, whilst they were troubled on land, their army found at anchor, might easily be defeated; yet the French seemed little to fear it, for that they remained long careless at land, at what time Anthony was lodged in the covent of Saint Rock near unto the army, labouring both by words and threatening to have the fort, and being after come to the town, he wrote generally to all that were within, requiring them to consign it into his hands, as his own, offering to suffer them to depart freely; but having no answer conformable to his desires, he caused some pieces of artillery to be landed from the ships to batter it; but there followed no effect, for the Spanish army arrived.  

The arrival of the Spanish army at the islands.  Which having sailed eleven days with variety of weather, having discovered the Island not being joined with the ships and galleys, which were parted from Andelouzia, but only the number which came from Lisbon, whereof there remained four ships and some caravels behind, three of them (let with the tides) could not get out of the river of Tagus with the rest, and the fourth returned back upon a great leak, so as the Army consisted but of eight and twenty ships; for although the other three got forth the next day, yet they arrived not with the rest at Saint michael's, but before them, where having intelligence of the French, they went to sea, without joining afterwards with the army: The first place the Marquis discovered was Le Morro the one and twentieth day of july, and arrived the two and twentieth at Villa Franche, without having any intelligence of the French Army: In this arrival the Spaniards had some disadvantage, for that the enemies lying close to the land with their ships, and in a manner covered, saw them come a far off without being discovered by them. The day before the Marquis had sent forth Captain Aguirre with two caravels armed to discover, with instructions what course he should take, if he found the enemy, to whom he delivered letters for Ambrose D'Aguiar, of whose death he was ignorant, whereby he did advertise him of the coming of the army, of the number of men and ships he had, and how he did hourly expect the ships and galleys prepared in Andelouzia, demanding news of the French army; if it were passed, with how many sail, and for what place; saying, that his intention was to fight with them, and therefore he should will Peter Peixotto prepare himself with his ships to follow him. As the Marquis had cast anchor under Villa Franca, one of the three caravels, which had stayed behind and after passed them, being laden with horses came unto the captains ship, assuring them, that the three ships which had remained within the river of Tagus, were arrived two days before at the Island, and were returned back, and that certain French ships had taken two other caravels laden with horses, and that they did hardly escape them. But the Marquis gave no trust unto their words, although the French army were there; he sent other men to land, to learn the truth, who returned soon without knowing any certainty, for that their approach to land being defended, they had contrary reports made unto them: Notwithstanding the Marquis did still see more apparent signs of the disobedience of the Island, especially upon the return of one of the carvels of Captain Aguirre, the which reported that the said Captain with the other had been taken by a French ship: for this cause the Marquis called Lopo de Figueroa Marshal of the field to council, where they resolved betwixt them to land some men, both to take in fresh water, to have certain intelligence of the affairs, and to approach with the army to some more convenient place for that effect. But they remained not long in these doubts, for they had no sooner appointed some to discover some better anchoring place, the army being under sail, they began to discover towards the town certain ships, the which increasing still in number came against them, judging what it was, as in truth it was the enemy, laying aside what they had treated of, having assembled Peter of Toledo, the marshal of the Camp general, the Marquis of Favara, Peter Taxis Commissarie general, Francis Bovadiglia Marshal of the field, and some other gentlemen and Captains, they called a new council, where it was propounded, 
The Marquis resolves to fight.  whether they should fight or take any other party. The castilian army had no place of retreat, to return back they could not, without great danger, to get the wind of the French there was no means, for with their lighter ships, and easier to turn into the wind, they might chase, fly, fight, and retire themselves from fight at their pleasure: So as the Spanish Captains framing their opinions according to the necessity, the matters standing so as the free election remained not in them, resolved to fight: Anthony having (by the letters, which the Marquis had written to Ambrose d'Aguiar, taken in the caravel with Aguirre) intelligence what forces they had, and what they expected, and with all of his intention, for this cause he had resolved with Strozzi, Brissac, and the Count Vimioso, that it was fittest to fight with this army, consisting of so small a number of ships▪ before the other part which they expected should arrive; and therefore having embarked with all possible speed, they came in battle against the Marquis, having first laboured but in vain to take the castle by new threatenings. Then did the Marquis 
The Marquis order for his battle.  appoint what order he would have the army keep in the fight: Upon the right side of his gallion called S. Martin, he placed that of Saint Matthew, wherein was Lopo de Figueroa; and on the left, that of Francis Bovadiglia with four other ships of succour, all the rest were put in order, only Christopher d'Erasso remained behind, with a great ship of importance, for that having his mast a little crazed, he durst not use any force; so as the Marquis had but seven and twenty ships, in all the which, especially in the two galleons they gave very good order for the fight: For having divided the soldiers into their ranks, and appointed divers commanders, they provided not only for all necessities, but also for any thing that could chance with great judgement; but it was in vain, for at that time the armies came not near one another, by seven or eight miles, both for that the wind was scant, as also for that the night approached; so as after the Marquis had discharged a piece of artillery as it were in sign of Battle; the French bent towards the city, and the Catholic army turned to sea, not having any intelligence of what had passed at land, neither should he have had it so soon by any other means, if the same night john de Castillio, who had succeeded Laurence Noghero in the castle, had not advertised the Marquis what had happened in the Island, and assured him that the fortress held yet, both to the end he should have care to succour it, and to have succour from thence if need were: For this cause he sent by night one of the patrons of the Biscaine ships in a boat with his letters, advertising him of all the success since the arrival of Anthony, until that time. He said that the enemy's army consisted of eight and fifty sail, whereof eight and twenty were great ships, with six thousand fight men, that if the Catholic army were not strong enough to encounter them, he should retire under the fortress, where the one might succour the other: The Marquis made answer unto him by the same messenger, that he should be of good courage, that his majesties army was strong enough to vanquish the enemy, as he hoped to do the next day: So as the morning being come, the French came with great joy to encounter the Spaniards, who for that effect had put themselves again in battle, but although the French had both wind and sun favourable unto them, yet the calm was so great as they could hardly approach; so as the two armies continued one against the other until the afternoon, when as the wind growing somewhat stronger, the French began to make show to charge the Spaniards: But seeing them in order without any show of fear, they did not effect it, but continued until night, sailing equally towards the Island of Saint Marie, fifty miles from that of Saint Michael towards the south, sometimes upon one board, sometimes upon another, the French making often show to join with them, being in their power to do it, the wind being favourable to them, and contrary to the Spaniards: But night being come, the French resolving in any sort to fight, the day following they sent ten ships alongst the I'll, with intent to follow the enemy's army, and to charge them in the dawning of the day on both sides, but the wind grew calm and they could not sail. The day following, which was the four and twentieth, the Spaniards likewise desired to fight, although it seemed with some disadvantage, wanting that part of their army, which was prepared in Andelouzia; yet they grieved to have their enemies before them not being able either to fly or fight but when they pleased, the which increased their desire, and thinking it would so fall out by changing of their sails from one side to another, imagining the French would also follow the like advantage: but although the enemy did then make more apparent show to charge them, than before; yet nothing followed, but only the general ships, with others that were nearest unto them on both sides, spent many volleys of great shot, whereby the French had greatest loss by one of their ships which sunk presently: Having spent the whole day in this sort towards the evening, the Marquis, to try if he could get the wind, commanded all his fleet, upon the night's approach, should turn towards the Island of Saint Michael, to get the wind of the enemy, giving them to understand that the Admiral ship that night (lest the enemy should discover their intent) should not carry his ordinary light, but about midnight discharge a cannon, to draw the rest of the ships near unto him: This order was given, and duly 
The Marquis gets the wind of the French army.  observed, by all the fleet except two Easterlings, who not being advertised by the negligence of him that had the charge, strayed so far from the fleet, that having lost the sight they could not recover it, and having within them four hundred German soldiers; it seemed this army decreased daily both in number of ships and men: And for that the wind grew somewhat high, the Marquis thought it convenient after midnight having discharged his cannon, to hang out his lantern as he did, the which succeeded well, for the getting the wind of the enemy: yet this devise prevailed little, for upon the break of the day, it was the feast of Saint james the Apostle the five and twentieth of the month, whom the Spaniards call upon in their battles; they discovered the French army scattered a far off, as well to succour the ship that did sink, as also to repair some other hurts received the day before by their cannon: But some affirm that the French would not willingly fight upon this Saint's day: And although the Spaniards might well have charged them, yet did they forbear, for that the ship of Christopher D'Erasso which had his mast crazed struck sails, and discharged a piece; so as finding that it was wholly broke, they were enforced to environ her with the army, lest in this danger she should be set upon, whereby the French recovered the wind they had lost: and the ship of D' Erasso being repaired, so as they might carry half their sale, the Marquis having tied her with a cable towed her at his stern, and so this day passed without any other effect, but spending of some great shot.  

The French disagree.  These shows of fight, which the French had so often made, were not altogether counterfeit, for although the first time, and peradventure the second, they did it only to sound the enemies disposition; yet after they resolved to fight, but their opinions were not so conformeable in this Army, as in the Spanish; for although Philip Strozzi, Brisack, the Count of Vimioso, and some others desired to join, yet many were loath to see it; and therefore seeing the Admiral's ship not to begin the fight, the rest did not force of it: Strozzi & the Earl, who were both in one ship, were more willing than all the rest, yet had they not charged the enemy; for that the ship wherein they were embarked, was a worse sailour, than many others: For this cause being not able to make such speed as they desired, they could not begin the battle, so as their friends which were in other ships, supposed the fault to be in them, and not in their ship, and that they might, if they had would: Which opinion was furthered by the small desire they had to fight; the which Strozzi finding, he resolved to change his ship, and to take an other of more speed; and therefore having passed with the Earl and his men into that wherein was Monsíeur Beaumont, marshal general of the camp, being of better sail, he resolved therewith to charge the enemy; the which he did the day following, being the xxuj. Saint Anne's day: upon the dawning both armies being at calm not above three miles the one from the other, and 20. miles 
The beginning of the fight at sea.  from Saint michael's, they sailed gently towards the Island, until the wind growing somewhat fresh in favour of the French, towards noon both armies approached, being not above ten miles from the Island: Being there set in order, in the vanguard of the French marched the general ship with Strozzi and the Count of Vimioso; the admiral with Mounsieur Brisack accompanied with three English ships, followed by all the rest of the fleet, some nearer, some farther off: In the Spanish, the hulk wherein was Francis de Bovadilla, went before the rest, there followed the gallion Saint Martin, wherein the Marquis was, who towed after him the ship wherein was Christopher d' Erasso, then followed that of Saint Matthew, wherein was Lopo de Figueroa, these went before as a buckler to the rest of the fleet which followed. The French had divided amongst them the Spanish ships, where with every one should grapple, but it was a matter that could not succeed, for the wind, the sea, and the order which had been so often altered, hindered that resolution: The gallion Saint Matthew stayed somewhat behind, the which was cause it was first set upon, for the captain and admiral of the French, with other three ships turning their prooes upon her, went to charge her, and the captain with great dexterity to avoid the shot, joined with them towards the prooe, and boarded the gallion from the middle forward, leaving place for the rest to approach, the which invested her round with a great stream of fire and shot: Lopo de Figueroa being under their lee, not able to use his sails as he would, seeing such, and so great ships come to charge him, stayed for them. There began a cruel fight, their artillery did much harm, especially the Spanish, being the biggest, so as two of the French ships being sorely beaten therewith, and with their small shot, after some fight, fell upon the gallion, which remained betwixt the captains ship the admiral and an other, who being succoured with fresh men in small boats from the other ships, troubled Figueroa much, especially having his ship fired by the enemy in many parts: But being a man of great valour, accompanied with expert soldiers, he made an honourable defence, and with great resolution prevented all inconveniences. He remained in this estate above two hours without any succour, at the end whereof, a Biscaine ship of Peter Garagarza, wherein were two companies of Spanish soldiers, drawing near, succoured him much: The Marquis seeing in what danger this gallion was, would gladly have succoured it, but he could not so suddenly perform it, as need required; for being forced to return back, and sail directly against the wind, a matter impossible, but by turning on the right and on the left to gain a little way, he feared in the mean time she should be vanquished: Against the said gallion Saint Martin, wherein the Marquis was when as the Saint Matthew was charged, there came likewise two great French ships, but they were so beaten with the cannon from the said gallion, and from the ship wherein Francis de Bovadilla was near unto the captain, that one of the enemies ships was like to sink, & so passed on, so as the Marquis being freed, he caused all the army to turn towards the gallion Saint Matthew, and with all possible speed drew near unto him; upon the turning of the army the areergard fell to be vanguard, as it happeneth in the like case, so as the ships of Michael d'Oquendo, of captain Villaviciosa, & an other Biscaine, which were the first to succour him, remained in the front, and all three invested the French admiral, who being ill entreated in this cruel fight, fell from the gallion Saint Matthew. Another ship, wherein was Michael de Benesa, passed on forward, and valiantly grappled with the French captain on the outside, so as the gallion Saint Martin wherein the Marquis was, could not approach near any one of the enemies chief ships, being environed with his friends, so as he was forced to turn about and pass on: The French admiral defended himself with great courage against the three ships; that of Villaviciosa which fought in the prooe, did end omage him greatly, but the captain thereof was slain; that of Oquendo which fought in the stern had boarded her, with his men taken prisoners and ensigns, and began to spoil: But the captain finding that his ship by reason of a shot, was in danger of sinking, fell from her to repair her leak, so as being in a manner freed from the enemy, he took his 
monsieur Brisac flies.  course towards Saint Michael, yet he could not get thither, but sunk by the way, being spoiled by the artillery; and Mounsieur Brisac saved himself in a small boat: But these two armies did not so join as it was expected; for that the French army, although they had a full wind, yet would they not willingly grapple with the Spaniards as they might have done; but many of them stood idle, discharging only their great shot: And although some of them laboured to board Francis de Bovadilla, and Christopher d' Erasso, yet the artillery kept them off, so as they durst not approach: A Biscaine ship wherein were captains Michael de Cardona, and Peter Pardo, boarded a French man, which was fallen from the S. Matthew, and forced her to yield, being already weak, having spoiled and abandoned it, she after fled: Captain Villaviciosa the elder▪ with his ship wherein was the company of Lewes de Guevara, boarded an other, and after a long fight ungrapled herself, and one or two ships more boarded her, and the rest fought passing only by, and discharging their artillery. The gallion Saint Matthew made a great resistance, two of those ships which had fallen from her, battered with the cannon, sunk; and although the general of the French were succoured with many men, yet was he so beaten, that they within began to yield, but for that there were many Spaniards dead, and many hurt, so as there remained within the gallion not above seventy able men to fight, Lopo de Figueroa would not suffer them to enter, & make the victory absolute, the which the French finding, and receiving presently a new supply of three hundred men, they ungrapled hoping to save themselves: But the Marquis who stood upon his guard, sailing first on one side, and then on another, pressing the enemy with his artillery and small shot, when he saw his ship fall off, he charged her, and so did another Biscaine ship on the other side, wherein was Captain Bastida and john de Vivero; but the fight continued not above one hour, at the end whereof the Spanish general became Master of the enemies ship with the loss of above 300. French: there found they Philip Strozzi, whom presently 
The death of Strozzi and of the Count Vimioso.  they transported into the Marquis gallion, but being wounded to the death, he died presently, without speech, to the great grief of all valiantmen: The Count of Vimioso was taken prisoner by Colonel Mondenaro an Italian adventurer, but being wounded unto the death, he lived only two days, embraced by the Marquis as if he had been his kinsman. Such was the end of Francis of Portugal Count of Vimioso, more honourable than any one of those which had followed Anthony unto this day: He was young, endued with good parts, both of body and mind, if they had not been accompanied with a certain childish vanity, which made him thus obstinate; besides such as knew him lamented his death, being by nature amiable: There found they also with no small admiration fourscore gentlemen, whereof thirty were Lords and had their subjects, with many other persons in number above three hundred: The fight had continued five hours, when as the French seeing their general yielded, their Admiral lost, two others sunk, and many broken with artillery, they began to fly; but the Marquis, by reason of the night, pursued them not, fearing for that they were better sailors he should not board them, and being separated he should be forced to divide his army, the which he would not willingly do; beside he should be constrained to leave the gallion Saint Matthew behind him in danger, being unable to sail without tackling, sails and anchors, the which the enemy had burnt and thrown into the sea: There was one thing worthy the observation, that being within this gallion a Priest called john de jaem chaplain unto the Marshal of the field, a man which had seen 
Apriest dies for fear.  the wars, during the fight being under the lowest deck of the gallion, when he saw so much wild fire cast by the French, hearing their shot, and finding the hurt the cannon did, he died, only of fear and amazement, having received no wound: The Spaniards recovered one of their caravels with horse which had been taken, and had taken more of their French ships, if they could have manned them with mariners to conduct them; but for this cause the Admiral (which was cast away) abandoned, and some others torn and abandoned by the French were not kept; for this consideration the Marquis burned two, which had been abandoned and some 
The number of the dead in the battle.  others ran upon the Island: In this battle the French lost seven or eight of their best ships, and there died in the fight above two thousand of their men, with many hurt; as for the Spaniards there died about two hundred, and above five hundred wounded: The Portugals, pertisants unto Anthony, say, that the French fought not at all, for that the Captains were corrupted by King Philip, and 
Edward de Castro beheaded by Anthony.  this opinion increased, for that after Anthony caused Edward d' Castro to lose his head in the Island, supposing him to be the means thereof, but they were deceived; for although that Castro had promised many things unto the King's ministers, when as they delivered him out of prison, whereunto he was committed when they took him flying out of Portugal, yet could he never effect any; but the cause of his death was for certain practices begun after this defeat, and for that he had committed murder upon the person of Anthony Baraccio a dear friend unto the said Prior, and one of them that had proclaimed him King. Behold the issue of the sea fight, at the islands, which possibly is one of the greatest that ever happened within the bounds of the Ocean; for although in the Low-Countries there hath been like factions, in these last wars, yet were they not truly within the Ocean, but in channels and rivers near unto the islands of Holland and Zealand, rather at land then at sea. But the issue hereof besides the greatness of it was of more importance than ever any: for besides that not only the Realm of Portugal by this victory remained settled, but also all Spain; if the contrary had fallen out, all had been full of confusion, for that the French, pursuing their victory, might with these forces, their good fortune, the presence of Anthony, and the inclination of the people, renew the war in a suspended kingdom, more dangerous for the Spaniards then ever, seeing the great number of unexpert Portugals united with so many French soldiers, might give them great hope of happy success.  

Anthony his voyage to the Terceres and his achievements there.  Anthony who remained in a small bark, light and well furnished, the day before the battle, when as they had resolved to fight, although his whole fortune depended in a manner on this day, not finding himself secure in this place, retired with two other small barks to the Terceres, where in the city of Angra, they had prepared for him a sumptuous entry, with arches, images, and all triumphs, commonly used at the joyful coming of Princes: But deuining, it may be the unhappy success, these preparations seemed out of season; for having forborn to pass to a bridge of wood, which they had built only for his coming, whereby he should enter the streets that were garnished, he landed far from thence with small company and more sorrow than joy: There did he hourly receive sundry news of the army, and by little and little he understood the success thereof, with an incredible grief, the which increased the more by the intelligence given him of the death of Strozzi, and the Earl, and now caring for his safety, wavering in his thoughts, he knew not how to behave himself in so rough an accident: for although he relied much in the inhabitants of the islands, and in the strength thereof, seeming to be safe in this place, yet feared he lest the Marquis pursuing his victory, should assail him, and that his men having their hearts vanquished with this loss, should not be able to make resistance; and therefore he inclined rather to abandon then defend it: He was some what assured of this fear upon the arrival of seventeen French and English ships to that place, of those that had fled from the battle to repair their hurts received, to cure their wounded men, and to take in water: with these men he thought himself able to defend it, yet had they all but few soldiers, having in the battle succoured the Count of Brisack and Strozzi with all their men; yet there arrived still more, for at that time there returned but eighteen French ships into France, with Brisack, and five other English: Mounsieur de Landes, captain of nine ships flying from the battle, went to Fayale, where his soldiers began to spoil, & although it were not his meaning, but having avoided the sack, retired to Angra, yet for this cause they would not suffer him to enter, or else that Anthony doubted his safety.  
The Marquis as it is said, the day being ended, resolving not to pursue the enemy, he drew near to the Island of Saint Michael to repair his ships, to look to his hurt men, and to water; but the wind being contrary would not suffer him, keeping him three days off at sea, the fourth he drew near to Villa Franca, where he landed his hurt men, and provided what he needed, the inhabitants of all parts of the Isle having yielded their obedience. The first of August Francis de Bovadilla landed with four companies of soldiers, in the midst whereof upon the sea shore, he put all the French prisoners, leading them to the market place of Villa Franca, 
The sentence of the Marquis against the French prisoners.  unto a scaffold built the height of a man, where with a loud voice was read the sentence of the Marquis, whereby showing that the Catholic King having peace with the most Christian King, against the said peace publicly sworn, an army of many adventurers was come out of France in favour of Anthony Prior of Crato, with an intent to take the Catholic King's fleet, which he expected from the Indies, and the new found lands, and to spoil the islands, as they had already done that of Saint michael's; and that the same army having tried a battle against his Majesties, the French had been broken and overcome; in the which being taken eight and twenty noblemen, and two and fifty gentlemen, and many other mariners and soldiers, he declared them taken as enemies to the quiet, and public good; disturbers of the traffic, and favourers of his majesties rebels; that as such, and as public pirates he commanded the Auditor general of the army, that for their chastisement, and for the example of others, he should execute upon them the punishment of natural death, beheading the Gentlemen, and hanging the rest, which passed the age of seventeen years, being so convenient both for the service of God, and of the two kings. This sentence seemed cruel to all such as heard it, and chiefly unto the Spanish soldiers, both for that they feared the like 
The Spaniards discontented with the sentence and the reason.  might happen unto them an other day; as also for that they would not lose the profit which many expected by the ransom of the said prisoners; or else for their own good inclination, so as some of the soldiers laying aside all respect, said it was not well grounded, for that there was no firm and inviolable peace betwixt the Catholic King and most Christian, but war, and that those were neither pirates nor thieves, but valiant soldiers: That there was no peace, they proved it by the wars of Flaunders, more hot than ever, where the French did in a manner possess all the Catholic King's patrimony: And that they were no pirates, they proved by the letters patents they had from the King, under the which the ships and soldiers were enroled; beside, the number and quality of these men were such, as it appeared clearly, they would not have attempted it of themselves, if the king had not sent them: And although betwixt the two crowns they dissembled many things, the Christian King excusing himself sometimes upon his mother, sometimes upon his brother, that they were all devices of Princes; but for all that, they were not without open war, the laws whereof (they said) was not so strict, as to command them to hang all their prisoners. And this execution did so move the hearts of many, 
The Spanish soldiers entreat for the French.  that some of the principal soldiers being assembled together, went (with a commendable example) unto the Marquis to make intercession for the life of their enemies, who answered, that the most Christian King had expressly commanded, that all Frenchmen that should take arms against the Catholic King, should be corporally punished; so as the same day these Gentlemen with a general pity, and great severity were beheaded upon the scaffold, and the mariners and soldiers hanged in divers places, and 
The French beheaded and hanged.  the pity was the greater, being apparent that they were all not only valiant soldiers, but Catholic and devout Christians: The blame of this severe execution, was not imputed to the Marquis, supposing that he had express commandment from the King, whom likewise they excused, for having so determined, seeing it was not to be presumed that so many personages of importance, should come with such an army and remain prisoners, especially knowing that Philip by his own inclination was not cruel: yet on the other side, they considered, that the King in his mind should have conceived a cruel disdain against the French, seeing that under the shadow of amity, peace and alliance, Kings writing daily one to the other, grieving and rejoicing at their troubles and contents, did not only aid his rebels, but also took his countries, and sent so great an army to endamage him: And although that Princes do usually dissemble, and counterfeit in many things, yet it seemed the French under a new kind of dissimulation, would make war, whereby they did infer that this execution did nothing displease the King. The army being a little repaired here, the Marquis went to the I'll of Coruo to meet with the Indian fleet, and having passed in view of the city of Angra, he put Anthony and all the people into confusion: for although the Marquis content with the victory, would not thrust himself into a new danger; yet Anthony doubted that in the heat of the victory, he would pursue and assail the Island; in the which although he had men enough both of the nation, and of the French, yet were they fearful and disordered; and Anthony himself at the same time provided a light ship to embark if need were. These news came slowly to Lisbon, for the which they were in great care, having news of the fight, by the means of a 
* A kind of small ship.  Zabra of Biscay, but a French ship which had been sore beaten by the gallion Saint Matthew, being fled from the battle, gave assurance of the event; for being arrived disguised at Settwal, he was discovered, finding within her some Spanish soldiers dead; in the bosom of one of them was written all that had passed in the army, since their departure from Lisbon until the time that he was slain: The Marquis attended long about the islands for the Indian fleet, whereof two being arrived, the seas growing high he came with them to Lisbon, to the great joy of all the court, where 
The carriage of Anthony after the sea fight.  he was extraordinarily favoured by the King.  
Anthony after the Marquis his departure remained more quiet in mind, supposing that for one whole year he need not fear any enemy: He greatly grieved for the death of the French prisoners, fearing it would prejudice his cause in France: But Emanuel de Silva pressed him to revenge in hanging about fifty or threescore castilians, which were there taken prisoners at divers times, the which he would not suffer, being better inclined: He was ill furnished with money, although he had great store of arms and munition: For this consideration he daily (all by the invention of the said Silva) made rigorous commandments to draw money from the people, and from such as did not follow him willingly: He caused gold to be coined, which he valued at five and twenty royals, although it weighed but eight: He made testons of silver, weighing a royal and a half, the which he made currant for half a ducat; and the copper money which was worth three in Portugal, he valued at ten: And for that many were retired to the mountains, to be free from troubles within the city, he commanded every one to return, and if any deferred his coming longer than the time limited by his commandment, they presently seized his goods: Many for fear of the soldiers had carried and hidden their goods without the city, and therefore he commanded every one to bring them back again, whereby he gained much; for he demanded a loan of money of such as came and brought it back; and if any one obeyed not, he sent Soldiers to search their goods, and to spoil them, with a thousand indignities: It was a lamentable thing to see how the Church causes were handled, for the religious men (except the jesuits) employed in military actions, retained nothing of a priest, but the habit, and the name; as for sermons, confessions, and such like things, they came from them, as from men which had not God before their eyes: And Anthony himself during these afflictions, had not his mind free from lasciviousness, for the women of honour could hardly be free from his lusts, having too familiar access into the monastery of religious women: amongst whom, as well as amongst the men reigned the passions of the affairs of the Realm, with no small scandal and great disorder, and many of his, as also of the French followed this his example. Anthony lived this kind of life until the month of October, irresolute what to do: To go into France after the loss of so great a number of the nobility, he held it not safe, neither knew he how he should be looked on, for he feared as much the disdain of particulars, as he hoped in the protection of the Queen mother. To remain there, he saw it a thing not able long to subsist with so great garrisons, not having wherewithal to pay the soldiers, nor in a manner how to furnish 
The departure of Anthony for France.  his expenses: He resolved therefore with such ships as he had to depart for France, but first would go towards the Madera, and the Island of Canary, that by spoiling of some weak places, he should content the soldiers with some weak prey. For this cause having prepared about thirty sail, he not only shipped his soldiers, but with a new devise he commanded all the citizens which he suspected, and all religious persons affected to the contrary party, as the jesuits and others to embark, making this commandment most rigorous to those that could least observe it, to the end they should redeem this voyage with money: But all as unprofitable in sea causes, excused themselves with lively reasons and entreaties; but it prevailed nothing, making answer to the younger, that he had need of them for his guard, and to the old, for counsel; so as many sought to content him with money as he desired, every one according to his ability, by means whereof they were freed from his commandment. But this invention was soon counterchecked by another, for many desired to leave the Island & to embark, not with intention to follow the army, but to sail into Spain: Some of the Captains of the ships, understanding their minds, agreed with the Portugals, not to deliver any money to Anthony for their stay in the Island, but paying them the like sum and much less, they would land them in Portugal, so as many trusting to the French, and English, not paying any thing to Anthony, embarked with them, agreeing for a certain sum to be set on 
Emanuel de Silva stays at the Terceres.  land. Anthony departed with this army from the Terceres, leaving Emanuel de Silva in his place, with five hundred Frenchmen under the charge of baptist Florentin, and Charles a French man their Captains: He arrived at the Island of Saint Michael, where having stayed long thereabouts, fearing the Spanish garrison there, he durst not land, being forced to leave it by a storm that rose: Then some of his English and French ships, left him, keeping promise with the Portugals, that were embarked with them. In the mean time they had news in France of the defeat of the army, and the death of so many prisoners, which caused both in court, and throughout the 
The French displeased at their overthrow.  Realm a great grief and disdain, and inflamed the French to revenge, and as they had Flaunders near, and matters in that estate (as hath been said) there they discharged their choler; neither did they forbear, after the return of Anthony to treat of a new preparation, of an army at sea for the summer following.  
It was given out in Spain, that the faction of Anthony and the French against Portugal, was dashed; and that they had weakened their forces, yet did they not dismiss their hired ships: At that time two galliass being arrived from Naples, it seemed the king would assemble a great army for the next year, and make himself absolute Lord of the Ocean, both in respect of the affairs of Anthony, as to assure his ships, from the Indies, and new found lands, from the French and English, and to force the Island. The Catholic King desired to return into Castill, both for that he was called by 
The amplification of pardon towards the Portugals.  the states of Arragon, and to finish the marriage of his daughter with the Emperor; as also for other business of the realm, and was upon the point to effect it, in November 1582. but he would first extend his pardon granted at Tomar to such as had followed Anthony: For this cause having excepted the religious persons and ten others, he pardoned freely all the rest that should present themselves within a certain time; but this wrought no effect, for there came few, and many said, that the King being yet displeased, could not make a free pardon. This departure was after stayed by the news of the death of Diego his eldest son, who as he had been sworn Prince of Portugal, at the estates of Tomar, he would likewise that the same oath should be made in the person of Philip his second son being then sick. And for that he had no other issue male, the succession masculine of these Realms remaining in the breath of one only, together with the king's age, and the disposition of the affairs of the world, both the quiet & seditious were in care: But for the swearing of him he assembled the estates at Lisbon, in the month of February, resolute to accomplish this ceremony before his departure.  
At that time the Duke of Alva (consumed with a continual fever) died, in the palace of Lisbon, in the Kings own quarter, being of the age of threescore & fourteen years. During his sickness 
The death of Duke of Alva & his commendation.  he was greatly favoured of the King, who did visit him a little before his death: There is no doubt but the King apprehended the loss of such a servant, which bred no less discontentment in him, then pleasing to his enemies: But the Portugals observed, that the day following he went publicly to mass, without any show of discontent, contrary to the custom of their kings, who upon the death of men of less quality (having done any notable services to the crown) retired themselves for a time; the which seemed the more strange, for that King Emanuel upon the death of a notable Pilot withdrew himself three days: But the actions of great Princes, are so subject to the censure of the vulgar, as the wisest minister matter of discourse to the curious and malicious to slander them. With him died (as a man may say) all the warlike discipline of Spain, for there remained not any one captain equal unto him: He was of a goodly stature, of visage lean and grave; he had rare gifts of nature, and fortune, the which he augmented much by art; he was of a noble mind; of a ready and subtle spirit, assured in judgement, and peaceable: He was not greedy of worldly wealth, sparing in giving, but honourable in the expenses of his house; he was a great dissembler of the disgraces of the Court, and cunning in their secret practices, for so it behoved him to be, to prevent such as were his competitors▪ He was generally hated, for that he treated proudly with his inferiors, and his equals hated his greatness. The ambition to purchase the Prince's favour (a shelf wherein proud minds cast themselves) was great in him; for this respect it may be, or for the pre-eminence and greatness he pretended above all other officers, the which made him odious; he was not much pleasing to Charles, and less to Philip, although from their births until their later days, he had served them 60. years: But Princes love them better whom they have rewarded, than such as have served them. He was greatly inclined to warlike discipline, wherein he was so cunning, as there was not any captain of his nation, in long time comparable unto him; and to conclude, for his many years, and great experience, there was not in a manner any one in the world but yielded unto him: He was of great judgement, and dexterity, to encamp and make choice of a lodging, so as always with less forces than the enemies, he kept them in awe; he was so well experienced as he never refused battle wheresoever he came: He did willingly hazard his own person, but his soldiers with greater consideration, trusting more to policy then fortune: He was a rough & inexorable executioner of the severe laws of war, of whose pitiful cruelty depends the health of armies, and the conservation of States: He was by nature inclined to vanquish without effusion of blood, and was employed in wars conformable to his inclination; for the greatest part of them, being defensive, wherein a wise captain should rather temporize and suffer the enemy to consume by the difficulties of war in a strange country, then to hazard an estate upon so unequal a game, as is the winning of a battle against him that hath but men to lose. To this effect he answered the council of war, in the kingdom of Naples, in the year 1558. when as the Frenchmen being expelled, they would have charged the enemy retiring, he said, he would not hazard the realm against a cassock of gold, for such was then the habit of the Duke of Guise, Lieutenant general to Henry the second King of France; yet some did blame him, to be too wary in the execution of matters of importance in war: He served his King in greater charges, and with greater authority than ever any of their subjects, and it may be, there hath not been in many ages a captain, which hath so long managed arms, nor displayed his ensigns in so many countries: For he hath made war in Italy Spain and France, in Hungary, Germany, Flaunders and Africa; although he were accustomed to say, that he had done nothing, seeing that he was never so happy as to see a Turkish army: But the last wars of Flaunders did somewhat obscure the glory he had gotten; for although 
The blames of the Duke of Alua.  as captain he did war valiantly, yet he knew not, (as it happened to him in other places) how to use the victory, but arrogating too much unto himself, he caused a statue of brass to be erected for him in the Citadel of Antwerp, which the king caused afterwards to be beaten down. It appears that he could, better carry himself in adversity then prosperity; for in the one he had great force, in the other too much conceit, so as he reaped more commendations by afflictions, then by victory: He showed in dying the magnanimity he had in his life, and that which is of great moment, he showed tokens of a religious Christian, being happy that Friar Lewes of Granata, that famous preacher (whose divine writings are pleasing to the world) was present at his death: They did substitute in his place Charles Borgia Duke of Gandia, a man of greater virtue than experience.  

The obsequies of Sebastian and other Princes Portugals.  The King had caused the bones of King Sebastian to be brought out of Africa, the which with King Henry's that were at Almerin, he would before his departure see solemnly interred in the church of Belem, near to the other Kings of Portugal; and for that cause remained there three days: He caused also to be brought from divers parts of the realm unto the said monastery the bodies, or at the least the ashes of his kinsfolks, the children and nephews to King Emanuel, who (as a man may say) dying, resigned him the crown, that they might be all kept together: There was made a most sumptuous obsequy, with great shows, and all the religious persons in the name of Henry were present, for the rest had been performed before, and in the funeral sermon Sebastian's acts were likewise touched, and Henry extremely commended, the which was more pleasing being dead, than the praises of Philip living and present, wherein the Orator dilated much, having first in particular set down the branches of King Emanuel, and brought the succession to the said Philip.  
I will not leave here to make mention as of a rare matter, although 
A reformation of the Calendar.  it be somewhat from our purpose, that in this year of our Lord 1582. they did reckon ten days less than in others: for by the Pope's decree, all Christian princes obeying the Romish sea, gave commandment to cut off ten days in the month of October, so as for the fifth day, they should generally write 15. the which was done to fit the times to the means and principal aspects wherein the heavens were, when as our Redeemer jesus Christ suffered, that they might celebrate Easter, and the other feasts upon their proper days. The which they had not formerly done; for that the true course of the sun, which makes the year, being certain minutes of an hour less than the time, which they until then had taken for a year, it seemed that in the course of so many years so small a difference had mounted unto ten days, so as by this equality, it was made conformable to the time past.  
The King began to unburden himself of the affairs of Portugal, for to go into Castill; and therefore the xxuj. day of january 
A new assembly of estates at Lisbon, where the prince Philip was sworn.  in the year 1583. having assembled the estates of the realm, they began in the palace of Lisbon, where after Alphonso de Castelbianco newly made Bishop of algarves, had briefly made the proposition, showing how much the King was grieved with the death of the Prince, and the necessity there was to swear a new: Melchior d' Amaral, one of the Deputies of the city of Lisbon, made answer in the behalf of the whole realm, showing the desire and readiness they had to perform this act: Whereupon the young Duke of Barcellos, as Duke of Bragance, beginning (for his father with sword in hand did supply the office of Constable) kneeling down before the King, held forth his hand to take the oath after the accustomed manner, the which being likewise performed by all the rest, this ceremony was ended. He procured that the assembly of Deputies for this effect should not be called estates, to the end he might take away all occasion of demanding new things, or to redemaund those which had been required in the former estates, and not granted; and therefore he had contrary to the custom sent into all places, briefs of the procurations the Deputies should bring with them, so drawn, as they should not extend further than the swearing of the Prince; and although it were so executed, yet the estates did not forbear, especially he that was for the Deputies of the realm, to revive the demands made at the estates held at Tomar, with some others; and especially that it would please his Majesty to show magnanimity and clemency in giving a general pardon to all such as were culpable of Anthony's offence; saying, it should greatly profit, and do little harm: But whatsoever the cause was, he neither satisfied them in this point, nor in any other of importance. He dispatched some Portugals which sought reward, for although he had given unto many, yet were they not content: But notwithstanding all this care and diligence, whether it were his fault or his ministers, or else the disposition of the suitors, or of all together, there remained many of them discontented, part of them for that they were not recompensed, and others for that they did not seem to be recompensed according to their merits. The Duke of Bragance at the assembly of the estates, hoped to have received recompense from the King, which he supposed to have deserved, for although he were rewarded, yet was it not according to his expectation, for aspiring to greater offices, & greater authority than he had, it seemed the King's will was therein directly contrary, so as, for that the recompenses were small in regard of the greatness of his hope, they were not published, but he was suffered to reply that they might be after specified. The Marquis of Villa Real received likewise no contentment to his liking, so as both remained ill satisfied, and the Duke leaving the Court, being long before sick, died soon after, although the Portugals say, that the grief he conceived of the weak recompense he received from Philip, hastened his days. The King at the time of his departure reform the state of justice, publishing many new laws, suffering the Portugals to attire themselves more freely with silk then other kings had done: 
Cardinal Albert made governor of Portugal.  He made Cardinal Albert Archduke of Austria, governor of the realm in his absence, leaving him notwithstanding accompanied with three counsellors, that is, George d'Almada Archbishop of Lisbon, Peter d'Ascasoua, and Michael de Mora, who was Secretary of the realm newly created Notary, which they call of the purity, so great a charge as yet had never been given, but to the chiefest personages of the realm, whereunto since the time of King john the third, that Michael de Silva Bishop of Viseu, who was after Cardinal, went to Rome in disgrace, there was never any advanced. The King gave procuration to the said Cardinal, causing him to take an oath in the presence of the council of State, and of the magistrate of the Chamber of Lisbon, to govern with justice, and to resign him the realm at his return. The Empress his sister, who was to go into Castill, visiting first the Nuns of the monastery of Santos, who may lawfully marry, she took forth and carried with her julian d' Allan castro, of the age of thirteen years, who by the decease of Maudlyn Girone her mother, remained Duchess of Avero: The Portugals were much grieved with this act, for although she said, the King would provide she should not marry but with his liking; yet notwithstanding she seemed to be ravished, and many feared that he would not marry her in Castill. 
The king's departure from Portugal.   
When these things were ended, the king departed the eleventh of February, in the year 1583. the which greatly displeased the quiet, and did glad the seditious; for those feared, lest there should grow some controversy betwixt the people and the garrisons; that the soldiers ill paid would mutiny, and that the Cardinal's authority, was not of such force as the king's presence, to redress it; and chose the rest hoped, that the king's absence, the small affection the people bore unto them, the oppression of the garrison, and the great dearth, would in the spring (considering principally the army which was prepared in France) minister matter of alteration; although it now seemed that things succeeded in favour of the king's intention; having intelligence that in Flaunders the Duke of Alonçon seeking to assure himself of the city of Anwerp, wherein he was as Lord and Protector, having his army lodged thereabouts, it had not succeeded, for forcing of a gate, and having drawn in three thousand French, they were by the great valour of the Citizens repulsed, and the one half slain; so as it seemed the Flemings would no more trust the Duke but compound with the King. Such Portugals as had received no answer to their demands, doubted of all dispatch in the King's absence: but this fear was qualified by the opinion which they had conceived, that the Cardinal remaining governor, they should be no less favoured by him then they had been by the King himself, albeit this hope soon vanished after the King's departure; for the Cardinal did not only forbear to use the authority which he seemed to have left him, but he refused to sign the commandments or other writings which concerned the affairs of the realm: And although some believed that he had forborn to do it, for that the king was yet upon the way, and not out of the realm, upon a respect of sovereignty, yet they were deceived; for the King being out of the realm, he did not sign, the which bred a great disdain in the Portugals, who pretended to hold the realm distinguished from that of Castill, it seemed that this manner of government which the king used from Madrill was a more strict union than they desired, besides the troubles of their expeditions for the distance of the court: And this disdain was much augmented, for that the king had placed in the council of the revenues of the crown which they term d'Hazenda, two counsellors, castilians of nation, a doctor, & a merchant, saying, that it was unseemly & against their privileges.   

THE TENTH BOOK.  
The Contents of the tenth Book.  
In this last Book is contained the death of Sanches d'Auila: The sack of the islands of Cape Vert: The carriage of Emanuel de Silva Governor of the Terceres: The preparation of king Philip to force the said islands: The succours sent thither from France: The fortification and the garrison. The departure of the army from Lisbon: The description of the Island of Terceres: The arrival there of the Spanish army: The assault, skirmishes and taking of the Island: The yielding of the French: The taking of the Island of Fayale, and the obedience of all the rest: How that Emanuel de Silva lost his head, and many others put to death: And the return of the army to Andelouzia.  
THE estate of the Realm after the King's departure remained all that winter quiet; and although the people had their minds yet disquieted, and some of the nobility not fully satisfied, having left the king's court, and the Cardinals likewise, retired themselves to their castles and houses, yet no man durst show any discontent. The greatest part, although they loved peace and desired the tranquillity of the Realm, yet were they in their hearts contented to see the Terceres make resistance, and continue in the devotion of Anthony, and the French supposing that whilst the King had any wars, he would entreat them better, and bear them more respect, than they thought he should do, if all were pacified: neither prevailed it, that the Portugals were made much of in Castille, and admitted near the King as they had wont to be when he was in Portugal, nor yet that the said King had (it may be to make the present government conformeable to that was passed,) obtained from the Pope the authority of the Legate, for the Cardinal even as Henry enjoyed it, the which bred a great benefit to the realm: for as it happeneth to passionate minds, they were not removed from their opinion: for the Cardinal being made Legate for two years only, they feared that the time being expired, they would take an occasion to recall him into Castill, and so the Realm should be reduced into a province, and that the king remaining at Madrill, should govern it. At that time Sanches 
The death of Auila.  d'Auila died, being stroke with a horse, for that leaving chirurgery, he would be cured by a soldier with certain blessings, the which caused the castilians to mourn: for although he were but marshal general of the field, yet remaining, after the death of the Duke of Alva, of greatest knowledge amongst the Spaniards, in the art of war, there was not any man near the Duke of Gandia of so great experience: He was a man without fear, and happy in war; esteemed by the Duke of Alva above all the soldiers of his time; but this life which he had unto his old age so happily adventured at the cannon's mouth, was now taken away by death, upon a small mischance.  
In France it seemed that all the French were turned unto the affairs of Flaunders, affecting them more than Portugal▪ and although there were an intent at the Prior's instance to set forth some ships of war, yet found they therein coldness and want of money, whereby it appeared, that whereas they attempted something, it should not be to offend, but rather to provide for defence: And although they had now intelligence that certain French ships 
The French spoil the islands of Cape Vert.  guided by the Portugals, and especially by one Emanuel Serradas, had invaded the islands of Cape Vert, and spoiled some part of them, yet they made no account thereof, understanding they were but small barks of pirates. At the Terceres Emanuel de Silva was 
The carriage of Silva at the Terceres.  still governor, who showed himself an obstinate enemy to the Catholic King, a faithful minister to the Prior, and a cruel persecutor of the Philippines: Notwithstanding ill disposed, of small judgement, and little experience. With these his qualities he afflicted the poor people in divers manners, for the means which he invented to borrow money, to molest and condemn many persons, were insupportable: The pride & arrogancy whereunto he was grown, (as it happeneth often in him that is not accustomed to command) made him seem invincible, and immortal; the wrongs he committed were so infinite, that justice had lost her place; the liberty his friends and servants took upon them was without restraint; the subjection and servitude of those that did not flatter him was such, as the slaves were more free. I leave the executions he committed upon such as would have compounded with the Catholic king, and could not conceal their minds; for using many stratagems to discover their affections, wherein as he found any one less obstinate than himself, he was miserable, being cruelly punished both in body and goods: And for this occasion he caused many to be slain, betrayed by one Amador Vieira, who having been secretly sent into this Island by King Philip, to continue his followers in their fidelity, to sound the disposition of the people, and to draw all he could to his devotion; after he had well executed his charge, he revealed unto Silva such as had discovered themselves, by whom they were miserably afflicted. And as tyranny taught him, he daily made new ordinances and laws in the name of Anthony; the officers and ministers of justice in the city, which were usually chosen by voices, he alone would have the naming of them. He was not only contented to observe those laws which treated of high treason, but also made a new law more severe, that such as did but talk of that matter should suffer death, and that such witnesses should serve, although less in number then the ancient laws had ordained: He would have the sentences in such cases registered by the Magistrate of the city, for a perpetual memory to all to terrify and tyrannize the more. There was within the Island little above seven hundredth French soldiers, one only company of English, and about three thousand Portugals; it was fortified on all parts where they might land, with above thirty forts, and many trenches made, with such art and diligence, as it seemed impossible to enter, if they were guarded: And although these things with the other qualities of the place, made it uneasy to force, yet Silva judged it stronger than it was, and did trust (as a man of no experience) more in the defenders than was convenient.  

The King's preparation against the Terceraes.  In the mean time they prepared an army for sea at Lisbon, and assembled the Spanish soldiers, to employ them against this Island, under the command of the Marquis of Saint a Croix, being more in number, both in ships and men, than the year before: beside there was speech to send four galliass and twelve galleys, for which cause they shortened their yards, providing square sails, and of a third mast which they call the mean. In Spain there 
The discourse in Spain upon this enterprise.  were divers opinions concerning this army, making divers discourses thereon, both by word and writing: Such as were not to be employed in this action, to whom no part of the honour or praise did belong, made it easy, saying, that the people were already so wearied, poor, and oppressed by the garrisons, as the army should no sooner appear, but they would be at the King's devotion: And the cause why they did no sooner yield, was the subjection wherein they were held, and although they neither would nor could come to composition, yet were they easy to force; for the city of Angra and all other places being dismantled and weak, they had no other defence than the landing, the which they supposed were impossible to hinder, proving by ancient and latter examples, that in war there was no means to stop the course of passage of rivers and landing in islands, seeing that to keep so great a circuit, there was an infinite number of men required; and being once landed all the rest were conquered▪ On the other side, such as embarked with the army to make it more glorious whatsoever event were, laboured to make the enterprise of greater difficulty than it was, saying, that the Island was little, well peopled, aboundning with victuals, rocked round about, and seated in the most inconstant sea that is, where they could hardly ride three months in the year, whereof one part before they could arrive would be spent, that they had not any port where to retire themselves, the which made it easy to be defended; adding thereunto the obstinate disposition of the people, the despair they had of any assured pardon, the fortifications made by the French (in that point very diligent) with the provision of munition, soldiers, and captains, made the place inexpugnable: They added, that it was likely the French, (if it were but to divert the Spanish forces, and continue this moat in their eyes,) would labour to support the Island, which should be of less charge to them then to the Spaniards in raising their armies to force it.  
But whilst they prepared this army in Spain, and that they discoursed upon the occurrents, Anthony employed all his forces in France, so to furnish the Island as they might be able to defend themselves: And although the Queen favoured him, yet whether the heat of the year past were grown cold (it may be through the unhappy success of the French army, or that the Prior found himself bare of money, or whatsoever it were) they made a weaker provision than was expected; yet at the Queen mother's instance, 
Mounsieur de Chattels sent to succour the Island.  Mounsieur de Chattels a knight of Malta, who was governor of Deep, being experienced in these later wars, went with few more than twelve hundredth French men, although the report was fifteen hundredth: He carried letters to the Magistrate of the city, not only from the Prior, whereby he did greatly commend and encourage the citizens, showing that on them he did ground all his hopes to return into the realm; but also from the most Christian King, and the Queen mother: The King by his letters rejoiced at their constancy, showing how much he desired to aid them against those enemies, who sought to suppress the liberty of the realm of Portugal, for the pretension (those be his very words) that his mother might have to their conservation; and therefore he sent unto them this gentleman with ships and men, giving them many other terms of love. The Queen referred them to the King's letters, with assurance never to abandon them in their just war, referring herself, and so likewise did the king, to that which the commander should deliver unto them. Being arrived and joined to the rest, and with the Portugals of the Island, which in all were near six thousand; Silva supposed that although he had many forts to keep, yet should he easily defend them, and the better, for that the ships which had spoiled Cape Vert, were returned and brought much artillery with them, the which joined with that which Chattels had brought from France, and so much more which they had before within the Island, both for the guard thereof, and taken in ships, which they had spoiled, amounting in all to three hundredth pieces, whereof many were of iron and very small: But notwithstanding all this, and that the Portugals showed their accustomed overweening, yet as men that feared, they left not to conduct their wives and children to the mountains, and to hide that which they held most precious. Chattels as a warrior, having viewed the seat of the Island, the fortifications, garrisons, victuals, and munition within it, doubted of the defence; for all seemed sparingly furnished, and the soldiers to be fewer in number, and of less experience than the place required; neither was the Island so rocky and inaccessible as was described: whereupon being retired with Emanuel de Silva, he 
A discourse between Chattels and Silva upon the strength of the Island.  desired to know whereon he grounded his defence: But he, whether blinded with the tyranny he there used, or else with his sins, did so augment the number, and extol the valour of the Portugals, that he would have them not only believe they should easily defend themselves, but that the French were in a manner superfluous. The French man held not himself for all this satisfied, labouring to remedy that which he thought remediable, esteeming still more of the number and valour of the Portugals than was convenient: The fortification seemed unto him ill directed, for he persuaded them to bring into their chief castle all their munition and victuals, that if the Spaniards should chance to land in any part, their whole forces might retire thither to make resistance, until that winter coming, the army should be forced to retire; for as much as without this retreat, the enemy setting foot on land, the town with all other places being unwalled were lost. Silva did contradict these reasons with words contrary to his meaning, saying, that when the soldiers had a second place of retreat, they would make a weak resistance at the first, and that the shore was so fortified as there was no fear that the enemy could land. But in truth he made no account of any of the castles, for three reasons: One for that he wanted victuals to furnish it for any time, and for so many men: The other for that he would not willingly shut himself into any, having a meaning to fly: And the third was, that distrusting the French, he would not trust them with any strong fort, lest they should become masters: In this sort the captains disagreed, whereupon they not only ceased to treat of this practice, but having before resolved to abandon all the other islands being weak, and having no superfluous men to send thither, they took a new resolution to send unto Fayale, as most inhabited, four hundredth French, under the conduct of monsieur de Carle, with the which and the inhabitants of the Island, having a small castle, they hoped to defend themselves.  

The king's army departs from Lisbon  Whilst these things passed at the Terceres, they had put the Catholic King's army in a readiness, the which departed from Lisbon the eeve of Saint john Baptist, being in number above threescore ships, besides Zabres, Caravels, and barks; for there were twelve galleys, and two galliass, for the other two came not in time from Naples, five galleons, and above thirty great ships of divers nations: there were few less than ten thousand soldiers, the greatest part castilians, having no other nations but a thousand Germans, two companies of Italians, and two of Portugal adventurers. The castilians were led by their marshal of the field, Lopo de Figueroa, Francis de Bovadilla, and john de Sandoal, the Germans by Count jerom of Lodron: the Italians obeyed Lucio Pignatello: Felix of Arragon was captain of the Portugals; and the Marquis over all had charge at sea and land. This army although it were not very great in number, yet we may say the Catholic king had never so many trained Spaniards as in this: For besides that the greatest part had been in Italy, such as had been in the battle at sea of the league against the Turk, were there, and likewise those that remained at the wars of Flaunders. As the fleet went out of the river, a ship striking against a shelf was made unfit to sail, and an other having not sailed far lost her helm, but having transported their soldiers into other ships, they went to harbour. This fleet sailing altogether, the swiftest ship of sail was fain to stay her course for the slowest, and the galleys being of all other swiftest, were constrained to linger for the ships, but for as much as this was the first time that ever these kind of vessels with oars had been within the Ocean so far from land; the Marquis wished that they should not lose the occasion of fair weather, which they had to pass the gulf, fearing, that every small storm might endamage them; he therefore desired rather to dismember them from the army, then to retain them with peril: For this cause the xxuj. day, understanding the Patrons desire to go before, he suffered them to depart alone towards the Island of S. Michael, with order to attend him there, so as sailing more at ease with scant winds, the third of july they discovered land: And for that the wind would not suffer the army to approach, the Marquis sent a Zabre unto Punta Delgada, commanding Augustine Iniquez, colonel of two thousand Spaniards, which had remained there the year before for the guard of the Island, to ship all his men within the galleys, which had arrived there before in safety: he should likewise take with him certain pieces of battery, and moils to use at land if need were, with other provisions: and therefore setting up all his sails, the wind growing somewhat better, he drew near with his ships to Villa Franca, and from thence went in a galley to Punta Delgada, where likewise a part of the army had cast anchor: he set all things in order, but the winds growing contrary, he could not depart before the xxij. day, when as setting sail he came the xxiv. to the Terceres.  
This Island is situated as is said in the fortieth degree of latitude, and three hundredth & forty two of longitude; it hath forty miles in circuit, extending itself in length from the east unto the west, so as it is not much above twelve miles broad; & although it be rough 
The description of the Terceres.  for the most part and stony, yet is it in a manner all inhabited towards the south, for the commodity of the shores it is more populous than the rest, for coming from the west, you first discover the city of Angra, a place in a small bosom of the sea, but not greatly secure from the winds, where of it takes the name, for Angra in their language is a bosom: joining to this city there is a castle begun in the time of King Sebastian, and made defensible for the guard of this port: Six miles towards the east, near unto a dangerous shore, which they call the port of Mole, is Saint Sebastian, a place smally inhabited, and three miles farther is that of Piaggia, so called being the best landing place of all others. This place is near unto Punta de la Serra, which is the last promontory towards the East, behind the which turning to the North, is another place which they call Agua Alva, six miles from that of Piaggia. This coast towards the North, although it be as we have said, inhabited; yet doth it not contain any places of worth, being replenished only with peasant's houses; near to the point of the West there is a small assembly of inhabitants, which they call the Altari.  
The Marquis being arrived at this Island, he discovered within 
The arrival of the king's army at the Terceres and their proceedings.  that small bosom of sea of the city of Angra, those ships which had brought the succours, and some others assembled for spoil, with some merchants. He cast anchor at Saint Sebastian, beginning visibly to find, that the Island was no less fortified than had been described unto them. The fleet lay only a cannon shot from land, so as there was many a shot spent at them in vain from the forts, not suffering his men to discharge one volley (it may be) for that it seemed unto him a vain diligence, or rather as he said, the better to justify his King's cause. He commanded four galleys to lie before the town, to serve as a bridle for those ships, and to keep them from coming forth, the which was held too much overweening, some holding opinion that he should in dissembling give them means to depart, rather than to force them to despair: He suddenly sent a trumpet to land, offering to all such as were in the Island a general pardon in his majesties behalf, if they would yield, but approaching to land, he was unkindly kept back by their artillery: The pardon concerned the succession of the King to the crown, the disobedience of the Island, and the clemency of his Majesty, he offered unto all such as were natural borne, their lives and goods, if they would yield obedience, and to strangers, ships to transport them into their countries, with their goods, arms and ensigns: But being not able to publish it by this means, he sent two Portugals secretly to land, who delivered a copy thereof to Emanuel de Silva; but making no account thereof, he concealed it, lest others should see it, supposing (it may be) that it was now too late to use it, and therefore he not only refused to accept of this pardon, but also threatened to hang them that brought it, if they discovered the cause of their coming, lest the Islanders should likewise embrace it. The army spent all the xxiv. day and the next following in discovering the circuit of the Island, with the places and fortifications, in consulting where to land most fitly, and what course to hold: The Marquis himself, the marshal's of the field, with other of the chief commanders in a small bark ran alongst the shore, they found they had fortified more carefully than elsewhere, in the city of Angra, and Piaggia, as places most fit for landing, and it seemed that the French did watch there with greater care than in other parts: Some Portugals of this Island, who going to discover had been taken prisoners by them of Saint Michael, and now brought unto the army, said, there was no fitter place to land then at the port of Mole, near Saint Sebastian; but whether they spoke it to deceive the castilians, the place being more rough than it seemed, or that they delivered their opinion faithfully, the Marquis had still his eye upon that part; for finding it rather less fortified than the rest, although the shore were not so commodious there as in other places, inclining rather to fight against the difficulties of Nature, than Rampires made by Art, he resolved with the advise of the greatest part to bring his army thither upon Saint Anne's day in the morning, being the six and twentieth of the said month, happily by reason of the victory the year before, sending in the mean time his galleys and other small barks by night & by day to keep the enemies in alarum at divers places, but most of all at Piaggia thereby to disquiet them, and to draw them thither.  

The diligence of the Islanders for their defence.  In the mean time within the Island, both Mounsieur de Chattels, and Emanuel de Sylva, laboured to divide the soldiers and munition into their several places, appointing the greatest force at Piaggia, supposing the Marquis would land there as most convenient. Sylva although in show he seemed conceited of his forces, yet had he provided a great bark ready within the port, and some boats at Altary, to fly if he found it needful: Chattels was not yet satisfied, for although he had men sufficient to keep a great town, yet he held them few, for the defence of an Island with thirty forts; the one so far from the other, as the first could not succour the last, nor yet that in the midst as well for the distance of the way, as also for the discommodity and roughness of their situation: He thought it convenient to have a squadron of men so placed, as upon any accident he might succour where need required, the which could not be effected; for there were so many forts and trenches to guard, that having divided his soldiers but sparingly, there remained none, but rather wanted: He found also, that having sufficient for that purpose, he had no convenient place to lodge them, and to succour any place distressed; for that placing himself in the midst, he were too far from all quarters, and approaching to any fort, it were impossible to succour the rest. To provide for those defects, according to that which was possible, they set certain bells upon the hills, that the sound thereof might be a sign of succour, and such as were not charged in their forts, and trenches should repair thither.  
The Marquis having now chosen out of his army 4500. of his best foot, amongst which was a good number of the Germans, the Italians, and the company of Portugals, the regiment of Lopo de Figueroa and Augustin Inighez, the night before the six and twentieth day he embarked them upon his galleys, and in many other small barks, being the greatest calm that was ever, and having given the alarum in many other places with greater vehemency than before, he went towards port Mole giving order that soon 
The landing of some of the Marquis his men  after the whole army should follow: He arrived there at the point of day, not being in a manner discovered by the Islanders, for that the darkness of the night had covered them, where he found they had three forts with their trenches and artillery, but ill furnished with soldiers: As the galleys approached, they often discharged all their artillery against the defences, to the end that at the same instant, the soldiers might more safely land, the which caused more terror than hurt, although they dismounted one piece of artillery, which the enemy had often discharged: And although they shot often from the forts, and that the place was naturally uneasy and full of rocks, where their descent was broken; yet these nations one in envy of another contemning all peril leapt to land, and he that could not easily attain thereunto, cast himself willingly into the sea for more haste, although the ground upon the shore were soft, and those few Portugals which were there were not the last, but in the point showing greatest courage. There was within the fort (whither these men marched) three ensigns of soldiers, whereof 
The first assault given by the Marquis his men.  two were Portugals, and one French, which made in all but two hundred men, against whom all these soldiers marched, running furiously without order to the assault, for that the seat and the nearness of the enemy, gave them neither place nor time to put themselves in order. The French resisted valiantly, but for that they were few prevailed little: In the beginning they slew a Captain and an ensign bearer of them without, with five and twenty or thirty other soldiers; but some within being wounded, the Captain of the French slain, one of the companies of Portugals left the defence, where they had a little, but fearfully, fought. The other company which remained made some more resistance, but hearing the bells ring, & no succours come, seeing also some of their friends dying, they abandoned the trench, so as the French remaining all alone, some of them being already dead, they were not able to make resistance against so many assailants; so as in less than an hour, the Marquis men were masters of those forts & trenches with small loss. The news of this assault being bruited throughout the Island, the French, the greatest part whereof remained towards Piaggia, hearing the sound of the bells, and viewing the signs of fire, ran to the succour, and were followed by Emanuel de Silva with many Portugals: But the way was so long and uneasy, having four or five miles to march, that they were not come half way, before the enemies were masters of the forts and trenches, so as having made a stand upon a little hill near unto Saint Sebastian, they put themselves in order to march against the castilians. But on the other 
The second landing of the Marquis with his men and their skirmish against the French.  side the rest of the army during this assault landed, & being mounted to a small hill, they framed a confused squadron of all nations together, for the more dispatch, and to be ready against the succours that came, but there was small need; for the French and Portugals would not approach, and such as had abandoned the trenches, turned not until they were joined to the rest: So as the Marquis having more respite than he expected, changed his esquadron into a new form, dividing every nation, and having marched a little forward, they began the skirmish on both sides with great courage; and fortune after her accustomed manner did long play her part: For although the French were so few in number, yet they did twice recover from the Spaniards, their first rampires, & at the third time they came to the second: But the Marquis finding that the want of pikes was cause of this disorder, having placed some Germans, and increased his strength against the French, they did better withstand their fury, the which notwithstanding continued not long, for being noon before that Emanuel de Silva had made provision of victuals, they were so wearied with the watches of the last night, with the way they had marched, and with fasting, that they could not continue; yet the skirmish lasted, sometimes with more vehemency, sometimes with less, until night. near unto them the Portugals had gathered together above a thousand oxen, thinking to force them against the enemy, to break them, and to make proof of that which they had tried two years past, against Peter de Baldes his men: but Chattels did not allow of this stratagem, holding it for a refreshing to the enemy without any profit; for it was not likely that that which had casually chanced against six hundredth men, would succeed in the like sort against twelve thousand, whereupon they sent them back. As the Marquis had viewed this troop of beasts, having reinforced the point of his army with German pikes, commanding them, that if they came, they should quietly suffer them to come on; so passed this day, the French not ceasing to disquiet the enemy with certain pieces of artillery, they had planted upon those hills: Then did Emanuel de Silva resolve to fly, the which he could not easily effect, for that every man kept a watch over him, and therefore he caused a false brute to be spread abroad, that he had threescore sail of French ships at sea which came to their succour; and seeming that he would 
Silva his flight hindered.  send to meet with them, he caused the prepared bark to go out of the port, that it might attend him at Altary; but when they came at the mouth, the artillery from the forts would not suffer them to pass, either ignorant of their intention, or for that the authority of Silva began now to decline, so as returning back, the flight of Emanuel was prevented. During this time, the Spaniards were distressed for water, being forced until then to furnish themselves from their army, whereof the French had great store, and therefore the Marquis consulted that night to amend (if it were possible, the next morning) the seat of their lodging, the which was held somewhat difficult; but for as much as both good fortune and bad hath no limits, he found less difficulty than he expected; for the same night the greatest part of the Portugals under Emanuel de Silva, terrified with the skirmish of the day, the number of the enemies seeming too great, having abandoned the French, retired themselves confusedly to the mountain, although worthy of admiration; for being the very same obstinate rebels which esteemed themselves so great warriors, as they would never hear motion of accord, peace, nor pardon, it seemed strange that now, when as (laying a side words) they needed effects, they departed so shamefully, and changed their minds so suddenly; for in 
The Portugals abandon the French.  their flight they said, that this Island appertained to the Catholic king, and that it was reason to yield it unto him: But we ought not to value the constancy of the people's hearts, nor their valour. The General of the French, seeing the Portugals departure, and that Emanuel de Silva (who had so highly commended their valour) stood in a trance, he resolved to save himself with his men; the day drawing near, he began likewise to retire to the mountain of our Lady of Guadalupa, with hope that Silva had given him, that there in a certain place of strength, he should be able so long to defend himself, that the king's army (winter drawing on) should be forced to retire, and that afterwards if they could not recover what they had lost, they should have an easy means to return into France, but for that the quitting of their lodging was not very safe, fearing lest the Marquis standing upon his guard, should charge them, he caused as many of his soldiers as he could spare, to march before, leaving some behind to maintain skirmish with the Spaniards, and to entertain them a little if they approached. But the Marquis having soon discovered the enemies departure, 
The Marquis takes S. Sebastian.  advanced with his whole army, putting those few that remained to flight, he recovered the water, and Saint Sebastian with some pieces of artillery, where the soldiers having refreshed themselves, and all the French departed, he took his way towards the city of Angra, distant about ten miles, finding no let in his march, for that the enemy fearfully had taken a contrary course. This city being nothing fortified to the land lay open, and therefore was abandoned, not only of the soldiers, but also of the inhabitants themselves, who fled as well out of the castle as the town. The army arrived there after great labour, for the season being very hot, the country dry, not finding upon their march one drop of water, the soldiers endured much, and some of them (especially of the Germans died for thirst. Being arrived, the spoil of the city 
Angra put to be spoiled three days.  continued three days, although the houses were for the most part empty, so as the greatest number of men that were found there, were prisoners, whom they set at liberty: By means of their entry into the city, all the other forts were taken, for being only made against the landing, they were towards the land open and indefensible: As the army marched against the town, so did the galleys in like sort, against those ships that lay in the harbour, & drawing near unto them, they would have forced them to obey with their artillery, but they shot in vain; for being abandoned by such as were left in them, there was not any man left to make answer, 
The Portugal ships spoiled.  which the galleys discovering, they boarded and spoiled them. The booty both at land and sea, was not very great, for besides the artillery they found not any thing of great importance. The slaves which were in number above fifteen hundred was the greatest recompense they got: The city being spoiled and other places thereabouts, the Marquis desired that the inhabitants should return to their houses; for although the soldiers which were retired into some place of the mountains, had carried with them some prisoners both men and women, the which after they delivered freely, yet the greatest part returned not; and therefore he caused a general proclamation to be made, that every man (some excepted) should freely return unto his house; but the Portugals being distrustful they were few that came at that time, although after by little 
The Marquis sends to Fayall.  and little they grew more confident. Things being reduced into this estate, although the French remained still in the mountain, the Marquis thought it fit to send unto other islands to force them to obedience, especially to Fayale where there remained a garrison: For this consideration having embarked in his galleys and some other small vessels 2500. foot drawn out of all nations, he sent them to the said Island, under the conduct of Peter de Toledo.  
Whilst these went unto that other enterprise, the French remaining in the Island of Tercerae, although they had somewhat fortified themselves in the mountain, being ill provided of victuals and munition, & worse succoured by the Portugals, resolved with 
The French compound with the Spaniards.  the most honourable conditions they could to make their composition with the Marquis: Mounsiever de Chattels remembered that he had known being in Malta, Peter de Padiglia a gentleman that came with the Marquis an expert Marshal of the Spanish camp, to whom (remembering their familiarity) he did write his mind, demanding free passage not only for himself and his troops, baggage, Arms, artillery, and ensigns; but also would have passage granted for all Portugals that would embark with him. This letter in some sort pleased the Marquis, being in hope to come to agreement & to remain an absolute conqueror without effusion of more blood, before the sea should grow more rough: But this demand seemed unto him unreasonable, refusing to hear talk of any Portugals to be transported into France. Amongst the principal of the army there were divers opinions what should be done: Some would presently have marched against the French men to win time, & charge them without any further accord or condition what soever: Others discoursed with greater judgement, saying, that it was convenient to make an agreement with the French, both for the shortness of the time they could stay there, as for the difficulty they should find to go unto them; for they made an account to spend five days in that enterprise, two in their march, one at the least in conquering, and two in retiring, and that they had no commodity in the army to carry victuals by land for above two days, wanting wagons, bottles, and such other necessaries: But these difficulties were surmou▪ nted by the courage of the soldiers, who grown proud, could not endure that so small a handful of French, being so near, should make show to defend themselves against so great a number of old soldiers and conquerors, whereupon they did offer to endure all discommodities to go unto them: And although he were not resolved to do so, yet this Bravado caused the enemies to have straighter conditions, than otherwise possibly they 
The condition of the accord.  had had, the which after long treaty was thus concluded. That the French should deliver up their arms and ensigns, retaining only their sword, that they should be lodged in a quarter of the town: that they should give them ships and victuals to return into France: The accord was no sooner made, but it was put in execution, for the third of August the French came from the mountain, and without the city delivered up their arms with eighteen ensigns, their drums; and fifes, as it had been agreed, and entered disarmed into the city, passing through the 
Chattels doth visit the Marquis.  Marquis' troops which were armed and in guard, where the commander Chattels with the Lord of Carravaca marshal of the field, and other principal officers did visit the Marquis, by whom they were kindly entertained.  
In this time the galleys and other vessels were arrived at Faiall with the men that Peter de Toledo carried, and passing with them Gonçalo Perera a Portugal, who had wife and children in this Island, 
They of Faiall kill a trumpet that was sent unto them.  the said Peter thought it good to send him before as a trumpet, to entreat the people to yield, supposing that being of that country, he should have credit amongst them, to let them understand the King's forces, and the dangers that approached, to the end they might the more easily yield obedience: But Anthony Guedez de Sosa, who was captain of this Island, neither respecting the messenger, nor the reasons which he delivered, nor yet regarding the example of his stronger neighbours, having outraged him, both in word and deed, in the end he slew him, as if in giving him this notice he had touched him in his honour. Peter de Toledo seeing the messenger not return, surmising what had happened, resolved to disimbarke his men, and finding the Island not so rocky, and less fortified than the Terceres, the second of August he landed his 
The landing of Peter de Toledo at Fatal, and the sack thereof.  men almost without resistance, and marching against the town, he was encountered by four hundredth French, and many Portugals, where the skirmish began, the which increasing, the French and Portugals were fain to retire into a small castle, whereinto they had drawn the greatest part of their artillery and munition, 
Anthony Guedez de Sosa hanged by the arm, and wherefore.  where after they yielded in the same manner as those at the Terceres had done, and Sosa suffered the punishment of his inhumanity, being hanged by one arm after his hands were cut off. It is strange to see the confidence of these men, the which (nothing terrified by examples) did induce them to cruel excess, and yet did not force them to fight it out unto death: but the Portugals unexperienced, do not account of dangers they see not, and when they see them, they fear them more than they are to be feared. There was no more to be done in this island; so as having spoiled it, leaving Anthony of Portugal for Governor, with two hundredth soldiers, Peter de Toledo returned with his galleys and other ships to the Terceres, where the rest of the islands of Saint George, Pico, and Gratiosa came to yield their obedience. The Marquis having agreed with the French, caused a diligent search to be made for Emanuel de Silva, who entitled himself count of Torres Vedras, Governor and General of the islands, but being retired to Altary, and finding that such as had the charge of certain boats, in whom fortune had more force than loyalty, had broken them against the rocks, he found all hope vain for his safety, having no means to free himself by the French composition, being attired in a base habit he hid himself in the mountains. But it seemed the heavens had decreed, he should suffer punishment for his offences, by the hands of his enemies, for that a moorish slave, who hoped by that means to save himself, discovered him to a Provost marshal, who seeing him before his eyes, knew not what he was; so as having taken and 
Emanuel de Silva taken, and executed with others.  brought him to the city, he was kept with some other of the principal rebels and seditious, until the process of their death were made, by the auditor, in the name of the King and the Marquis, as general of the army, specifying all their faults that were executed upon the prisoners. The Germans first put themselves in battle in the chiefest part of Angra, keeping the entry of every street, and there causing a fire to be made, they did burn all the money they found to be stamped with the coin of Anthony, the which although it was not little in quantity, yet was it nothing worth, being for the most part of base metal, with small mixture of silver: After they cut off Emanuel de Silva his head with a sword, after the German fashion, to the general grief of all the assistants: For being of a lovely countenance, and having in this last hour with great resolution confessed himself culpable, and to have deserved this punishment; he demanded pardon of one after another, of all such as present or absent he thought to have wronged, saying, that he alone had been the cause of the misery of this Island, & that he alone ought to suffer the punishment; the which joined to the contrition he showed, did move the hearts even of his enemies: And in truth we may well say that he framed himself to the speech of Dionysius the tyrant, that to leave a tyranny they must not ride post, but stay until they be forced, for in truth he attended until he lost his head. His head was set up publicly in that place, from the which that of Melchior Alphonso was taken, whom a little before he had put to death, for being affectionate to the Catholic king: And it was observed, that being required by the kinsmen of the dead, to take it from thence, he made answer it should be removed when his stood in the place, which he meant should be never; thus do men suddenly foretell their own miseries. Emanuel Sarradas, who as we have said spoiled the islands of Cape Vert, and Amador Vieira (who with the title of Ambassador to his Majesty, had betrayed such as trusted in him, did likewise lose their heads. They 
The French men sent to the galleys.  did hang many, and many (especially of the French) taken prisoners before the capitulation, were sent to the galleys: The Marquis was commanded to dispatch with all speed, and to go with his army to Cales, and some said the King would turn his forces against Africa, and seize upon Alarache, and possibly attempt the like upon Algiers, being fitter to undertake those enterprises in Autumn then in any other season of the year: And therefore having left john de Vrbina with two thousand Spanish foot for the guard of the islands, he failed with the fleet and the rest of the soldiers towards the port of Andolouzia: and in the mean time both in Castill, and in Portugal, they made greatioy for this victory, with public feasts, but not so great as was the grief of Anthony his followers, whereof many (hoping that the strength of this Island should yet be a subject for Anthony to return into the realm) were discouraged, so as there remained no ground, whereon to settle their hopes, although many expected that Anthony surviving Philip, the estate of things might so change, as they might yet attain the accomplishment of their desires.  
FINIS.   

A Table of the especial matters contained in this History.  

A  
ABdala, son to the Cheriffe, pag 14  
Advise of john de Silva touching the voyage of Africa 35  
Aldana sent by Philip to discover the fortresses of Africa 21. arrives there at the Portugal camp 37. is slain 49  
Aid demanded by the Portugals from the French King 139  
Alarm at Lisbon 189  
embassage from Henry to the Catholic King 56  
Ambassadors chosen to go to Rome touching Henry's marriage 78  
Ambassadors for the Governors to Philip and their negotiation 130  
Ambrose d' Aguiar sent by Philip to the Terceres 241. he dies 281  
Anthony Prior of Crato taken by the Moors 49 pretends to the crown of Portugal 62. his grounds for his pretension 83. his letters to King Henry 87. declared illegitimate 89. his course to obtain the Crown 120. his letters to the Estates at Almerin 121. his arrival there 122. proclaimed King at S. Arem 160. comes to Lisbon and is proclaimed there 164. received at Settwall under a cloth of Estate 169. received into Lisbon with joy 176. prepares to defend the realm 179. importuned by poor women to succour Settwall 184. his counsel and resolution 185. his fear 186. his counsels ill grounded 188. he offereth to compound 190. he marcheth towards Cascays 196. he marcheth towards Belem with his men confusedly 199. he retires to Alcantara 201. his letters to King Philip 204. he prepares against the Duke 213. he flies towards Lisbon 215. is overthrown and hurt 216. he gathered new forces at Coimbra 222. his speech to his soldiers 234. he flies to Viana 236. he saves himself over the river of Minio 238. his good fortune 259. he arrives at Cales 260. his care to have the Indian fleet 263. his voyage to the Terceres 293. his carriage after the sea fight 295 his departure for France 298  
Angra given to be spoiled three days pag. 319  
Anthonic Guedez de Soza hanged by the arm and wherefore 322  
Anthony Scalin a Frenchman received into Angra under a Canopy 240  
Apparition of a Comet 22  
Army parts from France with 70. ships and 7000. men 278  
Army of Spaniards part with 6000. men 277. they arrive at Saint Michael's 283. defeat the French 291  
Arrival of four ships from the Indies 219  
Avero taken by Anthony 223. and recovered by Auila 230   

B  
Battle betwixt the Portugals and Moors pag. 44. famous by the death of three Kings 52  
Baldes his attempt upon the Terceres 255. his soldiers overthrown there with oxen 257. his overthrow prejudicial to the king's service 258. imprisoned in Portugal 263  
Bezoar's stone excellent against the plague 109  
Beginning of the fight at sea 288  
Bishop of Guarda seconds Anthony pag 187  
Brisac flies from the battle 290   

C  
CAbessa Secca fortified 140 and abandoned 207  
Calendar reform 302  
Cardinal Riario sent Legate into Spain 190  
Cardinal of Austria made Governor of Portugal 271. 304  
Cascays & Saint julian yield to Anthony 169  
Cascays with the Castle taken and spoiled by the Spaniards 197  
Catarrh most contagious 221  
castilians discourse of the affairs of Portugal 103  
Christopher de Mora sent into Portugal in the place of john de Silva 82  
Chattels sent to succour the Terceres 310. he and Silva discourse upon the strength of the Island 311. he visits the marquess 321  
Conditions of their accord ibid.  
Charles Borgia Duke of Gandia succeeds the Duke of Alva 302  
Catherine Duchess of Bragance visits King Henry 116  
Cyprian de Figueredo Governor of the Terceres put from his charge pag. 307  
Clause in King Henry's will 123  
Conditious offered by Philip to the Portugals if they would quietly yield the realm 134  
Confusion of the affairs in Portugal 140. 154  
Confusion in Lisbon 196  
Coimbra yielded 228  
Conclusion of the Estates at Almerin 131  
Conte of Vimioso seconds the King of Portugal's will 35. he is wounded to the death 291  
Counsel touching the embassage that king Philip sent to Henry 69  
Counsel of the king's Chamber 246  
Counsel of Estate in Portugal reduced to two 255  
Cruelty at the Terceres 258   

D  
DEcree made by the Governors for Philip against Anthony pag. 178  
Demands of the Estates at Tomat pag. 249  
Description of Lisbon 3  
Deputies of Portalegre their speech pag. 124  
Deputies of the realm demand of Henry to be admitted to the Election 113. their answer to Martin Gonsalues 118  
Description of Portugal 2  
Description of the revenues of Portugal 17  
Description of Molucs army 39  
Diego de Meneses beheaded 198  
Discontentment's of the people of Lisbon 79  
Discourse touching the precedence of Philip and Henry 66  
Disorders at Lisbon 179  
Duke of Avero and Aldana slain 49  
Duchess of Bragance pretends to the Crown of Portugal 61. her grounds 84  
Duke of Savoy pretends 62. his reasons for it 83  
Duke of Parma pretends for his son Rainuctus 62. his reasons 83  
Duke of Ossuna sent to Henry 66. his proceedings in Portugal 75  
Duke of Barcellos detained cunningly by the Duke of Medina Sidonia pag 125  
Duke of Alva imprisoned and the cause 70. made General against the Portugals 128. he arrives at the Army and the number thereof 128. the estate of his army 134. passeth his army at Cascays 193. lands there, and the disposition thereof 194. marcheth against the rock of Saint julian 202. his answer to Anthony 205. his speech to his soldiers 212. the order of his army, ibid. blamed for slackness 218. his praises 220. blamed, and his excuses 223. his soldiers complain 245. his death, with his praise and dispraise 300   

E  
EDward de Castro beheaded by Anthony 292  
Eluas taken 155  
Emanuel de Silva stays at the Terceres 298. his carriage there 307. his flight hindered 318. taken and executed with others 323  
Empress Marie comes to Lisbon 271  
Estates at Almerin 109. begun by the Bishop of Leiria 110  
Estate of France and Flaunders 265  
Euora yielded 175   

F  
FActions in Olivenza 161  
Fear in the city of Lisbon 207  
Flight of Teglio 167  
Figueroa arrives at the Terceres, and returns to Lisbon 263  
Fonsequa his speech for the creation of Anthony 165  
Fortress of Settwall yielded 184  
Francis de Tavora slain in the battle pag. 48  
Francis de Melo Earl of Tentuguell writes to king Sebastian 18  
Francis Barretto sent by the Portugals to the French king for succours 139  
Francis de Valois Duke of Alencon enemy to king Philip▪ and why 266. sworn Duke of Brabant 268. seeks to be master of Antwerp, but in vain 305  
Francis de Villafagna, Auditor of the Council of state, sent to Lisbon by king Philip 244  
French army arrives at S. Michael's 280. their first encounter 282. they disagree 288. they are beheaded and hanged 295. displeased with their overthrow 299. they spoil the islands of Cape Vert 307. they compound with the Spaniards at the Terceres 320. sent to the galleys 324   

G  
Galleys arrive at the Terceres in safety 312  
Generals ship of the French taken by the Spaniards 291  
George de Meneses general at sea, imprisoned by Anthony's command pag. 186  
Governors of Portugal published 99 they prepare for defence 132. their inconstancy 148. they neglect the defence of Lisbon 163. they fly from Settwall 168. their decree 178   

H  
HAmet proclaimed by the Moors 52. his covetousness 53  
Henry Cardinal called to the crown of Portugal 55. sworn king 57 his resolution coming to the crown 64. he favours the Duchess of Bragance 76. he desires to marry 80. his sentence against the Prior touching his legitimation 87. he changeth his mind in favour of Philip, 97. he falleth sick and dies 116. his life 117  
Henry Pereira hanged 198  
Hopes of the French army at sea with Strozzi 278  
Hope of the Spanish court touching their army at sea 279   

I  
IEan de Betancour affected to Philip pag. 256  
jeron Mendoza treats with Anthony 260  
jesuits called Apostles in Portugal, not able to redress the corruptions of the Portugals 9 blamed as moters of Sebastian's voyage into Africa II. walled up at the Terceres 243  
john de Silva Ambassador for Philip in Portugal, delivered and returns out of Africa 74. he labours to be sent back into Portugal 82  
john d'Austria governounr of Flaunders for king Philip 23  
john d'Azeuedo admiral of Portugal taken prisoner by the castilians 176  
Island of the Terceres described 313  
Island of Saint Michael described 280  
Inhabitants of Fayall kill a trumpeter that was sent unto them 322. are taken 323  
Irishmen demand succours of the Pope against their Prince 27   

L  
laws made between Mahumet Cheriffe, and Hamet his brother touching the succession of the realm 14  
Legate visits the king 192  
Leon Henriquez Confessor to Henry supposed to have drawn him to favour Philip's title 98  
Letters and a present from the Duke of Alva to king Sebastian 38  
Lewes Dataide Cont of Toghia sent Viceroie to the Indies by Sebastian 25. obeys king Philip 262  
Lisbon chief city of Portugal 3 yields to the Duke of Alva 217 swears obedience to Philip 221  
Lucciali comes to Algiers with seventy galleys 265   

M  
MAgistrate of Lisbon persuades Anthony to compound 208.  
Mahamet son to Abdala kills his uncle 14. is expelled by his uncle Moluc, and seeks for succour of Philip and Sebastian 15. dissuades Sebastian to go in person into afric 26. despeares of the victory 36. dissuades the battle 41. is drowned in Mucazen 51. his skin fleied off 53  
Manner of the enterprise of Portugal pag. 132  
Marquis of Saint Cruz arrives at Settwall with an army by sea 183. he imbarkes for the Terceres 277. he resolves to fight with the French, and the order of his battle 285. he defeats them and giveth sentence against the prisoners 294▪ he landeth some men at the Terceres 316 his skirmish with the French 317. taketh S. Sebastian 319. sends to Faiall 320  
Martin Gonsalues sent to the deputies of the realm 118  
Messenger sent to Cardinal Henry from king Philip 55  
Meneses blamed and his excuses 195  
Mulei Moluc prepares against the Portugals 31. his means to defeat them 34. his advise to the king of Portugal 36. his speech to his brother 38. his army 39 the ordering thereof 42. his oration to his soldiers 43. his fear and death 47  
Mutiny at Coimbra 112   

N  
Name's of the chief men slain in the battle of Africa 52  
Number of the Christians & Moors slain in the battle ibid.  
Number slain in the battle at Alcantara 218  
Number slain in the battle at sea pag. 293   

O  
OFfer made by Moluc to the kings of Spain and Portugal 31  
Olivenza yielded to the Catholic king 158  
Opinions touching the passage of the river of Tagus 192  
Order of the Portugals and Moors army 41, 42  
Original of the hatred betwixt the Portugals and castilians 5   

P  
parliament at Tomar 248  
Peiyoxto sent to Saint michael's fought with by French ships 276  
Peter d'Alcasoua sent ambassador to Philip 16 punished by Henry and the cause 64  
Peter de Medici general of the Italians 134  
Peter Dora Consul of the French sent into France for Anthony 178▪ he remains there with the money he received 188  
Peter de Toledo lands at Faiall and spoils it 322  
Philip king of Spain meets with Sebastian at Guadalupa 15▪ persuades him to accept of Molucs offer 20. labours to divert Sebastian from Africa 24. accepts peace & Sebastian's body 56. claims the crown of Portugal 61. writes to the city of Lisbon 72. sends a jacobin into Portugal 80. erects a council for the affairs of Portugal 81. his reasons against the other pretendents 81 his reasons for his pretension 81. he giveth Henry notice of his right 91. he prepares to war against the Portugals 92. his care to assure his conscience for the realm of Portugal 126. his answer to the Portugals 144. he takes possession of the realm 152. his army is wasted 153. his letters to the inhabitants of Eluas 156. his letters to Anthony 159. proclaimed at Olivenza 162. his answer to the Duke of Bragance 171. his pardon to the Portugals 201. he falleth sick 221. he enters into Portugal by Eluas 238. he visits the Duchess of Bragance 247. sworn king at Toruas' with the prince Diego 248. his entry into Lisbon 253. his recompense to the Portugals 270. he prepares against the Terceres 273. he arms in all places, and the cause thereof 274. his order in preparing 275. he departs from Portugal 304. his army departs from Lisbon 312. arrives at the Terceres and their proceeding▪ 314  
Plague in Portugal 108  
Places fortified by the Portugals 140  
Portugals conquests at the Indies 4. they prepare for the war of Africa 25. their army lands in Africa and their proceedings 30. the quality of their army 37. their conceit to fight 39 the order of their battle 40. their advantage of the Moors 41. their army at sea returns to Lisbon 54. their sorrow 56. their ceremony in bewailing their king dead 58. they pretend election of their king 62. their demands 66. their reasons for the election 84. they complain of king Henry 85. their discourse upon the estate of the realm 101. they answer the castilians 106. they disagree with them 229. they are discontented 252. they abandon the French 319. their ships are spoiled 320  
Pope pretends election 63  
Pope Gregory the xiii. his offer to the Catholic king 98. he favours Anthony 190 his offer against England 243. seems content with the success of Portugal 251  
Porto yielded 236  
Preparations at the Terceres 264  
Preparations of the French for the Tercer●● 269  
Prince of Orange wounded by a Biscaine 269  
Pretendants to the crown of Portugal and their descent 60. cited to declare their reasons 80  
Prosper Colonna, Colonel of the Italians 134. he passeth the bridge defended by the Portugals 215   

Q  
Queen mother of France pretends to the crown of Portugal 62. her reasons for it ●● she is discontented with Philip, and the cause 67  
Question whether the Catholic king should go in person with his army 152  
Queen Anne died 238   

R  
REason of the Portugals by way of discourse touching their future King 66  
Reasons and grounds of king Philip to the realm of Portugal 67. examined by divines 126  
Regency of the governors 118  
Religious men divided into factions 200. they hold military charges 180. and keep the keys of Lisbon pag. 208  
Resolution of Gonsalues charge 119   

S  
SAint Arem yields obedience pag. 222  
Sanches d' Auila Martial general of the Spanish camp 134. he is sent against Anthony 227. he passeth the river of Doro at Auintes 232 his speech to his soldiers, ibid. his stratagem to pass the river 234. he dies 307  
Sebastian king of Portugal his life 10. his first voyage into Africa 11. his interview with Philip at Guadalupe 15. he is persuaded to make war in Africa by Mahamet ibid. lands his army at Arzille 30. he fights valiantly and is vanquished 50. he is slain by the Moors and carried to Molucs tent 51. his funerals at Madril 66. his obsequies with the Princes of Portugal 302  
Settwall taken 182  
summary of an oration made at the assembly of Estates 77  
Sosa Deputy of Lisbon his answer pag. 111  
Spaniards discourse upon the Cardinal's legation 191  
Spanish soldiers discontented with the sentence given against the French prisoners 295. they entreat for them ibid.  
Spaniard's discourse upon the enterprise of the Terceres 309  
Stratagem with oxen devised by a religious man 257  
Stremos taken 175  
Strozzi slain 291  
Suburbs of Lisbon spoilt 217   

T  
TErceres 227. the description thereof 239 the resolution of the inhabitants 241. their confusion 272  
Testament of King Henry 123  
Thomas Stukley an Englishman with 600. Italians serves King Sebastian pag. 27  
Tower of Belem yielded 210  
Tower of Settwall taken 184  
Treaty of accord betwixt King Philip and Anthony by the means of Carcamo a castilian 204   

V  
VAlour of the Italians and Spaniards 49  
Valour of King Sebastian 50  
Viana taken 237  
Villavisosa surprised 173  
University of Coimbra 250   

W  
WOmen at Lisbon arm like soldiers 178   
FINIS.