THE COMMONWEALTH AND Government of VENICE. WRITTEN BY THE Cardinal Gasper Contareno, and translated out of Italian into English, by Lewes Lewkenor Esquire. Nell piu bell vedere cieco. With sundry other Collections, annexed by the Translator for the more clear and exact satisfaction of the Reader. With a short Chronicle in the end, of the lives and reigns of the Venetian Dukes, from the very beginnings of their City. LONDON Imprinted by john Windet for Edmund Mats, and are to be sold at his shop, at the sign of the Hand and Blow in Fleetstreet. 1599 To the right Honourable and most Virtuous Lady, the Lady Anne, Countess of Warwick. I Am accused of presumption (right excellent Lady) by this noble Commonwealth which I here present unto you, who gloriously shining in the clear knowledge of her own incomparable worthiness, doth like a beautiful virgin, that seeing her fair picture foully handled of an unskilful painter, blush at the view of her wronged beauty, and reproveth me for having with such feeble forces so far presumed in the description of her rich and royal history; a matter which the rarest foreign spirits of our time have by their learned pens so highly ennobled with such excellent art & ornaments: she well knoweth the clearness of your judgement, and therefore feareth bearing the burden and blemishes of so great a weakness to approach the rays of a censure so undeceiveable and absolute. I have no shield nor excuse to oppose against this just imputation, but only the defence of your ladyship's favours, who though by former experience knowing my unfitness for such a work, did nevertheless impose this task upon me. Now therefore my humble request is, that howsoever the vntuned harshness of my disjointed style shall seem unpleasant in your ears, yet that you will vouchsafe to be a gentle & propitious defendresse to this renowned Commonwealth, that nothing more desireth then to be gracious in your sight, and here frankly offereth unto your view the naked full discovery of her fair and be utifull lineaments, not concealing any part of her rarest perfections. Only she humbly desireth, that sithence it is her hap to be brought into England, she may have free and quiet passage under your honourable safe conduct and protection: for such is the general love and reverence, which the great worthiness and integrity of your unblemished life, and your long constant continued course in the exercise of a spotless virtue hath universally gained you, that bearing with her the fair warrant of your so many ways ennobled name, she shall not need to fear any uncivil or disgracious usage, no not of those, whose minds are diseased with the greatest envy. Finally, I beseech you (good Madam) not to measure my duty towards you by this means, wherein I seek to show it: for this I know to be ordinary and vulgar, and so far from the satisfaction of mine own mind, as that I am in a manner therewith displeased, but the other, if ever your commandment, opportunity of time and occasion, or the uttermost strain of my invention and endeavour give me leave, shall discover itself in a better proportion: for I will never forget, but still retain engraved in the marble table of a thankful memory (besides the duty our family oweth unto that noble house wherein you matched) the many favours you have done me in particular, and he many ways you have sought to do me good, wherein though the violence of my own fortune hath still encountered your enaevor, yet there remaineth unto me no small comfort, & withal I do somewhat the better esteem myself, in that your Ladyship, whose judgement, wisdom, and virtue passeth with such general allowance; hath deemed me worthy of your honourable good opinion, and thereof hath made me assured by many most essential testimonies. In conclusion Madam, I will never cease to honour you, and in the mean time humbly beseech you to accept in good part, these the fruits of my extreme idleness, the poor pledges of that duty, which I would discharge towards you in greater matters, if I were able, and for my part I will never cease to pray unto the almighty to bless you with honour and happiness, such as so great worthiness, and virtue deserveth. Selsey this thirteenth of August. 1598. Your ladyship's most faithfully to command LEWES LEWKENOR. THe antic Babel, Empress of the East, Upreared her buildings to the threatened sky: And Second Babel tyrant of the West, Her airy Towers upraised much more high. But with the weight of their own surquedry, They both are fallen, that all the earth did fear, And buried now in their own ashes lie, Yet showing by their heaps how great they were. But in their place doth now a third appear, Fair Venice, flower of the last world's delight, And next to them in beauty draweth near, But far exceeds in policy of right. Yet not so fair her buildings to behold As Lewkenors' style that hath her beauty told. Edw. Spencer. Fair maiden town that in rich Thetis arms, Hast still been fostered since thy first foundation. Whose glorious beauty calls unnumbered swarms Of rarest spirits from each foreign nation, And yet (sole wonder to all Europe's ears, Most lovely Nymph, that ever Neptune got) In all this space of thirteen hundred years, Thy virgin's state ambition near could blot. Now I prognosticate thy ruinous case, When thou shalt from thy Adriatic seas, View in this Ocean Isle thy painted face, In these pure colours coyest eyes to please, Then gazing in thy shadows peerless eye, Enamoured like Narcissus thou shalt die. I. Ashley VEnice invincible, the Adriatic wonder, Admired of all the world for power and glory, Whom no ambitious force could yet bring under, Is here presented in her States rare story, Where all corrupt means to aspire are curbed, And Officers for virtues worth elected. The contrary whereof hath much disturbed All states, where the like cause is unrespected, A document that justice fortifies Each government (although in some things faulty) And makes it dreadful to the envying eyes Of ill affecting foes, and tyrants haulty. Lewkenor, whom arms and letters have made known, In this work hath the fruits of either shown. Maur. Kiffen. ti's not affected grace, or mocked disguise Assures a true return from foreign parts. Travel confounds the vain, confirms the wise, Leukenor live thou esteemed for thy deserts, While thy last travels do thy first commend, To strangers proved in them a grateful friend, And for thy absence to thy native clime, A welcome Venturer of rich prized time. Henry Elmes To the Reader. THough I have been ever readier to wonder at the effect of things extraordinarily strange; then well provided of judgement to examine their causes, subjecting sundry times mine ears to the report of rare and unusual accidents, with a greater bent of attention, than perchance to a well tempered staidness will seem convenient, yet me thinketh that this humour of mine, howsoever faulty, is much more excusable than that contemptuous derision of Theyras, who presently do condemn for false frivolous & impossible whatsoever is not within the narrow limits of their own capacity included, therein to excuse their own ignorance by the disgrace of a better experience, for mine own part therefore, though no man's conceit weaker or unapter to apprehend then mine, yet I ever held it decent to yield a respective gesture, and due reputation to him, that upon his own Wise and discrere speech beautifieth the hearer and delighteth the speaker. knowledge taketh upon him to deliver unto the hearers matter moving them to marvel, and such as common experience sometimes faileth to approve, of which sort unless the partiality of my affection deceive me, there is not any that doth more beautify the speaker or delight the hearer, than the description of foreign regions, the manners & customs of far distant countries, the divetsitie of their complexions, humour, diet and attire, and such like other singularities; especially if they come from the mouth of a wise and well speaking traveler, to whose tongue I could willingly endure to have mine ears inclined, while he distilleth into them the sweet liquors that he hath industriously extracted out of the painful fruits of his foreign travel; nothing is here farther from my meaning then those who having gotten a fond affected phrase of speech, or some conceited toys in their habit would be accounted great travelers, because perchance they have seen the clock at Strasburge, or can talk of Madonna Margaritas pantofles, such being seconded with no farther virtue, might much better have spent their time at home: but I speak of the wiser sort; who returning amended in knowledge, and not corrupted in manners, nor disguised in behaviour, have by well spending their time abroad, enabled and made themselves fit to do their country service, when occasion requireth, such in mine opinion are to be esteemed, if for nothing else, yet in regard that neglecting nearer ways of gain (by which we see at home even the meanest capacities do arise unto wealth, and credit) they expose themselves to many dangers, content themselves with all unease, run through all difficulties, subject to reprehension, and uncertain of reward, neither caring to please their bodies, nor to fill their purses, so they may enrich their minds with a perpetual directed intent to their country's good, of which sometimes they are but slenderly requited, yea and oftentimes through envy of their sufficiency depressed, and maliciously censured, for the most part being used like whetstones, who giving edge to others, are themselves still kept bare, the cause whereof as I take it proceedeth through the miraculous fertility of this age, wherein we live, which bringeth forth men so rarely qualified, and of such ripe pregnant conceits, that they can gather out of their soft beds, and full dishes at home, better ability to judge, bolder audacity to speak, and a quicker insight to discern and censure other men's sufficiences, than others can in many years travel abroad with many careful thoughts, industrious penuries and painful inconveniences belonging unto that life attain unto: it was not so in Homer's time, for he under the person of Ulysses endeavoured to deseribe and pattern forth the most perfect and accomplished Gentleman of Greece, he did not praise him for the nimbleness of his tongue, the gayness of his clothes, nor the Ulysses praised by Homer for having seen many countries and the fashions of many men. boldness of his face, no nor for his superficial smattering in many books, but he said, Multornm mores vidit & urbes, making that the foundation whereupon to build the rest of his praises, in fine how succesles soever their virtuous endenours fall out, there is no kind of people with whom I do willinglyer converse, as being fruitful and pleasing in their discourses, so also through their acquaintance with the civility of other nations, moderate and offenceles in their behaviour, of which sort it hath been my happiness to be beholding to many of sundry nations for their friendly conversation, who never were so willing at any time to speak, as I ever was ready to receive their discourses with an attentive ear, wherein I always especially observed one thing, that whether they with whom I conferred were Englishmen, French men, Spaniards, Germans, Polonians, yea or Italians borne in the bordering provinces, as of each sort I have been acquainted with many, though sundry of them had been in the farthest parts of Asia and Africa, yet coming once to speak of the city of Venice, they would enforce their speech to the highest of all admiration, as being a thing of the greatest worthiness, and most infinitely remarkable, that they had seen in the whole course of their travels. Some of the youthfuller sort, would extol to the skies their humanity towards strangers, the delicacy of their entertainments, the beauty, pomp, & daintiness of their women, & finally the infinite superflutties of all pleasure and delights. Other of a graver humour would dilate of the greatness of their Empire, the gravity of their prince, the majesty of their Senate, the unuiolablenes of their laws, their zeal in religion, and lastly their moderation, and equity, wherewith they govern such subjecteth provinces as are under their dominion, binding them thereby in a faster bond of obedience than all the cytadels, garrisons, or whatsoever other tyrannical inventions could ever have brought them unto. These and such like reports have from time to time kindled within me so great a desire to acquaint myself with the particularities of this famous City, that though during the time of my travel, (destinate to more unhappy courses) I was not so fortunate as to be a beholder of the glory thereof, yet I have not omitted from time to time to gather such observations as well by reading the best and choicest authors entreating there of, as also by conference with sundry well experienced gentlemen, as might not only satisfy the curiosity of my own desire, but also deliver unto other a clear and exact knowledge of every particularity worthy of note, that thereunto appartaineth, which cannot as I imagine (the nobleness of the subject considered) but be All other excellent governments comprehended within that of Venice. pleasing and agreeable to the best conceited spirits, who may out of this one commonwealth of Venice, gather and comprehend the fruit of all whatsoever other governments throughout the world▪ that are of any same or excellency: for in the person of the Venetian prince, who sitting at the helm of this city shineth in all exterior ornaments of royal dignity; (nevertheless both he and his authority, being wholly subjecteth to the laws) they may see a strange and unusual form of a most excellent Monarchy. Then what more perfect and lively pattern of a well ordered Aristocratical government can there in the world be expressed, then that of their Council of Pregati or Senators, which being the only chief and principal members of all supreme power; yet have not any power, mean, or possibility at all to tyrannize, or to pervert their Country laws? Lastly if they desire to see a most rare and matchless precedent of a democracy or popular estate, let them behold their great Council, consisting at the least of 3000. Gentlemen, whereupon the highest strength and mightiness of the estate absolutely relieth, notwithstanding which number all things are ordered with so divine a peaceableness, and so without all tumult and confusion, that it rather seemeth to be an assembly of Angels, then of men. In fine, whithersoever you turn your eyes, they shall not encounter any thing but objects of admiration; their justice is pure and uncorrupted: their penal Laws most unpardonably executed: their encouragements to virtue infinite: especially by their distribution of offices & dignities, which is ordered in such so secret, strange, and intricate a sort, that it utterly overreacheth the subtlety of all ambitious practices, never falling upon any but upon such as are by the whole assembly allowed for men of greatest wisdom, virtue and integrity of life, as by the following discourse most evidently shall appear. But besides these before rehearsed, there are sundry other so marvelous and miraculous considerations, and in their own exceeding singularity, beyond all resemblance or comparison with any other Commonwealth so unspeakably sirange, that their wonderful rareness being verified, maketh the strangest impossibilities not seem altogether incredible: as for example: first touching the situation thereof, what ever hath the world brought forth more monstrously strange, then that so great & glorious a City should be seated in the middle of the sea, especially to see such palaces, monasteries, temples, towers, turrets, & pinnacles reaching up unto the clouds, founded upon Quagmires, and planted upon such unfirm moorish and spongy foundations, there being neytherwood, nor stone, nor matter fit for building within ten miles thereof, for so far distant from it was the nearest main land, at such time as the first foundation was laid? Besides, what is there that can carry a greater disproportion with common rules of experience, than that unweaponed men in gowns should with such happiness of success give direction & law to many mighty and warlike armies both by sea and land, and that a single City unwalled, and alone should command & over top mighty kingdoms, and such famous far extended provinces, remaining ever itself invincible, and long robed citizens to be served, yea and sued unto for entertainment by the greatest princes & peers of Italy: amidst which infinite affluence of glory, and unmeasurable mightiness of power, of which there are in sovereignty partakers above 3000. gentlemen, yet is there not one among them to be found that doth aspire to any greater appellation of honour, or higher title of dignity then to be called a Gentleman of Venice, including in the same the height of all imaginable honour, so dear unto this generous people is the name and love of their noble country? And lastly, though not lest to be wondered at, they have (as it were entertaining a league & intelligence with the heavenly powers) preserved this royal City of theirs this 13. hundred years since the first foundation thereof, in an estate so perpetually flourishing & unblemished, that though sundry & mighty kings and Emperors being enamoured with her beauty and goodliness, have with marvelous endeavour and multitude of armies sought to possess themselves of so fair and precious a prey: yet have they hitherto kept her like a pure and untouched virgin, free from the taste or violence of any foreign enforcement. The strange beginning, mighty increase and long continuing greatness of this happy commowea th' hath served to many present writers for the glorious subject of their learned histories: among the rest he that hath written thereof with greatest judgement & authority in my opinion, is the Cardinal Gasper Contareno, by birth a Gentleman, and by desert and worthiness at that time a Senator of Venice: but being now above fourscore years since he wrote the same; since which time there have succeeded many alterations of laws, and changes of matters in his country, I thought it not unnecessary to add thereunto sundry other particularities, gathered (as I said) partly by conference, partly by reading of other learned Authors, as Donato, justinian, Munster, Bodin, Ant, Stella, Sansovino, Domenico Francisco, Girolamo Bardi etc. Contareno did first write this treatise in Latin, the same being since his time translated into Italian by a Gentleman of Italy, which translation I have here chief followed, though still comparing the same with the Latin original, in regard of my desire to express the proper names of their Magistrates, laws, and ceremonies according to their common appellations, which is much altered in the Latin style: I will not speak of my pains herein, nor enter into any insinuating challenge of thanks, for in truth I have neither taken the one, nor deserved the other, having written it at idle times when I had nothing else to do, being at much more leisure then willingly I would be. But me thinks I hear it ubrayded unto me, that it is now rather a time to do then to write: I confess it to be so for him that is well set on work: and yet he that writeth well is never the farther off from doing well: so that for my part I hold it no disgrace to write so long as my pen uttereth no dishonesty. My education hath been in the wars: this I only doc to beguile time; wishing that whosoever shall herein censure me amiss, would be as ready as myself, both in mind and body, when either the commandment of my prince, or the occasion of my country shalinjoine me to other courses: in the meantime utterly careless of mine own praise, I yet entreat them that shall read this discourse, to entertain this famous Common wealth with all friendliness and favour, if in no other regard, yet in this, that the rest of the whole world honoureth her with the name of a Virgin, a name though in all places most sacred & venerable, yet in no place more dearly and religiously to be reverenced, then with us, who have thence derived our blessedness, which I beseech God may long continue among us. Lewes Lewkenor. LO here described though but in little room Fair Venice, like a spouse in Neptune's arms, For freedom Emulus to ancient Rome, Famous for council much, & much for arms, Whose story erst written with Tuscan quill, Lay to the English wits as half concealed, Till Lewkners' learned travel, and his skill In well graced style, and phrase hath it revealed: Venice be proud that thus augments thy fame, England be kind enriched with such a book, Both give the honour to that worthy Dame, For whom this task the writer undertook. john Harington. The First Book of the Magistrates and Commonwealth of the Venetians. I Having oftentimes observed many strangers, men wise & learned, who arriving newly at Venice, and beholding The admiration of strangers at their first arrival at Venice. the beauty and magnificence thereof, were stricken with so great an admiration and amazement, that they would, and that with open mouth confess, never any thing which beforetime they had seen, to be thereunto comparable, either in glory or goodliness. Yet was not every one of them possessed with the like wonder of one same particular thing: for to some it seemed a matter of infinite marvel, and scarcely credible to behold, so unmeasurable a The causes of their admiration divers. quantity of all sorts of merchandise to be brought out of all realms and countries into this City, and hence again to be conveyed into so many strange and far distant nations, both by land and sea. Others exceedingly admired the wonderful concourse of strange and foreign people, yea of the farthest and the remotest nations, as though the City of Venice only were a common and general market to the whole world. Others were astonished at the greatness of the empire thereunto belonging, and the mightiness of their state both by land and sea: but the greater part of the most wise and judicial sort were rather in themselves confounded with amazement at the new and strange manner of the situation of this City, so fit and convenient for all things, that it seemed unto them a thing rather framed by the hands of the immortal Gods, than any way by the art▪ industry, or invention of men. And for this only cause deemed the City of Venice to excel all those, that in this age are to be found, or at any time ever were. Neither altogether without reason, for surely if you look into former ages, & likewise into this wherein we live, you shall hardly find any city comparable with this of ours, either for greatness of Empire, frequency of people, or abundance and magnificence of things. But No city either now or in any other age comparable in all points with the city of Venice. especially for situation, never was there since the memory of men, any city seated in so opportune a place, so secure, and exceeding the belief of men. Some in building of Cities, imagined they had well and sufficiently done, if they had chosen a place hard of access, or difficult for their enemies to besiege or assault the same: whereby it cometh, that sundry Cities are seated on the tops of high hills, with sharp and uneasy passages, or else in moorish and fennish places: some again for other divers respects have imagined nothing to be preferred before an apt and commodious seat, fit to convoy in and out all such things as appertain to the making of a City plentiful and magnificent, aswell in matters of necessity, as delicacy. Of which both points jointly you shall find few that have been careful, fewer that have attempted it, but unless I be deceived, never any one that hath in all points accomplished it. But the situation of Venice being rather to be attributed to some divine providence, then to any human industry, is (beyond the belief of all those that have not seen this city) not only most safe and secure, both by land and sea from all violence, but also in the highest degree opportune & commodious to the abundance of all things that are behoveful to the citizens, as also for traffic of all sorts of merchandise, in manner with all nations of the world. The situation of the city of Venice. For it is seated in a remote and secret place of the Adriatic sea, where on that side (where the sea beholdeth the continent) there are mighty great lakes; fortified with an admirable artifice of nature. For twelve miles off from the continent, the sea beginneth to be shallow: and among those flats & lakes there ariseth up a shore or bank like unto a hill, which serving as a fortress against the waves & violences of the sea, maketh all the inward harbour (being very wide & spacious) so secure, that not only the vehemence of the sea, when through the rage of any tempest it ariseth, is repressed and kept back, but also the ships that arrive, are debarred of free and easy entrance, in so much that if they be not of very light burden, they are forced to cast anchor at the mouth of the passages or entries, and thence, when the weather is calm and quiet, being guided by skilful pilots, or rather by certain particular men experimented in those shallows and channels, they may at length come unto the city by a narrow, crooked and intricate way, where the water is of greater depth, the same in a manner every day altering and changing according to the tides of the sea. The bank which ariseth behind these shallows, reacheth almost threescore miles, and encloseth the lakes within. Nevertheless the same is not so entire, but that there is a rapture in seven places thereof, which maketh an entry to the road within, and it is six miles off from the Continent. In this manner therefore are the lakes of the City of Venice enclosed, partly with firm ground, partly with Ryalta. this bank and shallows: in middle of the which, in that place, which of our ancestors was called Rialto, and as yet retaineth the name, was the City of Venice builded, at such time as the Huns under the conduct The cause of the first building of the City of Venice of Atyla did spoil with fire and sword the territory of Venetia, a noble province of Italy, which bordered upon those lakes: in which calamitous time the citizens of Padua, of Aquilea, of VderZo, of Concordia, and of Altina, being all fair and goodly cities of Venetia, such of them as were chief in riches, and nobility, did first get themselves with their families into certain islands, or rather little hills, which did appear out somewhat above the sea, and there built them places of abode, in which as in a secure haven they avoided the rageful tempest of the Huns. There were likewise in that troublesome season certain castles built upon the bank, of which I made mention, to which the inhabitants of that coast repaired, leaning their ancient homes spoiled and ruined by the Huns, seeking there a safe abode for their wives and children, and as I may say for their household Gods. Afterwards in the times of the kings, Charles and Pepin, all such as scatteringly inhabited these places, by common consent retired themselves unto the Ryalta, as into a place of greater security, & much more commotions than any of the rest: so that in the end by the concourse of such as could avoid the ruins of Italy, wrought by the cruelty of barbarous nations, Venice by degrees augmented itself into that greatness, in which we now do see it. It is manifest therefore, that the seat of this City must needs be exceedingly secure, in regard that the first building thereof was undertaken by men, who to avoid the calamities of Italy, in midst of so great a misery, remained there in most sound and quiet safety with their Venice hath remained untouched from the violence of any enemy since the first building there of, which is above 1100▪ years. families. But which is more, since those times (which we have not read hath happened to any other city) from the first building thereof, even until this time, being now a thousand and one hundred years, it hath preserved itself free and untouched from the violence of any enemy, though being most opulent and furnished, aswell of gold and silver, as of all other things that might, yea even from the farthest parts of the world allure the Barbares to so rich a booty and spoil. So that I do not disallow their opinion, that have deemed the City of Venice, to excel and go beyond all other Cities. But yet there is one thing more in this city, which not only in my judgement far exceedeth all those things, which we have spoken of, but likewise in all their opinions, that do not account a City to be the walls and houses only, but rather the assembly and order of the citizens, chief and with greatest worthiness to challenge that name, and this is the true reason, manner, & form of commonwealths, through which men enjoy a happy and quiet life: This is that rare and excellent thing, wherein Venice seemeth to shine, and to surpass all antiquity, for though it is apparent that there hath been many commonwealths, which have far exceeded Venice as well in empire and greatness of estate, as in military discipline and glory of the wars: yet hath there not been any, that may be paragond with this of ours, for institutions & laws prudently decreed, to establish unto the inhabitants a happy and prosperous felicity, the proof whereof is made manifest by the long continuance thereof in such security and happiness, which when I consider with myself, I am wont greatly to wonder at the wisdom of our ancestors, at their industry, the virtue of their minds, & their incredible love and charity towards their country. There were in Athens, Lacedaemon and Rome, in sundry seasons sundry rare and virtuous men of excellent desert, and singular piety towards their country, but so few, that being overruled by the multitude they were not able much to profit the same. But our ancestors, from whom we have received so flourishing a commonwealth, all in one did unite themselves in a consenting The nobility of Venice not so ambitious of their own as of their country's honour. desire to establish, honour, and amplify their country, without having in a manner any the least regard of their own private glory or commodity. And this any man may easily conjecture, that the nobility of Venice was never so ambitious of any private matter pertaining to themselves, as they were always infinitely zealous of the honour, commodity and advancement of their country, in regard that there are in Venice to be found none, or very few monuments of our ancestors, though both at home and abroad many things were by them gloriously achieved, and they of passing and singular desert towards their country. There are no stately ●ecchi di navi tombs erected, no military statues remaining, no stems of ships, no ensigns, no standrads taken from their enemies, after the victory of many and mighty battles. Andrea's Contareno Duke of Venice. I will among innumerable others touch only the example of Andraeas Contareno an ancestor of mine: who being prince of our commonwealth in the Genowes war, the greatest and most dangerous that ever we endured, did not only preserve our country with his singular wisdom, and marvelous greatness of courage, but did so utterly overthrow our enemies (they triumphing even then as it were in an assured victory) that they in a manner were all either slain or taken prisoners. Finally, having so mightily preserved his country, and amplified and established the commonwealth, he passed out of this life, or deigning by testament, that on his sepulchre (which at this day is to be seen in S. Stephen's church) there should not be placed any arms or ensigns of our family: neither, which is more, is there so much as the name of so great a Duke engraved, but rather by his modesty is it come to pass, that the sepulchre of so famous & excellent a prince is in a manner utterly unknown. I imagine this to be a most certain argument, that our ancestors delighted not in vainglory or ambition, but had only their intentive care to the good of their country and common profit. With this then exceeding virtue of mind did our ancestors plant and settle this such a commonwealth, that since the memory of men, whosoever shall go about to make compare between the same & the noblest of the ancients, shall scarcely find any such: but rather I dare affirm, that in the discourses of those great Philosophers, which fashioned & forged commonwealths according to the desires of the mind, there is not any to be found so well feigned and framed, for which cause I thought I should do a thing very grateful to strangers, if I should describe the order of so renowned a commonwealth: especially because in this time among the number of so many men learned, and of pregnant wits, ripe in the knowledge of all things, and excelling in eloquence, I see not any that hath undertaken this honourable task. To which though I know the weakness of our style cannot yield any ornament, yet the same is of itself so noble, that it is able not only to yield dignity to itself, but also to the unworthiness of my speech. Being therefore determined to write of this our commonwealth, to the end that every one may know whether the same be well or ill disposed, I think it best to take my beginning from hence. That man is by nature made a civil creature, but alone by himself, neither able to live well, not to live at all, which every days necessity, and the manner of victuailing and clothing approveth: and for this cause even from the beginning did men enter into civil society, and therein continued to the end, that so they might live happily and commodiously, which is, that with mutual help and diligence they might obtain the chief good incident to men, so long as the course of this their mortal life endureth, whereunto the whole reason of civil institution pertaineth, that by the easiest way No life happy and blessed but that which containeth in it the use of virtue. possible the citizens may be made possessors of a happy life. But a life happy and blessed is so termed of great Philosophers, the which containeth in itself the use of virtue, which they do approve with most assured reasons and undeniable arguments. Now the use of virtue appeareth as well in the offices of war, as in the functions of peace: which notwithstanding though the praise of war, and the manner of discipline thereunto belonging, be necessary to a City, for the preservation of the liberty and defence of the confines, and containeth in itself great dignity and goodliness: yet the common sense of men doth not allow these offices of war (by which the ruin and slaughter of mankind is procured) to be for themselves desired, and that all other civil offices should be thereunto referred: for it were the token of an uncivil disposition, or rather of a man hating humanity to wish for wars, slaughters, & burnings, for this only cause that he might be famous in matters of war, and add thereunto (if it please you) that he might be honoured with the name of a great captain: wherefore all philosophers of greatest mark have War is to be desired for the cause of peace. in this one point agreed, that war is to be desired for the cause of peace, and that the whole function of military virtue, and the commendation thereof aught to be referred to the offices of peace: wherefore that governor of a commonwealth that would be accounted worthy of praise, & (as the saying is) a man perfectly accomplished, aught to use that temperature, & to maintain that order, that the whole commonwealth may seem accommodated to virtue, and withal, that it be rather thought to attend to the exercises of peace, then to the offices of war, yet in the mean time not contemning such things as pertain to the discipline of wars; because many times the militare virtue (so that the same be used without injury) is necessary to defend and to enlarge the confines. But things being once ordered as we have said, it is wont then to be doubted of, whether it be better that one or few have the government of the whole city, or rather the whole multitude, as many do describe the estate of that, which ought properly to be called a commonwealth. And truly to me it seemeth exceedingly well and wisely said of them, Howsoever the success hath allowed the government of Venice, either in regard of the smallness of their territory, or the strong situation of their city: yet there was never any example of any other great commonwealth but that did soon perish by the plurality of commanders: all great philosophers chief extolling the monarchy; & all course of times & examples confirming their opinion. that deemed the government of men to be unfitly granted to one alone, but that there should be a thing more divine to whom this office should be given, as out of many sorts of creatures may be gathered. For a sheep governeth not a flock of sheep, nor an ox, nor an horse a heard of oxen, or horses; but a creature more excellent defendeth and governeth them, which is man, which is a thing manifest to all men, of how much more worth he is then those brute creatures: by the like reason (if so it might be brought to pass) should man be governed by some thing more divine & excellent than man, but seeing in worldly things (which are with sense perceived) there is nothing found more excellent than man, & man being a certain diverse creature, & consisting of different parts, as having the inferior forces of his mind common, as it were with brutish creatures: but with the superior powers thereof, participating (in a manner) with the immortal Gods: that rightly ought amongst men to obtain the place of government & rule, which is in man highest & of greatest participation with dignity: which is as all men do acknowledge the mind, being by nature grafted in us as a beam of the heavenvly brightness: therefore evil shall that commonwealth be provided for, that That aught amongst men to obtain the place of government and rule, which is in man highest, & of greatest participation with divinity. shall be committed to the government of a man, whom many times those inferior and brutish powers do perturb, & call back from the true path of reason: but that office is rather to be committed to the mind, pure and void of perturbations: wherefore by a certain divine counsel when by other means it might not, mankind through the invention of laws seemeth to have attained this point, that this office of governing assemblings of men should be given to the mind and reason only: the same being free from passion, which among many other the infinite blessings & gifts of heaven, is not to be accounted in the lowest, but rather the highest rank, if we will truly consider the utility of laws: for first in enacting them, many wise men meet together, who by long use grown skilful in many things, by comparing the inventions and examples of others with their own experience, do at length after long consultation determine that which shall seem best unto them, their minds being then directly bend to virtue, free from hatred, friendship, or other perturbation: the cause of no The excellency of laws. private man being interessed in the establishing of laws, which in courses of man's judgement often happeneth. But after that laws once are enacted, if any than transgress them, & chance to suffer the punishments that they inflict, he cannot in reason blame any man, and in this case it is not to be feared that any sedition or rancour grown among the citizens, being the greatest & most dangerous contagion of commonwealths: whereas contrariwise when any man is punished by the judgement of men not fortified with laws, great & grievous enmities do sundry times ensue; for it scarcely can be chosen, but that we remain ill affected towards him, of whom we have received harm, so that I cannot well resolve whether mankind be more beholding for any other The invention of laws was by the ancients, consecrated unto the immortal Gods. thing to nature the mother of all things, than it is for this invention of laws, which was of the ancients and not unworthily consecrated to the immortal Gods: but which serveth more marvelous, Aristotle ptince of philosophers, in that book of the world which he did dedicat to great Alexander, found not any thing to which he might likelier resemble God, them to an authentic law in a City rightly governed: so that the opinion of this great philosopher was in manner, that God was the same in the university of things, as an ancient law in a civil company: and in his books wherein he entreateth of a commonwealth, he termeth law to be a mind without appetite, which is to say pure, clear, and free from the infirmity of any passion, whereby any man, of how slow conceit soever, may perceive the fitness & necessity of that of which we spoke before: that is, that something more divine than man should rule and govern the companies of men: for a man being advanced to this office of government, (as men endued with wisdom, and integrity are rare) and they for the most part may err in judging and decerning things through the force of their affections, which do perturb and divert the mind from her true course and intention, it follows of necessity, that things cannot go so currant as they should, yea though it might be so, that we might find out a man so wise and virtuous, and of such steadfast constancic, that no perturbation were able to make his mind recoil from his duty, yet neither on this condition were the rule of man to be wished for before the government of laws: for he being of a mortal & frail nature could not long enjoy that function, when laws (as I said) do in a manner concur with eternity. By these I think it sufficiently persuaded, that the sovereignty of government should be recommended not to men but to laws, to whose will yet some few things may be permitted, that are not well in laws to be comprehended: nevertheless it is necessary, that there be A Guardian of the laws. made a certain Guardian as Liestenant and minister of the laws, who may govern the commonwealth according to the rule of the laws. And because all those things that come into judgement cannot be comprehended in laws, that he then be an arbiter & ruler of those matters that are in question: now again returneth that controversy of constitution of laws, which Whether a few or the whole multitude be to be preferred to the defence of of the laws. to some might seem already decided, that is to say, whether one, or a few, or the whole multitude, be to be preferred to the defence of the laws, & to judge those things that do not fall into the comprehension of laws. And though in the opinion of many men, the kingly domination is of highest esteem and greatest account: nevertheless I should think that though the principality of one alone, that should lawfully, and by right challenge to himself the dignity of a king: if the matter be by itself considered, should seem of all other the best, yet in regard of the brevity of life, and man's frail disposition, which for the most part inclineth to the worse part, the government of the multitude is far more convenient to the assembly of citizens, which experience the mistress of all things doth elegantly teach us, because that we have not read that there was among ancients any sovereignty of a king, neither have we in our time seen any that had not soon declined into tyranny: on the contrary side many commonwealths that have continued prosperously many ages, and flourished both in peace and war, yet is the whole multitude of itself unapt to govern, unless the same be in some sort combined together; for No civil society can remain perfect, unless the same be in a unity contained. there cannot be a multitude without the same be in some unity contained; so that the civil society (which consisteth in a certain unity) will be dissolved, if the multitude become not one by some mean of reason, so that the best philosophers, and those that have learnedlyest written of the ordering of a commonwealth, judged that in the government thereof there should be a temperature between the state of nobility & popular sort, to the end that the inconveniences of either governmental one might be avoided, and the commodities of both jointly enjoyed, for which cause they do highly The commonwealth of the Lacedæmonians governed by the king, the ephors & the Senate. The same wholly instituted to the offices & exercises of war. commend the commonwealth of the Lacedæmonians, in which the kings, the ephors, & the senates made a certain mixture, so that it is hard to decipher under what sort of government the same can be placed: only this they reprehend, that it was only instituted to the offices of war without any regard of the offices of peace & quietness, whereby it came to pass, that the same being glorious, and renowned in many excellent virtues so soon as ever it began to live at quiet, presently declined, & at length utterly fell to ruin: which also and for the same cause befell the Romans', neither was the event thereof unforeseene of sundry of the chief Senators, The cause of the ruin of the Lacedaemonian & Roman commonwealth. among the which Nasica was of opinion, that Carthage (though envious of the Roman greatness, and as it were in competency withal) ought not to have been ruined, to the end that Rome might still have an enemy with whom to occupy itself in arms: lest their enemy and corrival being taken away, the commonwealth being instituted to war, and the youth nourished in arms, they should turn their weapons upon themselves, which counsel of Nasica though it was then refused of the Senates, and the contrary decreed: nevertheless the event proved the same to have been most wise & prudent: for Carthage being destroyed, presently (in a manner) they burst out into civil wars through which at length the same being the most flourishing & mighty commonwealth that ever was, fell down to the ground, and that City abounding in such opulency, as being in manner Queen of the world, became a prey to the barbarous. But to come now at length to our determined task, it appeareth that our ancestors, which instituted the commonwealth of Venice, were men endued with admirable wisdom and virtue, in that they omitted nothing which might seem to pertain to the right institution of a commonwealth: for first they ordained the whole life and exercise of their citizens to the use and office of virtue, and always with greater regard and reckoning applied their minds to the maintenance of peace then to glory of wars: The Venetians applied their minds, more to the maintenance of peace then to the glory of wars. bending always their chiefest care and study to the preservation of civil concord and agreement among themselves, not in the mean time neglecting warlike offices, such (I mean) as were fit and convenient for our City, of which the situation is such, that it serveth well, and is commodious for wars by sea, but unfit for wars by land: for neither squadrons of horsemen, nor troops of footmen can by any means be accommodated thereunto, as by my former description, thereof may easily be conjectured. Besides, they used such a moderation and temperature, and such a mixture of all estates, that this only city retaineth a princely sovereignty, a government of the nobility, & a popular authority, so that the forms of them all seem to be equally balanced, as it were with a pair of weights, as more plainly hereafter shall appear. But now finally to come to the institution of our Venetian commonwealth, the whole authority of the city from whose decrees and laws aswell the senate as all other The great council in which consifteth the whole authority of the commonwealth of Venice. magistrates derive their power and authority, is in that council, into which all the gentlemen of the City being once past the age of 25. years, are admitted: and sundry of them not yet come to that age, so that they be full twenty, which privilege they obtain by the benefit of lots: of which hereafter we will discourse the whole manner: Now first I am to yield you a reckoning how and with what wisdom it was ordained by our ancestors, that the common people should not be admitted into this company of citizens, in whose authority consisteth the whole power of the common wealth, then that this definition of citizens was not with less wisdom measured, rather by the nobility of lineage, than the greatness of wealth, as in ancient commonwealths it was wont, & as many old philosophers do prescribe: for though the city is the company of citizens: yet all those men whose travail the City needeth, yea and that dwell within the walls thereof, are not generally to be reckoned in the number, nor registered in the right of citizens: for every city standeth in need of artificers, and many mercenary people, and hired servants, of which none can be truly termed a citizen: for a citizen is a free man, but those are all servile, either privately or publicly: for mercenary men Mercenary men and artificers to be held as public servants. & artificers, are all to be accounted as public servants: for it is to be believed that a living creature is not otherwise made of nature, than it is needful that the city should be of men: for as in a living creature are many parts that have no life, yet the creature needeth them towards the maintenance of life: so in a company of citizens, there is a necessary use of many men, who nevertheless ought neither to be, nor to be reputed or placed in the number of citizens: for which cause it was wisely ordained of our ancestors, that the whole people should not have power in this commonwealth, which they desired to fashion in the highest degree of perfection. Because many troubles & popular tumults arise in those cities, whose government is swayed by the common people, which we have also read, hath been observed in sundry commonwealths, & also delivered in way of precept by many and great philosophers, yet many were of contrary opinion, deeming that it would do well, if this manner of governing the commonwealth should rather be defined by ability and abundance of riches: but here again they fell into great absurdities The absurdity of those that elect the rulers & magistrates of their commonwealth by the abundance of their riches. and no small inconveniences: for it happeneth often that those of the basest sort, yea of the very scum of the people, do scrape together great wealth, as those that apply themselves to filthy arts, and illiberal occupations, never sparing the toilsome and careful wearing out of their lives, but with an intolerable saving, defrauding themselves of the comforts of life, thereby to increase their substance. Contrariwise the honest citizens, and those that are liberally brought up, oftentimes fall to poverty, either (as it often happeneth) by adverse fortune, or else that being wholly addicted to noble and liberal studies, they neglect the increasing of their wealth: whereby it cometh that filthy and ill mannered men savouring of nothing but gain, utterly ignorant of good arts, by little and little come to govern the commonwealth: and those that are honest & of liberal condition by the decay of their substance, do lose the right of citizens, whereby of necessity there must arise great seditions and troubles to the commonwealth. Therefore our wise and prudent ancestors, lest their commonwealth should happen into these calamities, ordered that this definition of the public rule, Nobility of lineage to be in election of magistrates preferred before riches. should go rather by the nobility of lineage, then by the estimation of wealth: yet with that temperature, that men of chief & supreme nobility should not have this rule alone (for that would rather have been the power of a few then a commonwealth) but also every other citizen whosoever not ignobly borne: so that all which were noble by birth, or ennobled by virtue, or well deserving of the commonwealth, did in the beginning obtain this right of government: which hath likewise happened in these times of ours, yea and some foreign men and strangers have been adopted into this number of Strangers sometimes adopted into the right of citizens by the Venetians. citizens, either in regard of their great nobility, or that they had been dutiful towards the state, or else had done unto them some notable service. This whole assembly therefore of the citizens (or as commonly it is termed) this great council (upon whose authority the whole power of this commonwealth, as also the dignity of the senate and of all the magistrates dependeth) representeth The Duke ruleth during life. in this commonwealth the form of a popular state. The Duke who hath no time of government limited unto him, but ruleth during life, beareth the show of a kingly power, representing in all things the glory, gravity and dignity of a king: the rest of the citizens do bear him honour and reverence as unto a king: & all decrees, laws, and public letters go forth under his name. But the Senate, the ten, the college of elders or chief counsellors, which amongst us of the common people are commonly called the sages: those I say which do consult of matters, & after from the commonwealth do make report unto the Senate, carry with them a certain show of an Aristocracy or government of the nobility: which seeing they are the chief parts of this commonwealth, before we come to the meaner magistrates; we will speak particularly of these. We will take our beginning from the greater council, upon which the whole commonwealth dependeth. All young men of the nobility, which have accomplished Young Gentlemen at 20. years of their age admitted to the great council of Venice. the age of 20. years, do go unto the office which commonly is called advocatory, to which the defence of the laws chief belongeth: before which presenting themselves with their father, or with their mother: if he be dead, or in case of both their wants, with some near kinsman, they do prove with the witness beside of two honest men (neither of them being of the mother's kindred) themselves to be borne of that father whom they allege, not bastards, but in lawful matrimony, & that their mother lived in fame of an honest woman. The witnesses swear in this manner, that they do manifestly know it by the report and consent of An oath taken in the behalf of the young gentlemen before they are admitted into the council. all those that know them. Then the father or the mother or (they both wanting) the kinsmen affirm with the oath, that the young man hath passed his 20. years: which things after they are directly registered by the clerk of the office, they then attend the fourth day of the month of Decemb. on which day the names of all these young men that have not yet by lot obtained the right of citizens, nor are not passed 25. years old, are put into a pot, and carried unto the prince, & there the same set before the counsellors, with which there is another pot, wherein are round balls equal with the number of the names written in the first, every one having his marks; the fift part of these balls is guilded with gold, the rest with silver: the prince taketh out of the first pot the name, and then out of the next pot the ball, which if he be of the golden sort, the young man whose name was drawn, hath presently the authority of public power, and is admitted into the great counsel, but if it be of the silvered, he loseth for that time his right, and expecteth his fortune of the year to come, unless in the mean time he accomplish the 25. year of his age: for every gentleman coming to that age hath presently the right of a citizen, and is made partaker of the public authority, by this means the fift part of the noble young men, that put themselves to this trial, is every year admitted and enabled to give his voice with the other citizens: but if it so happen that the father or grandfather of any gentleman, either in regard of absence or other cause, had never used this public right, nor his name never been registered in the common book, that containeth the names of all the nobility (lest there should be any fraud used, or lest any bastard should under hand enter into this company of No bastard admitted for noble. gentlemen) they would not that this matter should be judged and determined of only by the office of the advocatory magistrates, but it is provided for by a law, that they should prove their nobility by witnesses and public writings, and that the advocators should make The counsel of the ●…. report over to the forty men, and so the cause being understood and thoroughly examined and debated of by the forty men, it is at length judged whether the party pretending is to be admitted for noble or no. But to the end that no one should scotfree adventure the trial of this judgement, it was also provided, that whosoever should undertake this proof of his nobility, should first bring unto the magistrate five hundred crowns of gold, by them to be put into the treasure, in case the pretendant speed not in his suit. Such was the diligence of our ancestors, to the end that this congregation of nobility should no way be defiled. For which cause those very citizens which are nobly borne, and have past their 25. years, obtain not yet the authority of giving their voices, till being so presented before the magistrates, they prove the accomplishment of the age by the oath of their father, mother, or near kinsman, and also by two witnesses, that they were born of that gentleman, who they say was their father, not bastards, nor of a mother any way reproached. Now that we have expressed the whole manner by which the citizens do enter into the public authority, I think it worthy to be marked, that our ancestors did deem it a thing of great moment for the maintenance of the citizens in unity and love, if they did often meet and assemble together. Therefore as well by laws as by prescription of time, it is an ancient custom that this The great council assembled every eight day. great counsel should be assembled every eight day, & sometimes oftener. The especial office of which is to create all the magistrates: aswell those that administer justice in the city, and enjoy other offices in the commonwealth, as the senate, the ten, the Praetors, the Captains and treasurers of castles and Cities, which are under the fellowship of the Venetian empire, as also the governors of fortress, the General of their navy, their ambassadors, captains of their galleys, and finally to conclude all in a word, all those whosoever abroad or at home, have charge under the commonwealth. Likewise all such laws as pertain to the constitution of the commonwealth, are enacted by the authority of this council, which is especially used to be done when the Duke is dead, there being no new successor as yet created. But this shallbe spoken of more hereafter. Now we will express the whole manner of creating The order of the Session house. magistrates. Every holiday in manner about noon this great council is assembled into a great and spacious Ten very long benches in the hall where the great council is kept. hall, which we will call the Session house. There are in the same ten exceeding long benches, equalling in manner the length of the hall: the citizens sit down every one when they come, where it pleaseth them, for there is no place appointed to any, except to some Magistrates of chief authority, as the Duke, the Counsellors, & the three precedents of the forty, which sit on a higher seat, & only have authority to make report over to the great Council. After these the Aduocatory magistrates, and the three heads of the ten sit down in their appointed places, in the midst of certain benches, that are also somewhat higher than the rest, & are close adjoining to the wall of the hall, & at length very far from the Duke are the seats of the old and new auditors, of whom we will speak more hereafter. But the rest of the citizens (as I said) sit down without any place appointed where it pleaseth them. Then at an appointed hour the doors of the Session house are shut fast, & the keys brought to the Tribunal of the prince, & there laid at his feet. Then the chief Chancellor (which though it be not an honour of the nobility, yet it is of very great dignity) standeth up, & from a high eminent place declareth what rooms and offices are vacant, & then to be provided for▪ which being pronounced, he passeth strait from that place to the Tribunal of the Prince, and there with a loud voice citeth the Magistrates being Presidents of the sessions (as is said before) that they should come to the Prince, or to the Counsellors if the prince be away. They being summoned do presently come, and there with oath do promise to do their uttermost diligence, that the laws may be observed, and that they will not in these offices pronounce any citizen, that shall any way have violated the decrees, but that they will cause such a one to be severely punished, according to the rigour of the laws: which ceremony being ended, every one returneth to his place except one of the advocators, and one of the heads of the ten, which go to the farthest part of the hall right opposite against the prince's seat, & there sit down in appointed places. The other advocators sit down on the right fide of the session house: and the other heads of the ten right over against them on the left side. In like manner do the old and new auditor's place themselves in the farthest seat of the hall (which as I said, is far distant from the place of the prince) some on the right hand, & some on the left, to the end, as it should seem, that by this manner seating themselves, they should serve (as it were) for guards or watchmen to this great assembly, lest any thing should there happen to be done unespied or unpunished, against the laws or order of the Sessions. The Magistrates then being in this manner placed, there are brought before the tribunal The manner of choosing their electors, of the prince 3. pots, having in them little balls, some of gold, & some of silver: one of the which is placed in the midst of the Tribunal seat, and the other two at each end one, in either of which there are infinite balls of silver, but only thirty of gold, but in the middle pot, there are not above threescore balls in all, of which six and thirty are of gold, and the other four and twenty of silver, and the golden balls are all marked with certain letters, which they bring forth every sessions by lot, lest otherwise there might be deceit used. The pots being placed, three of the youngest counsellors arise from their seats, and sit down on the lowest place of the Tribunal, by the three pots, every counsellor by a several pot. This being thus done and ordered, than that rank of citizens, whose lot cometh forth, riseth presently on either part of the session house: for throughout the length of the hall, are placed ten ranks of benches, in which (as I said before) the citizens sit as pleaseth them: to two of which ranks one lot only serveth, that is to say, to those that on either side of the hall are opposite one to the other. This rank then whose lot is drawn, is called by the crier with a high voice, which rank, and that which respondeth to it on the other side of the hall, presently ariseth, and the citizens in order as they sat, go unto those pots which the counsellors have charge of, near unto the prince's seat, and each of them putting in his hand taketh out a ball, which if it be of silver, he returneth by a contrary way to the seat whence he came: if it be of gold, he showeth it to the Counsellor, who hath the charge of that pot, to be viewed if it be of the right mark. This manner of mark was ordained, lest some one otherwise might bring with him a golden ball, which holding privily in his hand, he might seem to have drawn out of the pot, and so by fraud obtain the place of an Elector. He then to whose lot befalleth one of these golden balls, goeth strait to the middle pot, and draweth out another ball, which if it be of silver, he returneth whence he came, losing for that time his voice of election: but if it be of gold he ascendeth the Tribunal, and sitteth down on the prince's side in a place appointed him. The second that shall have the like lot goeth also to the same place, and likewise the third, & so the others until they be nine in all, which maketh complete the first number, who are in that rank placed in order, without respect of any thing, save only of their age. Here it is not to be forgotten, that those who by this benefit of lot are made electors, are presently in a loud voice proclaimed by the Chancellor in such sort, that the whole assembly heareth him: after which no one of his near kinsmen or alliance may by any means attempt this lot of making himself Elector: neither may there any more than two of one family be admitted to stand for the electorshippe: which was with great wisdom ordained of our ancestors, to the end that this honour of election might stretch to many families, and this public benefit be largely extended among the citizens, for of reason it ought to suffice if the lot favouringtwo of one family make them partakers of public authority. But to return from whence I have digressed, so soon as this first number of the nine electors is complete, they The manner of the choice of magistrates made by the Electors. go presently out of the Session house into a divided inner room, where also is present a Secretary of the commonwealth, who relateth to the Electors those things that are by the laws ordained, and what they are to observe in their election of Magistrates. Likewise he readeth unto them the decrees of the senate, and other laws, by which it is defended, that the Electors shall not by any means suffer themselves to be bribed or corrupted with money, nor use in their election any fraud or deceit. This being done the nine Electors are placed in seats, every one according to his age, the eldest in the highest and worthiest place: for the Venetians will not allow among their citizens any other difference, then only of age, because from thence never sprang any sedition nor contention: neither is the same omitted of those great philosophers. Aristotle (I say) in his Politics, and Zenophon in that famous work of his, of the institution of Cyrus' King of Persia. The Electors thus placed, there are then nine little balls thrown into a pot, each of them marked with his number from the first to the ninth: & in a scroll somewhat long are written the magistracies in order that are in this session to be provided for. The eldest of the electors first putteth in his hand into the pot, & taketh out a ball, according to the number with which the same is marked, he hath authority to name what citizen he will in the same magistracy, which is in the scroll by the said number deciphered. So is it with the second, third, & likewise the rest, so that every Elector by the benefit of lot is made the pronouncer of a particular magistrate. After that he, to whom the lot of the first magistrate happeneth, hath pronounced the citizen, that to him seemeth Six of the 9 voices confirmeth the elected citizen. good, the 9 electors go to voices, of which if the elected have 6. of his side of that number of the 9 electors, than he is presently entitled in the magistracy, & his name recorded in the long scroll, in which are written all those magistracies for which these sessions are called, but if he have fewer than six voices (which seldom happeneth) then is there another named of the same elector, & so forward still, until in the end one be named, of whom six of the electors shall allow: the self same manner is observed in the second, third, & all the rest, until the number of those 9 electors have every one in particular chosen a particular magistrate: while these things are in handling in the inner divided room, the other citizens in the session house keep on their course in drawing of lots as they began, & going to the pots accordingly, as by lot it falleth to their ranks, they draw out balls, until 9 others have out of either pot drawn a golden lot. These fill up the second row of electors, & they also (according unto the degrees of their age) are placed in the conclave, or divided room: where they find an other chancellor or secretary, who without differing one jot from the former, reciteth unto them the decrees of the senate, which they are to observe, & bringeth forth to the self same magistrates a scroll of the self same order as the other was, which was brought to the first order of electors in the conclave: & so then the lots again are drawn of the electors, and as every one draweth, so according to the number & order aforesaid doth each of them pronounce a particular citizen in that magistracy, which the number of his lot assigneth him. And in like manner the other third 9 observe the aforesaid ceremonies from point to point: & so likewise the fourth 9 so that in all they fill up the number of 36. citizens, for so many were the golden balls that were in the pot in the middle seat: so that of 60. citizens which drew out the first 60. golden balls 36. do become electors, & are divided into 4. ranks: but the twenty four which drew the silver balls out of the middle pot, frustrated of their hope, return them to their seats. I know how difficile a thing it is by writing to set down these small particularities, being so far different from the use of the ancient Romans': but I had rather be blamed for folly, then for want of diligence, for I will not willingly pass over the smallest thing, without making mention of it: so that none how curious soever, may in reason desire any more at my hands. But to return where I left, there is then in every office, (for which that day the sessions are appointed) by the four orders of Electors, four citizens chosen, I mean by every particular order of electors a particular citizen, unless it happen some one self man to be named of two The choice of the competitors. or three of the orders of the electors (which sometimes happeneth) but for the most part there are of every office or Magistracy four competitors, though in some of less dignity, & mark there are only two, of which inferior offices the two first orders of electors have power to choose and name the competitors, of which privilege and jurisdiction the two later orders are frustrated and deprived: but so soon as the competitors of all the offices are chosen, presently the electors are dismissed, neither may they that day give their voice more to any one, neither be so much as present at the sessions: And then the chief secretary (which honour as I said, may not be given to a gentleman, and yet nevertheless is of great dignity and sway) with a high voice pronounceth from his seat the competitors of the first magistracy, and particularly relateth who is chosen, and of what order of the electors. Neither omitteth he which of the electors was the first author of naming him. In which place me thinks it ought not to be let slip, how that it is by law established, that the same elector (who is the author of the pronunciation, The Elector becometh surety for him whom be pronounceth. and choice of any competitor) is reckoned to be in manner as a surety for him: for afterwards having gone beyond his competitors, and obtained the desired office, if he then chance to convert to himself any of the public treasure, or goods, and be thereof convicted, and withal remain unable to make satisfaction, than that elector by whose authority he was created & pronounced, is bound out of his own substance to pay the same to the treasure house, The competitors of the first magistracy being then pronounced by the chief secretary in a high voice, presently after they are named if they be then present, every one with his parentage, & dearest friends and kinsfolk goeth out of the session house, into an appointed conclave or inner room, and there stay until the magistracy be determined of. Then again after all this, the chief secretary admonisheth them all that they are bound both by divine and human laws, without any regard of private commodity, to favour and assist him whom they shall think fittest for the honour and commodity of the commonwealth. Then he nameth the first competitor, that is, he which was chosen of the first order of electors: for whom lots are to be tried. Then presently rise up so many young men, as will serve two to every rank of benches. They carry in their hands certain pots, made and joined together with a marvelous kind of artifice; the uttermost part of which is green, and the interior white, both covered: whereinto when you put your hand, it is in your choice to let your ball fall into which of the two you please: the manner of the pots being so contrived, that no one of those that are present, though he behold it never so steadfastly, can tell into whether of the two the ball was put: they do not this with beans, but with certain linen balls, lest that otherwise by the sound of their fall there might be some conjecture made into whether of the pots the bal was let fall for our ancestors deemed it to be a thing most expedient to our commonwealth, that our judgements might be free, and therefore they took great care, that the suffrages might be secret. The young men therefore every one with his pots thus joined together go every one to his own bench, and offer their pots to every one of the citizens in order as they sit, who showing every one his ball openly, putteth his hand into the pot, & letteth the same fall into whether part he listeth. If he will give his voice in favour, then into the inner white; if otherwise, then into the uttermost which is green: and this order is used throughout all the benches, whereby it cometh to pass, that in a very small moment of time the whole assembly of citizens have yielded their suffrages. Then the pots are brought to the prince's seat, and the balls taken out and put into two broad dishes, that is to say, those which were in the white pot, & in favour into a white dish, & those which were in the green pot, & in disfavour, into a green dish. Then they are brought to the counsellors (in midst of whom the prince sitteth) to be numbered & told: the suffrages of the white dish favouring the competititor are numbered of those counsellors which sit on the right hand of the prince: the other of the contrary dish & contrary effect, are told by those counsellors which sit on the left hand of the prince: the public secretaries are present where the counsellors are, and do presently write up the number both of the one & the other balls that are reckoned. In the mean time while these reckonings are in hand, they begin their suffrages for the second competitor, which was chosen of the second order of the electors & in like sort the suffrages are brought to the counsellors, which presently are numbered, & the secretaries register them in writing: the like order is observed for the third & fourth competitor, if there be so many. All the suffrages being reckoned up, he that hath them most in his favour, so that they exceed the half is pronounced & chosen of the chief secretary: at such time as the sessions being ended the council is to be dismissed. But if it so fall out, that none of the competitors for that magistracy have any more than the just half of the lots in his favour, then is the whole proceeding held as void, and the appointment of that office deferred to the next sessions. After that the first magistracy is in the sessions determined of, then are the names pronounced of those that are elected in the second, & the competitors go into the conclave with their kindred and alliance, & those that were shut in before (that is to say, the kindred and alliance of the first competitors) return into the sessions: and the very like order and manner as in the first do they observe in their suffrages for the competitors of the second magistracy: which being numbered by the counsellors he is held for elected, that exceedeth the rest in number of voices, so that they exceed the half. The Sessions being ended, the names of the elected are pronounced by the chief Secretary, and then the whole Council is dismissed: which may The council may not be prolonged after the setting of the Sun. not at all be held or prolonged after the sun is once down: so if in that day they make not an end of all, then do they declare the names of those that are already chosen: and as for those that remain, there is no reckoning to be made at all: so that they remain frustrate of the benefit which the nomination of the Electors had put them in hope of. And this was so ordained not without great reason, for if the matter should have been prolonged within night, it would not have been easy for those magistrates that are Presidents of the sessions, to contain so great a multitude of citizens in order, but that through favour of the darkness, they would have attempted somewhat prejudicial to the laws. Therefore our grave ancestors, men indeed wise & provident, preventing the inconveniences that thereby might happen with exceeding carefulness and wisdom, ordained that the sessions should not by any means be continued after the setting of the Sun; neither would that by any means that light should be brought into the hall while the sessions endured. This is the whole manner of the proceeding in the sessions: but by the way it is to be noted, that the offices are so distributed among the citizens, that two of one family, kindred, or near alliance, may not by any means have Two of one, kindred on family may not have place in office, nor be Electors. place in one and the same office; neither in the sessions may two of one family, or near alliance be by benefit of lot electors (as I said before) the same likewise being ordained with great reason and discretion, to the end that the pre-eminence of public authority might pertain to many, and not be engrossed up among a few: lest thereby through too much greatness of power might become disturbers or oppressors of the commonwealth: and on the other side, those that do find themselves void and hopeless of honour and government, might grow into a dislike and hatred of the same. The dangerous estate of that government, which many of the citizens do seek to alter & undermine. And without doubt it is almost impossible for that commonwealth to maintain itself afoot, and to stand firm, whose government many of the citizens do seek to alter or undermine: so that nothing is more proper to a commonwealth, then that the common authority and power should belong to many: for it is just that the citizens, by whom the state of the City is maintained, being otherwise among themselves equal, should not in this distribution of honours be made unequal. But they that do reduce the public authority into a few families, do easily fall upon that estate of government, which the Greeks call Oligarchia. Therefore in the commonwealth of Venice, the offices are so divided among the citizens, that inso much as may be, every family & kindred may be partaker of the public honours and offices, and yet in that measure, that not every one do govern, but those only that do excel the rest in honesty and wisdom, and are deemed to be such men, as will more regard the public, than the private commodity. That first institution hath I know not what of popular, but the other savoureth only of the government of the Nobility: whereby it is manifest that there is in this city of ours an excellent contrived mixture of the best and justest governments: for though upon the first view this great council of ours seem to bear the show of a popular estate, yet looking well into it, you shall find therein an apparent entermixture of the government or the nobility. I grant that the election of The commonwealth of Venice is neither a popular estate, nor an Olygarchy, but a well tempered government between both. magistrates by lot is a matter popular, especially where right and justice is measured, not by a determinate prudence, but simply by an arithmetical equality: for considering (say they) that every one is a citizen & freeman, one as well as another, and that among equals things ought equally to be divided, every one ought to be sweetened alike with participation of the honours and commodities of the commonwealth, without more exclusion of one more than another: now in regard that all cannot rule at once, but by turns, they think fit that the matter should be committed merely to lot, & that they should rule, to whom the same should be favourable. The contrary is alleged by those, where full power & authority consisteth in the mightiness of a few, for they suppose unequal things to belong to unequal persons, and that therefore mean men should content themselves with a mean & honourless estate, & that the great and highest dignities should belong to them that do farthest exceed the rest in riches: in which reckoning either of both parties strayeth far wide from the true & perfect path, though either of them relieth upon a reason in appearance seeming true, for whereas the one affirmeth equal things to belong to equal persons, & the other that men unequal in riches should be unequal in government: the first measuring the equality & likeness only by number, & the other the unlikeliness and imparity only by riches, they are without doubt both of them besides the cushion: For they that are in number equal, are in some sort equal, but not wholly, & those that are in riches unequal, though in some sort unequal, yet are they not wholly to be accounted unequal: but the institution of a civil life tending chief to live well, it is only virtue that must make this difference. To those than that do excel the rest in virtue, the chiefest honours are due, as being most worthy, & above the equality of the rest, and so likewise equal rule and dignity belongeth to those that are in virtue equal, and in civil industry: and this is the true measure & perfect rule to distinguish men. As therefore the choice of electors by lot is popular: so doth it also savour of a noble & better government, that they should be chiefliest advanced in honour, that do chiefliest surmount the rest in virtue, judgement, and counsel, and that the unworthier should receive the repulse. Whereby you may plainly perceive, that in this manner of our government there is mingled with a popular show, the form of a nobler rule, yet used with such temperature, that the same doth not exceed, nor go beyond the mean & manner of the popular authority. For in choice of the electors only chance ruleth; of which dignity the worst and basest may without hurt or detriment of the commonwealth, be partakers in equal power with the best & worthiest citizens, but in the essential distribution of honours and dignities chance hath no power at all, the same being wholly done by a deliberate election & advised judgement. And here me thinketh, I ought not to overslip in silence, that in those sessions, which do concern the bestowing of offices, to which men of the greatest wisdom, honesty & diligence are required, the senate of itself maketh up a fift order, to the 4. The senate when any principal office is to be provided for, hath authority to create a fift competitor. before expressed orders of electors. For whiles the other electors separated in conclaves or places appointed for that purpose, do pronounce such to be competitors, as they shall in their judgements think meet, them if so be the sessions do concern any such especial office, as beforesaid, the senate doth also withdraw itself into an inner chamber, and there every Senator hath power to name such one as he shall please in the office, of which the present question is: and whosoever shall chance to have most voices in his favour, is elected in this cabinet of the Senate, and created the fift Competitor: whereby it plainly appeareth, that in this commonwealth of ours the form of an Aristocracy is much more excellent than the popular government. But the manner and means of this kind of council is hitherto (unless I be deceived) of us sufficiently expressed and made plain. Let us now come to that part of the commonwealth, the which not unlike to a well tuned diapason in music, where the base is to the triple aptly proportioned, carrying with it the show of a Monarchy, hath notwithstanding a correspondency with the popular government, and finally a middle sort of Magistrates being between them both interposed, doth grow (as it were) into a well consenting harmony of an excellent commonwealth. The end of the first book. The Second Book of Venetian Commonwealth and Magistrates. THe exterior show of the prince in the City of Venice delivereth to the eyes of the beholders the person of a king, and the very resemblance of a monarchy: Therefore it shall not in my opinion do amiss if having described that assembly of citizens, which representeth the form of a popular estate (though for the dignity of the matter unsufficiently, yet considering the slenderness of our forces not altogether undiligently) if we now take upon us to express the first reason that moved our wise & virtuous ancestors to place one man only at the helm of their commonwealth, and also when and what was the beginning of this royal and princely institution. No man (I suppose) is ignorant of that which is so often of us in this work repeated, which is, that a City is a certain civil society, sufficing within itself of such things as are necessary to the leading of a happy and quiet life: and there is no question to be made, but that every civil society is contained and linked together in a certain unity, and by distraction and breach of that unity is again as easily dissolved. For nothing hath sooner overthrown the mighty and opulent estate of many great & glorious cities that heretofore have perished, then homebred discord and civil dissension. Now a unity cannot well be contained, unless one being placed in authority above, not only the vulgar multitude, but also all the rest of the citizens and officers, have authority to combine them together, being scattered & disjointed, and to bind them (as it were) all into one entire body: which the great philosophers that were the searchers out, and (as it were) divers into the secrets of Nature, did notably mark and observe, as well in the constitution of the whole world, as also of this Microcosm or little world, which is man.. For they well found out, that in this university of things the many and disagreeing motions of each particular thing, according to the nature thereof, were all upheld and maintained under one heavenly and eternal mover, and so likewise all causes under one, the first cause of all things: and as in a living creature there are many and divers members, whose functions are sundry and different: yet nevertheless are all comprised under one only life & member, which is the heart, and are by the same (as it were) gathered & held in a unity: so likewise if the multitude be not so ordered & digested, that it may acknowledge one head and superior, in whose heart shall rest principally engraved, an especial care to conserve the common good, & the perfection of civil agreement (whereunto the actions as well of every private citizen, as public magistrate, as to the last chief & principal end ought to be directed) surely the same cannot long time continue, but drawing divers ways must needs fall to decay & ruin: for if the charge of the common good be not principally to some one committed, of necessity the too intentive care that every one will have of the particular office wherein he is employed, must needs turn to the common hindrance: as for example: The officers for provision of corn will cause out of all parts great quantities to be brought to the city, procuring only the cheapness and plenty thereof, which perchance would not prove so profitable to the public tolles. The officers likewise of the navy and sea matters (which are among us of great estimation & credit) would industriate themselves peradventure too much thereabout, in building great numbers of galleys, in gloriously adorning them with all sorts of cost & warlike instruments, spending therein whatsoever of the common treasure they could get into their fingers, through which over costly diligence, the rest of the public receipts would hardly suffice to repair castles, & walls of towers, to pay garrisons, & to defray other public charges. By which means the commonwealth not cohering well together, might easily sustain detriment, not by the faultiness, but by the too much carefulness of the citizens, whilst every one endeavoureth to set forth & discharge his office in the notablest manner he may: whereby it seemeth exceeding necessary, that the care of the public weal should be committed to some one, who being free from any private office, might only moderate & direct the endeavours of the rest to the common good & utility of all, which authority to be committed equally to many, were very inconvenient: for as Aristotle saith, that which many have charge alike of, all do in a manner alike neglect: neither if there be any thing amiss, can the blame thereof be imputed more to one then to another: withal there never want most dangerous emulations among those that are alike equal in authority. Now if one in this case should be preferred and advanced above the rest, in dignity and rule with a limitation of time, and not for tear me of his life, he then would imagine that he had sufficiently discharged his duty, if it went well with the commonwealth during his time of government, careless altogether what should become thereof afterward: so that commonly many dangerous afterclappes ensue such reckonings, which by certain and manifest experience may easily be proved by the example of many commonwealths, that in these times of ours have been ruinated through such manner of government. This Monarchal government was therefore established in this commonwealth of ours with singular wisdom and judgement, and withal the same so kerbed & restrained with laws, that all dangerous inconveniences, whereby the commonwealth might sustain harm, are thereby removed, and those commodities jointly embraced that proceed from a kingly and royal government: so that there seemeth nothing to remain which we could wish for, having a commonwealth unenthralled, enjoying a true liberty and freedom, and yet nevertheless as it were a king for our governor. A prince therefore is chosen, who is entitled with the dignity of a Duke, retaining the government of the commonwealth while the time of his life endureth, and chief and above all other things, having care of the common good and general utility, by which as I proved before (and that as I think with sufficient reasons) cities are preserved and maintained. This Duke of ours hath not any certain private office allotted him, yet nevertheless there is not in the whole The dignity & authority of the Duke. commonwealth any thing done, but he must be made acquainted therewith, and have knowledge of the same. He is to contain and keep under in their duty, as well every private man as every particular magistrate, and with such moderation to direct them, that every thing may with an excellent harmony seem to tune to the common good & civil union: lest any otherwise through too much diligence, or too much negligence in his office, might chance to hinder the common profit. This therefore is the office of the prince, that being (as it were) placed in a glass, he might behold what every one doth, especially those that are in authority, of whom if he find any faulty in his office, if the matter be light, he calleth him before the whole college, and there sharply rebuketh him with words: if his offence be of greater quality, he causeth the same to be inquired of and examined before the advocators and the precedents of the ten, and to be punished according to the sentence of the council. The Duke himself also if he will, may use the authority either of an Aduocator or Precedent, and make report to the council of any offence, and of any amercement or punishment that is thereupon to be inflicted: (wherein what manner and custom is wont to be observed, shall be hereafter expressed, when we shall come to speak of criminal judgements.) For so great is the prince's authority, that he may in whatsoever court adjoin himself to the Magistrate therein, being precedent as his colleague or companion, and have equal power with the other Precedents, that he might so by this means be able to look into all things. Yet nevertheless so is this authority of his by laws retracted, that alone he may not do any thing, neither being joined to the other magistrates hath he any farther power than every other precedent in his office. The authority of the magistrates being so small, that no one of them how great soever he be can determine of any thing of weight or moment without the opinion of the Council. But of this in his place we will speak more plainly. Besides this the prince hath in every council equal authority with any of them for one suffrage or lot. Likewise in the great counsel, and assembly of all the citizens, while the sessions are held concerning magistrates, he hath no power to yield more favour to a competitor of his kindred or parentage, then to any other: observing the same equal priuledge which the other citizens do: whereby I think any man may easily understand, that the Duke of Venice is deprived of all means, whereby he might abuse his authority, or become a tyrant▪ which ancient & long continued custom from the first beginnings of the city, even to these times, hath now taken such foundation and root, that there is nothing whereof the city of Venice need stand less in fear, than that their prince should at any time be able to invade their liberty, or trouble their common quiet. But now lest every one should refuse this dignity; requiring so great pains & continual solicitude of mind, unless there should thereunto be adjoined some sweetness or reward: this limitation of authority is on the other side recompensed with an exterior princely honour, dignity, & royal appearing show: for the ornaments of his body are kingly, using always purple garments or cloth of gold. On his head he weareth in stead of a diadem, a vail of linen, upon the same a hood or mitre of purple, garnished about with a fringe of gold, the part whereof that covereth the middle or hinder part of the head riseth up in form of a horn. His seat is somewhat higher than the rest, and in estate kingly. All the citizens, as well those that bear rule and office, as those that are private men speak unto him bareheaded and standing, which in these times is a sign of exceeding honour. The prince never riseth up to any person. All the letters of the commonwealth are sealed, and go forth under his name. What prince, ambassador, Magistrate, Captain, or whosoever else that writeth to the senate, directeth his letters to the prince. The proclamations of laws, orders, & decrees, all are done under his name. All their money, as well gold as silver is coined and stamped with his name & picture. Finally to shorten my speech, in every thing you may see the show of a king, but his authority in nothing, which without doubt whosoever is wise cannot but confess to have been ordained by the Venetian commonwealth with exceeding prudence and wisdom: because otherwise without this reward of honour, the office of the prince would have been reputed as burdenous & unpleasing, but that the reward, which is honour following, sweeteneth the same, according to the opinion of great philosophers: so that Aristotle saith in his ethics seeing those that do rightly & holily perform their office in government, have more respect to the profit of other men, than their own: there cannot by any other means be returned unto them a due and equivalent recompense, but only by making them to exceed all the rest in honour and dignity. Moreover the dignity of this prince causeth all the other citizens exceedingly to fear his reprehension, and perform the offices in which they are placed, with the greater fidelity & care. There are to the prince adjoined six counsellors of Six counsellors chosen out of six quarters of the city. six tribes, into which the City is divided, every tribe choosing one. Their office continueth eight months, & they are continually at the prince's elbow: nothing is said unto the prince but they do hear it: no letters are sent forth but such as shall seem good and allowable to four of those counsellors, who also do in the letters subscribe their names; yet not in those letters which are sent forth, but in those which are first written by the secretaries of the commonwealth, which are reserved, & the copies of them sent forth. In which also it is to be noted, that those letters which are sent, not by the decree of the council, but by the commandment of the Prince and Counsellors, as they never contain but matters of small importance, so are they of small authority. For as we have often said, all authority and power is only to be attributed to the council, no one magistrate having of himself any ample authority. But of the counsellors we will speak more hereafter: now I will return to the prince or Duke. The Prince therefore being honoured with this kingly appearance and show, because oftentimes it fell out that private wealth sufficed not to maintain so great dignity and pomp: there is allowed unto the Duke out of the common treasure yearly, three thousand and five hundred crowns of gold: and to the end lest some one covetous of increasing his substance, should neglect the honour & dignity of the commonwealth, & convert that money to his private use, there are certain charges imposed upon him, which at his own cost he must see defrayed, with an especial care of the service & dignity of the commonwealth: which if through avarice or sparing of money he neglect, there is so great a fine and amercement set upon the head of his heirs, that whiles by increasing his private wealth, and dispensing with his honour and dignity, he shall think to enrich them, he shall in a manner utterly undo them: besides the leaving of an eternal blot and ignominy to his posterity. He maintaineth of his own charge many servants, or as you would say of his guard, but yet such as wear no weapons. He always useth costly garments: he dwelleth in a palace wonderfully adorned with goodly chambers and tapestry, abounding with vessels of silver and all other such furniture, as is beseeming the degree of a prince. Four times a year he maketh a solemn and sumptuous banquet, to Four times a year the Duke banqueteth the citizens. above threescore citizens, the same being ordered and set forth with all the magnificency that may be. Where. in our predecessors brought into our commonwealth the ancient order of the inhabitants of Lacedaemon and Crete (whose commonwealths were noble and glorious) but with a much better moderation and order: for they because they thought the often meeting of the citizens was a mean to combine them together in friendship, instituted certain public feasts at the charge of the common treasure, to which the citizens assembling had means one to be acquainted with the other, and withal by so friendly a meeting to confirm a new friend ship. But seeing that they all went confusedly together, those assemblies could not be without troubles & tumults, and beside when those that were to feast & banquet the rest, did desire to do it with daintiness, and magnificence, there could not but ensue a great waist of the common treasure. Therefore with a certain amendment & moderation is that ancient manner brought in use among the Venetians, and the whole care and ordering thereof committed to the prince. Four times a year therefore are the citizens banqueted of the prince, with fare truly honourable and dainty, and yet for the exceedingness thereof not to be envied: neither doth every one come unorderly as it pleaseth him, but those whom the prince shall vouchsafe to call: unless it be the Counsellors, the Aduocators, the Precedents of the xl. men, & the Precedents of the tens, who in pre-eminence of their offices, are usually present at the prince's banquets: the other citizens come not but invited. These four feastings are in this sort divided, that the elder and worthiest citizens being invited, do in the winter time upon S. Stephen's day assemble themselves in the public palace appointed for the prince's habitation, and with a solemn pomp wait upon the prince from thence to the church of S. Mark, and there be present with him at Mass, which being ended, than they wait upon him back to his house again, and there be partakers of his banquet. Likewise in the month of April on the day of Saint Mark (whose memory is with exceeding honour solemnized of the Venetians, as entituling him their patron and defender, ever since the relics of his body were brought unto Venice, from forth of Alexandria a noble City of Egypt) the citizens of less age and dignity invited of the prince, do in like manner (after the solemnities in the church are ended) convey him home and dine with him. Thirdly, upon ascension day, being the day of the great fair at Venice, they are invited and admitted to the Prince's banquet, that are fully arrived and entered into that age which we call Virilis or man's estate. These also do early in the morning wait upon the Duke from his house, and go aboard a ship gorgeously trimmed and set forth, reserved only to that use, and is by the Venetians called Bucentoro: so soon as they are passed the marshes and come to behold the plain and open sea, by an ancient indulgence of the high Bishops (who honoured this commonwealth of ours, in regard of many notable exploits by it achieved against the The Dake of Venice marrieth the sea with a ring of gold. enemies of the Christian faith) the prince throwing a ring of gold into the sea, useth in a manner these speeches, that with that ring he doth betrothe himself to the sea, in token of a true and perpetual Empire. To this there are added certain ceremonies by the Patriarch of the City, which being ended, they land at the Church dedicated to Saint Nicholaus, a thing of great antiquity, built upon that shore or bank which divideth the sea from the lakes. There the holy mysteries are celebrated, which being ended, they go aboard the ship again, and return to Venice, attending on the Prince home to his house, where they dine with him. The fourth and last banquet pertaineth to the young citizens, who the twelve kalends of july, on the day dedicated to the two Martyrs Vitus and Modestus, do with solemn pomp wait upon the Prince to the Temple of those Martyrs, which is situate near to the great channel that divideth the city in the midst: which channel is for that time conjoined with a bridge made upon two galleys, lest otherwise to make that journey, would cost a very long and laboursome circuit and compass. The church being visited, and the solemnities in the church finished, they attend upon the prince home to his palace, where they are received with a royal & magnificent banquet. There are to these banquets admitted dancers, jesters, and excellent singers, to recreate & delight the guests, and withal certain sports and plays are intermingled, which do move exceeding mirth and pleasure: and this ancient custom is still observed in the commonwealth of Venice, though somewhat moderated. For by this means the citizens in a manner of every degree, yea equals with equals are entertained at the prince's table: which seemeth exceedingly well ordered and disposed, as well for the dignity of the prince, as also for nourishing & maintaining love and good will among the citizens. But because every citizen that is a gentleman, cannot every year receive this grace of being invited, it is by an old law ordained, lest any one should seem to be left out, that the prince should in the winter time send to every citizen that hath privilege of A strange ceremony observed by the Duke of Venice, but now the same is altered, & the wild ducks changed into a piece of silver coin. voice in the greater Council five wild ducks, as a portion or share of the public banquet, which likewise is a great mean to the Duke of winning the love and goodwill of the citizens. In these chargeable expenses doth the Duke yearly consume and spend a great part of that money which he receiveth out of the common treasure: so that though the Duke would be covetous, yet cannot he in a manner stain with any baseness the nobleness & dignity of the place he holdeth. Here because the whole power and authority of the prince is in a manner already expressed of us, it shall not be amiss to declare in what season and time the beginning was of creating a Duke in Venice, and finally what is the order of the sessions in his election. The beginning of creating a Duke in Venice. Immediately from the first beginning of the City, when the noblest citizens of the Venetian province, (their greatest cities, as Aquileia, Altina, Concordia, Vderzo, Padova, and many other of great opulency and richesse, being ruinated by the Huns, under the conduct of Attyla their Captain, who filled Italy with fire and blood) did assemble themselves in those flats of the Adriatic sea, where Venice since was builded, & every one of them had chosen for his mansion those places which were nearest to the country which he had abandoned: it came to pass that there were by them built about two and twenty towns, partly upon that shore or bank which encloseth the inner lakes, partly upon certain hillocks which appeared out above the lakes. But in the beginning when those towns were neither of themselves sufficiently fortified and fenced, neither every of them so furnished with shipping, that it was able to resist the incursions of thieves and pirates, they thought it meet (seeing their fortunes were all alike) to govern their matters by a common council, as well for the provision of corn, wine, fruits, and other necessaries, as also the security of their persons and families, thereby to avoid the danger of pirates and rovers, to which in regard of their weak, scattered & unfortified towns, they lay in a manner open. Therefore when firstevery town had chosen from out his other citizens a chief and sufficient man, calling him by Every town did choose a Tribune. the name or title of Tribune, they generally altogether ordained, that upon certain appointed days these Tribunes should meet, and consult together the common business: but finding in the end an inconvenience in the variety of so many opinions and authorities, and suffering withal many incommodities, they thought nothing would do better than to lay the whole charge of the general and common affairs upon some one particular man, whom all the rest should acknowledge as their prince and ruler. It was therefore by general consent of the xxij. towns concluded and agreed, that The prince's seat assigned him in the town of Heraclea. there should one Duke or Prince be chosen, & his seat assigned him at the beginning, in the town of Heraclea, situated on the inner side of the lakes, in a certain Island near to the mouth of the river Piave, which in our time (by inundation of the floods) is now joined to the firm lands, But afterwards this place seeming unfit, because it was far off, so that many times afore the prince could have advertisement, the Pirates had already entered the lakes, oppressed at unwares the inhabitants, & spoiled their shipping. Therefore they thought The prince's seat transposed to Malamoco. it better that the prince leaving Heraclea should plant his seat in Malamoco, a town seated upon the midst of the bank: whence the Duke might easily & soon have inkling of any whatsoever attempt of the Pirates, and Pipin invaded Italy. with small ado be at hand wheresoever his presence The prince's seat lastly reduced to Venice. should be requisite. But at length when Pipin (even in those very beginnings of the Venetian city) threatened servitude & slaughter, & they abandoning (in a manner) the rest of the towns, they came altogether to Rialto, thither also was the seat of the prince translated, by which means Venice in time increased, and grew into that greatness in which we now do see it: so that by a perpetual continuing custom, even from the beginning, there always was a prince and governor of the Venetian commonwealth. At first for a while their authority was greater: but afterwards being by use of time and experience taught, they began with wholesome statutes and laws to abridge his power, bringing it by degrees into this temperature, in which we now do see it. The manner of choosing the Duke of Venice. The manner of choosing a successor to the deceased Duke, was at the first altogether simple, and without ceremony: for our ancestors being men of great soundness and integrity, & free from all ambition, did every one in his particular, draw back from accepting a matter of so great a charge: so that by a general cry & acclamation of the people, he was proclaimed prince that was reputed to be the honestest & wisest man: But after those times, the City and people increasing to a greater mightiness & state, it seemed a thing not convenient to the greatness of so noble a commonwealth, to commit to the rash & wavering voice of the multitude, a matter of so great weight, honour, and dignity. It was therefore decreed, that there should be chosen out 11. of the most sufficient citizens, & that this authority of creating the prince should be wholly unto them committed: but afterwards as with their empire their ambition increased, there were appointed certain several parliaments or sessions, & a kind of intricate way found out in this election of the Duke, which (lest there should be any thing wanting in my undertaken task) I will briefly express. The Duke being dead, and his obsequies devoutly and honourably solemnized: the Counsellors, who presently upon the prince's death during the interregne or vacancy, betaking themselves to the public palace, appointed for the prince's habitation, do call & assemble The Duke's actions examined after his death. together the great council. In that first assembly after the Duke's decease, there are (according to the manner of the sessions before expressed) 5. citizens created, whose office is diligently to look into & to examine the actions of the deceased prince, and if they found any thing done by him against the laws and statutes, then by opinion and authority of the council to cancel and disannul the same. If he have received a bribe of any man, or have been sparing in that due and ordinary expense which belongeth to his dignity, then upon the report of these five commissioners, there is such a fine and amercement imposed upon his heirs, as the laws command: the penalty is only money, which is levied upon the Prince's inheritance, & carried into the treasure house. In the same session are likewise chosen five other citizens, who immediately upon their election do retire themselves into an aparted room, or conclave adjoined to the session house, out of which they do not departed, till after many matters well debated, they do at length determine whether there is any thing that in their opinion ought to be taken away, or added to the prince's authority. The matter being well discussed among them, the council is called together again, which being done, they then come forth of the conclave (for before they may not) and every of them declareth his opinion to the Council concerning the authority of the prince, and then it being of the whole assembly together advised on: it is by suffrages decreed which shall be most for good of the commonwealth. And that decree is presently registered among the laws, which the following Prince is bound to observe. The authority and power of the prince being once settled and determined: the next day after is spent in that intricate kind of sessions, in which the Prince is accustomed to be chosen. No citizen allowed in those sessions which concern the election of their prince, under the age of 30▪ years. All the citizens that are above thirty year old do assemble and meet together: for no one under that age is by an ancient institution of the commonwealth admitted into that Council or sessions: then the citizens are all of them numbered, and so many as they are in number, so many little balls are thrown into a pot, of which thirty are gold, and the rest silver: The pot is placed just before the tribunal of the sessions, where the Counsellors do stand: and by the same standeth a little boy which pulleth out the lots. The citizens are called and do come unto the pot every one according unto the rank and order in which he sitteth, but no one is suffered, (as in their other sessions the custom is) to put his hand into the pot, only the boy which standeth by, draweth out for each of them his ball. Those that chance upon a silver ball, do presently departed forth of the sessions: but he whom fortune shall favour with one of those that are of gold, is presently in a high voice published and pronounced by the secretary: and immediately goeth his ways apart into the inner room, and all his kindred and near allies do presently arise out of their places, and all go together into one part or corner of the hall. There they are numbered, and so many as they are, so many silver balls are 30. chosen out of the whole multitude. drawn out of the pot and given them, upon which without delay, they depart out of the hall: so that only thirty, to whose lot the golden balls do befall, are chosen and elected out of the whole assembly of citizens: and that being done, the council is dismissed. These 30. reduced to 9 After they are all departed, those thirty come again out of the conclave, & try once more their chance by lottery afore the Counsellors, so that of their number only nine, whom this new lottery shall favour, are made Electors: and the rest being dismissed, they go again into a closet appointed for the purpose, and there are locked in alone, no one, no not a servant suffered to The 9 choose 40. speak with them: nor they may not thence departed till they have chosen forty men, of which forty no one can of them be declared as elected and chosen, unless he have first six balls or suffrages in his favour: so that if there be four of the nine contrary to him, he may not be elected. So soon as they are once agreed in the choice of these forty men, they send word thereof unto the Counsellors by the public guardian or Porter: presently the Counsellors (unless the day be very far spent) do call and assemble the great council: which being altogether in the Court, there is a list brought out of the closet, wherein the names are written of the Electors: and then the chief Secretary ascending the Tribunal, doth with a high voice pronounce the names of the forty elected citizens: of which every one as he heareth himself named, doth arise from his seat, and going to the Tribunal of the Counsellors, doth there sit down, and then goeth thence into an appointed closet or inner room: but if any one chance to be away, he is presently inquired for by the Counsellors, and the Presidents of the forty, and sought for with great diligence throughout the city. So soon as he is found out, he is immediately by those Magistrates brought into the sessions, and thence into the Conclave to his fellows, without suffering him to speak or talk with any man by the way: thereby to exclude all ambition and subornation out of the sessions, which the will of our ancestors was, should be handled with all uprightness and sincerity. By this means the forty designed citizens do come together unawares, and being come together, the Council is presently dismissed. Then these forty do come forth again out of the closet into a large and open hall before the counsellors, and there by the same manner of lottery as is The 40. reduced to 12. before expressed, twelve of the forty are chosen, and the other eight and twenty which remain, are put back and forsaken. These twelve again do choose The twelve choose 25. five and twenty others, of which every one must have eight suffrages, for under none may be chosen: which being ended and done, they presently send word thereof by a messenger to the Counsellors. They, if the season of the day serve, do call and assemble the Council, and (in a manner) as before those five and twenty also unawares are assembled and gathered together, The 25. reduced to nine. and then the Council being dismissed, nine of them are by the same sort of lottery as before, elected, the rest do go their ways. These nine elect forty five other citizens, but no one of them, unless he have 6. of The nine do elect 45. the nine suffrages, which in the council in like manner again assembled are pronounced of the Secretary, The 45. reduced to 11. and so put into the closet. These by the like manner of The 11. do elect 41. who have authority to choose the Duke. lottery are reduced unto eleven, who do choose one & forty of the chief and noblest Senators, who so soon as they are pronounced, do presently withdraw themselves into a several appointed room: and these have authority to elect the Duke: but so that there may not be by any means two of a kindred in the number of electors, which is among the Venetians a perpetual custom in all their offices. Our ancestors (being men most wise and virtuous) The cause of this intricate proceeding in the Duke's election. made choice of this strange and intricate proceeding, to the end the whole multitude might seem to have a part in this creation & election of their prince. For the electors of the first order are made by lot, of which all the citizens are capable: next which they mingled election, but in sort that election should exceed the lottery: because no man may receive any favour by the benefit of lots, unless the same be allowed and approved of the first order: but in the next order they would not that chance or lot should have any force at all: because they thought it unfit and full of inconveniences, to commit the choice of those that were to be electors of their prince, to the temerity and arbitrement of fortune: in sort that neither is the multitude wholly deprived of this authority, neither yet is the same committed to the wavering wit of the inconsiderate people, among whom commonly a vain opinion and ungrounded favour may do more, than a settled judgement of those that are wise and virtuous. Besides, the not knowing who they are that are to be electors of the prince, but the determination of the whole depending upon those that are fortunate in their lots: all aspiring pretensions and ambitions, are thereby clearly cut off and taken away: because it may easily come to pass, that those with whom there is any practice entertained, shall not have any authority at all. But to return to the matter: the manner of the sessions being in this sort accomplished, the one and forty electors of the prince, immediately upon their election, without saluting or speaking to any man do go into that Court, in which the senate is accustomed to assemble, where hearing divine service, which is celebrated with great solemnity & devotion, laying their hands upon the altar, they do promise with oath to God, and to the commonwealth, that they will choose him for their Duke, whom they shall esteem to be worthiest and of best desert, as well in love towards his country, as in piety, carefulness and prudence, and then the priests departing, they only are enclosed & locked within the Court alone, without so much as a servant suffered to be among them. Then three of the eldest do sit down by at a certain table fitted for that purpose, upon the which there standeth a pot, and every elector writeth in a little scrol the name of him whom he thinketh fit to be created Duke, which scrolls being first all well meddled together, are put into the pot, of which one is taken out, such as shall by chance come into the hand of him that taketh it forth. The scroll being read, he whose name is therein contained, if he be present (as for the most part it happeneth) goeth presently out of the Court. Then if any shall think him to be a man unfit, or uncapable, or unworthy of so great a dignity, or for any other cause shall not think his creation to be for the good of the commonwealth, he riseth up, and with an honest modesty speaketh his opinion, declaring the cause why he thinketh it unmeet that he should be chosen and created Duke: when he hath ended his speech, the party is called in again, and the eldest in the company declareth the objections made against him, always provided that he never nameth the author thereof: for they are all first bound by solemn oath to observe perpetual silence. He on the other side excuseth and confuteth (in the best sort he may) the matters alleged against him. After which he avoideth the court again, & then if the first or any other will charge him a fresh with any other matter, it is in their liberty to do it: and he again being called in, hath liberty to answer in his justification, and so till the matter is by turn handled, till his accusers be silent, and have nothing any farther to urge against him. Then at last go they to their lots: Somewhat before our time if the first had had 25. suffrages in his favour, than was there no farther reckoning made Andrea Gritti Duke of Venice. of the rest, but he was strait proclaimed for Duke: but in our time in those sessions in which Andrea Gritti (a most honourable Senator) was proclaimed Duke, this custom was altered. For although none be elected Prince unless he have five and twenty suffrages: yet the matter consisteth not as before it did, in him that first obtaineth that number, but proceedeth still forward to the rest, so that if any go beyond that number; he than is proclaimed Duke, and not the former. After the lottery is ended concerning him whose name was first drawn, then is there an other scroll taken forth of the pot, and all things concerning the same ordered in every point as the former: and so the third, fourth, & finally all: but if no one of the whole number have in his favour the complete sum of those suffrages, then if the day be not too far spent, the sessions are once again begun in the same manner as before: and to the end that the expedition should be the greater, it is not lawful for any of the electors to departed thence, neither have they liberty to speak with any stranger, till five and twenty of them are agreed in the election of the Duke: whom so soon as they have named and chosen, the Counsellors are presently called into the court, who first do with all reverence and honour salute the new prince. The fame of which presently flieth through the city: in every part whereof you may behold the citizens making joy, and throwing up The solemnities that follow the election of the prince. their prayers to heaven for this prince, that his government may be fortunate and happy to the commonwealth. All his parents and kinsfolks come presently unto the Court, congratulating with him, of this his great honour and dignity: in mean while the coiners are set a work to stamp money, with the face & name of the prince, and all things busily prepared that the future pomp requireth: in which season the Duke and the Counsellors do apparel themselves, and being appareled and in order, do so descend out of the Court, and go directly unto the Church of Saint Mark, being near thereunto adjoining, a church of wonderful goodliness and magnificence, and resplendishing in all sorts and variety of rich ornaments and pompous architecture. They do first religiously, & with great veneration, adore the mighty name of God, & then do all ascend up into a high & stately seat, made all of Porphire stone, whence the eldest of the electors maketh a speech unto the people, wherein he declareth the creation of the new Duke, uttering withal some few words in a modest commendation of him. After whom the Duke also maketh an oration, in which after having spoken discreetly a few things concerning himself: he there promiseth and voweth to observe all such things as shall become a virtuous prince, with greater care of the good of the commonwealth, then of any his own private commodity: chief that he will bear himself in matter of justice most holily and strictly, with endeavour that equal right may be administered to all men, that he will not spare his private substance, his labour, no nor his life: if by any incommodity of his the estate of the commonwealth might be assisted or remedied. Finally, he humbly prayeth unto God, unto S. Mark (under whose patronage the City of Venice is) and to all the Saints, that they will be all favourable and helpful unto him in the well discharging of this great and honourable office. His words are received of the people with a great applause: And at the end thereof they do all descend from off the high seat or scaffold, and do place the Duke before the high altar, where laying his hand upon the Gospel, he doth bind himself by solemn oath to God & to his commonwealth, that he will not omit the performance of any such thing as the Duke of Venice is bound unto by the laws. This being done, the Electors (that hitherto remained with the Duke do all departed, he mounteth up into a pulpit of wood, taking with him one of his kinsmen, such as ofall other he holdeth dearest: which pulpit the mariners, such as are best esteemed, do take upon their shoulders, and with a great shout and joy do carry the Duke sitting therein throughout the whole place of S. Mark, who from out the pulpit throweth money coined in his own name round about him. There is no certain sum herein limited, but even according as the substance of the Duke may bear, the same being wholly referred to his disposition and pleasure: but once, the people be not negligent in gathering it up. At length having gone about the place, when they come before the stairs of the prince's palace, they there stay the pulpit, and the prince descendeth out. The apparel which the Duke weareth, and likewise a silver pot, in which the money so thrown about among the people was kept, belongeth by an ancient custom unto the mariners, that did so bear the Duke upon their shoulders. The Duke mounting up the degrees of the palace, is there received of the Counsellors, and there by them crowned with the foresaid Mitre, which is as it were the diadem or ornament of the Prince. This is the order of the whole pomp. The day following the Senate is assembled in the Court, and the Duke maketh an oration, giving thanks to God, & to the fathers for this advancement and honour which he had received, promising withal, that his diligence & travail shall never be spared for the commonwealths commodity. The like oration he maketh before the whole assembly of citizens in the first sessions that is held after his creation. Having now sufficiently spoken of the Duke or prince of our commonwealth, it remaining that briefly we speak somewhat concerning the Counsellors, to the end that you may understand what their authority is, and how far it extendeth. There are always (as I said before) six Counsellors The office & authority of the 6. Counsellors. present by the prince's side, out of every quarter of the city one: for the whole city is divided into six quarters or tribes: three of the which are on this side of the great channel, which divideth the city, and three on the other: out of each of these quarters is chosen one counsellor in the sessions, according to the manner before expressed in the choice of other magistrates. Their office continueth only eight months, in which jointly with the Prince they take care of all such affairs as pertain to the commonwealth. But the whole manner & handling of the sessions, an ancient ordinance passeth chief through their hands. Likewise if report is to be made unto the great council of any matter, and by authority thereof to be confirmed, they are to make report thereof, as those to whose authority that right only belongeth, yet sometimes the Precedents of the 40. are adjoined to them, who otherwise were insufficient & without power to make report over to the council. No other magistrate (the Duke only always excepted) hath this authority. They may likewise (if it please them) make report of any thing to the Senate or the ten men: but the charge of assembling the Senate, and reporting to the same chief belongeth to the Preconsultors, like as the office of the Presidents of the ten is to assemble the ten, & to make report unto them: the manner of which shall hereafter be more largely handled. But the Councillors are endued with greater privilege, as those that have in the senate equal authority with the Preconsultors, and in the courts of the ten men, with the presidents of that Court: for the space of eight months they are always present with the Duke: and do exercise these offices of which I have made mention. But four months they are present or rather Presidents of the forty men, who have the handling of weighty and capital matters, which are by their judgement decided & determined of, as shall hereafter more plainly be declared. Now seeing that which concerns the great council, which representeth in this commonwealth popular estate, and that likewise of the prince, which beareth the person of a king, is handled of us, though uneloquently, yet faithfully, & with diligence, the undertaken work seemeth to require at my hands, that I should likewise speak of the other parts & branches of this government, which in seeming do represent the rule & government of the nobles and best citizens, seeing that especially the same doth in the city of Venice excel the rest: as in the following volume I will by God's help, make manifest and plain. The end of the second book. The third Book of the Magistrates and Commonwealth of the Venetians. EVery institution and government of man, the nearer it aspireth to the praise of perfection and goodness, the nearer should it imitate nature, the best mother of all things: for so hath she disposed the order of the whole world, that those things which are devoid of sense and understanding, should be ruled and governed by those that have sense and knowledge: and therefore in this assembly of men, (which of us is called City) old men ought to be preferred before the younger fort, as those that are less subject to the perturbations of the mind, and withal having been of longer life, must needs be of greater experience in the affairs of the world. Therefore Aristotle in his Politics most wisely saith, that in every commonwealth which would emulate and follow the wisdom & policy of nature, old men should be placed at the helm, and the office of the young men should be to obey and to execute those things, which the old men should command them. Neither can the young men, seeing this institution is nearest unto Nature, by any means find fault or repine at the government of old men, or stir up therefore any sedition in the commonwealth: seeing that in this difference which age only maketh, envy hath no place, neither may there justly be any complaint, so long as the young men shall assuredly hope to receive the like obedience in their age, of the following younger sort: which opinion of Aristotle is allowed of all commonwealths that ever were of any fame, who always preferred the counsel of the elder sort, as The name of senate derived from Senes signifieth old men. well in the government of their City, as in the administration of their other public affairs, neither is the name of senate from else where derived, then from old men, who in the Latin tongue are called Senes. I would allege here the commonwealth of the Romans', of the Athenians, of the Carthaginians, of the Lacedæmonians, besides the laws of sundry other cities, but that the matter is of itself so manifest, that it standeth not in need of any such proof. With this reason therefore was the Senate ordained and established in this commonwealth of ours, & likewise the council of the ten, who in the city of Venice in whose commonwealth (as I said) there is a mixture of the three governments royal, popular, & noble, do represent the state of the nobility, & are (as it were) the mean or middle, which reconcileth and bindeth together the two extremes, that is, the popular estate represented in the great council, & the prince bearing a show of royalty. So saith Plato are the extreme elements, the earth and the fire, joined and bound together with the middle elements, as in a well tuned diapason the extreme voices are concorded together by the middle tunes of the Dyatessaron and Diapente. The number of right and lawful senators are 120. To go forward therefore with my purpose, the senate of Venice hath a hundred and twenty lawful senators, besides many other magistrates that do also obtain the privilege and right of Senators, so that now in this time of ours there are above two hundred and twenty that have the authority of using their suffrages in the senate. The lawful Senators are every year created by that assembly of citizens, which (as I have often repeated) is termed the great Council: Neither hath this honour any vacation, as the other magistrates have, but they may if their lot fall out, and that the great council be therewith pleased (which for the most part happeneth) continue every year in that office. The manner and mean of their election is of us before declared, when we expressed the form of the whole sessions. There are in the months of August and September in every session six Senators elected: which session being in those sessions ten times removed, make up the number of threescore elected Senators, the other threescore are joined, or (as it were) ascribed to the former, and they all are chosen together at certain particular sessions. For upon the nine & twentieth day of September, the senate doth assemble, & then every senator and other that hath authority of suffrages, nameth a citizen in the Senate. And the next day early at three a clock in the morning, the whole number of citizens cometh into the session house, and then the names being rehearsed by the Secretary of all those citizens, who the day before were named of the Senators, the names of all are put into a pot, and afterwards taken out by chance. By and by they go to their lots, of which threescore of those that shall have most lots in their favour (so that they exceed not the half) are that year ascribed in the number of Senators, but yet in that sort that there may not be in that last number above two of a kindred: so that in the whole number of lawful Senators, there cannot in all be above three of a kindred, which ordinance seemeth to have been established with exceeding wisdom in behalf of the commonwealth: considering that there cannot happen to a commonwealth a more dangerous or pestilent contagion, than the overweighing of one part or faction above the other: for where the balance of justice standeth not even, it is unpossible that there should be a friendly society and firm agreement among the citizens: which always happeneth where many offices of the commonwealth meet together in one. For as every mixture dissolveth, if any one of the elements (of which the mixed body consisteth) overcome the other: and as in music the tune is marred where one string keepeth a greater noise than he should do: so by the like reason, if you will have your commonwealth perfect and enduring, let not one part be mightier than the other, but let them all (in as much as may be) have equal share in the public authority. With excellent wisdom and providence therefore did our ancestors cause this to be established as a perpetual law and decree in our commonwealth, that not only in the senate, but also in all other offices there should not be any more of one kindred or alliance, than the preservation of equality required. Neither seemeth the order of electing the Senate invented with less forecast and prudence, which is that threescore citizens should be chosen, according to the accustomed use of the sessions, chance, election and judgement, being therein mingled altogether, but that the choice of the other threescore should be after another sort, such as you have heard, wherein chance hath no force at all: for if in them all chance should have borne sway, it might easily have happened, that the principal citizens might have been left out, to the great prejudice of the commonwealth. They ordained therefore that there should yearly be chosen threescore fathers, not by casualty of The last 60. senators which are elected are called adiunctes. lots, but by soundness of judgement. So you see that the Senate first consisteth of a hundred and twenty, of which threescore are by their proper term, called Senators, the rest, Adjuncts: in the session of whose choice, there is commonly a whole day passed over. Now besides this hundred and twenty lawful Senators, those of the council of ten have in the Senate equal authority with the Senators, as also beside the Duke and the other councillors, the council of the forty have the like, the judges of capital & weighty crimes, the masters over the salt and corn, and the procurers of S. Mark, besides many others: so that in our time their number exceedeth two hundred & twenty, who in their offices have all the power and authority of Senators. The whole manner of the commonwealths government belongeth to the senate. That which the senate determineth is held for ratified and inviolable. By The great authority & power of the senate. their authority and advise is peace confirmed and war denounced. The whole rents and receipts of the comcomwealth are at their appointment collected and gathered in, and likewise laid out again and defrayed. If there be any new taxations or subsidies to be laid upon the citizens, they are imposed, & likewise levied by the Senate's decree. And if at any time it shall seem necessary for the good of the commonwealth, to create a new officer or magistrate upon any sudden urgent occasion, he is by the senate elected. Besides, the senate by a perpetual prerogative, hath authority to choose such Ambassadors as are to be sent to foreign princes, and likewise to create the college of those, whose office is to assemble the senate, and to report unto them. Those are of Aristotle termed Praeconsultores, but we Preconsultors or Sages. honouring them with a prouder title, do call them Sages, which name we must in this discourse often use, lest otherwise I should seem to mislike of our common phrase of speaking. Nevertheless these sessions of the senate, in which both the Ambassadors and the Sages are elected, stand nothing so much in the arbitrement of chance, as those before described, that is to say, the great counsels, wherein the whole number of the citizens is assembled & gathered together: for every one of the senators nameth one whom he thinketh good, and then go to their suffrages, of which whosoever shall have more than the rest, provided always, that he have about the half of the whole number on his side, is presently ratified and chosen, And if at any time the service & necessary occasion of the commonwealth seem to require the employment of some one in an office, which they think he would be unwilling to accept, then doth every one of the senators secretly in a little scrol note the name of him whom he thinketh fit for the charge, putting the same into a pot provided ready for the purpose, after which the Secretary taketh those scrolls out, and readeth them all openly: & then again they go for every one of those to their lots, of which on whomsoever the greatest part doth fall, is presently pronounced chosen: provided always that he have more than half of the whole number. This manner of writing in scrolls was invented, lest otherwise some might refrain from naming him whom they thought fit for government and discharge of that office: lest in regard of his unwillingness to accept it, they might thereby incur his displeasure & evil will, whereby through a private regard the common good might receive prejudice. The manner which the Senate useth in their consultations and decrees. Now it remaineth that we declare the manner that the Senate useth in determining, decreeing, and consulting upon those things which are to be done: and in what sort the decrees of the Senate were wont to be executed. Sixteen Sages elected. Our elders were not ignorant, that if every Senator should confusedly make report unto the Senate, & then deliver his opinion without limitation or restriction of that office to some particulars: there must of necessity follow a great trouble and intricateness in the Senate. Besides, it is by experience approved, that the thing which dependeth generally alike upon the care of all, is generally alike in a manner of all neglected. Therefore it was by our laws ordained, that there should be chosen sixteen citizens out of the senate, which in respect of their farther knowledge and sufficiency above the rest, are of the common sort called Sages, we imitating Aristotle (in regard that they are to consult afore hand among themselves & then to council the senate in those things that are to be handled) may well call them Preconsultors. These have authority to assemble the senate, and to make relation of each matter unto them. This magistrate doth not continue in The Sages divided into three sorts or orders. office any longer than six months. But now these Sages are divided into three sorts, of great difference and diversity the one from the other: for in the first are six senators of the most noble and citizens, excelling the rest as well in dignity and estimation, as in prudent gravity and profoundness of knowledge. Their office principally is, that in weighty and important causes concerning the state of the commonwealth as well in matter of wars, as in things of peace, they are first among themselves to hold a long and deliberate consultation, and then to give over their council and opinion to the senate. In the second sort or order are only five, who though they have equal authority with the other, in making report of all things to the senate, yet are they of far less estimation and dignity. To them chief belongeth the care of the soldiers that are by the commonwealth entertained in pay, and are under the government of the General of the Venetian forces. Of the third order there are also five to whom the charge of all sea matters is committed, of which only and of nothing else they have authority to make report unto the senate. This office was held of our ancestors in great reputation, during the while that our commonwealth did flourish & was famous in matters of navigation: but when once our minds were bend to the enlarging of our limits, and to the greatness of rule by land: then began our seafaring matters to decline, and with them the reputation of this office, so that in this age of ours, young men and some in a manner beardless are admitted thereunto. These sixteen citizens therefore, whose assembly among the Venetians by proper term called, the College, do early in the morning meet together with the prince and the counsellors, & first they spend the day till it be three a clock, in giving audience to private suitors, that have any cause either with the commonwealth or with any particular magistrate, whose suits and causes they do there altogether determine and end, unless the matter be of such importance, that it behoveth them to make report thereof unto the senate. After three a clock all private men are dismissed out of the court, & presently all such letters as are sent unto the senate are read by one of the secretaries that belongeth to the state: after which the Sages or Preconsultors do withdraw themselves apart into a Conclave or council chamber, there to consult of public business, unless they be detained by the Ambassadors of some Prince, that desireth audience of the Duke & the College, or by some other business of great and weighty moment. After that they are withdrawn & placed every one in his seat: he which there presideth (which prerogative each of them enjoyeth seven days together, one after the other as his turn comes about) propoundeth that cause or matter, which they are in council to debate of. Then he demandeth of every one his opinion, yet observing such order, that those of the first sort, as they are noblest in degree, so they be first entreated to speak their advise, and after them the other five, whom we placed in the second rank or order. Lastly if the question concern any sea matters, the five of the last order, who have charge thereof are asked their opinion. But if the matter propounded do not pertain to sea business, they are to hold their peace. In each rank or order he always first speaketh his advise, that had the presidency the last seven days, and then next unto him the eldest of the company, and after him the rest accordingly unto their age. Lastly of all, he which did propound the matter, & sitteth during those seven days as Precedent and chief, uttereth his conceit. The matter being at length well disputed of among them: whether they be all of one opinion or divided into sundry (as the dispositions of men are different and divers) they go first to the prince & council, before they assemble the senate: & there do repeat the several opinions of all, to which if the prince or any of the counsellors do seem to lean or give his assent, or shall otherwise of himself yield any other different reason, the matter is then once again debated of among them, and finally every man's opinion put in writing, which belongeth to those to do that are secretaries of this three several orders. The business then being well debated of, that is to be determined by authority of the Senate, the Senate is assembled. When the senators are come into the Court, first all such letters as are of moment, and were delivered to the Duke and Sages since the dismissing of the last Senate, are there recited. Then are the opinions of the Sages repeated concerning those matters that were in their College debated, whether they were all of one mind or of sundry, even in a manner in the same sort, as the requests of the people, of which Plato speaketh, were wont to be among the Athenians. But none other besides those, who (as I told you) are of the Venetians called Sages, hath power or authority to make report unto the senate, and then to confirm & establish his opinion by authority of that order: always I accept the Duke, the counsellors and the Precedents of the forty, of whom I will at large declare, and speak more hereafter. The opinions of all being read and perused in the senate, he that is for that week precedent of the first order of Sages, ariseth if he so think good: if not the eldest or else any of the other, to whom being desirous to speak, the rest are contented to give place, and from a seat or scaffold made of purpose somewhat higher than the rest, he maketh his oration to the senate: alleging such reasons as he thinketh meetest to confirm his opinion, and to refute that which is maintained to the contrary, yet modestly, and with gravity, as it beseemeth a senate of so honourable a degree and order. After that he hath ended, another of the Sages that differeth from his opinion, ariseth, fortifying his own advise with the best reasons he can yield, and refelling the former, and likewise the rest, if there be any more that do disagree from his. Then the third, (if there be so many diversities of censures among them) standeth up, by proofs and arguments endeavouring to maintain and confirm that which he thinketh meet and convenient: and so by course still is the matter pleaded and argued among them, till there remain not any one more that will speak: as for the Senators no one of them may speak, till the Sages that will take the matter upon them, have made an end: but when they have with reasons, arguments and proofs contended and thoroughly debated the matter of each side as much as shall seem good unto them, then have the other Senators also liberty to speak: of which if any will gainsay or confirm any of the former opinions, or allege any new of his own, he may freely do it at his pleasure: though as for the opinion of which himself shall be author and inventor, he may not himself make report thereof unto the Senate: but if it shallbe thought good and profitable for the commonwealth, then commonly one of the College, or a counsellor, or the Precedent of the forty relateth the same unto the Senate. By which means the matter being at length well & thoroughly sifted and discussed: then doth the senate determine by the suffrages of those that are of that order, whether of the opinions is to be allowed: yet do they not with words or signs confirm or refute that opinion, as we read the ancient Romans' did, neither do they speak it publicly for every one to hear: but their manner is to decide it with pots and suffrages, not much unlike the order I told you was observed in the Sessions. The secretaries of the senate bring forth as many pots as there are opinions concerning the matter debated of, and one besides which is green, into which are put the lots of all those that do dislike that advice and counsel: and another red, which receiveth the balls of those Senators, that remain doubtful to whether opinion they should incline. The other Senators every one putteth his ball into his pot whose opinion he liketh and esteemeth above the rest: if he like none at all than he putteth it into the green pot, and if he be doubtful, into the red. The Counsellors do tell the balls, and that opinion is held for ratification and decreed, which shall have in favour thereof the balls of half the senators, which number if none of them attain unto: then first, that opinion which is favoured with fewest balls, is quite rejected, & for the rest they go to their lots again: and so in that manner still rejecting that which hath fewest balls, the controversy is at length brought only between two, of which the one must of necessity have above half the suffrages, and then the same is by the decree of the senate authorized and allowed. One matter being dispatched, they begin with another (unless it be too late in the day) always observing the same manner as is aforesaid. The manner of giving audience & dispatching Ambassadors. If there come an Ambassador from any prince to the commonwealth of Venice, he is received of the Duke, the counsellors and the whole college, and doth before them express his embassage: which being heard, they do for that time dismiss him, demanding space to consult upon the matter, which having done in sort & form as you have heard, they then demand the opinion of the Senate. To which the Duke first declareth the effect of the Ambassadors demand, and then the opinions are read of all those that have authority to make report to the senate, & finally in manner as before. The senate determineth what answer shall be made unto the Ambassadors demand: who being called in, a Secretary readeth unto him the decree of the Senate, upon which he is dismissed. This is in effect the whole sum, manner, and form that the Senate useth in The council or college of the ten. their consultations, decrees and counsels: and therefore now I think it requisite in this place to say somewhat of the council of the ten, of which you have often heard me make mention. This council or College of the ten is among the Venetians of great and eminent authority, and of which any man may boldly say, that the whole safety of the commonwealth dependeth. I will therefore touch the beginning and original thereof, to the end that the whole manner and course of the same may be the easilier conceived. Our elders did with a marvelous & in manner divine providence foresee, that as in man's body, through the corruption and putrefaction of one humour, many & most dangerous diseases do commonly happen, which grow in time to be the causes of death: so also in a commonwealth there are sometime wicked and disloyal citizens, that are causes thereunto of great troubles and calamities, whiles they aspire rather to the pride of a wicked and unjust commandment, then to the praise of an honest and quiet obedience: carried away in those damnable endeavours either with ambition, and desire of rule, or oppressed with intolerable debt, or otherwise having committed some heinous wickedness or crime, for which they stand in doubt of punishment: such as we read was in Rome, Catiline, Silla, Marius, and finally julius Caesar, who having by tyranny gotten the commonwealth, did (in a manner) bring it to utter desolation and ruin. The like we read of sundry commonwealths Sundry great and famous commonwealths overthrown by the infidelity & ambition of some their private citizens. of the Greeks', yea and those sometimes famous and of great glory, which by the undermining ambition and treachery of some their wicked and unfaithful citizens, were brought into servitude and bondage. But in these times of ours Italy itself hath yielded us sufficient examples, all the cities whereof (in a manner) that were either governed by the people, or by the nobility, being brought under the yoke or tyranny of someone of their citizens. For which cause our prudent elders laboured to establish this commonwealth of ours in all perfection and beauty, and to strengthen the same with such & so wholesome laws, that it might as much as in man's wisdom lieth, prevent the inconvenience of so monstrous and miserable a fall: for they Nothing more to be feared then intestine broils and cavil dissension. imagined that there was not any thing so much to be doubted and feared, as an intestine enemy, or civil strife & sedition among the citizens. Calling therefore to mind, that among the Lacedæmonians the ephors were mighty and of great authority, and among the Athenians the Areopagites, and so likewise among the Romans' the Decemuiri or ten men, insomuch The cause of the creation of ten in the city of Venice. that they made laws: they thought it not amiss by imitation of their example, though in an unlike cause, to create in this our city some magistrate of authority and power, whose office above all other things should be, to have especial care to see that among the citizens should not arise any strife or dissension, whereby there might ensue any scandal or uproar: and to prevent factions, or the attempts of any wicked citizen that should conspire against the liberty of the commonwealth: of which sort of mischief if there should by evil destiny, any creep into the commonwealth, they then to have absolute authority to punish and chasten the same, lest otherwise the commonwealth might thereby receive harm. But so great an authority and puissance could not have been committed to few without danger, neither if to many, would it then have been formidable: therefore to avoid the one and the other inconvenience, they ordained and established this College of ten. They continue in this office a year, and have adjoined unto them the Duke and the six Counsellors, so that the whole College cometh to make up the just number of seventeen citizens, to whom this great power and authority is given. Of these ten there are three every month chosen and elected by lot, who are Presidents of the College, and The heads of the Ten. by common phrase of speech called the heads of the ten, and they have authority to assemble the whole College of the ten, and to make report unto them. They have apart by themselves a chamber, wherein they assemble when they sit in council. They have also under them private and particular officers, as Porters, Ushers, and certain that are allowed for their guard. So that there is not any other Tribunal of magistrates gone unto with greater observance and ceremony. Thither resort allthose that have any thing to do in their College. They likewise read all letters written to the College, and make report of them to the same, for doing of the which with the greater sufficiency, one of those Precedents alone by himself hath not authority to make report, but they must be either two to make report of the same matter, or else four Councillors. For the same cause also and to avoid the rashness and temerity that some few of them might otherwise use in alteration of any thing, it is ordained, that if they will cancel or undo any thing that is already established and fully confirmed, they must at least have the Suffrages of two parts of the College, for confirmation of that which they shall do, which otherwise is held to be void and of no effect. They have also an order that the offendor is The offender never suffered to come into the College, not any friend or Lawyer to plead for him. never suffered to come into the college, when they are to give judgement of him, nor any friend, kinsman, or Lawyer for him to plead his cause: which privilege is granted to offenders in any other court whatsoever, where their cause is handled. The manner used in their judgements is in this sort: The offendor is examined of the Precedents of the college, and his confession written, & then the matter is reported to the College, the precedents of which & the other judges that are present do plead as well in the behalf of the accuser as of the offendor never determining of any great matter, but with an exceeding moderation of judgement. In the beginning the charge only of preventing and remedying all such things as any way should offend the civil agreement of the commonwealth, was committed to the care of the ten. But afterwards certain other grievous & enormous offences, as making of false money, sodomy, and such like were also brought under the severity and censure of this sharp and strict manner of judgement. And in these times of ours this authority of the ten hath yet much more enlarged his bounds: for they have power given them to set amercements upon sundry offences, and to punish those that shall blaspheme the name of God, or of the blessed Virgin: and it is likewise ordained, that whatsoever secret matters that should concern the state of the commonwealth any way: that such (I say) should be brought and disclosed unto them: who nevertheless do not determine any thing of great moment without the opinion of the Senate. To the end therefore that a few citizens should not alone have such successive authority in so weighty affairs, there are called and admitted into this college the Sages of the first and second order: likewise the Fifteen senators ascribed to the college of the ten, who are called Adiunctes. Aduocators and procurers of S. Mark, whose office is held in great estimation and reverence. There are beside fifteen Senators ascribed to this College, who are called Adiunctes, but all these here rehearsed have not the privilege of suffrage, but only the seventeen first, and these fifteen Adiunctes: so that the whole number of those that have authority of suffrage are two & thirty. The rest are deprived of this power and privilege, though otherwise they be present at all their business. The fifteen Adiunctes were not accustomed to be elected neither of the Senate, neither of the sessions of the great Council, but the ten men did of themselves make choice of fifteen such Senators as they best liked for their assistants and companions: though now the same is altered, and the fifteen are chosen by the sessions of the great Council, as the other magistrates are. That there hath great utility redounded to the commonwealth of Venice through this council & College of ten: experience itself hath made most manifest & plain. For two hundred & ten years since Marino Phalerio that then was Duke, having turned all his thoughts to tyranny and usurpation, was likely to have given a great & deadly blow to the liberty Marino Phalerio Duke of Venice, publicly beheaded. of our commonwealth, if by the grave authority & wisdom of the ten, he had not been oppressed & put down, and received the reward of his impiety & wickedness: for by their judgement and sentence, he had his head publicly stricken off, and with him sundry other citizens of great nobility, that together with him had conspired the ruin of their country's liberty, and besides his memory was delivered to posterity with an eternal blot of dishonour and infamy: For in those places where the pictures of our princes are curiously set forth and painted, with Epitaphs and remembrances of those virtuous deeds, which they have done in the behalf and service of their country, the seat of Marino Phalerio is left bare without any picture at all, save only a few verses, signifying unto the reader, that this Duke was for his offences (because I will not vary the words as they stand written) stricken with the axe: a conspiracy without doubt of passing wickedness, and exceeding danger, in appearance not unlikely to have wrought the utter overthrow of the commonwealth, if by the authority of the college of ten, the same had not been presently extinguished. Likewise sundry other citizens, that being tickled with this rumour of ambition, had published certain plausible laws, to draw unto them the good wills of the people, were overtaken by the authority of this college, & presently cut off: whereby it is come to pass, that through the power of this College always assisted by the goodness of God, no such pernicious infection hath as yet been able to eat into our commonwealth. Thus the principal parts of our commonwealths are by us already expressed, but now to the end that our undertaken work may be in every part perfect and accomplished, we will speak somewhat of the remaining magistrates, as well those, to whose hands is committed the administration of justice, as those that have the handling & ordering of the public rents, and withal of the manner of governing those cities that are under the Venetian commonwealth, as also of their captains, navies & armies, both by sea and by land. Lastly I will make mention of certain statutes & ordinances, by which the danger of the common people's mislike, in that they also have not part in governing the commonwealth is clearly avoided, with their great satisfaction and contentment: I will likewise show, that the training and exercising the youths to the exercises of war is not in the City neglected, as some suppose. But before I proceed farther to these particular demonstrations, I think it not beside the purpose to advertise the reader, that in this manner of the Senate's consultation, of which I have spoken, and likewise in that of the College of Ten, there doth plainly appear a certain mixture of the laws of a popular state, with the government of a nobility. For whereas the senate cannot deliberate of any thing if first report thereof be not made unto them of the Sages, therein appeareth a state of nobility: but that the Sages have not any power, unless they consult with the Senate, and have by authority thereof, their opinions confirmed, tasteth altogether of a popular government, so that this just mixture & temperature, which maketh the perfect measures and means of government to be united in the true form and shape of a commonwealth, is found not only in the whole body together, but also in every part and particular member of this our commonwealth. But returning whence I digressed: I will first of all handle that part which pertaineth and belongeth unto justice. All right & justice therefore which is wont to be administered of magistrates, is divided into two parts, for either it consisteth in the punishments of lewd & wicked men, that shall in any notable sort trespass impiously against God, and traitorously against their country, or wickedly against any citizen, or member thereof in particular: or else it concerneth the judgement and determination of litigious controversies and civil causes. Criminal and civil judges. Therefore are there also in Venice two kinds of judges, the one serving for the decision of civil causes, the other for the judgement of capital crimes, of whom we will first speak, and then of the other. Some offences are esteemed to be small and light, in regard of the proper nature of the offence, or else of the condition of him that offended: others are accounted to be more grievous and of greater importance, either through the quality of the misdeed itself, or else through the nobility and degree of him that doth it: whence it cometh that these capital judges are also divided into two: the one for matters of great moment and grievous enormity: the other for crimes less heinous and of smaller weight: which division of judgements as it was first ordained with an exceeding reason and found foundation, so hath experience approved it for allowable & of high commendation: we will first speak of the chiefest, and then of the rest. Besides those offences, which we told you were committed to the censure of the ten: all other great and weighty crimes, being by the Aduocators reported of, and by the College of forty well pondered and debated, are wont all to be determined, and punishment according to the quality of the crime to be inflicted upon those that shallbe found faulty therein. These forty that have the examination & handling of weighty criminal causes, are commonly called the xl. criminal judges: we will speak of either, but we will first begin with the Aduocators. The office of the Aduocators. The office of the Aduocators was in times passed in great authority and marvelous estimation: the duty and function thereof being to defend the laws pure and inviolate, without suffering them in any one point The Aduocators in Venice resemble the ancient Tribunes of the Roman people. ro be blemished, so that their authority and power is much like unto that of the Tribunes of the Roman people, but that they were to defend the liberty of the people, and ours only the force of the laws: so that in my judgement they may, and not unfitly be termed the Tribunes of the laws. But we to avoid all ambiguities, will still retain the common and accustomed word: they only pleaded and made report unto the people, but ours to the xl. men for small causes, for greater to the Senate, for greatest of all to the greater Council, if so they shall think good: so that in ancient time the authority of this office was passing honourable. But now since the mightiness and increased greatness of the Ten, this office is grown to be of less account, and the estimation thereof much obscured. Nevertheless seeing there belongeth to this office so ample an authority of reporting in all causes, but especially the guarding and defending of the laws: & seeing that those which have committed any excess or crime, seem to have broken and transgressed the laws, it seemed good that those offences should in a certain peculiar sort be corrected by the censure of the Aduocators, though of themselves they have not any authority of determining any thing absolutely against the offenders, unless it be in some small causes: the rest are all ordered by the sentence of the Council. In this place, I think it not from the purpose to explain The manner of capital judgements. the manner and mean of capital judgements, which are given upon the report of the Aduocators, seeing that (unless I be deceived) the like custom is not any where observed, withal I shall thereby the better and plainlier make you understand what the authority is of this office of Aduocators. When any crime or offence is brought before the Aduocators (if the same be thought worthy of their censure) then presently is he, whose name is brought by some one of them (the charge thereof belonging chief to three) declared and argued to be guilty, and then report is thereof made over by him that argued him, to what council himself shall best like, though usually such matters are referred to the college of the xl which have presidence, and authority over capital crimes & judgements. And there the matter being well debated of, the council determineth, whether the offender shall be put in prison or tortured, or otherwise allowed to defend his cause at liberty, who is either by the decree of the council presently sent for, or else secretly apprehended by the Officers and sergeants that attend upon the Aduocators: and then he is either at liberty, or as a prisoner examined upon the matter: he maketh his answer, and witnesses and proofs are produced on each side, and each particular registered in writing, as well in the behalf of the offendor, as against him, and a copy thereof given him, and a time of respite appointed him to instruct his Aduocators, & such as he shall choose to plead for him: and they likewise provide themselves of such proofs and arguments, as may best serve for his defence, and for the disproof and confutation of such reasons and testimonies, as shall be urged against him, and then the matter cometh to the pleading. I cannot here overslip an ancient custom observed of our forepast elders even unto this age of ours, which is, that if any do want means and ability to entertain an Advocate or Lawyer to plead and defend his cause: then are there two Advocates appointed him at the charge of the commonwealth, to speak and argue in the defence and maintenance of his right. For thereof the laws have a special regard, Two advocates appointed by the commonwealth to defend the cause of those that want means & ability to entertain them. that no one do receive punishment without being first admitted to say what he can in justification of himself. But after that due ceremonies are observed with the offendor, and all respects and liberties afforded him, that the defence of his cause requireth, the advocators do warn the council, and a day is appointed for the trial of his cause. The Council being assembled, the accusation of the parties that stand upon their trial, belongeth to the Aduocators, who are in that behalf to behave themselves with great sharpness, vehemence and severity, even in as invective a manner (if possible they could attain and reach thereunto) as that which Cicero used against Verres or Antonius, yet so that they refrain from unseemly railing, and do not digress or wander out of the matter with extremity of spiteful words. For whosoever maliciously raileth, seemeth rather to bewray a mind intemperate and hateful, than any way to advance the commonwealths cause. For in this point the matter is far otherwise among the Venetians, than it was in times passed among the Romans'. Anciently in Rome any citizen whatsoever might implead another, and with all bitterness accuse him before the judges: but in Venice no private man may perform such office, the same by the laws of the commonwealth belonging to the dignity & magistracy of the Aduocators. In which point me thinketh our ancestors did rightlier imitate the nature of things, and had therein a more regardful foresight to maintain the citizens in agreement, than had the Romans'. For seeing that an offence committed is a breach of the laws, & a scandal to the commenwealth, & the laws and the commommonwealth are to exact punishment thereof: who can be fit to require the punishment of him that offendeth, or who ought thereunto to bend greater endeavour, than that Magistrate whose authority, rule & dignity is wholly given him to defend the laws? Neither can any private citizen play the part of an accuser, without exceeding envy and hatred of him whom he shall prosecute, whence easily there might sedition & trouble arise among the citizens, which inconvenience is by us notably avoided, by laying this whole charge of accusations upon a Magistrate, who is not to handle the same according to any private or particular dissentious conceit, but according to the prescript rule and form of the laws: so that it hath never lightly been heard of, that ever any blame was imputed to an Aduocator for using vehement invectives, or being a sharp accuser, but rather the greater applause and praise thereby to arise unto him among all the citizens. But let us now return to our before mentioned manner of judgements. The Council being assembled, the Aduocator playeth the part of a bitter accuser, straining the uttermost invention of his wits with all vehemence against the offendor, first objecting unto him the offence, confirming the same with witnesses, and then strengthening his objection with probabilities and likelihoods of conjecture: having ended his speech, the advocate of the offender pleadeth in the Clients' behalf: After which if any of the Aduocators will speak afresh, before the judges give sentence, he hath liberty so to do: likewise the Lawyers of the defendant have leave to answer and to confute, if they can, the opposed arguments. And so of either side the cause is debated and tossed to and fro, till either the offender or the Aduocator whose turn it is to speak, doth declare that he hath no more to say, which done, the offender and his advocates are commanded out of the Court, and the Aduocators are shut into a room apart with the judges and their Secretaries, not any one else being suffered to be there. The Aduocators first do make a motion unto the judges of punishing the offender, demanding their opinions whether they think him worthy of punishment or no, not naming or appointing any one certain kind of punishment, which Two manner of judgements. custom was (in a manner) observed by the Athenians: for in Athens the judges gave two sentences, in the first either condemning or absolving the prisoner. If in the first he were condemned, then was the manner of his punishment determined of in the second, as out of Plato's Apology of Socrates may plainly be perceived, the very like order of judgement is that in manner which we do use: first (as I say) the advocators make a motion unto the judges of punishing the offender. Then the judges go unto their suffrages, for by suffrages among the Venetians all things are determined. Three pots are brought forth, by the one of which the offender is condemned: by the other he is absolved in manner without any correction, & by the third are known the opinion of those, which do seem yet to doubt whether course is to be taken: the first of condemnation is white, the second of absolution green, the third of doubtfulness red. Every of the judges, whether the cause be disputed of by the forty (as usually it is) or else that the senate be consulted with (which seldom happeneth) & that only in great & weighty causes, or whether it be by the advocators reported over to the great council, which is most seldom, & never but in matters exceedingly enormous, to the end to have his suffrage undiscerned, letteth fall into whether of these The manner of the prisoners trial. three pots he pleaseth a little linen ball: which being done, the precedents of the council do number the balls, and if more than the half be in savour of the prisoners liberty, he is presently pronounced free, & the request of the advocators rejected. But if more than the half of those balls, be found in the pot of condemnation, he is presently condemned: if neither of both exceed the half, but that the greater part of the judges put their suffrages into the pot of doubtfulness: then his cause is deferred over till another day, & to the better discussion of the judges: if he be absolved, he hath no more to do but is presently set at liberty: if his term be prolonged, then there is a new day appointed both to him and the judges for the handling of his cause: the Aduocators accusing him and his Lawyers, as well as they can, refuting the objected crimes. After that the matter is debated & pleaded on both sides, the judges go to their balls again, and if then neither there be any thing concluded in regard that the greater part of the lots be found in the pot, that agreeth the doubtfulness & irresolution of the judges, than once again is the cause put over, and a new day appointed both to the prisoner and the judges: which being come, and the judges casting their lots as before, there is no farther regard held of those that are doubtful, insomuch that if the lots be not in either part justly equal, of necessity the prisoner must be either acquitted or condemned: if he be acquitted, he hath (as I said before) no more to do: but if he be condemned, than they are to determine of the manner of his punishment: concerning the which both the Aduocators and the precedents of the Colleges of judges do make motions. Always The office of the Aduocators inclining more to severity than mercy. The heads of the forty and the counsellors propound lighter penalties. the Aduocators do propound that punishment, which to that sort of offence doth seem most sharp and grievous, their office and duty being more to incline to severity then to mercy. The other do accustom to propound lighter penalties, unless the fault be so heinous, that there remain no place for pity, or else that the Aduocators have used greater lenity than becometh their place and office. The opinions of all being proposed, the punishment that the prisoner must suffer, is in the very same manner and fashion concluded & determined on (as I told you above) that the decrees of the senate are wont to be ratified, when the Sages are of sundry & divers opinions. The manner of which if I should repeat again, I should trouble the reader with a needless iteration, and perchance be accounted tedious for my labour: Let this suffice, that that opinion of the judges is pronounced and executed, which (the other being rejected) hath in favour thereof more than half the suffrages. No one citizen nor magistrate allowed for an absolute judge or arbitrator in any thing. Here me thinketh I shall not do amiss to acquaint you with two statutes wisely enacted by our ancestors. The first is, that they would not by any means, that any citizen, no nor magistrate, should be an arbitrator without appeal in any thing, but that the supreme right & judgement of all things should belong to the counsels or colleges. And the other no less profitable than the former is, that the judges should not openly with their tongue pronounce their opinions: but secretly by suffrages, the manner of which you have heard: either of which in my opinion, grounded upon exceeding reason: First for so great an authority in determining matters, to have been committed to one magistrate as it had been dangerous: so if now the matter fall by chance otherwise then well out, the City cannot find fault with any particular citizens. And with as great wisdom was it ordained, that judgements and decrees should not be openly with speech pronounced: for the judges by this invention of secret suffrages do judge much more freely than they would have done, if they had been to deliver their judgements with their tongue, in which case sometimes either through ambition they would have been seduced from justice, or else feared the offence of their well deserving friends, or else doubted the indignation and mislike of some greater person: withal this commodity there is, that every judge followeth his own judgement, without depending upon the authority of any other judge: which might easily happen, that he that had before spoken, were, reputed to be grave and wise, which point hath not been omitted of excellent Philosophers: but now seeing the whole manner of judgements is of us expressed: we will return to the forty judges of Capital causes, of which I had begun to speak. Their College was instituted of our City, to the end that the Aduocators making report unto them of Capital causes; by their deliberation, wicked men and malefactors might receive condign correction & punishment: for unless it be in great and weighty matters, and such as the commonwealths may be interessed by the decision of them, the Aduocators do never consult with the Senate, and very rarely with the great Council: but all Capital causes are brought to this College of the forty, whose sentence is held for ratified and firm without admitting any appeal. Their office lasteth eight months, after that they have before spent sixteen months in determining of civil causes. For there are in the common wealths of Venice three The office of the forty criminal judges Courts or Colleges, every one consisting of Forty judges, two of them are for the judging and determining of civil causes, and the third of which we speak for Capital: but they are in this sort distributed, that these forty Capital judges, so soon as they have finished their limited time of office, do return privately into order, and forthwith other forty are chosen into their places by the session of the great Council, and yet the forty new chosen, do not presently come to the judging of Capital causes, but in place of these former Capital judges, doth the other College of Forty succeed, that did in the mean space of these eight months, exercise the judgement of civil causes within the City. And again in their place doth succeed the other College of forty, which also in this eight months space, had the handling of civil-foreyne causes, and in their place do succeed these last forty newly created, and so by turn they pass from foreign causes to causes of the city, and lastly to those which are capital, in which judgements, from one as I say to another they continue two years. These three courts of judges have their three peculiar appellations. The first of foreign causes is called the new College, the second of homecivil causes, the old, and the third that judgeth upon life and death, the criminal College: these last forty, beside the high power of their judgement in capital offences and crimes are also admitted into the Senate, and have in that honourable Council also their authority of sufrages. They have beside three heads or presidents of their company, which are every two months chosen new by Lot, and in their turns they sit with the Duke and counsellors, and have with them equal authority of making report over of whatsoever they shall please, either to the Senate or to the great Council, the same nevertheless in such manner as I told you before: neither without reason are these forty younger men mingled with the Senators, which are for the most part old men in regard that the heat of their nature maketh a temperature with the others coldness, yet are not these young men equal in number to the old men, but much fewer, only enough to put some heat into the cold deliberations of the Senate; which sometimes exceeding & in matters of some nature is necessary. Besides by this grant of Senator like authority to the forty, there may seem to be in some fort a communication of the commonwealths government, with the lower and meaner sort of citizens, such as for the most part they are that do exercise this office of the forty▪ wherein our ancestors have seemed to use & observe a certain kind of popular law: for to every of these three Colleges of forty men there is a certain rated allowance of money appointed and given for every day that they shall assemble and meet, and therefore very seldom do those that are rich, require this office, and if they should, they would as easily be repulsed. The honour thereof being without difficulty granted to the needier sort, provided always, that their life bear with it the fame of an honest conversation: by which means the poverty of mean gentlemen is not only in some sort provided for, but also the government and administration of the common wealth, is aswell in some sort communicated with the meaner and poorer sort of Citizens, as with those that are highliest remarkable either for riches or nobility, which custom hath a reference to the popular estate. By these things you may perceive that there appeareth in everiy part of the Venetian common wealth, that moderation, and temperature, which in the beginning of this work, I told you our ancestors did so highly endeavour to establish, which is, that the popular estate should have an intelligence and mixture with that of the nobility, yet the same in that order seasoned, that the parts of the Nobility should be both more in number and mightier in sway. We have now in my opinion sufficiently discoursed both of the Aduocators, as also of the forty criminal judges▪ who are to that end instituted, that they should carefully look into all such offences as are any way notorious, either through the quality of the offence, or the condition of the offendor: Now the time Two sorts of inferior magistrates. requireth, that we should briefly speak of some inferior magistrates, that have authority to punish offences of less quality, and moment, either in regard of the means of the fault itself, or the slender regard & quality of the person that committeth the same. These also are of two sorts, the one hath power of life and death, the other not, their authority stretching no farther than to the punishment of Rogues and Harlots, whom they cause to be imprisoned or whipped with rods, every of them according to the proportion of their committed lewdness. The first magistrate also that hath power to give sentence of life and death, is likewise divided into two sorts. For the self same judges do not search out and examine and call to trial the offendor, but the first being the heads of the officers by night do thoroughly examine the cause of Officers of night. the offender, and register up in writing the deposition of the witnesses, & whatsoever else the party hath confessed, either of his own accord, or else by the constraint of torture: and then finally represent the whole to the judges of the Properties. This Magistrate differeth judges of the properties. much from the former, and giveth sentence of death, when the cause in handling is capital. But if it be a lighter offence to be punished only with whipping or imprisonment, the captains of the officers by night, do of themselves dispatch the matter without ask the advise of the College, either for the imprisoning or torturing the offendor, which authority nevertheless the office of the Aduocators hath not, but must first acquaint the College and proceed according to the decrees thereof, neither is the same so ordained without exceeding reason and foundation, for that for every small matter, and the offence of every baggage fellow, the Council should have been moved, both the common wealths should have been overmuch troubled with many impertenent brabblers, and also lewd fellows should have had a greater scope of living licentiously, through the hope of escaping punishment. For greater expedition thereof, of these kinds of judgements, the heads or chieftains of the officers by night do obtain that authority, of which the Aduocators are deprived. These officers of the night are six, and six likewise are those mean officers, that have only power to correct base vagabonds and tryfeling offences. Those that do execute this office are called heads of the tribes of the city, because out of every tribe (for the city is divided into six tribes) there is elected an officer of the night, and a head of the tribe, which custom also we observe in the election of our counsellors, as here before I have expressed. The duty of either of these officers is, to keep a watch every other night by turn, within their tribes and now the one and then the other, to make rounds about his quarter, till the dawning of the day, being always guarded and attended on with weaponed officers▪ and sergeant, and to see that there be not any disorder done in the darkness of the night, which always imboldneth men ill disposed to naughtiness, and that there be not any houses broken up, nor thieves, nor rogueslurking in corners with intent to do violence. At the first beginning of the city, either of these offices was of great estimation: but since, new Magistrates being added, according to the change of the times, and the occasion of the common wealth: the same is much diminished and of lesser respect, for the chief authority being transferred over to the new officers, there remaineth only in their courts the decision of base and baggage matters, as the suds or lees of the rest. Hitherto there is enough said of those Magistrates that do determine Capital causes: In the next volume we will speak of civil judgements. The end of the third book. The fourth Book of the Magistrates and commonwealth of Venice. IT hath been always a perpetual continuing custom in the common The whole high and chief authority of all things belonging to the Counsels and not to any particular magistrates. wealth of Venice, that no magistrate whatsoever should have in matters of weight and importance, high & chief authority: but that the same should wholly belong to the college, or rather using the common manner of speech to the Counsels, insomuch that in civil causes such as In civil causes the party prejudiced may after judgement given appeal to the Auditors and to the College of the Forty. shall exceed the sum of five and forty crowns, there is not any magistrate from whose judgement, the party may not appeal to the Auditors of the civil causes, and to the college of forty, of whom we have here above made mention. But to the end that the whole manner of these civil judgements may be made manifest and plain, we Two sorts of Auditors the old and the new. will begin with the Auditors, which are of two sorts, that is to say, the old and the new, the old do derive their name from the antiquity of their office, The old Auditors more ancient than the new. and being much more ancient than that of the new, which was altogether unknown in this commonwealth, till the same began to have Dominion over the main Land, many ages after the building of the City. These old Auditors have in manner the same authority in determination of civil causes, after they are debated of & judged by the civil judges, as the advocators have in all such matters, as any way they shall think to be offensive to the laws, I mean in receiving of appeals, or making of report over. When therefore by the civil judges, there is any sentence given against any man: it is lawful for him who receiveth prejudice thereby, to appeal from their judgement to the Auditors, the cause then being brought into their court, and of either side pleaded & debated of those between whom the controversy dependeth, if the same exceed not the sum of fifty crowns, they may of their own authority, so they agree all in one end and determine the same, without the College of the forty: or if they disagree in opinion, than one of them hath authority to make report over Three judges that have authority to judge and determine on things that are found, to a very small College, where the company of either Auditors do note, and likewise three other judges, that usually do sit upon things that are found: and there these lesser affairs are absolutely determined. But if the whole cause did amount above the rate of the foresaid sum, before our time the matter could not have been brought into the College of the Forty, unless someone of the Auditors had interposed himself, and made report of the sentence so given by the judges, unto the forty. But in this time of ours there is a Law made, whereby liberty is granted unto him against whom the former judges have pronounced sentence, that he may after three months (though none of the Auditors intermeddle) call his adversary a fresh into A law lately made, by which the authority of the Auditors is greatly diminished. question by appeal unto the College, by whose law the authority of the Auditors is greatly diminished: yet nevertheless is their report of great avail to the furtherance of the cause, and besides the cutting of the delay of three months, seemeth to be as a prerogative to the judges. Presently upon the Auditors report the former judges were before our time summoned into the College of the forty, and there either magistrate admitted to the maintenance of his cause by plea: but now I know not by what negligence by little and little it is brought to pass, that the former judges, from whose sentences the appeal is brought, do neither plead, nor be so much as present at the handling of their cause in the College of the forty: only being cited by an officer, their answer is, that, that which law and justice is, may go forward. But this custom that the auditors should first make report unto the college of such causes as were by appeal brought unto them, and plead in maintenance of them, having continued till our time, is now wholly abrogated: and only the Advocates of those between whom the controversy resteth, do use that office, in defending the cause of their clientes: whereby it is come to pass, that this office which was before time so honourable, is now become to be greatly obscured and eclipsed. The judges of civil causes observe the same order in their judgements as the criminal judges. These forty judges of civil causes do in a manner observe that order and custom in their judgements, as you heard me say before is usually wont to be observed of the forty judges of capital causes: only this difference there is that in causes wherein the life and estate of any man is called in question, there is no certain time of speech limited or imposed, whereas in A certain time of speech limited. civil controversies there is a certain time appointed, beyond which they may not by any means lengthen or extend their plea: that is to say, an hour and a half only to each of them that pleadeth: neither are there in the decision of these civil judgements many opinions alleged, out of which the College may conclusively choose one that shallbe best to their liking, as in consultation upon the punishment of malefactors, (I told you above is usually the custom) but it is only here debated, whether the sentence given by the former judges shall be confirmed or abrogated: if any of the Auditors make intercession to that end, then shall the question be of abrogating and canceling the same: but otherwise if the matter come unto the College without the intercession or address of any Auditor, than the Presidents of the College, after the matter is of each side thoroughly pleaded, do rather propose the strengthening and confirming of the former judgement than the disalowance or canceling thereof. Presently all the sworn judges do prepare Three several pots brought forth, a white, a green▪ and a red. themselves and go unto their suffrages, and three pots likewise are brought forth: in the green the former judgement is canceled: in the white it is approved, and in the third which is red, are the balls of those that do yet remain doubtful, and would have the matter to be adjourned and deferred. Nothing is held for absolute and decreed, unless more than the half do conclude and agree together in one opinion, either for the ratifying, or disannulling thereof: of which if the judges be not thoroughly persuaded, so that neither of both be decided, the same is then deferred over till the next day, and the same ceremonies again renewed: and if neither than it be determined, the College is called again the third day, and the self same proceedings used as before, save only that after either side hath sufficiently pleaded, and that they go again to their suffrages, there is no farther reckoning made of those that remain doubtful and unperswaded, so that unless the suffrages be altogether equal, it is determined, and fully ended one way or other, and the former judgement Upon abrogation of the former judgement the plaintiff hath liberty to renew his action. either fully confirmed or utterly abrogated. Nevertheless upon abrogation of the former judgement the plaintiff is not so put off and debarred, but that he hath liberty to renew his action again: for this new canceling serveth to no other end, but only to frustrate and make void and inualide But upon the confirmation of the former sentence the party interessed is utterly debarred. the force of the former judgement: whereas the approbation and allowance confirmeth and ratifieth for ever the judgement that was given and pronounced, neither is there left to the defendant, any place either of provocation or appeal, or mean to call the matter in question, unless there fall out some new matter or occasion. This shall be sufficient as concerning the old Auditors: now we will briefly say somewhat of the new. This Magistrate was unknown and not created in our commonwealth, till such time as the Venetian Empire began to embrace the main land that bordered upon our Lakes. To these may appeals be brought from the judgements & sentences of The New auditors meddle only with foreign matters. such governors & magistrates as without the precincts of our City do administer justice to people that do live under our subjection: for the old Auditors were not of themselves able and sufficient to understand and dispatch both the causes of the city, and those also of foreign places: for which cause this Magistrate was called by the name of New, in regard that after the commonwealth was once settled and established, the city began to stretch and enlarge her dominion over the main land of the province of Venetia, which as though it had never been separated from the same, returned willingly with a frank and liberal good will. For as I showed you in the beginning of this work, the noblest sort of people that inhabited the country of Venetia, flying the barbarous cruelty of foreign nations, & the general devastation of all Italy, did get themselves into these lakes of ours, and then did lay the first foundation Why the City was first called Venetia. of this most opulent and flourishing city, calling it by the name of Venetia, to leave thereby a remembrance unto their posterity, that there in the same were jointly together assembled the chief prime and flower of the nobility of all the cities of the territories of Venetia: so that in short space, when the rule and empire thereof began infinitely to increase, one Magistrate could not serve for the dispatch both of foreign and domestical causes: and therefore this New Magistrate was The New col ledge of the forty civil judges. ordained, and likewise the New College of the forty: into whose courts are brought the appeals from the indgementes of such foreign magistrates as have government abroad: where being thoroughly handled and discussed, they are finally ended and concluded. The manner and form of proceeding in this college, is such in all points (as before I told you) is observed of the old Auditors, and the council of the forty civil The council of forty for causes only within the city. judges, concerning causes within the city: only this is added to the authority of the new Auditors, that in any matter brought unto them by appeal, so the same exceed not the sum of forty crowns, they may overrule the former judgement, or abrogate it, or allow it either in whole or in part, as shall seem best unto them, provided, that they do all agree in one opinion: which The causes of strangers sooner dispatched then those of the citizens. course was thought fit to be ordained, to the end that foreigners and strangers (of whom according to the precepts of many great Philosophers there is especial regard to be had) should not be molested and lingered off with long delays, but quickly come to an end of their suits. This privilege the old Auditors have not: for they of necessity must either wholly allow the judgement, or else utterly cancel and make void the same, and whereas the new (as I said) may, leaving the rest, meddle only with part of the cause, they must either embrace the whole entire cause, or else utterly leave it unmeddled withal. So that by this means thesuites of strangers are sooner ended & determined, than the causes of the citizens, though through the subtlety of Advocates and Lawyers (who leave nothing unattempted, how far soever the same be from right) processes and suits are sundry times drawn out to an infinite length: as in all places it is usual, where judgements are not rashly pronounced, but leisurely and considerately at appointed times. Now (in a manner) have we expressed the whole form which is usually observed in judgements, it remaineth that we briefly speak somewhat of those magistrates who first of all do give sentence in causes of the City, & Six several kinds of judges. from whom the appeals & provocations are brought to the old Auditors, and to the council of the forty: of these judges there are six several courts, divided according to the quality of the causes and of the persons. For either the suits are about merchandise, or matters pertaining thereunto, or about houses or grounds that are within the Lakes, or about possessions and lands that are on the Continent, or else about other contracts, or bargains: as for the persons that contend, they are either citizens or strangers, or one with another strangers and citizens together: or the controversy is between orphelins, or else moved at the suit of the widows, for the recovery of their dower after the death of their husbands. Lest therefore there might fall out a confusion among judgements of so different kinds, to the end that the one should not be a disturbance or hindrance to the other, there were appointed several Courts of judgement, in so much that as far forth as possible it might be, every one according to the quality of his business might know the proper and peculiar judge of his controversy: for judges of the properties. whatsoever differences arise about houses, grounds, or leases, situated or lying within the bounds of Venice (that is, being within the lakes) are all determined by those that are called judges of the properties, to whose Courts also widows have recourse in demands of their dower, after the death of their husbands. This name and appellation of properties was first given them, because our ancestors did take those things to be properly their own, which were seated within the Lakes, as not being easy to be transferred to the dominion of other masters: as for such goods as they had upon the Continent, whether they were lands or houses, in regard that they lay open to violence, and might in despite of their masters suffer rapine and spoil, they called by the name of movables: if then the controversy arise concerning any possession upon the main lands, for redress thereof recourse is to be had to the judges of the Procurators: judges of the procurators. under whom the matters of Orphelins that are yet under guardians are handled, for among the Venetians both guardians and tutors were wont to be called Procurators. If the contention and strife do any way concern Merchants or matter of merchandise, then for the decision of those causes are there certain peculiar judges or Consuls of the merchants. judges, called properly judges or Consuls of the merchants. These do in their judgements use a speedier dispatch than any other of the civil magistrates: which was so ordained, to the end that merchants, whose affairs might otherwise receive great detriment and hindrance, with linger and delays might not be deluded or entertained with long expectation of their judges of strangers. right. But if the question be between strangers, or that if any citizen will sue a stranger that cometh to lodge in Venice for some few days, those judges must then be repaired unto that are appointed to hear the causes of strangers, and have thereof their proper nomination and title. But all other causes of sales, bargains, or contracts, by which any citizen pretendeth either breach of covenant or dueness judges of requests. of debt, are referred to the judges of requests, who serve in stead of the Mayor or Praetor of the City. There are beside certain small things, whose judgement judges of the movables. and determination is committed to certain officers, that are called judges of the movables. Likewise there is another kind of magistrate, whose office is, if any thing happen to be found, that had lain long hidden, or else been lately lost, to judge and determine judges of things that are found. whether the same aught to belong to the common treasure, or to any private man, or else to him whose chance it is to find it, all things of the like kind and nature being under the compass of his authority and judgement. Having expressed the several kinds and manners of Magistrates that have charge of common treasure. judgements, we will now pass over to those magistrates that have charge over the common chamber or treasury, and the receipt & employment of the public revenue. These perchance may seem to some body more in number then is convenient, and that a few might as sufficiently discharge the whole business pertaining to the treasure: but here they must mark, that our fathers omitted no kind of heedfulness to prevent all fraud & deceit in the administration of their public treasure, supposing the same to be the very fountain whence the other parts of the commonwealth receive their nurture and sustenance, and likewise grow to an exceeding weakness and empoverishment by the drying up and decay thereof, in so much that they made a solemn decree, that what citizen soever should be convicted of having abused or defrauded the common treasure, should be to all posterity defamed with a perpetual note of dishonour: and the same perpetualy every year should to his eternal shame be renewed. For upon a certain appointed day the great council is solemnly assembled, and there in a public oration made by one of the Aduocators, all such as have been convicted of this crime as named with titles of reproach, to the end that the shame and infamy of so foul a fact may never grow out of date or be forgotten. The magistrates who have charge over the treasure are of two sorts. But returning to the purpose: The magistrates who have charge over the Treasure are of two sorts, as likewise is the treasure itself, for either it consisteth of the public rents, revenues, and tributes, or else when great and important occasions shall so require the same, is raised of taxes and subsidies that are levied according to the ability of the citizens: which oftentimes happeneth, when wars with which our city hath been much afflicted, do grow upon us either by sea or land, as when the Turk incrochingly assaileth our dominions, whose mighty puissance and formidable attempts aswell against us, as against the whole commonwealth of Christendom, we alone not without exceeding charge and detriment have resisted and kept at a bay many years, or else when christian princes not brooking the greatness of the Venetian empire, have conspired against the same, as in the fifteenth year before this, in manner all the greatest princes of christendom were strongly linked, leagued and confederated against us: but God be thanked: their endeavours were withstood, and our affairs though for a while declining, were yet at length restored into their former estate & flourishing erected grearnesse. Seeing then that this common treasure consisteth of two kinds, two likewise are the kinds of magistrates to whose charge they are committed. The one for the subsidies levied of the people: and the other for the common rents and tributes: These tributes are levied either of goods transported out of the City, or else of such as are brought into the same: others the like also are collected and gathered out of those other cities that are under the Venetian dominion. The tributes Tolles, and customs of the city, aswell through the great abundance of merchandise, and infinite assembly of merchants, as also the innumerable multitude of people that dwell within the same, are far greater than a man would imagine, and as the kinds of these matters & merchandise are divers, so likewise are the officers over them instituted & ordained, as it best seemed unto them, to whose supremecharge & superintendance they belong to acquaint you with the particularities & peculiar offices of every one of which would rather breed a vain and wearisome tediousness, than any necessary or pleasing delight, for which cause I thought it not amiss to overslip those magistrates, whose offices are not of continuance, but are only instituted upon occasions. In sum the chiefest point belonging to all these officers is to be heedful that no part of this common treasure be embezeled, misemployed or carelessly regarded, all controversies likewise arising about this money, are by them judged and determined, so so e as they have gathered in their money, they carry The Gouernour● of the public rents. the same to the governors of the public Rents: for so is this magistrate called, to whose presidence this matter is committed: which because it is a very great and a very honourable charge, the same is not wont to be given, but unto the noblest citizens, which to the end they should the more willingly of themselves desire, or at least not refuse the same, being proffered, as the burden and care there of, is great and weighty: so are there thereunto many both profitable and honourable The creation of the under Officers belongeth to the governors the common Treasure. authorities annexed for the creation of all such under officers, as are paid out of the common treasure, as sergeant, Summoner's, Pursuivants, Ordinary guards, and the rest of that kind, lieth wholly in their power, whom having satisfied and paid, they bring the rest The Treasurers of the Chamber of the City. that remaineth to the Treasurer, at the Chamber of the City: to which magistrate finally is brought the whole sum of the common money collected either within or without the town, by whatsoever officer or treasurer, and they do again employ the same upon public uses, according to the order and direction of the Senate: keeping a Register both of their receipts and payments, which office because it requireth a painful travel and continual diligence, the same is wont to be given to the younger sort of the nobility, provided always that they be such, whose sincereness and integrity of life do no way degenerate from the nobleness of their stock, to the end that the public money be not privately misemployed, and these treasurers of the City have in manner as great authority in the Senate as the other lawful Senators: Peculiar Officers appointed over such money as is levied by taxation. but as for the money which in the necessities and distresses of the commonwealth is levied of the citizens by way of taxation: though at length the same come as to the treasurer of the town Chamber, yet are there peculiar and proper officers thereunto assigned sometimes upon an occasion of collecting a sum of money, the Senate maketh a decree for the raising thereof without any clause of restirution, interest, or utility to return back to those of, whom it is levied, which happeneth nevertheless very seldom, for commonly, or rather always, unless extreme occasion require the contrary, the Senate (as their chiefest care is directed to the general good of the commonwealth:) so also have they a most especial and singular regard of the particular estate of the citizens. The sum that is to be levied being determined, & time appointed for the payment thereof; every one bringeth in as much thereof, as he was rated at, which is exacted and gathered in, by the governors of the rents, and by them brought to the Treasurers of the Chamber. But oftentimes upon these taxations of money the Senate limits and appoints a time for restitution thereof unto the Citizens, with some allowance Interest allowed unto the citizens for such money as is levied of them. also of profit, and interest for the same, and to that end are there certain rents and determinate tributes assigned and made over, but afore our time the Senate sundry times were wont to make a decree concerning this exacted sum of money that there should not be made any mention of restitution, nor any time thereunto appointed, unless the same should be for the general good and benefit of the common wealth, only the magistrate, which was called precedent of the lones, and as yet retaineth that name, recorded Precedent of the Lones. in a book, the several sum contributed by every particularr citizen, and in the mean time till the same were repaid, there were allowed five crowns in the hundred, to every one of those that had been taxed, and thereunto were sundry rents appointed, so that in those ancient wars it was an easy matter to levy money by this manner of taxation, and surely in my opinion it was a thing very just and reasonable, that somewhat should be again restored unto them out of the common revenue, that had in the necessary times of the common wealth, spent and impaired their substance: for as the parts ought to have regard to the safety of the whole, so in natural reason also ought the whole to defend and preserve the parts, in as much as may be from all inconvenience and wrong, and to participate with them some part of the common nurture, thereby to restore & enharten them, but in our time this debt of levied money was so excessive and great, that the very interest thereof, after the rate I spoke of, amounted to three hundred thousand Crowns by the year, which payment being of late, by reason of the extreme necessities and dangerous wars, wherewith the commonwealth was environed, withholden, and kept back, now finally, some four year since, there was a statute and decree enacted by the Senate, (the motioners and persuaders thereof being Dominico Trevisano, Andrea Gritti Duke Venice. a grave and honourable Councelor, and Andrea Gritti, a Senator of singular prudence and integrity, who now to the general contentment and exceeding happiness of our commonwealth, we acknowledge for our Duke and Prince) that there should not thence forward be any mention made of paying any yearly interest, neither that any suits, kind of subsidy, or contribution should thereafter be registered or enroled in the common books, and yet lest the citizens should think themselves defrauded: it was provided that they should be paid their principal, and likewise the interest, due until the day of the decree, for satisfaction of which they appointed out, not only An Officer appointed for the payment of the crowns debts. a great part of their tributes, but also the whole possessions belonging to the common wealth in the territory of Rovigo. The meddling in which business happened partly to my lot in regard of an office that I then bare, instituted of purpose before our times to diminish and lessen the debts of the common wealth, or if it were possible, utterly to extinguish them, of which I will speak somewhat hereafter, and so a great part was discharged of those heavy and unmeasurable debts, with which the commonwealth was burdened, and likewise the estate of the private citizens, not left unconuenientlie regarded, yet always so that the general good was first provided for, and then the private, which order is descended even to our times from our ancestors, from hand to hand. Now then to turn our speech thither again wherein we digressed. The Presidents of the lones are those that do gather together the money wherein the Citizens are taxed at such times as the commonwealth needeth their help, of which when in their books they have taken a particular note and reckoning, then finally they deliver the same over to the Treasurer of the Chamber of the City, from whom it belongeth to their charge to exact such sums of money, as were yearly accustomed to be yielded in stead of rent to the private Citizens: and likewise to register up in their books both the receipt and expense thereof. But this money which by the Senate's decree is levied of the Citizens, and is after a certain time to be restored unto them again, was wont both to be collected and repaid by a certain peculiar Magistrate thereunto appointed: Now this office Officers that do seize and sell the goods of those that do not at the time appointed pay the money in which they are taxed. belongeth wholly to the Governors of the Rents. There is also an other money-Magistrate not to be omitted, to whose office it appertaineth to search, seize, and to sell openly the goods of such as do not at the time appointed pay the sum of money at which they are taxed. There are also other money-Magistrates, that do seek out the indebted Citizens, and do aswell peruse the books of account of private men, as also those of the common wealth, to the end that the treasury and common wealth may not any way be defrauded, which for avoiding tediousness I will overpass, because they are not of any moment, to that order and government of our common wealth which I have taken upon me to describe. Precedents over the coin or mintmaisters. Besides these heretofore mentioned, there are also certain other magistrates, whose offices are of great avail, to the commodity, quietness, honour, health, and happiness of our Country, and therefore not to be overslipped in silence. First are the masters of the coin aswell gold, as silver, the currant goodness of which as yet entertaineth the willing traffic of strangers: so is it comfortable and commodious to the Citizens within themselves: then the cornmaisters, and health masters of Venice, both being Corn masters. Health masters. Presidents of the Arsenal. of great and exceeding consequence, as likewise are the worshipful Presidents of the Arsenal. Then are there certain officers, such as among the Romans Aediles. were called Aediles, to whose care belongeth the mending and repairing of the streets and Bridges, and other the like matters of that kind and office, exceedingly requisite and necessary in this common wealth of ours, and lastly the office of those whom Procurators. the Venetians call procurators, being of great dignity and singularly available to the City. Of the Precedents of the money or Mintmaisters I know not what I should say more, then that their chief charge and care is, that the gold and silver be not coined in any base allay, then that which by the law is appointed, neither that the same bear any whit less weight than it should do: which hath been of us all most religiously observed, insomuch that the money of Venice is of great account, and runneth currant aswell among the barbarous Nations, as it doth in Christendom. For whereas all other Christian Princes in a manner, cause their money to be stamped in a base allay, to the end to make it stretch the farther: ours have always herein most constantly retained that dignity which they received of their ancestors. The magistrate that hath the charge for the provision of corn is exceedingly necessary to this city of Venice, because there being but a small quantity of corn to be gathered out of the territory of Venice, and the city being most populous, and round about encompassed with lakes, of necessity there is great care to be had of these provisions: lest the people whose benefit and commodity was so exceedingly of our ancestors respected through dearth and scarcity of corn, might fall into the extremity of Famine. There are therefore appointed three masters or overseers of this matter of corn, whose Magistracy endureth sixteen months: their office & charge is carefully to provide that the City be never at any time afflicted with the scarcity of corn, of which if at any time they stand in doubt, they presently repair unto the Duke, and to the College of the Sages, and there the matter being well debated, do at length determine what course is therein best to be taken. Sometimes there is a certain reward and recompense out of the common treasure appointed to those that shall from far countries transport any corn to Venice. Sometimes they bargain with merchants for the undertaking to bring by a certain time such quantity of corn as they shall agree upon to Venice, from out of foreign regions, and for the same to be paid out of the public treasure, which promise unless the merchants faithfully perform, they are by the senate amerced in a great sum of money. And whereas the commonwealth buyeth this corn dearly and at a great rate: it selleth the same again to the common people very good cheap, and at a small price, suffering sometimes therein a great and exceeding loss. There are beside this many other excellent laws and decrees concerning this matter of corn, which if I should particularly rehearse, I should digress farther from my purpose then were fit. Now followeth that Magistrate to whose providence and care all such things as tend to the health and holesomenesse of the city do appertain. His chiefest office is to foresee, that there come not into the city any contagious infection, which if at any time it happen to creep in (as sometimes it chanceth) then to take such diligent and careful order, that in as much as may be the same come not to spread any further. To which end there are certain goodly commodious houses built in the lakes three miles off from the city, and adjoining near unto them there are gardens of great pleasure, into which houses if any of the people fall sick, he is presently conveyed with his whole family: and those that have had any conversation with him that is so fallen sick, to the end they infect not others, must also (leaving their own mansions) be removed to other public houses built to the same use, but in a part without the city quite contrary to the other, where they are constrained to remain the space of forty days: if during which time they continue sound and well, than they are suffered to return to the city and to their dwelling places. There is also a great care had of their household stuff, lest by the contagion thereof, any one should get infection. This Magistrate likewise hath a care that there be not any stinking or rotten meat, or any other unwholesome thing sold, that might any way offend or be noisome to the health of the City. Finally his only care is to prevent infection and sickness, and to preserve pureness and health within the city: This office was instituted not long before our time; whereas before the city was sundry times so mortally afflicted with the plague, that whole families flying the infection thereof, leaving their proper habitations, forsook the town, & went to the next countries upon firm land. But since the creation of this new magistrate (God's goodness be thanked) there hath not been (in a manner) any pestilence at all: though sometimes (as in such a marvelous concourse of people out of all parts can hardly be avoided) some houses have been infected: but by the diligence of this magistrate, and especially God's favour assisting him therein: the disease hath not taken root, nor been suffered to spread itself abroad. The government and manner of the Arsenal. Now we come to speak of the honourable government of our Arsenal: the same being a singular ornament not only to Venice itself, but generally (such is the stateliness and glory thereof) an honour and dignity to all Italy, because it is a matter of infinite magnificence and majesty, and worthy of all admiration. The Arsenal is built on that side of the city, which of all others is nearest to the main sea, hollowed out into three bosoms, or to speak more properly, into three divided entries, into every of which the sea entereth by one only gate, the same being so large, that it is capable of the greatest Galleys▪ This gate is fortified on each side with two strong Towers, which are joined together with a mighty drawbridge, and a huge percullisse, which are never opened but upon the occasion of letting Galleys out or in. There is no other passage to go into the inner parts of the Arsenal, but only by this gate. The first bosom or entry within the same, though it be the least of the three, yet notwithstanding it is very great and spacious: being roofed, covered and tiled round about on every side in manner of certain vaults, under which the galleys that are come from sea do repose till new occasion fall out of employing them safe & free from the annoyance either of wind or weather, so that they continue many years sound and good: likewise under these vaults do they build their new Galleys, and mend and make up their old: a work surely of great goodliness and glory, and most fit and commodious for the maintenance of a navy. Next this bosom or gully there is an inwarder marvelously great and large, ordered round of every side with such vaults as I spoke of: of which vaults you shall not see any one empty: but in those that are wide two Galleys, and in the narrower one at least. The third, being not much inferior to the second in largeness, was but a little before our time added to the two former, and is compassed about with goodly walls, and builded with many vaults, which though they be not all as yet finished: yet daily they are diligently in hand, about the ending and accomplishing thereof. There is only one way by which men go from one to the other: and on the outside they are compassed all about with one wall, distinguished here and there with certain towers, in the which there are nightly watches kept to prevent the danger of fire, the treachery of any ill disposed person, or any other casualty, whereby so goodly and excellent a work might come to be spoiled or defaced. Within the walls are certain rooms, replenished with all manner of Navale instruments, & all kinds of artificers thereunto belonging, have there their workehouses and shops. There great quantities of brass are melted for the making of their artillery: & likewise there are also made infinite provisions of gunpowder: so that within the Arsenal there wanteth not any thing which appertaineth to the affairs of the sea: There you may behold an infinite number of workmen, every one exercising his own particular trade & office. There are beside these certain great and ample rooms, wherein there is always ready an unmeasurable abundance of armour, weapons, and artillery of all sorts: likewise of sails, cables, tackle, anchors, oars, and such like, every kind laid up separately by itself. In so much that when the senate shall determine to set forth a navy, all things thereunto belonging are ready in a moment. All these things and several works are under the authority of this Magistrate, of which I determined to speak: he maketh choice as well of the Carpenters, as of the smiths and triers of metal and all other kinds of workmen belonging to the business of the sea, having care that each of them perform his business with diligence: for the payment of all which Navale works and other charges thereunto belonging, there is money delivered unto him out of the common treasure. The Colleges allowance being therein first demanded, and they made acquainted with his reckonings. This magistrate, in the time of our ancestors was of singular reputation and honour: but in these times of ours the same is much diminished and of less estimation. In so much that when any great occasion happeneth, requiring extraordinary diligence and care, the senate electing certain counsellors of the gravest and best experimented sort, doth appoint the managing of those weighty sea business unto them, appointing the others to be by them wholly directed. Now last of all we are to speak of the Procurators The procurators of Saint Mark. of Saint Mark, being of all the other magistrates the greatest and most honourable next unto the Duke. For their time of authority is not limited, but continueth during life. To this honour is also adjoined the perpetual dignity and place of a Senator: and equal power of suffrages with the lawful Senators: and this they have beside above all other magistrates, that whereas the elder citizens do not give any pre-eminence of place to the other, but only in certain courts the honour thereof is always and in every place yielded to the Procurators: for in what Court or place soever they sit, they are ever alike honoured with the highest place, as though they did in every place perform the office of the magistrate there presiding. Their office is to take upon them the defence & tutorshippe of Orphelins, who being under age, and their father's dead without making any will, have not any tutor or overseer appointed them: for which cause this charge and office is never given to any, but to such as are thoroughly known to be of singular good conscience and integrity of life, and have passed (in a manner) through all the other offices of the city, without any touch of dishonour, and a general approbation of an uncorrupted virtue: and so at length after their long service to the commonwealth, do obtain therein this great and principal dignity, which continueth with them during their lives. In times passed this office was of passing great and honourable estimation, not only within Venice, but also in foreign regions, in so much that not only the subjects and near borderers, but also foreigners and strangers, made them by testament their executors, and put wholly into their hands the administration of their goods, during the minority of their children. Likewise great sums of money are committed to them, to be by their discretion dispensed and bestowed among the poor, so that in these times of ours great and mighty sums of money are committed to their fidelity, as well to the use of Orphelins, and the poor, as otherwise. This office was at the first instituted, to the end that the heritage's and substances of those citizens that should either die in service of their country, or in traffic of merchandise among foreign nations, should not be by fraud misemployed or diverted from their heirs. This charge & confidence therefore is especially given to those, whose conscience, behaviour, and conversation, a long approovedexperience hath allowed for excellent, & without exception. The addition of new procurators from time to time. At the first beginning they were only three that did exercise this office. afterward upon the increase of the cities greatness, three more were added unto them, but their authority so divided, that the old should still retain the charge of those pupils and Orphelins which are on the farther side of the channel that runneth through the middle of the City, and the new to have the government & looking to of those that are on this side, half of the city belonging to the charge of the former three, and half to that of the later three. Besides these there are other three that are (as it were) patrons of the royal, sumptuous, and magnificent Temple of Saint Mark, under the protection of which blessed & holy Evangelist the commonwealth of Venice being directed with excellent laws, hath at length increased into this greatness of empire, and of these last as of the noblest they all do take their name, and are called Procurers of Saint Mark. I will not at this present say any thing of the gorgeous architecture of this Temple, nor of the abundance of beautiful marbles, nor of the multitude of goodly pillars, nor of the glorious works as well guilded & carved, as richly wrought in Porphire and jasper stone, of which the whole roof and pillars are made, yea and the very pavements: because I think there are very few but have seen the same, or at least heard the fame of the magnificence thereof. These three Procurators have charge continually to look to the maintaining of this goodly Temple, and amending the decays thereof, as also to the priests, to the end that divine service may therein be said, according to the dignity of our city, & the worthiness of our blessed patron & advocate S. Mark. These therefore in my judgement, beyond all other magistrates are most necessary and expedient in this prosperity and happiness of our city. The careful usage of the mint is a matter not lightly to be esteemed, because nothing strengtheneth more the traffic & trading of a city, than the purity & goodness of the money: neither is the careful provision of corn a matter of light regard: likewise the providing for the health of the citizens, & the repairing of ways, bridges and common buildings are offices of singular avail, fitness and necessity. All these things are (in a manner) common to every other city. But this other chief and above all the rest pertaineth unto Venice, that is to say, the careful provision and superintendance of sea matters & the defence of Orphlins, because many of the Citizens, adventuring their lives abroad, either about the public business, or else in traffic of merchandise come to end their days, and therefore these magistrates are ordained to the end to defend their children from wrong, whereby it may appear to those that shall considerately, and with an indifferent eye look into the order, and government of this common wealth, that our ancestors did not omit anything that might tend to the common benefit and good of their Country. The end of the fourth book. The Fift Book of the Magistrates and commonwealth of Venice. seeing that the whole form, and order of the government of our common wealth, is in manner of us already expressed, and the office and order of the magistrates within the City, I think I shall not do a thing unpleasing, or unfit for the matter I have in hand, if I speak somewhat of The government abroad the magistrates abroad, The government of the wat●es. those I mean that have rule, and authority in such cities, as are under the subjection of the state of Venice, then of our militare charges & The offices of the citizens that are not nobly born. governments, and lastly of the offices of the other citizens, that are not within the order of nobility, which being declared and made manifest, I may and that as I trust without reprehension conveniently, and with the conclusion and shutting up of this work. The manner used by the Venetians in governing such Cities as are under their subjection. Over the nobler Cities of the state, there are appointed four magistrates, one only Governor doth justice to all, determining and sentencing all causes aswell civil as criminal: This Governor hath always sitting with him in judgement, men skilful in the laws, whose counsel he useth, though the whole authority rest in himself. Besides him there is a Captain general commander over the soldiers of that territory, aswell those that are in garrison in the cities, as those that are encamped or lodged abroad in the country, over them hath the Governor no charge at all, but only the Captain general, besides the care of the Castle, the walls and the Gates are committed to the Captain likewise of the rents and tributes, aswell of the city, as of the whole country belonging unto it, besides these, there is a Treasurer, or two that administereth, payeth, and recoverth the public money, and keepeth the books and register of the public accounts: but he doth not any thing without the commandment of the Captain and sometimes both of the Captain and the Governor, which manner of administration seemed much more fit, then if both the authority and the handling of the money, should have been committed to one of them alone: whereby the public treasure might much more easily have been embezeled and misspent: but the money that remaineth overplus, above the charges of the Province, is carried to Venice, and delivered to the Treasurers of the City, to whose office as I said before the public money is brought from all parts. The fourth magistrate of authority in every principal City, is the Lieutenant of the Castles, in some places there is but one, and in some more, they command over those soldiers that are in garrison of the Castles, and have the charge of such weapons, victual, artillery, and munition as are within the Castle: yet the Lieutenant hath not so absolute authority within the Castle, but that he is always subject to the commandment of the captain general, to whose authority and power all things of that kind are wholly attributed: but in lesser cities or towns there is no captain general: all things being there under commandment of the Governor. Likewise in such towns as are within the precincts of greater cities, the Governor only administereth right to the townsmen, and no other magistrate, though the Treasurers & captains have also authority throughout the whole Territory of the chief Cities, from all these governors appeal may be brought to the new Auditors, sometimes also the Aduocators were wont to sit with the Governors upon sentences of life and death: but because thereby judgements were oftentimes delayed, and lewd persons in the mean time not punished, there was a law made by the college of the ten, that the Aduocators should not have any farther authority in such judgements as were given by the governor, but that he should only use the advise of such Doctors of law as before I said were to sit with him in judgement. And this in my opinion already said, may suffice concerning the magistrates by whom our common wealth is gonerned both abroad and at home But seeing there is aswell a reckoning to be made of managing wars, as of maintaining peace, which whosoever wholly do reject, cannot as Plato saith in his Polytiques, long defend and maintain themselves in freedom and liberty: But those that have left unto their posterity the true directions of a commonwealth, commended the use of both, to the end that in times of war, they should not be unfit for the exercises thereof, and that in peace they might live in honest exercises under the laws and statutes of their Country, so that always the virtue and exercises of war have a reference to the studies of peace, as being of the two the most excellent and desirable, for such is the very force, working, and operation of nature itself in every thing, that first it should covet and seek, that which is to itself convenient, and then resist and defend themselves from that which is contrary thereunto, which in all living creatures that are created, with any perfection of nature is easy to be discerned: for there is none of them which wanteth a desire leading him to that which to his nature is most agreeable, and likewise there is adjoined to the same a force and ability to be angry, which Plato placeth in the heart, to the end that through the stirring thereof every creature might be prone to resist and repel that which is to his nature noisome and contrary, the first seeds then of either of these parts being by nature placed in the minds of men as being of all other creatures the most perfect: aught of civil men to be embraced, that they may bring forth the fruits of either effect, that is, both of war and peace, which course was not neglected of our ancestors, howsoever to some it seem otherwise: for though the city being builded in the sea, and at the first for many years careless of extending their dominion and rule over the continent, did not apply themselves to land wars, yet did they with marvelous glory of success bend themselves to wars by sea, achieving therewith many notable exploits, aswell in defence of their own liberty, as in revenge of injuries done them by their enemies, and many great and glorious deeds of the Venetians do yet remain in ancient record, & many triumphs and victories wrested by sea, from fierce and puissant nations, whereby it is easy to conjecture of the mightiness of the Venetians by sea in forepast times, but in the end yielding to the instant petition of the oppressed bordering people, who could not endure the rapines and cruelties of several tyrants, that had brought them into subjection, they sent forces into the mayneland, and expelling the tyrants, did with an infinite applause and willingness of the people receive all those Provinces of their old consideration into their protection, as though they had never been disunited thereby setting them free from out the servitude of insolent strangers, which being the remainder & offspring of those Barbarians, that had wrought that general devastation in Italy, had then nestled themselves and held the people in a most cruel and miserable bondage. This increase therefore of dominion being added to the former greatness of the city, their desire and endeavour was not only to comfort and cherish this new received people with wholesome and profitable laws, but also to find out means, whereby to maintain and preserve their recovered freedom and tranquillity: but the situation of their City being in the sea, on the other side utterly diverted their minds from wholly applying themselves to land wars, aswell through the inconueniency of the City thereunto, as also for the avoiding of civil disturbance and tumult, for of necessity those citizens: to whose lot the managing of these said wars should have befallen, might have spent the greater part of the year upon firm land, aswell to ride and practise their horses, as also to enure and exercise themselves in sundry manners of skirmish, and kinds of fight: and withal for their better skill in military and martial affairs, it should have been necessary for them, when occasion of employment wanted at home to frequent foreign wars, thereby aswell to confirm their courages, as to strengthen their bodies, and so to enable themselves in that function, for the service of their country, whereas otherwise, without this kind of exercise, they would have been until either to command as captains, or to obey his scutcheons. But now this their continual frequentation of the continent and divorcement▪ as it were from the civil life, would without doubt have brought forth a kind of faction different and disjoined, from the other peaceable Citizens, which partiality and division would in time have bred civil wars and dissensions within the City, I omit in the mean time to speak of those high and ambitious thoughts, that such would have entertained, as did see themselves mighty in arms, & followed with affecting troops of unquiet soldiers, who according to the nature of men inclining still to the worse, might easily be stirred to mischief, which The overthrow of Rome proceeding through the mightiness of her own Citizens. only cause among the Romans (as many of their ancient histories do notably remember) wrought strange effects in sundry of their Citizens, provoking them to disobey, and set at nought the laws of the Senate, and their country, and finally julius Caesar exceeding the limits of all respect, to tyrannize over that commonwealth, to which he did owe all duty and obedience. To exclude therefore out of our estate the danger or occasion of any such ambitious enterprises, our ancestors held it a better course to defend their dominions upon the continent, with foreign mercenary soldiers, than with their homeborn citizens, & to assign them their pay and stipend out of the tributes and receipts of the Province, wherein they remained: for it is just, and reasonable, that the soldiers should be maintained at the charge of those in whose defence they are employed, and into their warfare, have many of our associates been ascribed, some of which have attained to the highest degree of commandment in our Strangers received into the Venetian nobility Bartholomeo Coglione captain general of the Venetian army. army, & for the exceedingne of their deserts been enabled, with the title of citizens & gentlemen of Venice, amongst which the name of Bartholomeo Coglione of Bergamo is yet honourable among us, who after many great exploits & prosperous successes being captain general of our army, & having amplified & enlarged the bounds of the Venetian Empire, was in eternal memory of his great and glorious actions honoured of our commonwealth, with his statue on horseback, set up and erected in the fairest and goodliest place of our City. The Citizens therefore of Venice, for this only cause are deprived of the honours belonging to wars by land, and are contented to transfer them over to strangers: to which end there was a law solemnly decreed, that no Gentleman of Vevice should have the charge and commandment of above five and twenty soldiers, though the same law hath not been in these times of ours altogether observed but through the course of custom in a manner abrogated, by reason of the many and sundry wars, wherewith we have been encumbered, so that now when we have any wars by land, there are some of Legates or proveditors. our Gentlemen sent into the Army, who therein do bear office and authority, while the war endureth, as namely, the Treasurers, and Legates, who never stir from the side of the Captain General of our Army, who is always a stranger, which hath no authority to do or deliberate any thing without the advice of the Legates. The war being ended, either Magistrate returneth home, giving up his authority, and putting himself into order, and this is wholly the manner of the Venetians warfare by land. But for wars by sea and navigation, both our city is much more thereunto opportune and commodious, as also our people much more thereunto by nature addicted and inclined, for our City lying seated in the sea, needeth not greatly fear any harm from foreign land armies, and as for itself to have fostered or nourished forces to send unto land wars, thereby to wrong or provoke the bordering people, that had not only been unjust, but also very incommodious: only from sea therefore was their danger, and the same great, if they should not have been thoroughly furnished with means of defence. Therefore did the City turn all their care to strength and puissance by sea, training up their youth, & framing their whole manner of life thereunto. The education of the Venetian gentlemen. For the education of their gentlemen hath always been such, that from their infancy till such time as the hears of their beards begin to appear, they should be under the tutorship of schoolmasters, and instructed in learning according to their capacities: and from thence forward (except some few wholly addicted to some profession of learning) they should apply themselves to navigation, being thereunto (as it were) even drawn by their own inclination and nature. Many do sail into far regions, as well by traffic to increase their substance, as also by experience to gain the knowledge of the government, laws, conditions & customs of other countries. Many put themselves into the galleys of war, there enuring and practising their bodies to labour, and their minds to the knowledge of the excellent art of Naval discipline, in which the Venetians have (as I say always) been worthily renowned. And there is an ancient law, continuing even till these times of ours in force and vigour, that there should be a yearly Encouragement for young gentlemen to to frequent the sea. stipend allowed out of the common treasure to two young men of the nobility in every armed galley, only thereby to breed in them a skilfulness in matters pertaining to the sea: for the better attaining to the which there are ordinarily certain offices assigned unto them, in the exercise of which they do both profit themselves, and become better enabled to the discharge of greater matters. But to every of the greater galleys there are These as I suppose are those which they call Galleasses. commonly assigned eight young men of the nobility, with a yearly great allowance and stipend, either out of the common or private men's treasure, accordingly as those Galleys are destinated either to the wars or merchandise, and this to no other end, but only to accustom them to sea services: it is also ordained by a law having principal relation to the common utility, that every private merchant shall in the ship wherewith he trafiqueth, allow a yearly pension to one or two young gentlemen, according to the burden and ability of his ship. To which young men is also granted a liberty & privilege that they may within the galleys of burden, or ships of private men, to which they are assigned, carry a certain quantity of merchandise, without paying for the lading thereof any custom or tolle, & if they have not, or will not carry any themselves, they may sell and pass over their right to do the same, to any other that they shall think good: wherein there was not only a regard had to the exercise of the youth, but also to the poverty of many of the meaner citizens that are in any sort distressed: so that any man may easily perceive, that the institution of our youth to warlike exercises was not (as some do suppose) neglected of our ancestors, but that there were two hundred young men of the nobility at least, trained up in these ships and Galleys at other men's charges: and beside there was not any of the gentlemen, but that was either brought up to learning, or else to this seafaring and maritime discipline benefiting thereby not only their country, but also sundry times exceedingly increasing their wealths and substance. These ancient laws and goodly institutions do still continue even till this time of ours, though sundry young men, being since the increase of our dominion corrupted either with ambition, or riot, have neglected their country customs, and withal the number of citizens is so increased, that through these late afflictions of the war, and the many charges growing upon them, there are many more fallen into poverty, then by the benefit of this law may be sufficiently relieved: for such is in all worldly things the course of nature, that nothing may be among men perpetual. But all things howsoever they seem at the first perfectly and well ordained, yet in course of time nature still sliding to the worse, they had need to be mended and renewed, even as a man's body satisfied with his dinners appetite, will not yet maintain his health, unless it be seconded with a supper: so in every thing there must be a relief and reparation added to the wearing and always down declining course of nature, of which remedy herein also (if it please God) we will have regard: so that there may not any necessary provision be wanting in this commonwealth of ours. But hitherto of these things: now we will speak of those officers and magistrates that have charge at sea over our ships and navies. This Captain they call Sopracomit●. Every Galley being furnished, and in order for the wars, hath for Captain thereof a Gentleman of the state, who hath power and authority over all that are in the Galley, save only that he cannot punish with death: even as in land wars a captain or a Colonel hath authority over those that are under their companies or regiments: so hath this Captain of the Galley over the mariners and all things that are in the Galley, or tending to the provision thereof. Galleys set forth by the Venetians to clear the sea from pirates. The Venetians do yearly arm forth certain Galleys, though there be not any other necessity, yet to make the sea safe and secure from pirates, and to defend from their oppression honest merchants that cross the seas about their business, without doing wrong to any man. Besides these Captains of the Galleys, there is a Legate The Legate or lieutenant of the navy. over the whole navy, who hath full and whole authority over the same, and over the particular Captains of every Galley. He (as a Lieutenant general of the army, if the Captain general be not present) hath power of life and death, and authority to direct the navy whether it shall please him. This magistrate is commonly created in time of peace, and hath in his hands the charge of the Galleys of war: but if the occasions of the commonwealth do so require, and that there be a great navy indeed to be set out, then there is appointed & preposed over the whole navy a Captain general with high and preheminent A Captain general over the navy in manner like unto the Roman Dictator authority not only over the same, but also over all maritime provinces in manner as great, as that the Roman Dictator was wont to have, save only that this in all things obeyeth the authority of the Senate, and the decrees of the commonwealth. Nevertheless his power is singularly great, as well over the navy, Legates, captains and Lieutenants of the same, as also over all governors and magistrates, that have government or superintendence in any of the Islands or maritime places: in so much that when the Captain general of the navy shall come to any City, the clergy is presently to meet him with solemnity, and the keys of the gates and castles are to be delivered unto him. The authority of all the other governors for that time ceaseth: and whosoever in whatsoever cause may appeal from any other magistrate to the Captain general: who only if it shall so please him, may administer justice, dispose of the public money, and alone himself exercise the office and authority of all the rest. There is among the Venetians no magistrate of higher power, and therefore he, but seldom and upon most urgent occasions created: for not rashly but upon most weighty & grounded consideration, is this mighty dignity, investing a private citizen with so great and absolute an authority committed to any one. No General or Captain may return into Venice with armed hand. Hear that law is not to be omitted, by which it was ordained, that no General, Legate, or Captain of a navy may enter into the city of Venice with his armed Galleys, no not upon his return homeward: but presently upon his arrival at Histria (which province is a hundred miles distant from Venice) he is to deliver unto the mariners their stipend and pay, and there to dismiss them, and thence the Galleys are wont to be brought unto Venice by some few, and to be placed in the Arsenal under the vaults built for that purpose, where they are preserved from the injury either of wind or weather: But now this law is not wholly observed in sort as it was of our ancestors ordained. We have (in a manner) already reckoned up all the sorts of magistrates to whom our ancestors have added as a crown or top, those which by proper appellation derived from the Greek, were wont to be Syndi●ks or Reviditors: in Latin they call them Recognitores. So that we may and not unfitly call them, I think, Overseers, or Examiner's. called Sindiks: we by a new name, but perchance more fit to express their office, do call them Reviditors. These are wont every four or five years to be created, and to be sent into the countries under our dominion, as well upon the firm land, as also the Islands and maritime places, and there to look into, and examine the doings of such magistrates and governors as have there authority under us: upon whom they use in manner that authority of correction, as is attributed to the Aduocators. For as Aristotle wisely sayeth: They that bear rule, unless they depend of others, do (such is the evil sway and bend of every man's nature) hardly discharge their office well. We have now reckoned up and made an end of all those offices belonging to Gentlemen, by whom the commonwealth of Venice doth govern either abroad or at home, it remaineth that we show you the manner whereby our most prudent ancestors have retained the common and meaner people in duty: a matter surely strange and scarcely credible, that the people being so many years deprived of the public government, did never yet refuse nor unwillingly support the government of the nobility, neither yet did ever attempt any thing whereby the form of the commonwealth might be altered, and they received into the fellowship of rule, but have always hitherto faithfully loved and willingly obeyed the Nobility. But now whosoever, besides the situation of our City (being in deed most opportune and commodious to maintain a commonwealth) will consider our moderation & temperance in government shall find that the people hath not been wholly rejected, but received into such offices & charges, as might be committed unto them without detriment or hindrance of the general good: and that there hath been in this commonwealth of ours that temperature used, that both elder & later commonwealths have wanted, the most part of which were continually disquieted with civil dissensions & popular seditious tumults: & lastly by them turned up side down & overthrown: whereas in this city of ours there was never any such sedition or uproar of the people, For as I said in the beginning it was necessary and fit for the true and perfect institution of a commonwealth, to exclude the common people from the government thereof, wherein our ancestors have not only followed the authority & opinion of many great philosophers, but also imitated Sesastris that most ancient lawmaker of the Egyptians, who as Aristotle The opinion of Sostrates the ancient lawmaker of the Egyptians allegeth in his Politics, would have them that are to defend the commonwealth with arms, or to consult upon the common good thereof, or to sit in exercise of justice, to be in their kinds distinguished from husbandmen, & merchants, & those that do live by mechanical occupations. Nevertheless easily might this institution overthrow the commonwealth, unless that temperature be thereunto adhibited which our most wise and foresightful ancestors have used. First therefore among the Venetians this always hath been most constantly observed, that justice should be equally administered to all, and that it be not lawful for any how great soever, to do wrong or injury to the least of the lower or meanest people, in so much that it hath always been held as a heinous abomination, & detestable sacrilege, for any gentleman to misuse Plebeian one of the common people. a Plebeian: which if at any time any hath rashly, or unadvisedly presumed to do, he never escaped scotfree: and so much more grievous was his punishment as he himself was greater in degree and estimation. Besides, there is not any thing more carefully provided for by the Senate, then that there may be plenty of corn & of all other things that are necessary either for the sustenance or safety and healthiness of the people: in so much that to preserve the people from want and famine, the common treasure is sometimes exceedingly spent & wasted: which any man may easily perceive, that shall attentively mark that which is before expressed, concerning the precedents of corn, and the healthmaisters of the city. And commonly all people do require this at the hands of their rulers, that they may live commodiously & in plenty, & that they be not subject to the oppressions and injuries of those that are mightier than themselves: which when they have attained, they go on with their business secure & careless of the rest: of which there was not any thing omitted of our ancestors pertaining to those two points: But many things beside added, whereby the commodities of The relief of the poorer sort. the people are exceedingly respected, and their poverty carefully relieved, especially of such that either presently do, or at any time have employed themselves in honest trades of use and service to the commonwealth, and grow at length either by age or weakness unable to persever therein: for in Venice there are built infinite many houses fitly and commodiously, which are frankly given to such kinds of men, wherein during their lives they may live and their Families without charge: beside within the Arsenal (which is so ample and large, that it representeth the show of another town) there is a determinate stipend and yearly allowance given to a great multitude of men unable either through age, impotency, or weakness to do any work, only in regard, that when in their better times they were able, they had employed their labour in doing service to the common wealth, likewise by an ancient statute it is ordained, that in all bargains of buying and selling of rich merchandise, the one and the The relief of poor mariners. other, that is both the buyer and the seller, do pay according to the quantity of the sum, a certain price which is divided among poor mariners, that having spent their time in that exercise, are through old age unable any longer to continue therein. But now besides these good institutions and means to retain the common people in duty, there are also certain laws, which were as me seemeth established with exceeding wisdom of our ancestors; such as thereby both the people's ambition, and desire of honour being a humour inseparably possessing the minds of men, may be throughly satisfied, and yet the government of the Nobility no way disturbed. The whole people are divided into two parts, the one of the honester & best respected sort, the other of the very base common people, as mechanical, & handicrafts men, and such like whom Aristotle in his politics The people divided into two sorts or kinds termeth to be in stead of public servants, either of these in my opinion are both fitly and commodiously provided for, because to this meaner people, who of nature are rather intentive to gain then to The people divided into companies fraternities. honour, there are also granted certain mean degrees, and dignities: for they are divided into so many companies as there are several trades and occupations, and every company hath certain peculiar laws, under which they are in the exercise thereof directed and governed, over every of these companies there are chosen by suffrage of the whole company, certain, that they may well be called as it were masters of that company: for by their commandment many things are prescribed, and many small controversies by their arbitrement ended, whence it cometh, that all such artificers as can once attain to that honour, do exceedingly content and please themselves therewith, and do think themselves not smally advanced when they once are come so far, that they are by the rest of their condition & company thought worthy of that pre-eminence, there are beside in every Company certain other Officers elected, though inferior to the masters thereof, yet notwithstanding of good credit, and much respected among the rest, in some sort therefore you see that this desire of honour, which seemeth to be settled even in the minds of the lowest and meanest people, is satisfied and provided for. The other better kind of people obtaineth also in the City of Venice, a better and more honourable place, enjoying certain particular offices and decrees, of especial reckoning and account, into which no gentleman may be admitted, though some of them be such that aswell for the commodity, The office of the Secretaries as title of honour thereunto belonging, they might beseem any Gentleman of Venice, the office of the Secretaries is honest, and of great regard, they sit at the tribunals with every magistrate, the same is only given to plebeians, and not to any gentleman, which though it be not honourable, yet it is of good respect & estimation, for to their fidelity and carefulness are committed all the public books and registers, wherein all both public & private matters are contained, of which charge and office whosoever is accounted worthy, is both reputed to be a man honest and industrious, and much regarded in every place, where he cometh, and withal their allowance from the commonwealth is such, that they have not only means to maintain their families, but also to amplify their substance, those also that are secretaries Secretaries to the Senate. to the Senate, are all plebeians, and not any gentleman admitted among them, and these are more respected than the other, and therefore wont to be chosen out of those that are of the honester sort, and civiller kind of people, they have great stipends out of the common treasure, & are still acquainted with all the proceedings and deliberations of the Senate, for they are always present at the counsels of the college & senate, & therefore held of all men in high estimation, some of these are selected and chosen out to attend upon the counsel of ten, whose decrees they register up in books, and are privy to all such things as are handled in the college, in which honour they remain as long as they live, not by turns, as the gentlemen do in their offices, of which there is not any perpetual, but that of the Procurators: of these Secretaries to the Senate one The chief Secretary to the Senate is Chancellor of Venice is above the rest, & is called Chancellor of Venice, a name of great dignity and honour, for the Procurators only excepted, there is not any Gentleman but giveth him place, he is acquainted with every secret of the common wealth, & hath great rents allowed him out of the common treasure, and when he dieth, his obsequies are honoured with a funeral oration, which dignity is not in Venice yielded to any, unless it be to the Duke or to some Citizen of extraordinary desert, and to none else, the Chancellor representing as it were the prince of the common people, he only is chosen in the Sessions of the great Council, the other Secretaries are created by the College of ten, and are subject to their censure, if they make any fault in the public office, which they execute, likewise are the popular assemblies and companies of artificers and masters of every occupation, and some others of whom we will speak hereafter, depend upon the arbitrement of the ten, and are subject to their authority, being by the same instituted at the first, and now still ordered and maintained, and surely the creation of this officer being at the first only to avoid the danger of these popular meetings and assemblies, was not done without exceeding providence and foresight, lest otherwise their fraternities and assemblies being at the first ordained for the common good, might in time under colour of assembling, to do their duty, have tempted something prejudicial to the commonwealths quietness. There are beside these five fellowships and societies Five other fellowships and societies under the names of plain sancts. in Venice protected under the name and religion of certain saints, in which there are innumerable numbers of men both plebeians and Patricians, of which every one hath his peculiar kind of attire, ornament, & ensign, which they nevertheless do not use at all times but only when they go in procession, or to honour any man's funeral, or else to any solemn service, they do usually assemble every holiday, first hearing divine service, and then going about unto the churches o the Saints, honouring the high and immortal God, with pompous solemnity of supplication and prayer. Every of these fellowships hath his particular house, and in the same a goodly and spacious hall, in which upon appointed days they do all meet to perform the duties which they do owe unto religion, sometimes they have Mass there solemnly celebrated, sometimes they go altogether to visit the church of some Saints oftentimes they solemnize the obsequy and funeral of one of their deceased brothers, offering oblations and dirges for his sins: besides those spacious halls every of them hath an appointed several room, wherein both the heads and presidents of these fellowships do meet, their office continueth but a year, and is among the Plebeians of especial dignity and prerogative, their meetings are to consult and take care for such things as are necessary and fit for the good of the fellowship, and likewise there is committed to their trust a great quantity of money, which is to be bestowed upon the poor: for such and so exceeding in times past, was the estimation of these fellowships, that many who by testament had ordained and bequeathed the distribution of their goods to the use of the poor, would make these to be their executors, and wholly refer the bestowing thereof to their discretion, insomuch that some of these fellowships in greatness of matters committed to their charge do scarcely give place unto the Procurators of that mark, which is one of the most honourable offices belonging to the Patrician, of which none though he be a brother No Patrician may be head of these five fellowships. of the fellowship, may attain to any of the precedentships thereof, that dignity belonging only to the plebeians, wherein also they imitate the nobility, for these heads of societies do among the people in a certain manner represent the dignity of the procurators, but to the end that neither their societies, nor their heads, may any way be dangerous or cumbersome to the common wealth, they are all restrained under the power and authority of the Council of ten, so that they may not in any thing make any alteration, nor assemble together, unless it be at appointed seasons, without their leave and permission, such honours do the plebeians of either sort attain unto in this commonwealth of ours, to the end that they should not altogether think themselves deprived of public authority, and civil offices, but should also in some sort have their ambition satisfied, without having occasion either to hate or perturb the estate of nobility, by which equal temperature of government, our common wealth hath attained that, which none of the former have, though otherwise honourable and famous, for from the first beginning till this time of ours it hath remained safe and free this thousand and two hundred years, not only from the domination of Strangers, but also from all civil and intestine sedition of any moment or weight, which it hath not accomplished by any violent force, armed garrisons, or fortified towers, but only by a just and temperate manner of ruling, insomuch that the people do obey the nobility with a gentle and willing obedience, full of love and affection, & far from the desire of any strange change, of which this time of ours hath made evident proof, for when all the greatest princes of Christendom had combined themselves together with intention utterly to overthrow, deface and abolish the greatness, glory, & the very name of the Venetians, and that our army had been vanquished by Lewes king of France, near to the City of Cassano in the territory of Cremona, with incredible slaughter: and the Almains of one side, and julius Bishop of Rome, threatening and besieging us with their armies, and all our dominions upon the main land, being revolted from the Venetian government. In this our extremity and general perturbation the people of Venice, were so far from attempting any thing against the Nobility, that weeping, they threw themselves at their feet, offering their lives and goods to the defence of the common wealth, and in effect reforming it, for having easily recovered jadova through the great love and affection of the inhabitants towards us, when Maximilian the Emperor, raising every where forces, came with a mighty Army to besiege the same City, many not only of the Gentlemen, but also of the plebeians, waging sundry soldiers at their own charge, went unto the defence thereof, endeavouring themselves there, in such noble and valorous sort, that the Emperor was constrained to withdraw his Army, without delivering so much as one assault to the City, neither with greater ado were the rest of the cities recovered, they all flocking again to the Venetian Empire, as to a wished haven of all security and calmness: an excellent argument of a just domination to govern those that are desirous and willing so to be governed, which that it falleth not out so without cause, as any man may perceive that shall mark the course of our proceedings, for we leave to every The equity & temperance of the Venetians government. city that cometh into the fellowship of our government, their own municipate laws and statutes, and the Citizens, every one in their own cities, obtain many great and honourable places, and not a few towns of those abroad in the country, are governed by magistrates of their own, chosen among themselves, as for those cities that are of greater fame, and in which our governors do rule, there do always sit with them in justice, Doctors of the law, with whom our governors are to consult before they determine any thing, which is both a matter of great honour and reputation, as also of great gain and commodity unto them, these manner of offices may not be executed by any of the Nobility of Venice, but are either chosen from among the plebeians, or else, and that in a manner always from out the cities, subjecteth to our fellowship. And therefore it may easily appear, that this our commonwealth is tempered with that moderation, which seemeth chief and nearest to imitate nature. For in the body of a living creature the office of looking about, and seeing is attributed only to the eyes, and the other less noble offices, left unto the other members that are deprived of the use of seeing, obeying and not dissenting from that which by the eyes they are informed, but going and bending themselves thither, whether they are by them directed, and so the whole frame of the body is preserved and maintained in an excellent unity and agreement, which not unlike reason is the supreme rule of things in the commonwealth of Venice committed to the Gentlemen, as to the eyes of the city, and the unnobler offices to the people, both together making a happy and well compacted body: The eyes of the commonwealth, not only seeing for themselves, but for all the other members, and the other parts of the city, not so much regarding themselves, as willingly obeying the direction of the eyes, as being the principallest parts of the commonwealth, whereas whatsoever commonwealth shall suffer itself to be carried away into that folly and madness, (as to many it hath happened) that the people will challenge unto itself the office of seeing, & usurp the exercise of the eyes, necessarily the whole commonwealth must tumble into a downfall and ruin: And on the other side if the gentlemen shall only provide for their own good, neglecting that of the other members, stirring thereby the people to envy & indignation, it were impossible that it should go well either with the one or the other. Our ancestors therefore by the imitation of nature have provided both for the one and the other inconvenience, and have therein used the just temperature and excellent moderation, that none (unless he be worse than a detractor) may any way blame or find fault with a government so virtuously established, and so temperately maintained: which I beseech the Almighty and everliving God long to preserve in happiness and safety. For if it be credible that any good thing cometh to men from God: then can there nothing be more assured than that this great felicity is happened to the City of Venice through the only blessing of his bountiful goodness. The end of the last book of the Commonwealth, and Magistrates of Venice. Sundry Notes and Collections which I have gathered as well by reading and observation, as also by conference with Venetian Gentlemen, skilful in the state of their country, for the better understanding of sundry points, either not at all touched in the former discourse, or else so obscurely, that the reader being a stranger cannot thereby rest fully satisfied, especially if he have a curious desire to know every particular of their government. But this being added unto the former, I doubt not but the state of the whole shall be so clearly and exactly delivered unto him, as though (if it were possible) he should see the same in a glass. THe City of Venice is seated upon certain Islands within the lakes of The situation of the City of Venice described by Donato Gianotti a Florentine, more plain & particular in mine opinion then that of Contaren us. the Adriatic sea, directly over against that place where the river Brenta, that runneth along the territory of Padova, not long since entered into those lakes: for the better knowledge of the nature and manner of which lakes, you must understand that the Province of Marca Trevizana, which the ancients called Venetia (whence this happy and famous City deriveth her beginning) lieth so low along the shore of the Adriatic sea, that what through the waters of many rivers that fall from the main land, as also the overflowings of the sea, which enter in through the gaps and breaches of that huge and mighty bank, which they call Lito Maggior, a great space thereof within the said bank remaineth Lito Maggior fennish and in water: which space resembleth a bended bow, the hollowness of the land compassing and embracing the same being the bow, and the string being this great bank I speak of, serving as a bulwark or rampire against the violence of the sea: reaching from the point of the said sea, otherwise called Sinus Adriaticus, and so extending itself (in a manner) still The bank extendeth itself 60. miles. in a direct & strait line, till it come to join with the shore of the main land under Brondolo. This bank hath here and there certain gaps, at which the sea at full tides entereth in, and at low and ebbing water goeth out again, and through them likewise do those rivers that run into the lakes pass into the sea. Those openings are also called Portes or Havens, because they give entry and passage to such ships, as come and go from all parts of the world. The principallest of them are those of Brondolo, of Chioggia, of Malomocco, of Castilia, of S. Erasmo, Lito Maggior, and the Treports. All that space then, which is between the said bank & the firm land, is the same which we call the lakes of the Adriatic sea, which yet are not so wholly drowned in water, but that there are therein many uncovered & dry places, which are those Islands in which the bordering people saved themselves from the tempestuous & barbarous fury of the Goths and Vandals: and being there assembled together, did lay the foundation of this noble City: which where it is nearest, is five miles off from the main land, and two from the bank: it was in times past ten miles off from the main land, the lakes then stretching to that place upon the brent, which (as many think) was then for that cause called Ora Lacus. Ora Lacus, and is now called Oriago. But now notwithstanding Oriago. all possible diligence used by the Venetians to the contrary, all the way is quite dried up between that Leccia Fusina, town and Leccia Fusina, where the boats that come from Padova to Venice, or go from Venice to Padova, are lifted over the bank or ssuce that keepeth the fresh water and the salt from meeting by certain instruments like unto our Cranes. The city of Venice is divided into two parts with a channel, which they call Il Canal grand, one part of The great channel that parreth the city of Venice in two. which looketh towards the South and▪ the West, and the other towards the East and the North. The channel slideth through in form of the letter S. marked contrarily as here you see it S. it runneth over all with convenient depth and breadth, as Arnus doth through Florence and Pisa, Tiber through Rome, and the Adice through Verona. They say that this channel was first made by the brent, when it entered into the sea by the breach in the bank, called Porto di Castilia, before such Many other channels enter into the great channels time as the course thereof was stopped and diverted at Leccia Fusina. Many other channels also of convenient greatness with which Venice is adorned as other cities are with streets) have recourse into the same: for the most part of these you must go by boat, unless it be some that have a little path on one of the sides, and Streets in Venice. some on both sides, but they are few. There are also in Venice many land streets, which they call Calianax, but they are nothing fair: for besides that they are neither long nor strait, they are so very narrow, that two men can scarce go together in one of them side by side. Bridges over the lesser channels. Over the channels there are made many little bridges of stone, that do join one street to another, yet not so thick, but that sometimes when you would go from one place to another, which is but hard at hand, you must fetch a great circuit about. Upon the great channel there is but one only bridge, and the same of wood, standing in the most frequented part of the city: for it joineth the Bialto, which is the place where the merchants meet, with the street that leadeth to the high Church, where the Duke's Palace standeth. But because every one that would pass the channel, shall not need to come to this bridge so far divers ordinary passages or ferries over the great channel. about out of his way, there are in divers places certain ordinary ferry boats, upon which poor-men do attend to set over such as shall require them: they are appointed what number of persons they shall ferry over at once, and withal what they shall take of every passenger. Likewise all the other lesser channels are full of little boats, which they call Gondolas, to pass up and down along the City, which the Venetians do use in steed of horses, Mules and coaches. The gentlemen have many serving to their own use, and many beside, wherewith their servants gain them money: so that the number of those boats is exceeding great. The beauty of the city is much better perceived by water then by land, for the channels be universally large, & all the fairest buildings of the city are seated upon them, The fairest show of the city answereth upon the water. which though the answer also upon the streets (for every one hath two entries, one by water, another by land) yet the fairest show is commonly still to the water. There are also sundry very fair houses, whose principal front is to the street, but the narrowness of the streets hindereth and eclipseth the magnificence of their sight. Much garbage and filthiness falleth from the city into the channels, which is carried away by the flowing and ebbing of the water, and yet that alone would not serve the turn, but that they are also continually cleansed and taken away. T●e air of Venice very healthy. In times passed (as Victruuius writeth) the air of Venice, by reason of the lakes was thought to be unwholesome, but now they hold that the air of Venice & Padova is purer and more healthy then in any other part of Italy, in so much that there is not in any place to be found more lustily old men, well coloured & of good complexions. Donatus distinguisheth the inhabitants of Venice into Three sorts & degrees among the Venetians. three parts, viz. plebeians, citizens & Gentlemen. The Plebeians he termeth to be those that exercise base arts utterly uncapable of office or degree in the commonwealth: the citizens to be merchants & men of a degree above the other, capable of certain popular offices: and the gentlemen to be those of the great council, Lords of the state, etc. as above. But this distinction is particular unto himself, contrary to Sabellicus, Contarene, and the rest, who only divide them into two, Plebeians, and patricians, viz. the common people, and the gentlemen. The first beginnings of the city were in the year 421. The beginnings of the city. the first part that was builded thereof was the church of S. james, that is now to be seen in the Rialto. In the year 1342. (Andrea Dandulo being Duke) there A great plague. died of the pestilence so great a multitude of people in Venice, that to repeople the same again they were feign to grant to all such as would come dwell within Venice, after two years habitation, freedom of their city. Their number of fight men. There are reckoned to be twenty thousand houses in the City, so that according to their computation allowing out of every family two, they are able to arm forty thousand fight men, and in former times have done so. The gentlemen of the state abroad and at home are thought to be 3000. They are absolutely Lords of the city and whole estate both by sea and land. The children and brethren of the Duke living, and of the Dukes that are deceased, are always held in very great honour and much respected. The balls which they do use in the great council are either of Copper or Tin, of which some are guilted, & some silvered. Whosoever is chosen Elector for any office, may if he shall so think good, name himself in the same, and so stand to the comprobation of the suffrages, as in the former treatise is mentioned. When any weighty matter is to be handled in the great council, as the establishment of a new law, or the definitive determination of any great judgement, there must of necessity be 600. gentlemen in the hall, & four Councillors, or else the same may not pass. Signori delle Pomp. There are certain magistrates, of whom the former treatise maketh no mention, called Signiori delle pomp, who are diligently to look into the reformation of apparel, and moderation of excess generally in all other expenses, and finally to see all such laws strictly observed as are in those behalfs provided. Censors. There are likewise of late instituted and created with great authority two Censors, whose office is chief to repress the ambition of the gentlemen, & to look with severity into their faultiness. There was a law lately propounded by them in the great council, and by the same with great allowance ratified and enacted, that thence forward there should be no congratulation used at breaking up of the Council, with those that had obtained offices and honours: which still remaineth in vigour and force, for before time every man at the opening of the Council, would press to take them by the hand, that were elected for Magistrates, protesting with many vows, that they were glad in their hearts, of the honour and advancement befallen them, yea even those would say so that had given their suffiages against them, which was by the Censors judged to be a great abuse, and unworthy of the Venetian nobility, being in all other things so grave & honourable. Upon the death of the Duke, the six high counsellors do presently enter into the palace: the eldest counsellor supplying the place of the deceased Duke, and dispatching sundry things that do appertain unto the royal office. All letters that in the mean time the state sendeth forth, are entitled under the name of the governors, & all such as are sent unto them, are so directed & superscribed. They never stir out of the Palace till the creation of the new Duke. The great gates also of the Palace are closed, and only a wicket left open for people to go in and out, keeping there also a guard of men, the same rather for a solemnity and ancient custom, than any needful occasion. For there is in the City of Venice no greater alteration at the death of their Duke, then at the death of any other private Gentleman, only the magistrates do not in the mean while assemble about the dispatch of affairs till the creation of the new Duke, having no leisure by reason of their business thereabout to attend to any thing else. The Duke's funeral. The body of the dead Duke being adorned with royal garments is brought into a lower hall, which they call Sala de Pioveghi, where it is kept three days together, & there are twenty Gentlemen all attired in scarlet, appointed to accompany the corpse into the said hall, and to sit round about it, which likewise they do the following days, at the end whereof his funeral is solemnized with all requisite pomp and magnificence. After the burial of the Duke the great Council is presently assembled, and in their first sitting there are chosen five Correctors, and three Inquisitors, the office of the Inquisitors is diligently to examine the life and Their office continueth but a year after the Duke's death. actions of the passed Duke, and whether he had observed their country laws, if they find him faulty, they are bound to accuse him; and the penalty by him deserved, lighteth always upon his heirs, who yet are no otherwise punished then only by the purse, they amerced the heirs of Loredanus one of their late Dukes, in 1500. Crowns, only because he had not upheld his dignity, with such majesty and magnificence, as he should have done, and yet otherwise all they acknowledge him to have been a very wise, and well deserving prince. The office of the Correctors is to see whether it be necessary to make any new law, or to correct or amend any abuse crept in under the government of the other Prince. When the Duke goeth abroad, all the bells of S. Mark are rung, and there go before him sounding many trnmpets of very extraordinary greatness, and there are likewise borne before him certain streamers and banners, than a cushion, and a chair of gold, and music next followeth the person of the Duke under a canopy in the midst of two of the chief Ambassadors, the rest following him behind, then follow next after them thirty couples of Gentlemen, wearing all garments after the ducal fashion, either of cloth, or scarlet, he that is on the right hand of the first couple, carrieth a sword upright in his hand. The Duke hath yearly allowed him out of the common A thousand and fifty pound of our money. treasure, 3500. crowns towards his expense. Every wednesday the Duke useth to come down from his Tribunal, and to go to the courts where the other judges and Magistrates do administer justice, and to look into their proceedings, exhorting and admonishing them to do that which equity and right requireth, & if any suitor do think there that his case is not justly dealt withal, he may with all humbleness recommend the same unto the Duke, which if the Duke findeth to be so indeed, he presently commandeth the magistrate to do him reason: but if contrary, he than reprehendeth him that made the complaint, and so proceedeth on forward: some of the late Dukes have changed this order, and do not keep any one certain day in this visitation of Courts, to the end that they might chance in upon the magistrates on a sudden, and take them at unwares. Whereas Contaren, in the former treatise writeth of a present of five wild Ducks, which the Duke was yearly accustomed to send to every Gentleman that The yearly present of wildfowl altered into money. had not been at his feast, now since the time in which he wrote, that kind of present is turned into a piece of silver coin, upon one side of which is the picture of a mark reaching a standard to the Duke, and on the other the names of the Duke, with the year of his reign with this circumscription. Donum A. G. Ducis Venetorum. The counsel of ten is a mighty member of the Venetian commonweealth, having in some sort a kind of likeness, in authority to the Roman Dictator, that was created in times of danger: for in matters of great importance deeply touching the estate of the commonwealth, that require either secrecy or speed of dispatch, either of the which should be hindered, if they should communicate the same to the great council, or to the Senate, they may of themselves determine and end it, as to denounce a war, to conclude a peace, to send a proveditor into the army, or to manage underhand a secret practice, of either of which they have many precedents of happy success to the state always in these speedy deliberations, there assemble with them, the Duke and six counsellors, which assembly is simply & absolutely called the Council of the ten, the Council of ten have certain Galleys in the Arsenal particularly Capi de dieci: heads of the ten. belonging to their commandment & charge, signed with these two letters c. and x. for Capi de dieci. The power and authority of this College of ten is so great, & by reason thereof so subject to envy of the rest, that sundry times when their terms were expired, there was much a do to consent to the creation of these successors, for remedy of which inconvenience, there was such means wrought, that there was a law made, that the old Council of ten should keep themselves still in authority, till such time as those new that should succeed in their places, were created & established, and fully confirmed. The office of Procurators, though it be not any of those, wherein the virtue and force of the common wealth's government consisteth, yet it is one of the greatest, most desired, and best respected dignities of Venice, continuing, during the life of those that are once elected even like to that of the Duke, it is also one of the ancientest offices, still from time to time maintaining itself in honour and reputation, even unto this present age, so that there was never in Venice any gentleman of any principal reckoning, but that did think himself greatly honoured with this dignity, and since the first institution thereof, few have been chosen Dukes, that had not first been Procurators. Anciently there was only one procurator appointed to have care of the Temple of Saint Mark, and of the holy Ornaments, and Treasures thereunto belonging. But afterwards upon the death of the D. Sebastian Ciam, who left a great and mighty beqevest to S. Mark, & withal, the oversight and charge of all his rents & revenues to the procurator, the greatness whereof exceeding the sufficiency of any one magistrate thoroughly to take care of, and withal not to neglect his other charges belonging to the Temple; there was an other Procurator created to take charge alone of this Legacy, and bequest of Sebastian Ciam, whose honest fidelity corresponding to the trust reposed in him, encouraged many at their deaths, to leave the administration of their goods unto him insomuch that he growing unable to bear the burden of so many affairs, there was a third procurator chosen in the year 1270. Rimeri zenocrate o beling then Duke, and the business so divided between them, that one should look to the Temple, and the Treasures thereof, another to those Legacies that were made on this side of the great Channel, and the third to those that were made on the further side thereof: in this Duke's time was also the fourth created and appointed to assist him that had the charge of the Temple of S. Mark, and the treasures thereof in equal authority, two more were made in the time of D. Giovani Soveranzo, and three more in the year 1423. Francisco Foscaro being Duke, so that they were in all nine, three for the Temple of S. Mark, and the church Treasures, three for the oversight of Legacies, made on this side of the great channel, and three for those on the further side, the year 1509. when their Army was overthrown at Adda, by Lewes the 12. king of France, the commonwealth being in distress, they were contented for a sum of money to impart this dignity to six more, and since have been so many made, that they come in all to be four and twenty, all the rest that are added to the first nine, have several procuration appointed them, as you may read in the former Treatise, they have likewise authority to constrain the heirs to perform the Will of the testators: they wear such fashioned garments as the Duke doth, and are followed with many servants, in procession the six counsellors do go before them & the three heads of the Forty, for as they go along the counsellors and the said heads are upon the right hand, and the Procurators upon the left, they have every one a dwelling place, or else forty Ducats a year allowed them. They all are admitted into the Senate, but not into the Council of ten, save only nine of the eldest and best respected, they cannot obtain any other office, unless it be of the chief sages, or else the Giunta to the council of ten, and when there is a captain general of the army, or a proveditor of the camp to be chosen, there is a law made in the Senate, that whosoever is a procurator, may obtain that dignity, which is so ordained, to the end that such great and weighty charges should be executed by men of great estimation and honour, they may not come into the great counsel, but only by the election of the Duke, which is lately granted by a special decree, they were wont to stand in the Court without the great Council, when the same was assembled, and there to stay during the continuance of the Council, within the palace, to the end that if any disorder should happen, they might be at hand to amend it, and this in likelihood was the occasion, that they were first forbidden to enter into the Council: but not this custom of assembling themselves, and staying in the court, while the council sitteth, is no longer observed, which proceedeth through the quiet and general secureness of the city: insomuch that they think it altogether needless for the Procurators to be morein one place then in another. These three counsels of the Forty are exceedingly well discoursed of in the former treatise, nevertheless for the full and clear understanding of their several offices and dignities, I thought good to set here down some particularities by him omitted, the recital of which, though perchance in his opinion he deemed needless, yet I judge them not unnecessary to those that do desire to have a perfect knowledge of the Venetian government. The first of these three counsels of forty are as you have heard, the new, for civil matters abroad, the second for civil matters within, and the third is called the crim inall council, which is not only above all causes criminal both at home and abroad, that are brought unto it by virtue of appeal, but also doth of itself determine many entire causes, that are not touched of any other magistrare, the forty are chosen in the great council, and must all pass the age of 30. years, the other offices any gentleman may attain at the age of 25. years: the election is not made all in one day, but in eight several days, & sitting in every of which they choose five upon the choice of these new forty, they are strait admitted into the new civil council, and do enter thence into the old civil council, and they of the old civil presently into the criminal, as you heard before, so that passing 8. months, in either their whole time of authority is 2. years, there are over every of these, 43. heads, and two under heads, which authority they hold only two month s a piece, the heads of the last forty which are the criminal judges, are they that do join with the Duke & councillors, & with them do represent the person of the Venetian government. These heads & underheads are all elected by lot. There are also in the great Council, three manner of Magistrates created, that do bring in and propound causes, every one to the forty appointed him, the first are the three Aduocators of the common which do bring in the causes to the Criminal forty. The second are the three old Auditors that do bring in the home civil causes, to the old civil Forty. The third are the three new Auditors that do bring all foreign civil causes, into the new civil Forty. The Aduocators of the common, is a dignity of great account, and never granted but to men of great years, wisdom, and experience, his chiefest charge is to see the law strictly observed, and therefore in judgement he is always against the offender. There are also many that are Aduocators, whose office is to plead in causes, either of accusing or defendiug, accordingly, as they are either by the plaintiff or defendant, entertained: it is not of necessity requisite that they be Doctors of law, or that they have therein much studied, only that they be skilful in the statutes, & ordinances of the commonwealth, they must all be gentlemen, for there is an ancient law, that none may plead before the magistrate, unless he be a gentleman: and therefore there are in the great Council chosen 24. Aduocators, 20. for the offices of the palace, and 4. for the Rialto: of which every one that goeth to law, is bound to entertain one, and to pay him a certain fee, and he likewise is bound to defend his cause, who entertaineth him, the place where they plead, is somewhat high, & they have at their feet the notary of the 40 with such writings as they mean to produce, & diverse times amid their pleading they command him to read now one Chapter, now one writing, and then another, as the cause requireth. The time that either party is allowed for speech is an hour and a half, besides the time that is spent in reading the writings: in so much that when the Advocate speaketh, there is an hour glass held upright, and when the writings are read, the same is turned upon one side, to the end the sand should not fall through, and then is turned upright again when he beginneth to speak. When either part hath alleged his reasons, & that sentence is to be given the youngest of the forty causeth every of the judges to swear that he will give that sentence, which in his conscience he shall think to be just, & then they go to their suffrages, in manner as you may see in the former treatise. All causes that are brought unto the Aduocators are registered up by their secretary, one first, the other next, & so forth, in order as they come, and look in what order they are registered, in the same are they by them brought in, and propounded to the forty, except it be some, which though they come last, yet they are still first dispatched, as the case of prisoners, of burials, of medicines, of corn, of rewards, of Orphlins, of near kindred, as if the brother should plead with his brother, or the father with his son: these causes are always first heard, and likewise all such as any way pertain to the office or administration of the Procurators. The dominion of the Venetians is divided into two parts, the one by sea, the other by land, out of either of which they receive a great yearly income. Of the two they account the firm land revenue to be the greater, especially their possessions in Lombardie are marvelous rich and available unto them: where besides many other towns, castles, and villages, they possess seven fair cities, as Trevigi, Padova, Vicenza, Verona, Brescia, Bergamo, and Crema. By sea they are Lords of Cypress, Candia, Corfu, and many other Islands. Upon the coasts also of Sclavonia, Dalmatia and Histria, they possess many goodly Cities and castles. Besides these the rents of their own city, their customs and tolles by sea, and their ordinary yearly taxation or rather (as they call it) tribute of the inhabitants, amounteth to an excessive sum: in so much that their revenues one way or other is known to beat the least 1200000. Ducats by the year: their charges & yearly occasions of disburstment are likewise very great, for always they do entertain in honourable sort, with great provision a Captain general, who always is a stranger borne: he that now enjoyeth that place is one john Baptista de Monte a Florentine borne, a notable soldier, and a very honourable Gentleman, one under whom I have served in the wars, and am in all thankfulness to acknowledge many favours that I received both from him and his brother Camillo de Monte. Besides they do continually entertain in pay a thousand men at arms, and a great number of footmen, sufficient to keep and defend those places, in the which they keep garrisons always, as well in times of war, as of peace: they give likewise great pensions to many gentlemen and Captains, whose service they use when need requireth. The most part of their land forces they maintain in Lombardie, where by reason of the abundance of victuals they may live commodiously, and when time of war so requireth, they send them thence whither they shall think good. They also keep continually ten or twelve armed Galleys of war, which are distributed in Cypress, Candia, and Corfu, and other commodious places. In every Galley they have 150. rowers: for there are 50. benches, and upon every bench three rowers, besides every one containeth between 80. and 100 soldiers to fight. The charges of every Galley one way or other amount to 700. ducats a month, likewise their provisions of war and the charges of and concerning their Arsenal are of an infinite and excessive expense. They have always armour in the Arsenal to arm ten thousand men, and in the armoury of the Duke's palace to arm 1500. against whatsoever sudden inconvenience might happen, besides an innumerable quantity of munition pertaining to the sea, and artillery of all sort in marvelous proportion. In times of war and necessity they do sometimes propose great offices and dignities to sale for a certain sum of money: for which when sundry offer the sum proposed, yet none is elected unless he overcome his competitors and rivals by suffrage, so that commonly not withstanding the sale thereof, yet the same never falleth upon any but upon the wisest and most sufficient men. Collections taken out of the history of signor Bernardo Giustiniano, a Gentleman of Venice. TOuching the original of the name of the Venetians, there are sundry opinions. Some writ that they come of a certain people of Asia, called Eneti, who after the destruction of Troy, having lost Philemene their king, came with their navy under the conduct of Antenor, into those lakes of the Adriatic sea, giving the name of Veneti unto that part of Italy where they settled, which opinion is by Livy maintained. Pliny, Cato, and Cornelius Nepos, derive the Venetians absolutely from the of spring of the Trojans. Servius Grammaticus will needs have their nomination to come from Enetus king of the slavonians. But once, howsoever they differ in their true original: they all agree that they are of great antiquity, & famous even in their first beginnings. The Cantons of Venice did before the inhabitation of the lakes, under that name embrace a great circuit upon the main land, as all Marca Trevigiana, and the greater part of Foro julio: but now only the Isles, & inhabited places within the lakes do retain and peculiarly challenge to themselves the name of Venice. The situation thereof is so strange and singular in itself, that it brooketh no comparison or resemblance with any other City, either of this present or former ages: the manner whereof is this. There is a long bank that encompasseth the utmost Gulf of the Adriatic sea: within the inner part whereof are certain great marshes or fens, occasioned partly by the descent of the rivers from the maineland, partly by the flowing of the sea: within these were sundry little towns, built by those that endeavoured to defend themselves from the fury of the land wars, and lastly Venice. Nature the mistress and best working perfectresse of things, defendeth them from the violence of the sea, by the opposition of this bank, increased with huge heaps of sand: and yet not altogether without the artifice and travail of man, by fortifying against the sea in places needful, with strong palisadoes and mighty peers or bulwarks of stone. These lakes were in times passed upon their brinks to the main land encompassed and adorned with many great and renowned cities, as Aquileia on the east side thereof, sometimes a famous Colony of the Romans: next unto it Concordia, than Vderzo, than Altinos, likewise Trivigi and Padova, than the Moncellese, which some will needs have to be that which was called Acello, then upon the bounding and shutting up of the utmost point Adria & Ravenna, which was in those days also environed about with marshes and fens, and cleansed by certain ditches, that (as Strabo writeth) were made for the same purpose: but whereas in the beginnings of Augustus Caesar the buildings thereof were all of wood. Afterwards Augustus and his successors Tiberius, Trajan, Valentian, and Theodoricke, ennobled it with goodly edifices, of marble and free stone, each of them doing somewhat, as well in erection of many sumptuous private palaces, as public magnificent Temples, for the Gods. And withal they filled and choked up those marshes, in sort that they reduced them to firm ground, so that whereas before it was of all sides environed about with those waters, it is now distant three miles from them. Besides sundry of less reckoning, there do disgorge down into these Lakes, seven famous rivers that come descending from the Alps: as Taliagmento, Livenza, Lafoy Piave, La Brenta, Bachiglione, Adice and Poe: which two last rivers, the Adice and the Poe have filled and stuffed up those parts of the Lakes, into which they fall with sand, and the like have sundry of the other rivers done in many places: but where the industry and travail of men hath defended and prevented the inconvenience thereof. For those marshes and Lakes, whose length in times passed little less extended than two hundred miles, are now reduced to the half thereof. Their breadth where they are now at largest, not being above twelve mile, whereas in the time of our ancestors it was twice as much, which being a thing that the enemies of the Venetian State could never accomplish, though with great endeavour many times they attempted to choke and dry up those Lakes, time hath by little and little, by the descent of those land rivers effected it without any foreign violence, in despite of all the defences opposed by the Venetians. The great encompassing bank hath in manner as many ruptures and passages as are the great rivers that descend into the lakes: at which the tides of the sea go in & out, ebbing and flowing every six hours by turn. The flood never ariseth higher than four feet within the Gulf, unless sometime when the wind Seirocco bloweth with an extraordinary violence, & then sometimes it ariseth to the height of seven feet. Sebastian Munster's description of the City of Venice. VEnice was first the name of a Province, and not of a City. There be many other Towns in Italy of greater antiquity. About the year of our Lord 300. there came out of Scythia a barbarous people, called Huns, overrunning sundry nations of Europe, with exceeding terror and cruelty, their first vagabonding race was into Thracia, and thence they passed through Mesia & Illiria into Italy. The Venetians that then inhabited a Province upon the firm land, on the Adriatic shore, hearing of their arrival, fled into the sea, seating themselves there in little Islands, of which there were many at hand, living for the most part there by fishing. The Rialto why to called. At length they began to build upon these Islands, chief upon that which is called Rivo alto, to called, because the water is more deep than there about the other Islands, or else because that Island is more eminent than the rest: in short space the devastation and cruelty wrought by Attyla upon the neighbouring land towns, as Aquileia, Concordia, Alcina, Padova, Optergia, Heraclia, Aquilius, Grado, Capreola, and Lauretta, did (as it were) by a revolution give a speedy beginning to the rising greatness of Venice. The first founders thereof were those of Padova: in short time it increased in opulence and riches, and grew mighty both by sea and land, conquering many Realms, Cities and islands, of which the Turk in our time hath taken some from them. He meaneth that she is commandress of the Adtiatique seas. In fine this noble, goodly and magnificent city is become Queen of the sea, and inhabited by people of sundry nations, and trafficked to by merchants from out all parts of the world. There a man may hear all languages, and see all diversity of garments: it is said that the only Tribute which the state raiseth of wine, Six hundred thousand pound sterling. salt and other things, amounteth to two millions of Ducats, besides the other tributes and rents which they raise of such Cities as are under their subjection. The first created a Duke in the year of our Lord 700. before time their commonwealth was governed by Tribunes: but afterwards by reason of discord between themselves, & many attempts enterprised against them by the Lombaras by common & general consent they elected a Duke, to maintain them in concord, and to defend their liberty, but in succession of time misliking their government, they put many of their Dukes to a shameful death, they slew Vrsus their third Duke in a sedition, and put out both the eyes of Theodore his Munster calleth this Theodore Diendome. son, after he had likewise ruled them awhile: they hanged Obleno their 10. Duke upon a gibbet, and afterwards tore him to pieces, they murdered the thirteenth in the church, and burned the fourteenth in his palace, the year 958. they put the fifteenth into a cloister, they banished the 28. and stoned to death the 45. called Rinaldo, they imprisoned the 46. and beheaded the 55. These and other things are written of the Venetians and their Dukes, but Gasper Contareno that hath written expressly of the commonwealth of Venice, being himself a Senator of the City, toucheth not at all the miserable end of these Dukes, his attire is no whit different from that which kings do use, for his garments are all of purple or rich cloth of gold: he weareth on his head a royal diadem made of linen, which is environed with a hood of purple, about which there goeth a little crown of gold, when he entereth into the Senate, he hath his throne gorgeously adorned, and the Senators speak unto him with their heads bare standing up as before a Prince, all letters sent and received are directed and signed to and by the Duke. The laws are published in his name, and their coin stamped with his name and image, in fine the Duke in all things representeth the person of a king before his subjects, save that he hath not the bridle of full authority in his own hands, to make him appear with the greater magnificence and pomp, they allow him out of the common treasure 1500. Crowns, which he may not turn to his particular use, but on such things as pertain to the greatness and train of a prince, otherwise his heirs should be sure to pay the amends of so great dishonour after his death, he must of his own charge maintain a great troop of servants to follow him, when he goeth abroad, and to make every year four Banquets to the Senators and Gentlemen. Upon ascension day, according to the custom of his Predecessors, he goeth aboard a fine ship curiously trimmed, and set forth, and in company of the Bishop, The ship is called the Bi●entorie. and other Senators, launcheth out into the Sea, throwing a ring into the same, with express words, that he marrieth the Sea in perpetual Dominion, and rule. The Bishop also useth certain ceremonies, which being ended they depart, the election of the Duke is in such sort by lot, that no man's ambition, bribery, or subornation may stand him any way in stead, presently upon his choice, he is borne by the mariners with great pomp to the place of S. Mark, throwing all the while, money about in the streets, till such time as he come to the place where the Diadem is put on his head. Touching their rents, riches, common treasure, revenues, tributes, exactions and customs, that they levy out of the Cities, that are under them, it is not easy to give a just reckoning, but it is written, that they do sometimes charge their subjects with very heavy tributes: Charlemagne granted great privilege to the Venetians, for which notwithstanding they were unthankful, and secretly sent aid to Nicephorus Emperor of Constantinople, that was his enemy, whereat Charlemagne being aggrieved, sent his son Pepin, whom he had made king of Italy to be revenged, so that Pepin levying a great Army, chased them to the Rialto, where he intended to assault them, and to that end made a great long bridge, but by reason of tempestuous weather, his bridge broke, and his enterprise failed. In the year of our Lord, 810. certain merchants brought the body of S. Mark from Alexandria to Venice, The body of S. Mark when brought unto Venice. in whose honour they did build that most goodly & glorious church which is now there to be seen. In the year. 1202. they got the Island of Crete now The times of their conquests. called Candia, which did before pertain to the Emperor of Constanstinople, also under Otto the 3. Emperor of that name they adjoined to their dominion many other islands and cities, principally Parence, Pole, Arbu, Coricte, Corcyre, now called Corphu, Pharo also now called Lesima, and many other cities where Pirates had their receipt. Some few years after; the Turk began to make wars upon them, and taking from them the fair cities of Tirachum in Albany, and Croy in Slcavonia, did so abase them, and bring them to such a diffidence of their strength, that to obtain his friendship they were feign to give him 13. fair cities, which they had conquered, and won from the Emperor of Greece, besides Cosdre a most goodly city of Albany, in the year 1400. they got Vincensa that appertaitained to the Viscount of Milan, in the year 1472. they got Padova, and Verona, from the Roman Empire, in the year 1402. they possessed themselves of the realm of Cypress, some say by a detestable and unchristian practice, which was in order, as followeth. The heirs males of right and lawful line, failing The history of the unjust practice used by the Venetians in their possession of Cipies. in Cypress, Lews D. of Savoy, having married Charlot, the lawful daughter to king John, was called and received of all with great joy, as their king, jaques bastard, brother to the said Charlot, finding himself too weak to resist the said Duke of Savoy, fled with his friends into Alexandria, to demand aid of the soldan, jaques was a young Gentleman of two and twenty years of age, of a comely stature and very beautifullpersonage, the soldan was moved with his presence and prayers, & promising him succour, did presently apparel him with royal ornaments, proclaiming him his tributary king of Cypress, and withal commanded the Duke of Savoy to get him home into his own country: who sent him back a very submiss embassage, with favour and humble words, offering him his perpetual love and service, and a yearesy tribute, and withal a yearly pension of ten thousand crowns to jaques during his life, the matter was long debated of in the Council of the soldan, who was sundry times inclining to the acceptation of these offers, but in the end such were the perfwasions and instant means used by jaques to the contrary, especially having by solicitation gained the Venetians and Mahomet Emperor of the Turks to favour his party, that the soldan granting fully to his request, took his oath, and sent him into Cypress with a great army of men, when at his first arrival; he constrained Lewes with such Frenchmen, as were with him to retire himself into a Castle, which also in time he made him to abandon, and so became Lord of the whole Island, shortly after he married the daughter of a Gentleman of Venice, called Marcus Cornarius, which daughter was after the death of jaques, adopted by the Senate, and by this means they possessed themselves of the Realm, for she being great with child at the death of her husband, the Venetians as tutors retired her unto them, and took adminstration of the Realm, some will say that they poisoned the child afterwards, as likewise they had done the father before, others writ otherwise, that they did not get the realm by so great wickedness, but that after the death of the father and the son, they succeeded in the Realm, by way of adoption and inheritance. Venice hath in circuit eight Italian miles, and is seated within the flats of the sea, there is a natural Sebastian Munster in his card of Venice. The circuit of the city & islands about it. bank in the sea, high and eminent that defendeth the town from the impious fury of the waves, and giveth passage and port in sundry places to the sailors, chief at two Castles and at Chosa an episcopal City, distant from the town five and twenty miles upon the way to Ferrara, there are about Venice 25. Islands which are in manner all inhabited of Monks, the rest is to be seenein the Card. Seb. Munster. The number of bridges and boats. This City of Venice hath threescore and two parishes, and one and forty Monasteries: it hath as many Channels as streets: there are four hundred public Bridges, besides particulars, there are of boats for all uses, eight thousand, in the Arsenal, which is round about environed with walls, there are continually four hundred men which are daily employed in mending and making of Galleys, and other things pertaining to the Sea, in the Isle of Meurano, fast by, they make very clear and goodly glasses, commonly Crystal glasses. called Crystal glasses, which are thence transported into all countries. Notes out of Girolamo Bardi. THe first that ever inhabited upon that Island called the Rialto, where Venice now standeth, was one Giovani Bono a poor man, that having there a simple cottage did live with his family by taking of fish: afterwards Radagasso with an army of Goths, entering into Italy, sundry from of the firm land fled into this poor man's house for safety of their lives, and among the rest one Entinopus a carpenter of Candia, who found means to build himself there a house, maintaining himself afterwards by the making of small barks and boats: After Radagasso Alaricus coming like a tempest into Italy, there fled so many over thither, as that at length there were built four & twenty several houses of boards and reeds: but in the year of our Lord, 418. the fury of the wars being somewhat mitigated, the most part of these fugitives had gotten themselves into Padova, whereof a sudden hearing great and fearful rumours of new intended entries into Italy by Aiulfo king of the Vissigots, with a mighty multitude of Barbarians, by a general consent they agreed to make some firm place within these lakes, and thereupon to build a city, which they presently effected upon the foresaid Island, gathering into the same the people that were dispersed about the other Islands, and withal making it of the best defence they could, they called it by the name of Venice, the beginning of this cities foundation was laid in the year 421. upon the 25. day of March about noon, there were three Consuls chosen by those of Padova to have the oversight and charge, the rest whose names were Alberto Faletro, Tomaso Candiano, and Zeno Daulo: this is a breviat drawn out of the ancient Records of Padova. Afterwards the ruin and desolation of many fair cities upon the main land, gave a speedy mightiness and increase to this new erected city, insomuch that many of the noblest land inhabitants, fled thither with their treasures and richest movables, transporting even their goodly pillars, carved stones, and other matter to build withal, to Venice, erecting thereunto themselves new and stately mansions, so that in the end delighted with the security of the place, having their children borne & brought up there, they resolved there perpetually to remain: there are in Venice 72. (as they call them) Parochiae, that are equal in manner unto bishoprics, over which are elected grave and reverent pastors chosen out of that quarter and partition of the city, wherein their churches stand: these churches have great & goodly rents belonging unto them, & are exceedingly adorned with Organs, images, instruments and all other magnificent ornaments. The Arsenal is in compass without the walls 3. miles about, & resembleth in itself a little world having within it such variety ofseverall handicrafts and trades that it is in manner unpossible for any to comprehend them in his mind that hath not seen them with his eyes, insomuch that the marquis of Guasto who was general The Marquis of Guasto his speech touching the Arsenal under the Emperor Charles the 5. in Italy, having gone up and down in it from morning to night, at his coming forth swore that he had rather be Lord of the Arsenal then of 4▪ of the best cities of Italy, all manner of arms, weapons, artillery, sails, powder, anchors, tacklings, and whatsoever else to be imagined pertaining to the war, and the Galleys themselves are not only kept and preserved within the Arsenal, but also wrought and framed, there do daily work within it 1580. men, who have all wages according to their decrees, who when they are so old that they can work no longer, are there also entertained so long as they live. The prince being dead, his bowels are taken out, and his body embawmed, after which he is kept three days openly, in the hall, attended on with Senators, as you heard before, his hearse being covered over with cloth of gold, and his sword and his spurs of gold lying athwart upon him, then in carrying him to his burial, the fraternities of the town are assembled, & the several companies of the canons and clergy with an innumerable number of torches, many of which are carried by the jesuits, in middle of which followeth the beer, whereon the body of the prince reposeth in such sort as you heard, next after followeth the officers and chief servants of the prince's family, all appareled in black with great hoods over their heads, and drawing a long train after them, representing a marvelous show of mourning and sorrow, than next after follow the Senators, all in scarlet and grain, signifying the city to be free, & therefore ought not to mourn at the death of any prince how virtuous soever With this pomp they pass on to the place of S. Mark, where joining with the beer to the great door of the church, they lift it up nine times, as in taking perpetual leave thereof, and thence go unto the church of S. Giovani, Paulo, (where for the most part the Dukes lie buried, and there reposing the body upon a high place of estate, brightened with a number of flaming torches round about, the signory sitteth down, and there in the pulpit is made a solemn funeral oration, in commendation and honour of the dead prince. The funenerall being ended, the Senators return to the palace, and presently proceed to the choice of a new Duke. There are certain officers, of which Contareno speaketh nothing at all, or else very sparingly, and some that have been instituted since his time, of all which I think it not necessary briefly to say somewhat, for the better satisfaction of the reader: and first of those whom they call Cathaveri. These are judges of the confiscations, and exactors of the public duties, they were created in the year 1280. They succeed in the goods of those that die intestate, if they have no lawful heirs. They gather in those penalties as are by the other judges inflicted upon offenders. They are judges over the officers of shipping. They make public sales in name of the common: they are judges of such things as are found at sea, or treasures that are found at land. They hear such differences as do arise between pilgrims that go to the holy land, and the matters of the ships wherein they go, & the names of the pilgrims are registered in their office, and they are newly put in authority about the determination of such causes as concern the inhabitants of Cypress. Sopra Castaldi. There are other called Sopracastaldi, whose office is to serve executions upon judgement, so that they are called judges of executions. They have the selling of such goods as are attached by executions, & have the hearing of all such differences as do arise about such attachments, executions, contradictions, etc. They are every morning at S. Marks: they have also place in the Rialto. They were instituted in the year 1471. Because there might error be committed in the execution of judgements, it was ordained that the prince should hear the appeals from the executions of the former officer: but because his person was to be busied about greater affairs, there were certain Superiors ordained that might censure the doings of the Sopracastaldi. And because they might also sometimes err in their deliberations, it was likewise ordained, that from them also might the party aggrieved appeal to the Aduocators. They were created in the year 1485. Signeore all aque. There are certain officers over the water, called Signore all aque. They have charge of such things as appertain to the Lakes, & to the cleansing of the channels: Sig▪ alla Sanita Mountbanks are certain that show their drugs in the market places, vaunting of great cures they have done, & with long tales persuading the people to buy their ware. and those boats that are upon the great channel are under their authority. Besides those other things mentioned in the former treatise that belongeth to the office of the healthmaisters: they have authority to give licence to physicians to practise, and to Mountebanks, & Chiarlatanes to go up and down the country, and to preach in the markets: to them also is brought the register, containing the number of all public women within the town: Finally, so great is their authority, that in time of sickness they have power to punish with death. Doana de Mare, are officers of the custom, who are to look to such merchandise as is brought in by the common galleys and ships, and not to suffer any things to pass, till all duties and custom be discharged. Signori della Pace. There are also five peacemaysters, who are to judge between them that give one another blows or wounds, or do offer any other kind of wrong, or do use any villainy in speech, their office is to appease strife, and to make atonement and friendship, as much as in them lieth. justitia vecchia, are certain magistrates that have power & authority to do right unto those that do pretend hire, wages or reward: they punish those that do falsify weights, measures or such like. They put a price upon such herbs and fruits as are to be sold: likewise in their office are written up the names of all such boys as do for wages tie themselves to the service of masters. They were wont to deal in the matter of wools, butnow since the increase of that merchandise, there is appointed a particular officer over the same. All manner of trades are under this office. They that keep shops have the allowance of the signs from hence: They may be appealed from to the Cathaveri, and to the old Auditors, according to the causes. Consoli di Marcantanti: to this office is all manner of merchandise subjecteth, wherein there is either buying or selling. They proceed briefly & by way of extension. Sopraconsoli are those that have to do with Merchants that break bankrupt, and with matters of pawns. They grant protection to such as are indebted, whereby their bodies may be kept free from prison: they proclaim with a very solemn ceremony those that are fugitive for debt, limiting them a certain time of return, which if they do not, they then sell all such goods of theirs as they can lay their hands on, and therewith pay the creditors as far as it will stretch. The fugitives upon their return are bound fully and wholly to present all their goods into this office, of which they then receive a protection for a month, in which time they have liberty to agree with the creditors if they can, if not, than the Sopraconsulles are to make their agreement for them: always provided that afore the satisfaction of any creditors, the dower of the party's wife, the rent of his house, and the money belonging to the Signeorie, if he have any thereof in his hands, are still first deducted. justitia Nova is an office to which belongeth the oversight of Inns and Taverns, to reform their abuses & to see that their wines be not mingled or corrupted: this office was instituted in the year 1261. There are also certain officers over the Salt, called Signori all Sale. Ragione Vecchie are certain that are appointed to entertain such strangers and ambassadors as the state will have honoured, and to defray such charges as thereby shall arise to the state out of the common treasure. Ternaria Vecchia is an office that exacteth the custom of Oils, and have superintendence of all things thereto appertaining. Signori alla Grassa are such as do oversee the abuses in Cheese, salt meats, Suet, and such like, and have power to punish those that commit any falsehood or abuse thereabout. Signori dipanni a ora have the charge and oversight of Goldweavers, and such as do make cloth of Gold, Tissue and such like: to the end there be no falsehood used, which if they find, they have authority to take the clothes away, and to cut them in pieces. Proueditori di Commune are certain magistrates instituted of purpose for the common good. They are to see that such ships as be made be well wrought, & great and capable, fit to the proportion, and that at their setting forth they be not overburdened. They are to repair the streets, to pave them, & to keep the bridges of the City in good order: all the lesser schools and fraternities are under them, as the greater are under the Counsel of ten: They look into the abuses of all handy crafts, and punish such as use deceit. They have charge over the ordinary ferries. They look into the privileges of the communality, and tax the prices of books. The City of Venice is divided into six parts, which they call Sestieri: three of one side the great channel, and three on the other: their names are thus. Castello, S. Polo, S. Marco, S. Croce, Canareio. Dorso Duro. The names and number of the parishes and Monasteries contained under Castello. Parishes. 1. S. Pietro di Castello. 2. S. Biasio. 3. S. Martin. 4. S. Giovani in Bragola, 5. S. Antonin. 6. S. Trenita. 7. S. Severo. 8. S. Prouolo. 9 S. Giovani novo. 10. S. Maria formosa. 11. S. Marina. 12 S. Lio. Other Churches. 1 S. Giovanide Forlani 2 S. Philippo e Giacomo 3 S. Georgio de Greci Monasteries. 1 S. Domenico 2 S. Francisco della Vigna 3 S. Antonio. 4 S. Giovani e Paulo Cloisters of Nuns. 1 S. Maria delle virgini 2 S. Daniel 3 S. Anna 4 S. joseph 5 S. Maria celeste 6 S. Sepolchro 7 S. Lorenzo 8 S. Giovani Laterano 9 S. Zaccaria The names and number of the parishes and Churches under S. Mark. Parishes 1 S. Marco 2 S. Geminian 3 S. Moyse 4 S. Maria Zobenigo 5 S. Mauritio 6 S. Vitale 7 S. Samuel 8 S. Angelo 9 S. Benedetto 10 S. Paternian 11 S. Fantin 12 S. Luca 13 S. Saluatore 14 S. Bartholomeo 15 S. Giulian 16 S. Basso Monasteries. 1 S. Stefano 2 S. Saluatore Cloisters of Nuns 1 S. Rocco 2 S. Margarita Other Churches 1 S. Theodore 2 S. Maria della Fava 3 S. Maria in Broglio 4 S. Scola della Giustitia The names and numbers of the parishes and Churches under Canareio. Parishes. 1 S. Lucia 2 S. Hieremia 3 Marcuola 4 S. Maria Magdalena 5 S. Marcilian 6 S. Fosoa 7 S. Felice 8 S. Soffia 9 S. Apostoli 10 S. Cancian 11 S. Maria nova 12 S. I. chrysostom 13 S. Lunardo Monasteries 1 S. job. 2 S. Maria de servi 3. S. Maria del horto. 4. S. Maria del de Crocechiers Cloisters of Nuns. 1 S. Lucia 2 S. Catherina 3 Corpo di Christo 4 S. Luigi 5 S. Hieronimo 6 S. Maria di miracoli The names and number of Churches under S. Paulo. Parishes. 1 S. Paulo 2 S. Tomaso 3 S. Sti●… 4 S. Augustin 5. S. Boldo 6 S. Aponal 7 S. Siluestro 8 S. Giovani 9 S. Matheo 10 S. Giacomo Monasteries 1 S. Mario de Frati minori. The names & numbers of parishes and Churches under Sancta Croce. Parishes. 1 S. Croce 2 S. Simeon grand 3 S. Simeon Apostol● 4 S. Giovan decollato. 5 S. Giacomo dell'orio 6. S. Stai. 7. S, Maria matter Domini. 8 S. Cassano Another Church. 1 S. Nicolo de Tolentino. Cloisters of Nuns. 1 S. Croce. 2 S. Andrea. 3 S. Chiara. The names of sundry little Islands contained under this quarter of the city, that are inhabited by Friars, Monks, Nuns, and other religious people. 1 S. Helena. 2 S. Andrea della certosa 3 S. Georgio maggiore 4 S. Clement 5 S. Maria delle gratu 6 S. Spirito 7 S. Francisco dal diserto 8 S. Giacomo di Paludo 9 S. Nicolo del Lito 10 S. Christoforo dellapace 11 S. Michaele 12 S. Georgio d' Alega 13 S. Angelo de Concordia 14 S. Secondo 15 S. Seruolo 16 S. Erasmo. 17 S. Lazaro 18 S. Lazaretto novo 19 S. Lazaretto vecchio. The names & numbers of parishes and Churches under Dorso duro. Parishes. 1 S. Nicolo 2 S. Rafaelo 3 S. Basilo 4 S. Margarita 5 S. Pantalaone 6 S. Barnaba 7 S. Trovaso 8 S. Agnese 9 S. Vido 10 S. Gregorio 11 S. Eufemia della giudeca. Friaries. 1 Giacomo della giudeca. 2 I. Capuccini 3 S. Gio. della giudeca 4 S. Sebastian 5 Li Carmeni 6 S. Maria della Carita 7 Li Giesuati Nunneries. 1. S. Biassio Catoldo. 2. S. Croce della Giudeca. 3. S. Cosmo & Damiano. 4. Le Convertite. 5. S. Marta. 6. S. Maria Maggior. 7. Il Spirito Santo. 8. Ogni Santi. Other religious houses. 1. The jesuits. 2. La Trinita. 3. Le Citelle. Abays and Priories, belonging to the city. 1. S. Georgio Maggior. 2, S Nicholo Dam Lio. 3. S. Gregorio. 4. S. Giovani Della Giudeca. 5. S. Thomaso de Borgoinoni. 6. S. Andrea della Certosa. 7. S Helena. 8. S. Giavani del Tempio. 9 La Trinita. 10. La. Misericordia. 11. S. Giovan evangelista. 12. S. Giovan Lateran. The name and number of the Hospitals within the City. 1. L' Hospital di Giesu Christo a Sant Antonio. 2. S. Pietro e S. Paulo. 3. La Pieta. 4. La. Casa di duo. 5. S. Bartolomeo da Castello. 6. S. Martin. 7. I. Crosechieri. 8. La Misericordia. 9 La Carita. 10. S. Giovan evangelista: 11. S: Croce, 12. S, Andrea, 13. S. Vid o: 14. Volto Santo, 15: S. Ras aell, 16, S, Zanepolo, 17: Incurabili, 11, S: Lazaro, 19 Le Bocchole, 20, Lazaretto Vecchio: 21, Lazaretto novo: The six Fraternities which they call Scuole grand. 1. S. Marco, 2, La Carita. 3. La Misericor dia, 4. S. Giovan evangelista, 5. S. Roco, 6: S: Theodora, In a general review of the people made some few years since in Venice▪ there were reckoned this number of all sorts, as followeth. Fifty nine thousand three hundred forty and nine men: sixty seven thousand five hundred thirty and one women: youths between the age of six and of twenty years, to the number of fifty eight thousand four hundred and twelve: two thousand one hundred fourscore and three Friars: two thousand fourscore and two Nuns: one thousand one hundred fifty and seven jews. The whole sum of all amounteth to the number of 190714: A brief description of some particularities in the City worthy to be known. The length of the great channel, is a thousand and three hundred paces: and in breadth over forty paces▪ it is wonderfully beautified on either side with most sumptuous and goodly palaces, you cannot go over it a foot, but at one bridge only, which is at the Rialto. There are thirteen several ferries or passages, which they call Traghetti. The bridges that join the little Isles together are in number 400: some of wood and some of stone. There belong to the channels 8000. Gondalas and above. The steeple of S: Mark is 280. feet in height, and every square containeth forty feet, in breadth it is distant from the Church 80. feet, and hath the same to be wrought with such curiosity of workmanship, that the like is scarcely to be found in any other pane of the world. Francisco Sansovini. AMong sundry others that have written of Venice; Francisco Sansovini is one of the latest, who very particularly, but in my opinion somewhat superfluously hath touched not only the customs of the City, and the lives of the princes, but also the antiquities, ceremonies, foundations, monuments, and epitaphs of every several church, out of whose great volume I have only extracted those few notes, serving to my purpose, the rest I have omitted as tedious, and not greatly needful to be known. Venice encompasseth in circuit eight miles, being divided into 70 rapes or divisions, which 70▪ churches commonly called parishes, every one of the which is the head of that rape or division wherein it standeth. It containeth likewise 59▪ monasteries, 31. of Eryers, and 28. of Nuns, besides a great number of goodly schools, and most ample and stately Hospitals. The channels run through the city, as the veins of blood do through a man's body, making in their course here and there innumerable little Hands▪ some naturally▪ and some by art, which are conjoined together by sundry bridges, at least 450 in number, all of free stone, adorned every where with most princely buildings, and beautiful palaces, to which there is most commodious passage both by land and water, there are belonging to these channels between eight and nine thousand little boats, called Gondalas, ready both by day and night, to do service to such as shall set them a work. The air of Venice is exceedingly good, because it The air of Venice pure and good. The reasons of the pureness thereof. is continually purged with the ebbing and flowing of the tides, carrying every six hours away with it whatsoever is corrupt or unclean, besides the multitude of fires dissolveth all noisome vapours, and the free scope of the winds blowing every where unhindered, maketh the air most sound and wholesome: besides much is attributed to the saltness, which being by nature more hot, & less cold, engendereth a most equal and sweet temperature, so that strangers with great amazement do not any where behold men more venerable and of greater age, full of flesh, strait bodied, of goodly presence, and more vigorous constitution. But above all other things this is most strange, that this air by a special privilege of nature doth agree with the complexions of all such strangers, as resort thither, of what nation, or under what climate soever they be borne, whether the same be subtle and piercing, or thick and foggy. Round about them there is taken such innumerable Fish. quantities of all excellent sorts of fish, that not only the inhabitants have plenty of fish taken twice every day, but they also furnish the adjoining cities upon the continent, aswell those that are under their dominions, as others. Wildfowl. The like marvelous abundance they have of wildfoul, so different in kind, and so divers in colour, that it is strange to see their several sorts, their variety being such, that we have seen above 200. several kinds of them painted most exactly in their lively and natural colours by Marino Malipero the most exquisite and ingenious man of his time in that art. This city above all other is most worthy to be admired, as being singular by herself, and brooking no comparison with any other: for what other city soever that hath been either pleasant by situation, or glorious in goodliness of buildings, yet it had some resemblance or likeness with others. But only this being seated in the middle of waters, hath not any thing upon the earth, to which it may be resembled, the rare situation thereof being such, that it enjoyeth both the commodities of the water, and the pleasures of the land, secure by being not seated upon land, from land assaults, and free by not being founded in the depths of the sea, from maritime violence, so that whereas other cities do keep and defend their citizens, with walls, towers and gates, this being naked and without ramparts, is not only (as I said) secure itself, but rendereth also with admirable providence such cities, secure, as do sleep under the watch of her wings. Steeple of S. Mark. Among many other rare edifices, sumptuous aswell in the richness of the matter, as marvelous for the most singular curiosity of workmanship, he doth infinitely extol the steeple of S. Mark, the same being so huge high & stately, that in fair weather it is seen & discerned of those that do sail from Istria, being a hundred miles off in distance. The special care and oversight thereof is committed always to a man of especial good quality and reckoning, who hath for his allowance a Marriages. yearly stipend of 150. Crowns. The marriages among the nobility, are for the most part always treated of by a third person, the bride being never suffered so much as to behold her future husband, nor he her, till their marriage dower, and all things thereunto appertaining, be fully agreed upon and concluded, which being done the next morning the Bridegroom goeth to the court of the palace, & there the match being published, receiveth well wishing speeches and salutations from such of the nobility as do enter into the palace, and withal inviteth his friends to the house of the bride's father, to be there at a certain time appointed in the afternoon, at the entry of the door they are attended by the bridegroom & his kinsmen, & brought up into a hall, where are none, but only men, & there the bride is brought forth appareled by an ancient custom all in white, and her hair hanging at her shoulders, woven in & out with fillets of gold, where being betrothed with many solemn ceremonies, she is led round about the hall with the sound of flutes and drums, and other instruments, and so still dancing in a soft measure, she boweth down to those that salute her, having so showed herself to them all, she goeth in, and rerurneth out again, if any men friends that had not seen her before do chance to come, which being ended, she descendeth down, and in company of divers gentlemen, that did all the while attend in several chambers, she entereth into a Gondola, & so being waited on with a great number of other Gondals▪ she goeth up and down to the Nunneries, especially to those wherein any of her kinswomen is professed, and all this showing of herself abroad is to no other end, but that in regard of her children, and sundry other things, it may after happen, she may make her marriage apparent and manifest to all men, at every marriage there is a gentleman or two chosen, whom they call Compari, that are as it were masters of the Revels, because their charge is to see unto the music, and whatsoever shows or pastimes pertaining to the feast, the next morning the friends and kindred do use to present the new married couple with sundry restoratives and sweet meats. Christninges'. Their christenings are somewhat different from that custom of other places, for the father inviteth not two godfathers and a godmother, or two godmothers, and a godfather, but as many in manner as they list, insomuch that sometimes there have been 150 at the christening of the child together in the church, but to the end that this goshipship should no way be a bar or impediment among the Gentlemen, in matter of marriage, it was by a law ordained, that one gentleman should not take another gentleman for his gossip, whence it cometh that when the priest poureth the water on the child's head, he first maketh mention of the law, and then demandeth if there be among the gossip's any one of the Venetian nobility, there are not admitted to the ceremony of the christening any women but only the nurse that hath the charge of the child; the next day the father sendeth to every gossip a marchpane & every of them returneth back some present or other to the child, according to the custom of the city: their greatest magnificence & charge is at the nativity of the child, for than they do wonderfully exceed Birth of their childrent. not only in sumptuousness of their banquets, but also in rich furniture and decking of their house, and great shows of riches, and stately plate and silver vessel. Likewise there is no part of the world, where the funerals even of the meanest citizens are solemnized with greater ceremony and expense, neither is there any country or nation to be found, where strangers find better entertainment, and live with greater security. Pastimes of the nobiltie. The plaesures, recreations, & pastimes of the gentlemen are of sundry and diverse sorts, among the rest, they take great pleasure in fouling, making great matches, who can kill most foul in a day, turning the end thereof still to banqueting and pleasures. They have boats for the purpose, which they call Fisolares, in regard that the foul in whose pursuit they take greatest pleasure, is called Fisolo, in every of these boats they have six or eight servants appareled in bluish and greenish garments, suited as near as they can to the colour of the water, who row the boat up and down, and turn her suddenly to every side as they are commanded by their Master, who sitteth close with his piece or bow, wholly intentive upon his sport, if he chance to miss when he shooteth, the Fisolo presently dyveth under the water, and where he riseth again, thither they turn their boat, suddenly with passing nimbleness, many boats go to this pastime, together with exceeding charge to the gentlemen that own them, upon their return they hang the foul which they have killed out of the windows, as hunters do upon their doors, the heads of bears, hearts, or bores, taking it as a great reputation, to kill more of these in a day than their fellows. Likewise they have many ways, kinds, and instruments to take fish withal, which the gentlemen for their recreation, do take sundry times great delight in. There are also upon the main land in the territories of Padova and Vincentia, but chief in Istria, goodly champaigns, fair coverts, and delightful woods, full of all manner of chase, whither in few hours they sail from Venice, and apply themselves to hunting and hawking sundry days together. Matches of their Dukes. The Duke of Venice hath by ancient privileges confirmed from sundry emperors authority to create Earls & knights, and likewise poets Laureate, with either of which dignities their Dukes have at sundry seasons honoured and rewarded the virtue of such as deserved well. The Dukes have oftentimes matched in the greatest and royalest houses of Christendom, as in their following lives partly shall be showed: which alliance with foreign princes of great mightiness and power, growing suspected and formidable to the commonwealth, there was a law made in the year 1327. that the Duke might not take the daughter of any stranger to his wife, no though by privilege and adoption he had obtained the right and title of a Venetian gentleman: and in the year 1383. it was ordained, that he should not marry the daughter, sister, or kinswoman of any foreign prince, without licence and consent from the great council: and in the year 1385. that he should neither give nor receive any fee, of what sort soever: which laws and ordinances were still from time to time corroborated and kept in vigour. His wife is honoured with the title of a princess, & spoken unto with all reverence and in style fitting so great a dignity. The Dukes in times past were wont in their writing to honour themselves with high and princely styles, as calling themselves Dukes of Venice, Dalmatia, and Croatia, and Lords of a half part, & a quarter of the whole Roman Empire, which vanity of titles was in the year 1360. absolutely forbidden and taken away, and this manner established, which as yet they do still retain: viz. I. D. by the grace of God Duke of Venice, etc. Their money is stamped with the inscription of their name, but it is not lawful for them to engrave, emborder or paint their peculiar arms in any ensigns, Banners, Galleys, or places of honour but only in the frame of the Palace. A Breviate of the History & lives of the Venetian Princes. Pauluccio Anafecto. 1. Duke the year 697. PAuluccio Anafecto was a citizen of Heraclia, borne of a noble family, & singularly respected for his wisdom and integrity, which caused the people to elect him for their prince. He was invested in that high honour without any great pomp of ceremony, save only that they took his oath, that he should always administer justice sincerely without all partiality or regard of persons: who to satisfy the people's expectations, did presently bend his whole endeavour to his country's good, he appointed strong guards every where upon the passage of the Lakes which he fortified with Castles, commanding and imposing upon every town a certain quantity of armed ships to be ready upon all occasions: he entered into league with Luitbrand King of Lombardy, obtaining of him many Charters and privileges, whereby he did not only greatly benefit himself, but also his countrymen and subjects by maintaining himself, & them in the good grace & favour of that cruel and barbarous nation. Finally having ruled 20. years, 6. months and 8. days he died, leaving behind him an honourable memory of his name, and was buried at Heraclia. Marcello Tegaliano, Duke 2. chosen the year 717. ALI the provincial Magistrates seeing the benefit received by the happy government of their former Prince: assembled themselves in Heraclea and there by common consent elected in place of the deceased Duke, Marcellus, who was before Captain, or chief of the gentlemen, for though the high and sovereign authority belonged unto the Duke, yet there were also assistant with him the Tribunes, and the captain of the gentlemen; the names of which offices were brought first into Italy by the Greeks': He was a man wise in counsel, and valorous in arms. There happened in his time great and mortal contention between the churches of Aquileia and Grado, for the Patriarchshippe and pre-eminence. He by means of Pope Gregory the second, defended the Church and Patriarch of Grado, but Luitbrand king of Lombardie, upheld and favoured Serenus the Patriarch of Aquileia. Having ruled 9 years and 21. days, he died in Heraclia. 3. Orso Hipato. Anno 726. TO Marcellus succeeded Orso Hipato, likewise borne of a noble family in Heraclia. He made at the Pope's instigation war upon Luitbrand king of Lombardie, who had besieged Ravenna, which he relieved, taking Hildebrand the king's nephew prisoner, & killing in the field Paredo Duke of Vicenza, but upon his return home in a sedition he was most cruelly murdered by his own citizens. 4. Theodato Hypato. Anno 742. AFter the death of Orso, the multitude growing into dislike of a princely government, altered the form thereof, electing a magistrate to rule them, whose authority should continue only a year, and th●n another to be chosen in his place, granting him no farther dignity of title then to be called master of the soldiers. The first elected was Dominico Leone, the second Foelice Cornicola, the third Deodatus son to Duke Orso, the fourth Giuliano Hypato, the last john Fabriciaco, after the expiration of whose year, the people growing into dislike with this kind of goverument (in respect of a contentious war that had passed between the cities of Heraclia and Sesolo, whereby both the one and the other were almost destroyed, assembled themselves at Malamocco, about the creation again of a new Duke, which was Theodato Hypato, ordaining the seat of his Dukedom to be in Malomocco, which as then flourished above the rest both in riches and number of men. He did for a while many notable things to the great liking of his people: but in the end aspiring to revenge his father the last Duke's death, and to that end fortifying strongly the Castle of Brondolo, the people being incensed by one Galla a seditious person, and made believe that he went about to make himself an absolute tyrant, took him prisoner, & deprived him at once both of his eyes and Dukedom. 5. Galla. Anno 755. AFter him succeeded Galla: but as he got this dignity by sinister practice, so behaving himself wickedly therein, he was within the year taken by the people, deprived of his eyes, and sent into perpetual banishment. 6. Domenico Monegario. Anno 756. IN his place was elected Domenico Monegario, but withal somewhat to curb his authority, there were two Tribunes appointed to assist him in the expedition of all great affairs, but he having a fierce and aspiring spirit, contemned the assistance of the Tribunes, insomuch that the people misliking his tyrannical manner, deposed him and put out his eyes. 7. Mauritio Galbaia. Anno 764. IN his steed was elected Mauritio Galbaia of a noble family of Heraclia, much respected as well for his wisdom as his riches. He governed with such equity and love, that the people to gratify him, were contented to give him for companion with equal authority in government, Giovani his son. At length having governed the state 23. years, he deceased, leaving Giovani his son alone in the Dukedom, who also shortly after took unto him for partner in government Mauritius his son, who going to Grado by his father's commission, took & spoiled the City, and threw the Patriarch headlong from the top of a high tower: for revenge of which wicked cruelty, Obelerius and Fortunatus, nephews to the Patriarch, entered into conspiracy against the Dukes, drawing unto them sundry other discontented men, that were of great power: which Dukes hearing presently fled away, Giovan to Mantovo, and Mauritius into France, where they ended their lives. 9 Obelerio. Anno 804. AFter them was created Obelerio Antenorio, otherwise called Anafesto, who took Beato his brother for companion in government, and as some say, a third called Valentino likewise his brother. But at such time as king Pepin made war upon the Lakes, they being suspected to have given him secret favour and assistance, were by a general consent of the people banished out of the state: upon which the people did assemble themselves at Rialto, and there with a most happy beginning did choose for their Duke in the year 809. 10. Angelo Participatio. WHo first builded the Duke's palace, where it now standeth: he admitted justinian his son to partnership in rule with him: & lastly after eighteen years reign, and reputation of a good Prince, he ended his days, and in his place succeeded him his son. 11. Giustitiano Participato. Anno 828. WHo recalled his brother from banishment, to which he had been for his evil demeanour condemned, & gave unto him equal authority with himself in rule: he sent out a navy in defence of the kingdom of Sicilia against the Moors. In his time the body of S. Mark was brought unto Venice, for which he builded a Chapel, and after he founded the Church of S. Zachary. Finally, being oppressed with infirmities, he ended his days afore he had full ruled two years. 12. Giovani Participatio. Anno 129. GIustinian being dead, the government remained in Giovani his brother, but with harder success, for he was molested with many unquiet accidents: for Obelerio that before was banished both from the Dukedom and his country, returned in arms with sundry of his confederates to Malomocco, raising new broils, wherein he had at the beginning some success: but finally the Duke besieged Malomocco, wherein Obelerio had fortified himself, and lastly consumed the same with fire, taking Obelerio prisoner, whose head he caused to be strooken off, & to be pitched upon a stake in the middle of the market place. Shortly after one of the Tribunes called Carolo, or as some say, Carosto, by a conspiracy took the Dukedom from him, and compelled him to fly: but he being also shortly chased away and deprived of his eyes by the people, Giovani was recalled back, who growing into deadly contention & quarrel with the family of the Mastalitions, being then mighty and puissant, both in riches and authority, as also in the number of friends and allies, was by them again taken in S. Peter's church, and confined to Grado, where shaving his crown, he entered into religion, and finally ended his life. 13. Pietro Gradenigo. Anno 837. PIetro Gradenigo, or as some say Tradonigo, being elected Duke, took unto him his son Giovani to be partner of his rule, and dignity, he builded the church of S. Paul and made war upon the Narantines, he set out threescore sail of ships against the Moors, and finally was slain by treason in the church of Saint Zacharie. 14, Orso Participatio. Anno 864, AFter this odious murder of the last Duke, Orso Participatio, both in regard of the happy government of his ancestors, as also of his own virtue and sufficiency was chosen Duke, who discomfited presently in battle the Saracens, who had committed great outrages and spoils upon the coast of Dalmatia, he was by Basilius the Emperor honoured with the title of chief Swordbearer, and lastly ended his days in the year 881. 15. Giovani Participatio. Anno 881. HIs Son Giovani succeeded him in government, who married a niece of the Emperors of Constantinople, he made war upon the Earl of Commachio, who had way laid and murdered his brother Baldoaro, as he journeyed towards Rome, he spoilt his country, and took the Earl himself prisoner, he accepted with equal authority into the Dukedom his brother Pietro, who dying soon after, he voluntarily renounced the Dukedom. 16. Pietro Candiano. Anno. 887. ANd in his place was chosen Pietro Candiano, who in a battle soon after against the Narantines was slain, and his body brought to Grado, where it was buried, upon his death, the people requested Giovani Participatio to take upon him the rule again, which with great unwillingness he did, but having therein continued about half a year, at his instant pursuit, he was thereof again released. 17. Pietro Tribuno. Anno. 888. ANd in his place was elected Pietro Tribuno: he fortified Venice by drawing of a wall from the river of Castello to Sancta Maria Zebenico, though there remain not now of the same any token at all, he vanquished the Huns, overthrew Berengarius the Emperor, and died full of glory and happiness. 18. Orso Parcicipatio. Anno. 912. ORso Participatio; or as some call him, Orso Baduaro, second of that name succeeded him, a man singularly wise, religious, a lover of justice, an Almes-giver, of great courage, and accomplished in every requisite virtue, he had a son called Pietro, who was of the Emperor Corradus honoured with great dignities, and especially with privilege to coin money, but finally being weary of the worlds vanity, and turning himself wholly to contemplation, he voluntarily renounced the Dukedom, and entered into religion in the Monastery of S. Foelix in Ainiano. 19 Pietro 11 Candiano. Anno 932. TO Orso succeeded Pietro Candiano son to Duke Pietro that was slain in Dalmatia by the slavonians, a man of great modesty and fitness to govern: his son Pietro was created chief Swordbearer of the Empire, he took and burned Commachoo, he made war upon the Istrians, and made justmopolis tributary to the state of Venice, he died the seventh year of his rule. 20. Pietro Participatio. Anno 939. PIetro Participatio or Badoaro, having been prisoner with the Istryans, upon his return was created Duke, and died in the second year of his rule, to the exceeding sorrow of his Citizens. 21. Pietro Candiano. Anno 942. IN his place was chosen Pietro Candiano third of that name, son to Pietro the second, he had two sons Dominico and Pietro, the first he made Bishop of Torcello & the other, he took to be his partner in the Dukedom, who behaving himself insolently, and being thereof reprehended by him, took publicly arms against him, but the people reverencing the authority & withal pitying the age and grief of the Father, pursued the son so sharply, that they took him, and had slain him, had not the old man used great instance to save him from their fury, in the end to satisfy the father they spared his life, but sent him into banishment, solemnly swearing all with one consent, that they would never admit him for their prince, neither during the life of his father, neither after his death, the young man fled to the Marquis Guiao, son to king Berengario, of whom he was with great humanity received and presented to the king his father, who took him with him to the war of Spoleto, thence with the kings leave getting himself to Ravenna, and there arming certain ships, he took seven rich ships of Venice laden with merchandise, that were sailing to Fano, the grief of whose unnatural disposition and undutiful behaviour, so grieved the old man that he died in the year, 959. 22. Pietro Candiano. Anno 959. THe people being assembled together, about the choice of a new prince, so strangely were the minds of the Bishop and the multitude changed, that whereas by solemn oath, they had once vowed never to live under the government of young Pietro, now they did not desire any thing with greatervehemence, insomuch that they went to fetch him from Ravenna to Venice in triumphs with 200. sail, investing him presently in the roya ltie of their Dukedom, he put away his first wife Giovanna, and married the Lady Voldrada, daughter to Marquis Guido, whose dowry was great and rich, Girolomie Bardi. calleth her Vadetta & sayeth that she was daughter to Alberto L. of Ravenna. not only in money and jewels,, but also in Castles, and fortresses, insomuch that growing insolent therewith, he called in mercenary soldiers to the guard of his palace and person, in fine his manners were so outrageous, and himself grew so odious to the people, that assembling themselves in a fury they slew both him & his little son within his palace, which they burned to the ground. 23. Pietro Orseolo. Anno. 976. THis great outrage being committed, they elected Pietro Orseolo for their prince, who being of a noble family, and from his youth wholly given to devotion, was marvelous unwilling to accept this high dignity, fearing lest the same would be a hindrance to the contemplature life, which he chief desired, he had by his wife Foelicia one son and no more, like to him both in name and condition, he repaired the church of S. Mark, and the walls of Grado, and succoured Bari against the Saracens, at length falling into acquaintance with one Guarino Abbot of S. Michael's of Cusano in Gascoigne, he grew so far in love with the reverence of his person, and the integrity of his conditions, that determining to abandon the world, having first distributed great gifts among the poor, he departed one night in disguised garments with the said Giovani, which Giovani Gradinigo and Giovani Morosmo his son in law, and Romualdo, & Marino of Ravenna, without saying a word thereof either to his wife or son, he took with him much money which he bestowed in adorning the church of S. Michael, wherein he made himself Monk, and at the end of nineteen years died not without fame of doing many miracles, he was aged fifty years when he entered into religion. 24. Vitale Candiano. anno. 978. THe flight of Duke Orseolo being discovered, Vitale Candiano son to Pietro the third, was substituted in his place, but falling into a grievous infirmity, he renounced the Dukedom, vowing that (if he recovered) to make himself a Friar, which he performed, and afterward coming to end his days, he was buried in the Church of S. Hilary. 25. Tribuno Memo, anno. 479. TRibuno Memo beingelected Duke, was so vexed with civil discord, that was between the two mighty families of the Morasins, and Calopins, that renouncing the Dukedom, he betook himself to religion, wherein he shortly finished his days, and was buried in Saint Zacharies church. 26. Pietro Orseolo. anno 991. IN his place was chosen Pietro Orseolo, son to that other Pietro, whose life was so religious and holy, he Conquered in a manner all Dalmatia, and having done many other notable things, especially in erection of Churches and sumptuous monuments for Saints, he died in the eighteenth year of his rule. 27. Ottone Orseolo. anno. 1009 Such was the people's love to the Father, that they confirmed the government to his son Ottone, being a young man of eighteen years of age, but of a very goodly parsonage, and of a most exeellent spirit, he married the sister of Geta king of Hungary, he was excellently learned, and of great liberality, but in the end by the conspiracy & practice of Dominico Flabanico he was driven out of Venice, and confined to Constantinople in the seventeenth year of his rule, where shortly after he died. 28. Pietro Centranico. anno 1026. IN place of Ottone was created Pietro Centranico, or as some call him, Barbolano: but the city being then in tumult, and he unpleasing to the people, Orso brother to Ottone, being then Patriarch of Grado, by raising a faction took him prisoner, and cutting off his beard, constrained him to make himself a Friar, sending in the mean time for his brother Ottone to Constantinople, he himself by the consent of the people, till then, supplying the ducal room, which Dominico Flabanico and his adherents that had been cause of Ottones banishment, understanding, presently fled the city: but news being brought of Ottones death, Orso willingly surrendered up the sceptre, and Domenico returned, and that with such happy success, that he was presently elected Duke of Venice. 29. Domenico Flabanico, anno. 1032. DOmenico Flabanico by reason of many years & long experience was well acquainted with the world, and subtle in his proceed, he ordained by a general consent of the rest that thence forward no Duke might admit any partner in government, and withal that none of the Orseoles might ever after be capable of the ducal dignity, he ruled openly ten years. 30. Domenico Contarino. Anno 1043. DOmenico Contarini was with exceeding contentment of the whole people elected Duke, being of a noble family, and withal of a very gentle and courteous disposition, he did many notable things, and died in the 26. year of his rule. 31. Domenico Syluio. Anno 1071. DOmenico Syluio presently upon his election married the sister of Nicephorus Emperor of Constantinople, at whose persuasion he made war upon Robert Duke of Puglia, but being overthrown in a great battle at Duraizo, he was chased out of Venice. 32. Vitale Falero. Anno. 1083. ANd in his stead was chosen Vitalo Falero, who by reason of certain donations from the Emperor, was the first that entitled himself Duke of Dalmatia, and Croatia, finally having ruled thirteen years he died, and was buried in the church of S. Mark. 33. Vitale Michaele, Anno, 1096. VItale Michaele being installed Duke did many things gloriously in the wars against the Infidels in Asia, and having only ruled five years was succeeded by Ordelaffo Faliero 34. Ordelaffo Faliero. Anno 1102. WHo having married a wife of royal parentage, did assist Baldowin king of jerusalem with a hundred sail of ships in his wars, against the infidels, and lastly he was slain in an encounter at Zara, having ruled 19 years. 35. Domemco Michaele. Anno 1119. DOmenico Michaele, at instance of Pope Calisto, went to joppo that was besieged by the Turks, whom he raised from the same, having with him two hundred sail of ships: he took also tire, and gave it to the Patriarch of jerusalem: and upon his return he took from Emanuel Emperor of Greece, the cities of Scio, Samo, Rhodes, Metellino, and Andro, and returned victorious to Venice, where in the xi. year of his rule he deceased. 36. Pietro Polani. Anno 1130. PIetro Polani son in law to the former Duke, began his rule in the year 1131. a man so singularly respected for his wisdom and integrity, that the Emperors Corradus and Emanuel did choose him for an Umpire and Arbitrator of such differences as were between them: he conquered Fano, and overthrew those of Padova and Pisa. Lastly, in assembling a mighty navy in favour of Emanuel the Emperor, he fell sick and died. 37. Domenico Morosmi. Anno 1148. DOmenico Morasmi delighted much in architecture, and made the famous steeple of S. Mark, he overthrew the Pirates of Ancona, and took Guiscardo their captain prisoner, he made Pola and Parenso Tributary: he made a league with William King of Sicilia: he created his son Domenico Earl of Zara. He died in the eight year of his rule. 38. Vital Michaele. II. anno 1156. VItal Michaele second of that name, was installed in the Dukedom, the year 1156. He made league with his ancient enemies of Pisa: he dismanteld the city of Tracia, and the fortresses of Raguse: and going in person against Emanuel the Emperor: he took Scio from him. Lastly, upon his return to Venice he was slain in a sedition. 39 Sebastiano Zany. anno 1173. SEbastiano Zany was the first that was elected by xi. persons, appointed thereunto by the people: so that his election was orderly, & not with tumult, as that of the former princes: he was 70. years old, when he was chosen: his countenance and disposition was pleasant, and his riches great beyond measure. He was the first that at his election threw money about the streets, according to the custom of the Greekish Emperors: the same to this day being still observed in Venice. By his means there were created also certain Magistrates with high authority, somewhat thereby to bridle the puissance of the Dukes, being afore that time in manner absolute, as namely the six Counsellors. In his time Pope Alexander the third came unto Venice, being chased out of Rome by Frederic Barbarossa the Emperor, in whose defence the Venetians made wars upon the Emperor with a mighty navy, with which they discomfited his fleet upon the coast of Istria, taking Otto his third son being General thereof prisoner, by whose intercession and means to his father, there was an atonement concluded, the Emperor appeased, & the Pope again restored with all solemnity to his dignity: insomuch that the Emperor came in person to Venice, and there in the church of S. Mark, putting off his imperial garments, bowed himself down to kiss the Pope's feet who keeping in the mean time his gravity, pronounced the words of the Prophet: Super Aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis, & conculcalbis Leonem & Draconem: to which the Emperor answered, Non tibi sed Petro: the Pope presently replying, Et mihi & Petro. Afterwards the Pope in acknowledging the favours that he had received of the Signeory of Venice, did honour the same again with many benedictions, privileges and ceremonious dignities, as a sword, a sceptre, a chair of gold, a torch of Virgin wax, all sanctified with many blessings, still thence after to be borne before the Duke, & among the rest upon the victory obtained by the Duke at sea against the emperors son, he gave the ring which he ware upon his finger unto the Duke, with express condition, that he should yearly with such a ring spouse the sea, in token of a true and perpetual dominion over the same, which ceremony is even till this time observed with great solemnity every Ascension day. Besides these the Pope granted many & great indulgences to the church of S. Martin in Venice, & to S. john's church in Istria. The Signeorie of Venice afore this time was unacquainted with those external pomps & honourable titles, which by prerogative from the Pope they then obtained, & from that time to this have strictly observed. In fine this prince having by many notable deeds exceedingly ennobled his country, died full of glory, in the sixth year of his rule: leaving by testament a great and infinite riches to the Signeorie of S. Mark: underneath his picture in the palace is written this inscription. Ducatum titulis dotavi ingentibus atque Papa liber minis, fit Frederice tuis. 40. Orio Mastropetro. Anno 1178. NExt after this worthy parsonage, was chosen Orio Mastropetro. In his time Andronicus the Emperor released the Venetian Merchants, that had been retained by Emanuel his predecessor. He renewed the league of amity with Bela K. of Hungary: he brought Zara that had rebelled into obedience: he took Tolomeyda & sent a navy to the conquest of the holy land: he overthrew the Saladine, & then renouncing the Dukedom, made himself a Friar and died. 41. Henrico Dandolo. Anno 1192. THe next elected was Henrico Dandolo, a man aged in years, but fresh in courage, and highly honoured for his great deserts: he recoured Raguse to the Signeorie, and having done many notable things, died in the 13. year of his rule at Constantinople. 42. Pietro Zany. Anno 1205. PIetro Zany son to Sebastian, succeeded with election and general approbation of the whole City: in his time came Ambassadors from Athens to do homage & obedience to the senate: he married the Lady Constance daughter to Tancredi King of Sicilia. In his time were the four horses of brass that are yet to be seen in S. Mark, sent from Constantinople to Venice: it is certainly written, that they were cast and engraven by Luippus the famous workman, and given to the Romans' by Tyridates' King of Armenia, and from Rome brought at last to Constantinople, by Constantine the Emperor. Finally the Duke gave up his dignity, & putting himself to a private life, died after the 24. year of his Dukedom. 43. jacomo Thiepolo. Anno. 1229. IN his room was installed jacomo Theopolo. He raised the siege of Constantinople: he made truce with the Genoweses, by mediation of Pope Gregory for nine years: he sent 25. Galleys into Puglia, under the name and authority of the Pope, and threescore to aid the Genoweses against the Emperor Frederick. Being old he surrendered up the Dukedom in the 20. year of his rule, and afterwards coming to die, was buried in the Church of S. john, and S. Paul. 44. Marino Morosino. Anno 1249. MArino Morosino followed next after, in whose time began the custom of hanging shields up in the church of S. Mark with the arms of the Dukes, as images still representing their memory. He died in the 4. year of his rule. 45. Rimeri Zeno. Anno 1252. RImeri Zeno being elected Duke, sent a navy into Soria against the Genoweses: in his time Michael Paleogolo recovered the Empire of Constantinople: he died in the 16. year of his rule. 46. Lorenzo Thiepolo. Anno 1268. IN place of this last Duke was chosen Lorenzo Thiepolo, son to jacomo the Duke: being at that time Governor of Fano. He married a young Lady of a great and noble house in Dalmatia: he married his two sons jacomo & Pietro to two great Ladies, the first to a princess of Slavonia, Lady of many Castles and towns, and the other to a Lady of great riches and nobility in Vicensa: which foreign alliances were no whit at all pleasing to the Senate, insomuch that after his death they made a law, whereby they restrained both the prince and his children from allying themselves by marriage, with strangers: in his time Fano, Bologna, and other bordering cities revolted from the state of Venice, but they were by him chastised & brought again to obedience: at the end of six years he died, and was buried in the same tomb with his father in the church of S. Paul and S. john. 47. jacomo Contarino. Anno 1275. NExt to the deceased prince was jacomo Contarini with universal applause installed in the Dukedom, being Procurator of S. Mark, and at that time 80. years of age: in his time was the law made, that none should have any entry into the great council, or have any part at all in the government, unless he were able to prove himself to be borne and begotten in lawful matrimony: growing afterwards into a great indisposition of body: at the request of the fathers, he renounced the Dukedom, who providing him of honourable means to live, created in his place, 48. Giovani Dandolo. Anno 1280. THe instalment of this Prince was memorable, by mean of two great and dangerous accidents that presently ensued, the one by the swelling and inundation of waters, the other by a terrible earthquake, either of which did exceedingly endamage the state: in his time were coined the first ducats of Gold, which are now called Zechines. He died in the tenth year of his rule. 49. Petro Gradenigo. Anno 1290. Never was there any Duke of greater expectation & hope then this Petro Gradenigo, as being in deed a man of rare & singular courage, wisdom & eloquence: at his first entrance inot government he suppressed a great and dangerous conspiracy intended against him: he fought at the first prosperously by sea with the Genoweses, but afterwards was by them overthrown in Dalmatia, and likewise in the straits of Gallipolis, after which there was a peace concluded: in time of this Duke it was ordained that none should be capable of the Dukedom by election, unless he were of the great council, likewise then was first the beginning of the council of the ten: he sent a navy into Greece, which returned victoriously with many prisoners, and rich spoils, after which he died, not without the suspicion of poison: his body was carried to Murano, and there buried in the church of S. Cyprian. 50. Marino Giorgio. Anno 1311. MArino Giorgio followed next, a man singularly respected for his holiness and integrity of life, but being 81. years of age, he soon departed this world. 51. Giovani Soranzo. Anno 1313. ANd in his place was elected Giovani Soranzo, being 72. years of age: a man of an unfirm and loutish complexion, but of a subtle and crafty disposition: he recovered many cities to the Signeorie, that had been alienated by his predecessors, and departed this world after he had ruled 18. years. 52. Francisco Dandolo. Anno 1328. IN his place was elected Francisco Dandolo: in whose time there was at one instant threescore sundry Ambassadors from several princes and commonwealths in Venice, desiring to have such controversies as were among them ended and decided by the Senate, such was then the same of the uncorrupted justice of the Fathers. He made a league with sundry christian princes against the Turk: he had wars with the Princes of Scala, with whom in the end he made peace to his own advantage: he lived in rule 11. years. 53. Bartolomeo Gradenigo. Anno 1339. ANd in his steed Bartholomeo Gradenigo was created Duke, upon whose entering into government, the waters arose so high, that the city was in exceeding danger of drowning. Candia rebelled, but was again subdued: he lived only three years. 54. Andrea Dandolo anno 1343. THe next that was honoured with this dignity was Andrea Dandolo, procurator of S. Mark, a man very wise and learned, and having before time proceeded Doctor in the laws, he wrote a very large and copious Chronicle, not only of his own Country, but also of the whole world, he lived in dear and familiar friendship with Petrarke, he confederated himself with Pope Clement and sundry other Princes: he sent a navy against the Turks, which took Smyrna, he obtained traffic for Venetian merchants into Egypt, he lived twelve years, and had under his picture in the palace this inscription. Alta trium probitas mihi quarto suggeret instar, Qui de Dandalea prole sure duces. 55. Marino Faliero. anno. 1354. NExt in rank was exalted to the Dukedom with exceeding favour of the one and forty Electors, Marino Faliero, having long before by the Senate been employed in foreign governments, and beside ennobled with the title of Earl of Val de Marino, he was 80. years old, very rich, of an excellent wit, well speaking, but passionate and choleric beyond measure, insomuch that for a scorn or wrong, which he imagined to beedone to his reputation, he entered into a practice to tyrannize over his country's liberty, and to make himself absolute prince, rather as they writ, moved thereunto with a humour of revenge, then desire of dominion, being without children, and withal so aged: but the end was, he was taken and beheaded in the very same place, where he received the Ducal diadem, his picture was not suffered to stand in the Palace among the others, the place remaining yet bare and void where it should have stood. 56. Giovaui Gradenigo. anno 1355. THe former unhappy prince being buried, and his conspiracy being suppressed in a manner before it was publicly known, Giovani Gradenigo was chosen in his place, a man of 76. years of age, of profound memory, and skilful in the laws, but unseemly of his person, & withal somewhat noted of covetousness, he lived only a year, three month; and foutteene days. 57, Giovani Delfino. anno 1356. Giovani Delfino being proveditor within the city of Treues, at that time besieged by the king of Hungary was by the Senate in his absence elected D. of Venice, & presently in Embassage sent to the Hungarian by the Venetians, to give safe conduct and free passage to their prince, but he barbarously triumphing in having enclosed a Duke of Venice within those walls, attributing that casual unexpected accident to a great glory of his own, uncourteously denied the Senate's request, which Delphine understanding took an occasion to make a sally out of the town, and in despite of the enemy recovered Mergara, where he was received of the fathers with great joy, and under him ceased the difference of those wars, the king voluntarily surrendering unto him the title and claim to Dalmatia, he died in the 4. year of his rule. 58. Lorenzo Celsi. anno 1361. LOrenso Celsi was next elected, who conquered Candia that rebelled, he died in the fourth year of his principality. 59 Marco Cornaro anno 1365. ANd Marco Cornaro was chosen Duke, being procurator of S. Mark 80. years of age, noble in blood, and much reverenced and respected for the many employments which he had honourably discharged in service of his country, he was wise, stout, eloquent, and a great lover of his Country, he lived only two years. 60. Andrea Contarini anno 1367. ANdrea Contarini being exceedingly loath to accept this dignity, and to that end withdrawing himself to Padova, was nevertheless elected by the Fathers, and constrained to take upon him the government, which he did with great comfort to the city, but with marvelous discouragement to himself, because it had been foretold him, that whensoever he should come to be Duke, the commonwealth should labour with extreme affliction to prevent which he bent his whole endeavour and care to the well discharging of his dignity: but divine deliberations are not to be resisted, for not long after he found himself entangled with many dangerous wars, as with the Tryestines, and Leopola Duke of Austria, and with Francisco de Carrara a most sharp and bitter enemy to the very name of the Venetians, who had contracted against them a League, which the King of Hungary, the Patriarch of Aquilia, and the whole commonwealth of Genova; insomuch that besides a general revolution and change of Fortune through the whole state, the Genoweses encroached so near upon Venice, that they took from it the city of Chroggia, threatening utter ruin and subversion to the whole state: but in this greatest downfall and calamity, such was the constant virtue and resolute courage of the Venetians and their prince, that assembling the remainder of their force together, they assailed with such fierceness the Genoweses in Chroggia, that they did not only recover the city, but also discomfit their enemies in a famous overthrow, to the marvelous glory of their Duke, who was there in person, they brought back with them to Venice, 4142 Genowes prisoners, who in manner all ended there their lives, and 2600. Padowans; besides the Duke brought with him among many other ensigns, banners and standards, the shield of the Captain general of the Genoweses, as a chief Trophei, the same being made of hardened leather, according to the fashion of that time, but very gorgeously guilted and embosted with the picture upon it of S. George a horseback, being the arms of the commonwealth of Genua, the D. ended his days in the 15. year of his Dukedom, he was buried in S. Stephen's church, with this Epitaph written in Gothish letters upon his Tomb. Hic sacer Andreas stirps Contarena moratur, Dux patriae precibus, senior qui janua cives mart tuos fundens, & victor class potitus, Amissam Veneto clugiam pacemque reduxit. 63. Michael Morosimi anno. 1381, Michael Morosimi, died the fourth month of his rule of the plague, under his picture in the palace is written. Paucadamus' patriaefestina morte repressi. 62. Antonio Veniero. anno 1381. ANtonio Veniero next succeeded, being then captain general for the state in Candia, a man of such severity and justice, that he sharply punished his own son for having committed a youthful insolence, he succoured the Emperor Emanuel against the Turks, he maintained and preserved the Duke of Mantua, in his state against the Duke of Milan: he obtained the Isle of Corfu, not long afterfalling into infirmity, he departed this life. 63. Michaele Steno. anno 1400. THe funerals of the former Duke being sumptuously performed, Michael Steno was elected Duke being procurator of S. Mark, aged 69 years, rich, and greatly respected for his virtue, in his time, the commonwealth possessed themselves of Vicenza, Feltro, Bassano, Belluno Verona, and Padova, having lived thirteen years in this dignity he ended his days. 64. Tomazo Mocenigo. anno 1413. TOmaZo Mocenigo conquered a great part of Frivilti, from the king of Hungary, and having ruled ten years departed this life. 65. Francisco Foscari. anno 1423. Never any man's election was dearer unto the city than this of Francisco Foscari, insomuch that they reveled and feasted a whole year for joy thereof presently upon his creation the king of Denmark at his instant and earnest request was adopted into the number of the Venetian Gentlemen, the said king and John Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople, met both at one time in Venice, the Emperor to crave succour against the Turk, the king to take passage thence towards jerusalem, with intent to visit the Sepulchre of Christ, shortly after there met also the Despot of Rascia, and the Duke of Milan, the one to request money and means of defence against the Turk, the other to entreat the Senate to take upon them the decision and arbitrement of certain differences between him and his cousins, lastly the prince being 84. years of age, in respect of his impotency, was dismissed of government, and died within two days after. 96. Pasquall Malipiero, anno 1457. PResently upon the election of this prince, there was a law made that the Duke might not at any time to come thereafter be deprived, in his time the art of Printing was thither brought out of Germany, but they writ that it had been in use in China 500 years before, he lived only four years. 67. Christophoro Moro, Anno 1462. ANd in his place was elected Christophoro Moro procurator of S. Mark, aged 72. years, a man held in great reputation for his wisdom & integrity, he made sharp wars upon the Turk in Greece with diverse & variable successes, in the end he died in the ninth year of his rule. 68 Nicholo Trono. anno. 1471 ANd Nicholo Trono was installed Duke, he established Hercole da Esle in his Dukedom of Ferrara, he made confederation with the king of Persia, against the Turk he got into his hands the kingdom of Cypress by reason of the tutorshippe of the young king committed unto him, and having lived little less than two years, ended his days. 69. Nicolo Marcello anno 1473. IN his place was established Nicholo Marcello procurator of S. Mark, aged 76. years, he overthrew an army of the Turks at Scutari, and having given an excellent taste of his government to the people, was taken out of this world, after he had ruled 15. month es. 70. Pietro Mocenigo anno 1474. PIetro Mocenigo being procurator of S. Mark, and of the age of 69. years, was chosen in his room, he had spent the greatest part of his years in great and principal employments abroad for the commonwealth, chief in the wars, whereof there is a particular treatise written by Coepio Coriolan, that lived in those times, he lived only 14. months after his instalment. 71 Andrea Vendramino. anno 1476. ANdrea Vendramino was 84. years of age when he was elected Duke, he had been in his youth one of the most beautiful and comely Gentlemen of Venice, and in all respects accordingly accomplished, he made war against the Turk, and defended Croy in Albana, which they had besieged, constraining them to raise their siege with great overthrow and discomfiture, but while there was a treaty of peace entertained, the Duke departed this life in the 20. month after his election. 72. Giovani Mocenigo anno. 1477. Giovani Mocenigo after great damage received by the Turk concluded a peace with him, he got Corinto in Dalmatia, he made war upon Ferrara, he sent Roberto of Saint Severin against Ferdinand king of Naples, finally he died in the 7. year of his rule. 73. Marco Barbarico. anno 1485. MArco Barbarico succeeded him being 73. years of age, he was wholly inclined to peace, and bend to the maintenance thereof his whole intentions, but death cut him off in the very first year 74. Augustino Barbarico anno 1485. AVgustino Barbarico was elected to succeed his brother Marco, he banded with the other Italian princes against Charles eight of France, then newly by solicitation of Lodowicke, Sforce entered into Italy, for the recovery of the kingdom of Naples, to which he pretended title in his time, the Portugals first found out the voyaging into the Indies, to the exceeding prejudice of Venice, who before had thence all their spices, with which in a manner they furnished all the western provinces of Christendom, he died in the 15. year of his Dukedom, and in his place was elected. 75. Leonardo Loridano. anno 1501. Never was the commonwealth of Venice nearer to shipwreck, then in this prince's time, for the greatest princes of Christendom did solemnly at Cambray combine themselves in league against their state, as the Pope, the Emperor, the king of France, the king of Spain, and the Dukes of Mantua and Ferrara, every one of which powered down armies upon them, they were overthrown in a memorable battle at Ghiaradada, and in an other at Vincensa, so that they were feign to abandon in a manner, all that they possessed upon the firm land, to be shared and divided by the conquerors, yet nevertheless fortune turned about her wheel again in such sort that they recovered themselves, wherein the histories of that time do attribute exceeding much to the wisdom and virtue of their prince. Finally, being near to 90. years of age, he fell into an infirmity by reason of a fall which he had received, & died in the year 1521. His body was honourably entombed in the Church of S. john and S. Paul. 76. Antonio Grimani. Anno 1521. ANtonio Grimani had been first a Procurator, and deprived of that dignity, and banished to Cherso, yet afterward was recalled again, and restored to his first dignity, and shortly after elected Duke, which honour he enjoyed only a year, two months and two days, and then died. 77. Andrea Gritti. Anno 1523. IN his place was elected Andrea Gritti, a man in deed excellent in all prefection, & worthy of that dignity. The great matters that passed in his time are so excellently and copiously written by Giovius, & Guicciardin, and others of that time, that it were in vain here to make any abridgement of them. He ruled 15. years & seven months, and then died at the age of 83. years. 78. Pietro Lando. Anno 1538. PIetro Lando being confirmed Duke maintained his commonwealth neutral between Charles the Emperor, and Francis the French King, who were entangled together in a most fierce and cruel war, and thought there was scarcely any prince in Christendom but followed the one side or other, yet never could they notwithstanding many earnest solicitations made by them both draw the state of Venice to favour the one more than the other. Having ruled 7. years he died. 79. Francisco Donato. An. 1545. FRancesco Donato, being Procurator of S. Mark, was a man of great eloquence, & singular capacity of spirit and therefore his election applauded of the multitude with great joy: he did many laudable things, and lastly died in the seventh year of his rule, and was succeeded by Marc-antonio Trevisano. 80. Marc-antonio Trevisano. Anno 1553. THis Duke was marvelously religious, just in all his words and actions, and of so extraordinary a charity towards the poor, that he gave them (in a manner) all that he had: nevertheless his end was strange and pitiful, for at the end of his first year he fell down suddenly dead as he was kneeling before the altar at Mass, the inscription under his picture in the palace is thus. Religionis amantissimus, Anno circnacto moriens in gremio patrum ante aras in celum unde veneram, vitae integer evolavi. 81. Francisco Veniero Anno. 1554. THe next placed in the ducal throne was Francisco Veniero, being then 64. years of age: he lived only two years, & in his place was elected Lorenzo Priuli. 82. Lorenzo Priuli. Anno 1556. LOrenzo Priuli was a man wholly given to religion & quietness: there was no great thing done in the time of his Dukedom, which he only enjoyed three years, and then departed this world. 83. Hieronimo Priuli. Anno 1559. HIeronimo Priuli, as well in regard of his own virtue as the happy and quiet government of his brother Lorenzo, was with general applause established in his room. In his time was celebrated the Council of Trent: he died in the 8. year of his rule. 84. Pietro Loredano. Anno 1567. PIetro Loredano was a senator of great gravity, wise, religious, and of singular integrity and soundness in his actions: in his time the famous Arsenal of Venice, wherein all their store of powder & munition was contained, was casually set on fire; the noise whereof was so extremely hideous, that it was heard 40. miles off: presently also ensued the calamitous war of Selim Emperor of the Turks, who upon the death of his father Soliman, aspiring to some honourable conquest, took arms against the Senate, pretending title to the kingdom of Cypress, utterly forgetting his father's admonitions, his promise made to the Senate, and the long amity that had been between them. In fine he invaded Cypress with a mighty army, & took after long siege the two great Cities of Nicosia & Famagosta, practising all kinds of imaginable cruelty upon the poor Christian captives: in the mean time while the Venetians were busied in preparation of forces to encounter him, the Duke not able to withstand the affliction of age, sickness and so many troubles, yielded up his breath in his fourth year of government. 85. Aluigi Mocenigo. Anno 1570. THe next thought worthy of this high honour, was Aluigi Mocenigo, a man accomplished in all virtues that to so great a dignity were requisite: he appointed Sebastiano Veniero General of the Venetian forces, to unite himself with Marc-Antonia Colona, General for the Pope, & D. john d' Austria for the king of Spain, who together gave that mighty and memorable overthrow to the Turks at Lepanto, in manner in the very place where Augustus Caesar vanquished Anthony his Competitor. In his time Henry the third, King of France returning upon the news of his brother's death out of Polonia passed through Venice, where being arrived, he was received and entertained of the Duke and Senate with marvelous joy, pomp and magnificence. Finally, this Duke to the great discomfort of the commonwealth died in the seventh year of his rule. 86. Sebastiano Veniero. Anno 1577. PResently upon the death of Mocenigo, Sebastiano Veniero, in reward of his glorious victory against the Turks, was without contradiction of any of the Electors installed in the Dukedom, with greater gratulation and applause then ever before time had been seen at the election of any former Duke. The Pope sent a solemn embassage to congratulate with him, and withal sent him in token of his worthiness and virtue, the Rose of Gold, a present never sent but to mighty princes, and such as had employed themselves in the church's defence: but all this honour and his life also ended within a year, after that he had received the ducal diadem, even at such time as he was busy about the preparation of a sumptuous and triumphal feast, which he intended to make in honour of his wife, the princess Cecilia Contarina. The Archduke of Austria in admiration of his virtue sent an Ambassador of purpose to the Senate to demand his picture. 87. Nicolo damn Ponte. Anno 1578. NIcolo damn Ponte was fourscore and eight years old at time of his election: he was a Doctor of Law, a knight and Procurator of S. Mark, and had passed with exceeding commendation through all the offices and dignities of his commonwealth. He died in the year 1585. and in his place was elected Pasqual Cenoca. 88 Pasqual Cenoca. 1585. FINIS.