THE MIRACULOUS AND HAPPY Union of England and Scotland; by how admirable means it is effected; how profitable to both Nations, and how free of any inconvenience either past, present, or to be discerned.  
LONDON Imprinted for Edward Blount.  
1604.   

To his loving Countrymen.  
IF Events be the certainest and least suspected Councillors as they that cannot look but like themselves: for their sakes I hope to be accepted, and for their sakes to have so much of the privilege of an historian as to be allowed to speak truth; which if it carrieth no other than it own beauty, call it not a fault, since thereby I give you proof I desire not to steal your opinions with enticements. I have delivered you the last Time, and This; that out of the experience of both, you may frame the succeeding. I have spoken them truly, because it is fit you should see them in their nakedness, for to judge by them is to know them without colours. Lastly I have touched, (though not near to the life) the admirable happiness of this Island in our Prince; A Prince whose virtues give lustre to his authority, and that authority to his actions; so as he needs not the pruiledge of his fortune, since all his performances are able to stand upon their own force, needing neither countenance nor power to give them reputation. Amongst his virtues I have showed his uprightness, that lighted by that great example, you may be free from all partialities. Thus have I performed the duty I owe to you, and my Country, I know honestly: if you think so my reward is the fuller. Free I am from hiding a corrupted will under another pretence; And as I have finished this epistle without mingling it with salutations or excuses, so have I passed through the bounds of my purpose, wooing no one but all, and all without any other advocate but truth, the colours under which all honest spirits and good Common-wealthes-men ought to venture themselves. And so not doubting but the same mind that is truly inclined to the good of his country will allow my intent and pardon my errors, I rest.  
The humble servant of all true Patriottes.   

The miraculous and happy Union of England and Scotland; by how admirable means it is effected; how profitable to both Nations, and how free of any Inconvenience, either past, present, or to be discerned.  
THe end of knowledge, is acknowledgement, for since we can look upon nothing that is not derived from God, and that beareth not a testimony of his power and goodness, gratitude must follow understanding, if not to recompense, yet to witness the feelings of his benefits. From this consideration (loving Countrymen) I have presumed to offer you this Treatise. We have all felt, I doubt not the mercy of God in this late happy and admirable alteration, and I hope not alone felt it with our bodies, but our minds; for to have so great a benefit, from so great a power, rewards the mind with such a satisfaction as earth cannot give. What you have thought, pardon me though I presume to speak, since my end is not to challenge any superiority, but to prevent (if my end may be as happy as my purpose) the incident diseases of humane prosperity. My project is then the greatness of this blessing, and not alone the blessing, but to oblige us the more; the consideration by what unexpected means, and how much beyond either the common course of things, or the strength of man it is effected. Next how free it is from all the inconveniences incident to the common alterations or augmentations of Empires: and lastly since it is above the course of nature, or the ordinary disposition of things, being full of profit without either danger or former hazards, that like adivine and supernatural blessing we entertain and use it. Thus far goeth the scope of my intent, destinating my labours to be the servants of your memory, for which I desire no other recompense, but your own happy and just proceedings, taking the adventure of your acceptance, and leaving unto you the glory of so great an action, as the due of those progressions that are performed with just and unspotted minds.  
This realm having a long time laboured in the prevention of dangers, and enjoying an outward rather then inward peace, like a body that fetcheth all the health from Physic, and was of late years come to that weakness, as in a short space had she continued in her course her preventions had proved vain. For the advantage of others disagreement was by agreement taken from us, our treasure spent, our soldiers of experience consumed, the subjects purse emptied, and in fine, like a ship that had thrown out her goods to save her carcase, we floated with our lives rather reprieved then saved.  
In the mean time, and in all this time, this realm resisted none of her griefs by a natural course, which is by her own strength, but being rather feathers than wings, neither the glory nor profit was hers, but our blood and treasure, was the medicine of our suspected constitution.  
It is necessary I bring you thus far back (good Countrymen) aswell because man knowing nothing in his original, cannot judge singly; but by coupling contrarieties, seeth the difference by the effects: as also feeling your prosperity and from whence it cometh, you may lose the sight of no part of this blessing. Now may you perceive the nature of it, and the greatness, that from a weakened & almost breathless state, is come to be the most opulent, strong and entire Empire of the world. What shall we call it? no natural name can express it, it is a miracle; Take up thy bed and walk. It is a miracle in the cure, it is no less in the means; for if the marriages of Princes, the issue of Princes, the prayers of men, the plots of our Enemies, or the jealousies of greatness, could have hindered it, England had not been happy. We had yet laboured under the burden of a torn and dismembered kingdom. How much the resisting these impediments, passeth the common course of nature every judgement may easily discern: but we have yet but half the sight. A midst all these courses swayed by Ambition, and unjust jealousies, behold our Prince, provoked by all means; and by some where his patience might be called in question, suffering all, enduring the plots of his enemies against his right, his person against their malice, he withstood all their hates with his love, his love to this his country made him suffer his wrongs, and where the hot ambition of some Princes, would easily have covered the invading of this Kingdom, under the revenging of his wrongs, and the fear of filling it with the horrible effects of civil wars was a curb to his just mislikes, choosing himself to feel wrong, rather than they should.  
Surely if we consider this truly, we shall find the obligation we are bound in to the divine power, no less strong here, then in the rest. For if the resisting wrong be a warrant of nature to the simplest creatures, and that there is nothing more opposite to every disposition; how much more in Kings, unto whom God hath given both power and authority to judge and punish injuries and wrongs? So that for the good of this land, he hath not alone resisted the provocations of flesh & blood, but a liberty, for a more pleasing colour and stronger excuse, no Prince ever had to make war upon another. Thus you see the strange and miraculous passages of former times, from how admirable proceedings your safety is derived, but behold another part of your blessing. You buy not your peace, your plenty, your strength, your happiness, no it is given you, for whereas your safeties abroad might have been purchased, with a Prince that might have line heavy upon you at home, & by exactions have but exchanged your burdens from your shoulders to your hearts, you are blessed with one, that in his whole life, hath approved the happiness of the subject and the flourishing of his Kingdom to be his chief contentments. For otherwise, who would have endured the slander of a just title, the death of his friends, the plots against his person, but he only that valueth justice and a common preservation above any humane provocation, or ambitious enticements.  
We have now heard how much we are blessed and by how strange and extraordinary mean, and more, that we enjoy all this without any inconuenince, either passed or to be discerned. Let us then examine what the alteration and augmentation of this kingdom hath done. Insomuch as all changes are Earthquakes to a State, shaking the very foundation of government; and augmentations and increases, are never unaccompanied of present dangers, and future burdens. To examine this by history, behold the Ancients, where for the passing of simple laws, the whole body of the commonwealth, laboured between life and confusion. And in those changes where reformation and amendment bore the name, yet did they never alter without hazard, the medicine being as dangerous as the disease. How different is this from ours, where the axle-tree or uphold of our commonwealth being changed, we rather heard of it, than felt it; or if we felt it, it was the comfort of it. What uproar was there? what confusion? what surfeit of the former government broke out (the inseparable accident of an Interraigne) what factions? what misorders of discontented and desperate persons? but on the contrary as men expecting a wonder, a general quietness possessed the whole land, & as it were inspired with the age to come, gave over the care of their own mislikes to the general redresser, & all the different humours nourished either by former griefs, or this long expected day, grew in an instant to be turned to the general good, and to prepare an entertainment for the elected both by God and man, both by his title and virtues. In a word, never was Prince received with so general an applause, nor was there ever Prince that deserved better of us: for laying by the justness of his own title, the remembrance of his sufferings (which to another nature would have been accounted an earning of this kingdom) the need we had of him, the testimonies given to the whole world of his abilities for government, laying by these considerations, he hath been yet content to acknowledge the love of his subjects; & not alone to acknowledge it in words, but to assure them of it, he hath not respected his private gain, beyond their profits: To this end hath he abolished Monopolies & other prerogatives of the Crown, rather than to let his subjects feel any grievance, though he might have kept them without any colour of mislike, being to him inheritances no exactions. But his love to us will not permit excuses, but on all sides showeth he will perform the office of a King, without mingling it with the justs of man. But this is but one; on all sides appear actions of the same quality; how hath he of late, to give us yet more testimonies of his love, taken offenders of the highest nature out of the hands of justice and given them mercy? Whereno excuse, no private petitions, no not where mercy itself (being governed by her own nature) could have entreated it; For our sakes they live, and for our sakes, against the rules either of law, justice, or policy. Let us behold these parts with a true consideration, and we shall find never people had so infinite blessings laid before them. For whereas it hath been too common amongst some Princes, to esteem handsome colours good payment for subjects: our Prince, hath not only not held them good enough for us, but even just reasons, if they have any way seemed to concern him more than his subjects, (though that which concerneth him, must them) have been laid by & not respected. To be short, never was there Prince, that avowed all his actions to be grounded upon a more upright judgement, which doth not only represent us this great blessing of ours more fully, but with all disburtheneth us of all jealousies of partiality. For he that in all questions between himself & the subject, hath not spared himself, cannot between man and man be partial, since all partialities are begotten by self-love. By this we may clear the doubt of English and Scottish, since he is King of both, he is father of both, and (being equally charged by the King of Kings with both) owing unto both one duty, he will give unto both one affection. But lest I be called into question for a proof, behold his former government, where his uprightness had that hand with him, as neither the generality, nor the custom, could make him yield to the common defence & nourishing factions by names, ever protesting him highest in his opinion, that was owner of a good life, aswell as a great name. So that to be known for an honest man, was more than to bear the surname of Steward. He that knoweth in how contrary a course the example of that kingdom might have nourished him, & how the customs of their clans had brought this integrity to the suspicion of a vice, will ask no more instances for cleared all suspicions, that foreknowledge shall never bar merit. For since he defended his youngest years, from the most received vice of his country, we must expect in this riper time the habitual possession of this Regal virtue.  
Now to the increase of Empire, which though it carrieth the face of the happiest alreration, yet being an alteration, can hardly escape defects. For not only the nature of all humane accidents approves it, all things being delivered to us commixed, we being not to be trusted, either with good or ill alone, separated, such are our frailties & weakness, presumption or despair, growing mighty if fed with either fortune single. But more particularly to illustrate the inconveniences of the increase of kingdoms, the common examples are either by power or ambition in one body, or by necessity compelled to offend defensively in another: Both are by conquest, whose violent effects leave for ever an equal mistrust both in Prince and subject, an humour of that fatal operation, as nothing but blood and oppression followeth. What shall I say now of our increased dominions, that have made us terrible to the world without any terror to ourselves: But so happy and excellent means are the long disjoined parts of this Kingdom, brought to an inseparable embracement. And if the long received Axiom of policy shall be believed (that kingdoms must be maintained by such means as they were gotten) unto what an excellent necessity are we tied? marriage was the means, a friendship of that high nature, that God himself daineth to be a witness of this indissoluble knot; we must maintain it with the nearest resemblance, that is by a constant friendship and love. Verily I believe it impossible for man to think, how so infinite a blessing to both sides could have been accomplished, by any other so easy and even conditions. For neither side sought others friendship, by coming past the bounds of the reputation of a nation, there were no threats, no violence, no sword drawn of neither side. So that as if God would provide to satisfy even our most distempered and sick affections, lest such sparks might inflame this great action, neither nation can charge other with needing, or yielding, or giving way to other. So are they met, so are they prepared as they shall scarcely need either time or custom the uniters of flesh to assist their incorporating, since they are by the divine wisdom, so knit together, as it resembleth a new creation. When we shall have beheld on all sides the clearness of this benefit, how all things answer one another, and all without the least sign of any inconvenience or danger, what place is left for suspicion? or if not for suspicion, was there ever any benefit possessed so entirely? who is there now that shall bring in questions of separation and be believed? since we may easily determine all such differences, arise out of the malignity of such dispositions, not the cause. It is most true if you will (happy Countrymen) that the streams of the common wealth and people run contrary (for flourishing states have commonly dissolute inhabitants, poor countries honest people) this is because we borrow our behaviours from our fortunes not discourses, being good or bad, according to the flood or ebb of our estates. But if you will be owners of this happiness, you will proceed with more advised considerations, and judge of your Councillors as well as Counsels. If they tell you of the poverty of Scotland, examine whether our wealth shall not come from the addition of their Kingdom, for at once we receive from them the stopping of our unnecesary wars, and the use of traffic. How infinitely have we been consumed in the upholding the low countries, which we were enforced to use for a stillt to uphold the body of our state. Shall not a natural limb, nay another body, that doth not only rescue us, but becometh us, be thought worthy of entertaining? There is none of us that worn with the travails of the world and time, but would buy a new strength and youth at any rate: Be now ashamed to be taken with this self-love, or else value the new youth and strength of our commonwealth. Since gratitude and the knowledge of benefits, cometh from the looking back upon former times, let us not be ashamed to remember times past: How was the wealth of our land decayed? how full of doubt stood we? with what Prince or state durst we enter league, that was able to be our enemies? nay to such a state we were come, as we were as much afraid of peace as wars, and durst trust neither. At once to be delivered of these, without feeling any alteration but the ease, what doth it not deserve? Without feeling any alteration, for what hath happened in this change that we can complain of? Wars are ceased, peace is entreated on all sides, oppressions are abolished, in the mean time, the Prince exercising all those virtues that may make the subject happy, his justice, his mercy, his liberality, his benignity. And whereas even the best Princes, have thought it sufficient to exercise certain general virtues, who is there that could demand particular favours of any kind, and hath been sent away empty? Truth cannot be flattery, and that which so many can witness ought not to be suspected. Not alone the deservers of him have tasted of his bounty, but the assisters of the government past, have found it as sure a plea to be able to prove, they served his predecessor loyally, as those nearest unto himself. What shall we gather of this? but that this Kingdom is beheld of him, with the same care that his others are, and that the servants of it are as dear to him. A rare example of equity, since in the succession of Princes we see nothing more ordinary, then that the favour of the servants dieth with the master. After this assurance to doubt his partiality, and that the number of his ancient attendance will rob the English of places and employments, cannot come but from a mind, that speaketh his own vices in another's name. For since we cannot judge the thoughts but by the actions, and that all his actions have been found of another nature, from whence issue these suspicions but out of their own bosoms? Shall it be thought an answer that the old servants of his Scottish Government have been rewarded? the same mind would have pronounced ingratitude if they had been unrewarded. For who is he that censureth honestly, and holdeth not this an argument for our encouragement, who being in the beginnings of our times, cannot know him but by his usage of others, who having spent for him in a time of less expectation, & so less to be suspected, their youths & strengths, how could any indifferent judgement hold them unworthy of rewards? It hath then rewarded us in them, for the example hath given us encouragement, which is the very food of the soul, and the greatest provocation of virtue. Shall we yet doubt and desire more assurances? behold every man that hath not had a more capital fault, than the being a stranger to him, holdeth the same place he possessed before? from the highest to the lowest, yea even the servants of the person and house of the last Prince are his. An unusual satisfaction and so to be esteemed, and an action of a Prince, that cannot suspect that in another, that he findeth not in himself.  
Can there now be such another testimony of his uprightness, when by the changing the administers of this state, by another disposition, would have been thought so important a part, as he should by the alteration not only have rewarded others, but assured his own person. But from the general consent of his entrance, hath he framed the rest of his proceedings; he found us then, joyful, loyal, loving subjects, and according to that demeanour hath he used us: which if we do not acknowledge, and acknowledge in making the same use of his actions to us, we are unworthy of so happy a government. But yet saith some body, how can it be that the number of that nation shall not shorten the benefits of the English? If they brought men without a kingdom it were an objection, or if men under this Prince must not bring somewhat besides a petition. They have a Country of their own that yieldeth so much plenty, as their plenty breedeth their want; for concerning the necessaries for man's life no country is better furnished: and for wealth, the happiness of their latter government hath given such testimonies of increase, as already they possess enough both to defend themselves and to free their country from the imputation of sterility. But this is not all, the number of able men is not a discommodity, for how cometh it (think you) that all the Princes of Christendom think well of our friendship, but because we have many able men: So that either it must be confessed, envy is better food than safety, or else that two offices in one hand is not so important, as two kingdoms under one Sceptre, under one Law, becoming one body. Neither doth the commodity of so many able men end thus, but as it bringeth reputation and safety from abroad, so ease and wealth at home. For when this multitude of able men shall disburden the officers of their too much business, they shall not excuse under-briberies by their over many employments, and so shall the poor subject escape paying fees upon fees, and sometimes double and treble briberies.  
By this time it is apparent, that neither the poverty nor multitude of our connexion can be prejudicial, since it is proved they will be the only instruments of our enriching; and that this multitude bringeth a happy necessity for the redressing the griefs of the greatest part of our people. Let us then come to the beholding this happiness together, which since we find so infinitely full of blessings as the sharpest sight cannot discern any inconvenience or future peril, what shall I call it? but a divine and miraculous blessing of God. Now should we bring unto this great benefit our sick and corrupt affections, though never so well covered under the names of foresight or prevention, shall we not worthily deserve punishments answerable to our favours? Let this learn us (good countrymen) our duties to the Commonwealth, whether we ought not to bring our bodies, but to carry our minds, for to bring private drifts to the public business, is an impiety of the highest nature. What shall we say now to their imaginations that hold our unity most profitable if it were inseparable, but if the King's issue should fail, say they, and several titles disunite us, than would their neighbourhood be more dangerous: for by our incorporating being grown more rich, they would be more able to affront us. How do these strive to bury benefits with suspicions? they have forgot who ended our wars without miserable conditions, who hath enforced Ireland to lay down arms, who hath made us capable of foreign leagues without buying them, but beholding all these and many more both defences and benefits as things past, and now in their own possessions they are as weary of their assisters, as they were of their fears. Or else being people of such a condition as find most contentment in troubled and doubtful states, because settled and flourishing are the lights that discover ill affected and ill disposed persons, they desire to shroud themselves still in the darkness of confused and perplexed governments. But to answer their objection without them, how unlike is this to the English style, that lately durst not think beyond one life, and now outrunneth four, and by God's grace many more. And are there four between this fear and us, and is it yet a fear? It is no prevention but an impious forecast; for to provide beyond probability, armeth our imaginations against the will of God. A strange office for man to undertake, since if it were a part of his appointment, Heaven and Earth, and all their generations, revolutions and changes, and even God himself were idle and unnecessary powers. But still we insist upon our wealth and their enriching, which either we mistake or understand not. For if we have the advantage of wealth we shall hold it, for since they neither can nor will demand any thing but by way of commerce or traffic, the long and great concourse of trading to the chief city of our Island, will suck up still the greatest part of our wealth. But might it be that their wealth would be increased, the public good purchaseth not loss but profit, for by the dispersion the state findeth the people more able and more industrious, from whence ariseth the increase of traffic to the subject, and of custom to the Prince, the most honest and easy way of enriching the King's coffers. Not unlike unto this objection is the mislike that they would lay upon the disposition of the people that because they have in times past given way to their private mislikes and drawn private quarrels to multitudes; that wealth unto such natures being like oil to fire, might draw their feuds from a spark to a flame, and so inwrappe us in an unnecessary war. But they are much deceived in the general operation of wealth that suspect that, since if there be any quality in riches more than our opinion hath forced, it this that it ordinarily maketh ill men good citizens. For it is not the goodness of laws, their integrity, nor good effects in general, that maketh all men observe them, but that their wealth hath no other defence, so do they love justice and her observations, out of their own particular, there being no way to make them conceive that foundation of equity (suum cuique tribuere) to yield every man his own, except they have of their own to make the instance. But were these probable, are we not to provide first against those that threaten us nearer? is not the first and most weighty consideration of a State's man to prevent the invasion of foreign enemies? and can there be any other course for them, then by our leaving matter of- discontentment amongst ourselves. Against outward invasions nature hath cared; we are environed by the sea, and so knit together both by religion, language, disposition, and whatsoever else can take away difference; as unless we breed disagreeing affections, we are indissoluble. Neither can we nourish these unless we will contradict Heaven itself. Behold how we are joined, God, Nature, & Time, have brought us together, and so miraculously if we observe the revolutions of time, as me thinketh the very words after the consummation of a marriage, shall not be unproperly used, Those whom God hath joined together, let no man separate. Unto whose judgement now, will not these objections seem light, if weighed with this consideration. Laws and policy can fight and overcome inward inconveniences, the wisdom of the Statist, is above any of these discommodities, especially in Monarchies, where civil matters are easily redressed by reason of the absolute power of the Prince, and that the people are not strong enough to favour their own imperfections if they come in question. But against outward invasions invited by inward divisions, there is no cure but prevention, for being once on foot, wisdom may see the fault, but arms must determine it. To assure you this is no idle warning, let us both examine the states of our neighbours, their dispositions, their former actions, and then what is likely to leave matter of discontentment and division amongst us. First for France were it one man, former favours might warrant us, but kingdoms can dispense with ingratitude, therefore we must forget their distress, and look for the common disposition of their prosperity, which hath ever leveled at the keeping us down.  
To this end have they always held correspondence with Scotland, which they have used for their only refuge, to escape the English preparations. So that if we shall close this past their entrance; we have taken away their first and safest defence. For now all questions must be decided within their own entrails, where how so ever they speed, they must be losers; for though the events of arms be doubtful, yet the deciding place is certain of loss. Now for Spain unto whose ambitions we have ever been an impediment, both in our aids to France, and the Low Countries, though we feel not the gratitude of these, yet must we provide against the mislike of the other. For by most nature's revenge is preferred before recompense, as the more profitable quality: therefore must we provide not only against their ambitions, but mislikes, which double excitation nothing can pacify but our own strengths. But it may be the jealousies between Spain and France will clear these dangers; let us not borrow a defence out of their humours, when we may have one of our own, nor can we trust to it, since hopes and fears do equally quench contentions, so that if they have no other impediment but themselves they will (questionless) respite their own mislikes, until they have taken order with us. In the mean time we search not enough the Spanish policy, who beginneth his attempts through divisions and factions, which if he espy, he prosecuteth dangerously, for by his strength in Rome and the West-Indies, he searcheth all kinds of dispositions, which if not sound, he maketh at his devotion. To make particulars sound, we must begin with the general; when we have laid our foundation strong, and past the shaking of our enemies, we take away the provocations both of the Temptor & Tempted against their religion, let our religion be opposed, in respect of whose strength and reputation we ought to be more then moved, since our unity in bodies to our already united minds, will make the reputation of our religion so strong, as they that put on the adverse, for fear and in policy, shall neither shame nor fear to use their own consciences.  
Shall we see now out of what matter our enemies can work dissension, there is neither ambition nor discontentment amongst our great men, nor burdens upon the people, laws have their due course, and purge the veins of the commonwealth, from unnatural stops and corruptions. It can then be no other, then in the disposing of our new body, from which we may take the beginning of the happiest Empire that ever was. Plato to illustrate the strength of friendship borroweth so much of Poetry as to tell a tale that the body of man was first round, and whilst he enjoyed that form was doubly furnished of all the Organs and abilities of man, after, abusing his strength the Gods divided him and left him but the half of that he was; but yet with a power (as findding the other half which is a perfect friend, not differing in resemblance) he might again enjoy his first strength and happiness. England hath found her other half, she is now doubly furnished with the strength of a Kingdom, she hath four arms, four legs, two hearts (made one) two powers, and double forces.  
What can make us now so unnatural, as to doubt of our restored strength? or by what rule will suspicion be tried? If laws and ordinances be called and rightly called the soul of the commonwealth, they must not be begotten by ourappetite: for than they can neither be divine in their operation nor eternal in their continuance; if we confess it, and appeal to judgement, judgement trieth all things of this nature by the consent of these three unvariable rules, namely Conscience, Reason and Example, as those that give laws their true essences. For conscience reconcileth our human laws to our divine, in so much as all laws that take not them for a pattern, cannot be honest, and so not durable. Reason shapeth them against all assaults which cannot be without making them profitable to all.  
Lastly Example assisteth the weakness of Reason with the sight of former successes, in so much as the strength of humane reason, is but to devise and cannot without trial arrive any nearer the end then probability. Then to examine it by conscience: Is there not a necessity of mutual help imposed upon man? and have we freed ourselves of infinite troubles and is there not a duty belonging to the means? Doth a Nation not differing in any part from ourselves, full of strength, able men, of so important a situation, offer herself with open arms to embrace us, and can we think of another entertainment besides a loving and even embracement? If the offences or violences of Kingdoms, alloweth us, first to overcome, then to subject and tie them with thraldom, doth love, freeness, amity, brotherlike regard require the like usage? either we were wrong before, are now, or confound merit and injuries. In a word, were there no other motive but our Prince, who would not be ashamed to refuse such a Medium. since his blood is of both nations his mind so just to all nations, and that his virtues have already confuted all objections: what conscience is there that hasteneth not to this combination, not only for a quiet as compelled, but for joy as the due of so noble and glorious a performance.  
Now let us see the trial of reason, this Island is happily come within the circle of one Diadem, not by conquest, nor by weakness, nor for protection, but are drown together by the virtue of an united blood, and made one man's Kingdom by the happy conjunction of the royal blood of both nations. And is that blood grown one, and shall not the Kingdoms grow one? It is reason's office, not only to bring the will and the desire together, but by the way to examine the will, from what right he desires, how justly, and to what end. By this means all parts have satisfaction or else the reason disclaimeth the employment. We shall never get reason then to go of this errand, for we have no right to the holding it by a divided title, nor is there justice in covering an unequality in a title, nor hath the end, any other soundness than the devise of some sick affection. For if there were some great difference in our powers, power might sway it, and reason would make the weaker yield to necessity: if the Prince were either by blood or affection of one side, the other were to light, but having neither strength nor right to a superiority, how can it belong unto us? Now if this be apparent, were it in our power to bind them to us, by some undername, how standeth it with the policy of a state to leave so many Idle men, for since our industry hath ever an eye upon our own good we must either interest them in the gains, or we must expect cold endeavours. For nature hath given us abilities for our use and preservation, which though our reason persuadeth us to use for the common good, yet never for the common good without including our own particular. But it may be it will be answered, let their industries be spent upon their own soil, and so shall ours and we will crave nothing from them. Who seeth not in this answer either a wilful or ignorant folly? that forgetting their nearness, the danger of their mislikes, the gap for seditions and plots to get entrance, we reckon them as a people that concern us not. No, no, they must have a hand in our business, our peace is theirs, our flourishing theirs, our success of all kinds theirs, in so much as if they be not thus far interessed in these, and their loves so fastened to us, as to overcome all temptations, we must expect none of these, so shall they or we, if we prevent not all enticements be wooed; since foreign forces are too weak to craze our strong constitution without evil jars. Lastly if we look for precedents and examples to strengthen our resolutions, never were two Kingdoms invited by so strong and forcible means to become one, and rejected it. chose, Spain and France were never absolute Monarchies until the first of seven Kingdoms became one, and Normandy and Britain were annexed to the crown of France; which before were under other lords. The dividing a Kingdom into petty principalities prepareth it to be swallowed by a more united power. So standeth Italy at this day, that liveth not by her own strength, but by the jealousies of her neighbours: yet was she once Mistress of the world, and so would be again (saith one of their authors) were she reunited and under one sceptre. But why seek I foreign examples when we have one of our own so near us? Wales is Englished, a country whose riches did not woe us, nor her power, nor the fertility of the soil; but the discommodities that we might receive by them whilst they were held as Aliens, being matter to feed discontented or ambitious plots, this was the furthest and only advantage we expected, which since it lay within the power of our incorporating to cure, and that nature had performed half the work, with the alliance of countries so nearly knit together upon one continent, we performed. Success hath followed, a warrant for the like occasion, but this is more like us then that, a greater provocation, we differ not in language (a sign that God ever meant to have us one Kingdom;) and for the other conveninences of our match, as power, wealth, largnes of territories, reputation of a Kingdom, ability in men, there is no comparison. That the world is possessed by many lords, and that the great empires that grew in her minority, crushed themselves with their own weight, cannot in one reason be better comprehended (me thinketh) then that the difference of situation, climate and disposition, could not give power, to the imperial country, to naturalise her conquests, they could not make them themselves. For it is laws and customs and evenness in capicity of offices and dignities, that can make countries love one another truly, for so they do as it were beget one another, and become flesh of flesh, and bone of bone. For want of this it hath been in the power of private men, to shake an Empire, that could not have moved a Kingdom, and for want of this, have Empires been enforced to hold subjecteth countries by garrisons, and by cruelties ways, so disagreeing from nature, as their authority hath depended merely upon fortune, and an external reputation, which never endureth a distemper without a downfall, nor is ever sick without destruction. For recoverable diseases are only in natural bodies, which these being opposite to, must depend only upon force. In the mean time, how much the expense of treasures, and the continual doubts we have of such countries exceedeth the advantage, we may easily discern, if we behold but Spain, whose many dispersed Kingdoms have been such a burden to them, and have drawn them, into so many inconveniences, as his West Indies, and great increase of possessions lately annexed to that crown, have not been able to defend him from the extremest wants, insomuch as his designs have oftener stood still for want of money and men, than many smaller Kingdoms. Had it been now think you in his power to have made them all Spanish and within the limits of one continent, upon the condition to have called all Spain, and but one nation, would he not have thought it an excellent exchange? Doubt it not since he had at once been delivered of those charges and suspicions, that make his possessions a pain, and weakness rather than a strength, being like a monster of nature that having a body without blood enough, hath his limbs withered and feeble being a great bulk, drowned in his own proportion. All forced governments must be momentary in so much as they leave out the will and desire of man, which only can beget continuance. For an instance behold nature herself, who driveth at none of her ends tyrannically, but emorapping her drifts in the natural desires of her creatures, hath her purposes effected not as hers, but as their own. So must the advised Politician proceed, if he intendeth to give either a goodly or substantial form to his workmanship; for though man can enforce other creatures beyond their wills, yet the will of man, having reason to direct it which hath a freedom and eminency in her nature, must therefore be wrought by persuasions, not enforcements, the only means to bring her to obedience, and to yield to the directions of others. I have gone thus far beyond my purpose (loving countrymen) to free you of all suspicions, insomuch as the soul of man, is no sooner cured of any great infirmity, but there remain certain dregs behind of doubts and suspicions, which I hope these few considerations will clear, not as they are mine, but as they are truths, though at this time, (unto an adversary) I cannot complain of my weakness, for being the champion of right I doubt not of the success of David.  
You have now then the sight of this great blessing, which approacheth you so full of infinite happinesses, so pure and uncommixt with the common fortunes of the world, as you may lay by all thoughts, but such as are apt to prepare you fit to receive so gracious an assurance of God's favour, and of gratitude though not answerable, yet answerable to your powers. In the mean time behold the goodly time before you, so clear and calm as there is not so much as matter for clouds or storms left to breed on, (the original of the happiness of a commonwealth) for then only are the inward motions of government made perfect, when there ariseth neither fears nor dangers from abroad, since those times are often so miserable, as they are not only forced to make use of the diseases of the time and people, but also to praise them, the forerunner of the downfall of a state. Which you shall easily prove if you search the ruins of the ancient Empires, where (towards their end) vices went for virtues, and the greatest corruptions were the greatest merits. But our State is of another nature, it cannot grow old and dote, because it had no infancy or youth; we builded not our foundation out of a little, and increased it after by the sword, we are no purchasers, but inheritors, and inheritors of a State, that cometh to us strong and flourishing, so do we want those shifts and by-courses, which come in with necessity, which make such states in time suffer shipwreck both by just and natural reasons. For having gotten by oppression, it standeth with justice that they lose so: and it is infallible, that people gotten up by indirect means, though the present gain maketh them insensible of it, yet it leaveth in them the example of the corruption; and being like creatures bred out of putrefaction, they live no longer then there remaineth such matter to feed on, but are after overthrown by some adverse power, or else turning head upon themselves, are the authors of their own destruction. But you freed of all these, shall have a happy leisure to view over your own inward parts of the Commonwealth, and being hindered by no new doubts, may search, medicine and heal, all old griefs, which not alone the time permits, but the Prince warrants, aleach chosen by God to make a new time settled in an instant, such as the power of justice and an upright distribution, another testimony of God's gracious favour unto us. For being strangers though not by birth, yet by personal knowledge, and the commerce of strangers, warranting almost a partiality to our countrymen, it is only the work of such a King, to alter nature by the force of wisdom. So hath his just proceedings wrought upon us, that neither side, being able to charge him with leaning more to one side then another, neither side hath cause to mistrust him, another door at which Partiality often entereth. Will you know now what we have escaped? the being begotten by a diseased father, for this time being the father of the succeeding, had it constitution been corrupted by partiality, the afterages would for ever have felt it, which would have been so much the more dangerous, because as in natural bodies, hereditary diseases are above the skill of the Physician, so would these of the Statesmen. But ours that is to be directed by a Prince so infinitely endued by the graces both of God, Nature and Fortune, we may assuredly expect actions answerable to such a concurrence of virtues. To that height of felicity are you then arrived, as not only you shall enjoy your country without fears, your estates without hourly impositions, and your lives without wars and hazards, but as if you exchanged these for their contraries, your country shall yield you peace, and by peace infinite contentments, your estates shall increase daily, and you shall not buy your own industries of strange impositions and taxes: and wars that had wont to divorce you from your parents and wives, and by presses violently pull you from your own quiet courses, to sacrifice you to the distempered and troubled age, to quench the fire of foreign ambitions that threatened us, shall no more have any such power over you. But your time and determinations shall be your own, and your hopes shall not be frighted with fears. Prepare then minds fit to enjoy so many happinesses, and minds fit to be governed by so sincere and just a Prince, whose very entrance amongst us hath had that virtue, as to drive away all threatening calamities that hung over our heads. Let it not be forgotten since the remembrance of passed perils is sweet, and not only sweet but profitable, for it inviteth us to the acknowledgement. And since we cannot better testify our thankfulness to God, then in the offering our obedient hearts to the means he chose for the expressing this his wonderful and gracious favour unto us; let us begin our contentments from him, who like the Sun hath dispersed and consumed our doubts, and like the Sun draweth nothing from beneath, but to yield it down again with more virtue than he received it.  
FINIS.