CONSPIRACY, for Pretended Reformation: viz. Presbyterial Discipline.  
A Treatise discovering the late designments and courses held for advancement thereof, by William Hacket Yeoman, Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington Gent. out of others depositions and their own letters, writings & confessions upon examination: Together With some part of the life and conditions, and the two Inditements, Arraignment, and Execution of the said Hacket: Also An answer to the calumniations of such as affirm they were mad men: and a resemblance of this action unto the like, happened heretofore in Germany.  
Vltimo Septembris. 1591.  Prou. cap. 30. v. 12. 
There is a generation that are pure in their own conceit: and yet are not washed from their filthiness.  2. ad Timoth. cap. 3. v. 5. 
Having a show of godliness, but have denied the power thereof, turn away therefore from such.  
Published now by authority.  
Imprinted at London by the Deputies of CHRISTOPHER BARKER Printer to the Queen's most excellent Majesty.  
Anno Domini. 1592.   

TO THE READER.  
DIVERS have hitherto diversly reported of this Action & of the Actors in it, according to their own several intelligences attained thereof, and to the humours they are led by. And albeit the matter (falling out not many months since) might seem to be in fresh remembrance of many: yet sundry there are which hitherto know not the very particular dangerous attempts and outrages, into which these men burst out, and the most part (I think) have not heard what was the original cause of such their discontentment, or the main drift and purpose of all their designments, nor of any the ways and means by them used, for furthering and achieving the principal scope they shot at, nor of any their counsels and carriage of the action, nor yet who were their complices that were made acquainted with the matter, in some general or more special terms.  
By want of knowledge of which things, sundry perverse and sinister conceits and misdeeming have arisen, and are blown abroad amongst the people, which seem meet to be abated, and reform in them.  
For the Papist our common enemy, in some late writings from beyond the seas, hath (as I am informed) wrested these men's dealings to another end. And sundry at home, who would seem more moderate than many other of their own judgement, yet in favour of the persons, or (which I judge rather) upon liking of their opinion in matter of church-government, have allowed their meanings to have been good, though they mislike (somewhat they say) of the manner. Others seek to disguise the very purposes of these men, as if that which (in truth) was most, had been least of all intended by them. There are some also, purposing to extenuate the fault, and to prevent that so just a blot may not fall upon the meanest favourer of pretended reformation, who will needs make them to have been stark mad, and such as knew not what they said or did. And there want not certain also, who under pretence of pity and commiseration towards them, are said not to spare to mutter abroad, that matters are made worse and of greater consequence and peril than they be in deed: and that these men with some others were prosecuted with greater vehemency and sharpness, than the cause itself or quality of their several offences might justly minister occasion.  
All which untrue surmises and imputations, what do they else but apparently and directly tend unto the injury, depravation and slander of the honourable justice of this realm and state? for assertion and clearing whereof from such calumniations, and to make manifest also the very truth of these matters unto all that are desirous to be informed aright in them: it is thought meet that this treatise (for good considerations hitherto stayed since it was finished) should now at length be published.  
Whereby I make no doubt, but it will appear to any that shall be pleased to peruse it with a single eye, how important these causes are to be thoroughly looked into, for the weight and danger of them: how honourable the proceed in them have been for manner: and how exceeding mild and merciful a course hath been holden by the state, not only with some of the chief dealers, but also with sundry others notable concurrents in the Action, who though they be sufficiently well known, yet hitherto have not been so much as called into question: how far soever (perhaps) they may seem unto some (not unwise) to have waded therein, or to have entertained intelligence of it, both dangerously and undutifully. So far is her excellent Majesty, and the whole state from aggravating men's offences, yea, and from taking advantage, even when most just occasion (sometimes) is offered.  
I pray God this notable rare clemency, may be hereafter answered (by those who both in this & other matters stand not a little need of it, how little soever they acknowledge it) with that measure of dutiful remembrance and thankfulness, which it worthily deserveth at their hands. Amen.   

THE PREFACE.  
WHEN in the time of professing the truth of religion, such as pretend greatest sincerity and zeal, do fall into fanatical fancies and dangerous attempts: then some do thereupon stagger in the doctrine, and are scandalised: some be quite driven back: and others are carried even with open mouth to slander and to reproach the very profession of the Gospel. The two first of which, are of the weaker, but the last are of the wickeder sort. For these are strait way ready to make comparisons betwixt the times, and to declaim largely, concerning the sweet and golden quiet, with agreement in judgement, which they (erroneously) conceive, to have continually accompanied the times of superstition and blindness.  
But though this were universally true, which is far otherwise: yet both the one sort and the other, are dangerously deceived and transported into misdeeming by want of due consideration, what is the very wellspring and occasion of such accidents under the profession of the Gospel.  
For when Satan the deceiving enemy of mankind, had in the times of Popery by insensible and as it were obscure degrees (under a colour of religion and devotion) envenomed once the very fountains of doctrine with many pestilent errors, much superstition, and gross Idolatry, and had almost quite dammed up the light of the glorious Gospel: then was it no marvel, though he here rested his labours, as being (in some sort) arrived unto the main end of all his drifts and purposes. In so much as this once achieved, the rest were sufficiently able to go forward of themselves. For upon corruption of faith & doctrine, must needs ensue either open corruption of life and conversation, or at least corruption, masked under a vail of hypocrisy: because he that walketh in darkness, knoweth not whither he goeth, and a corrupt tree cannot bring forth good fruit. Therefore after the victory gotten, that he might more deeply deceive and surely retain, whom he had caught, he thought it requisite (at some seasons) upon these corruptions, to weave a vail of pretended unity, and as it were to candy and sweeten them over with the lovely show of peace and agreement: which nevertheless being without Verity, is nothing else, but a lewd Conspiracy, and is rather a deadly sleep wherewith men be overwhelmed, than an unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. For where all is subdued, what needs any further resistance? And where a strong man keeps the house, all that he possesseth are in quiet, till a stronger than he do come to dispossess him.  
But when as God taking compassion of his Church in the eyes of his mercy, had in these latter times made the day-star to shine again in our hearts, no sooner did the beams of his Gospel begin to glimpse and break forth, but the old crafty serpent (knowing his kingdom to be invaded a fresh, and his time but short) began in great wrath to rouse up himself again, and to hammer over a new, all his long approved wicked experiments, and to plant new engines for the discredit and hindrance of the passage and propagation of the Gospel.  
This he plotteth (besides many other means) by seducing some that profess it, into sedition and error: and so in their persons he bringeth the profession itself into obloquy and hatred with such, as afore did think hardly of it, or were not persuaded it was the truth. For by reason of his Angelical substance, corrupted with Diabolical malice, and by long experience even of 5553. years continuance, he is now become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mille-artifex, his perfit craftsmaster in infinite devices and subtleties. So that he doth at sundry times very manifoldly and variably suggest and plot, not only several and divers, but sometimes even contrary opinions and actions, one to another; howbeit all to one and the self same general end, of seducing mankind. Therefore (amongst his infinite deceits for hindrance of the Gospel, and of man's salvation by it) some whom he cannot pervert in doctrine, he seeketh to attaint in life. Others whom he cannot so easily seduce in their conversation, he oftentimes soweth his cockle & darnel of superstition, schism, & heresy in their hearts, and so perverteth them in judgement, and matter of religion. Some whom he cannot entangle by one sin, he tempteth to overthrow by a sin contrary unto it. Others whom he cannot snare by gross and actual sins, he gets ground of, by making them have over great estimation of their own supposed virtues and purity: so that they grow hereby both to a conceit and self love of themselves, and also to contemn and condemn others with the Pharise, saying: Oh God, I thank thee, that I am not as other men are: or as the Prophet speaketh touching such proud hypocrites, Depart from me, for I am holier than thou. Others he draweth into error by mistaking of the true quality or cause of things, as when, not being able to corrupt the general doctrine of the church, he persuadeth Preachers most to insist upon matters of mere circumstance, as if they were of especial necessity, and procureth the outward government & discipline to be obtruded & beat upon, for a principal point of doctrine. So that matters of the substance of doctrine & faith in deed, do either wholly slip by untaught, or else are so slightly and ignorantly slubbered over by such Preachers, that the common adversary the Papist, is thereby rather hardened then convinced in his opinions. Which practice may hereby appear to be the very subtlety of Satan, for that such do use far more earnestness and diligence to plant and bring in that their discipline, than they do for retaining of purity & soundness of doctrine, and are less incensed and vehement against Papists, than they are against such as impugn that fancy.  
Out of this head springs also that error of some, who do attribute all disorder and personal faults of men about execution of laws, unto the laws themselves, and unto the very policy of the Church: thereupon gathering with themselves, that the plot of Discipline (if it might come in place) will surely serve as a Mithridate and sovereign salve, to heal (with short applying) all diseases and sores, both of Church & Common wealth. Certain be so bewitched (in like sort) by a kind of admiration of that, which is (in itself) most necessary, as that in the mean time they overslippe matters of no less importance in the life of a Christian, because they think it sufficient, to be occupied only about the other.  
Hereupon it cometh, that sundry do attribute so much to the hearing of the word preached, that neither public nor private reading of Scripture, works of charity, praying, nor practise of that which is preached, is any whit almost regarded of them. Whereby they are always learning, but never come unto the knowledge of the truth, as if the very work wrought of hearing alone could make them good and perfect Christians. So that where in old time there were certain heretics called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who did nothing but pray: so (not without cause) have some feared, left such persons would bring in an heresy of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, putting all religion in bare hearing of Sermons. diverse also there are, who are so whetted against the abuse of things, that the Seducer hereby taketh opportunity, to draw them to omit even the good and commendable use of them. Such are those, that because they will not seem to confirm God's truth by human testimony, do therefore despise all light and help of good arts, and learned Interpreters, and in steed of them, do in their sermons nothing else, but blaze out their own frivolous and unsound Collections, trifling out the time (without order and method) by an heap of earnest and resonant, but undigested words, vain repetitions, tautologies and battologies, without any substance of matter, to the great abuse of their auditory, and of that excellent work. Many also are so afraid to fall into superstitious observation of days, commanded for abstinence and avoiding of most nutritive diet, that at such times they do usually most pamper their vile flesh, even with a purposed and settled contempt of good laws, in that behalf provided. Neither will this kind of persons (for the most part) use any private fasting, for subduing the body, but must have a whole side of a Country, or an whole family at least, know when they fast, and will not stick to ride out a dozen or twenty miles from home to fast with others for company (though without public authority) there to make ostentation of great humbling themselves, by abstaining perhaps from one meal, how plentifully and delicately soever they do fare at suppers, or at their next meal. Likewise, to avoid opinion of superstitious worship of the outward elements at Communion, sundry do refuse to kneel at the perception of it: and of the contrary side do fall to a profane and swinish (at least outward) irreverence of that high and excellent mystery. Others there are, who in avoiding superstition, are themselves become little less, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rom. 1.  then superstitious. For albeit the holy Ghost condemneth want of natural affection, as a sin: yet such persons, when their husbands, parents, or friends do die, are so far from moderate sorrow or mourning for them (lest happily they should seem to do it superstitiously and excessively, as those do, who have no hope) that on the contrary, they do (even with a kind of superstitious singularity) avoid all show of sorrow, as if it were a matter unlawful for any Christians, of their degree of perfection. And therefore they take unto themselves at such times, Music, Rosemary branches, and other tokens of joy and great solace. Howbeit, the holy Ghost greatly commendeth the devotion of them, 
Act. 8. 2.  who buried the Martyr S. Steven, and made great lamentation for him. Of whose resurrection nevertheless unto eternal life, those mourners had as good assurance, as any man now can have touching such, whom these do so pleasantly & jocundly tumble into the pit. Many also he deceiveth and drowneth in sin and impiety by some similitude and resemblance that it hath unto virtue and godliness, as, by making that which in deed is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, will-worship, to seem to be nothing else, but an earnest care to serve God: superstition to be taken for obedient devotion: hypocrisy, for true sincerity: a show of humbling a man's self by a meal or two abstinence, and hanging down the head like a bulrush, for true fasting, and subduing of the flesh: calumniation, slander, and disdain of others, for an hatred of sin: rancour and male contentment, for zeal of Gods. glory: schism and division, for an avoiding of the works of darkness and of pollution by them: seditious innovation, for lawful reformation: presumptuous expostulation in prayer with God, for fervency of the spirit: bitter invectives against others in praying, for desire of amendment in them, and to advance God's glory: overweening conceits, for extraordinary callings and gifts: hot and bloody pangs of malice and cruelty, for motions of God's spirit and revelation from him, with such like a great many, more them a good number. All these and such like, are usual practices and sleights of Satan, whereby even in the time of the Gospel, he cunningly inveigleth and slily entrappeth many, to the danger of themselves, to the scandal and downefal of others, and to the obloquy of true religion. It is necessary (saith Christ) that offences come: yet woe be to them, by whom they come. And there must needs be heresies (saith S. Paul) that such as be approved, may be made manifest. But of all the other, the last sort of them (being suggested by Satan, under the vizard of virtue, godliness; and religion) are most pernicious and devilish: and the poison of them spreadeth and rankleth furthest, to the disturbance and peril both of Church and Commonwealth, because hereby the Devil transformeth himself into an Angel of light. For as the most noble creature engendered, is most loathsome and base in his corruption: so is the untrue pretence and colour of piety and religion (things of themselves of chiefest price and excellency) the most dangerous snare and deadly dart, that Satan can shoote-foorth. 
Macchiavel.  The profane politic of our age, could observe, that show of piety and religion was the readiest and surest way, to blind and seduce a multitude. If then this imp of his, could mark it, shall we doubt, but that Satan himself, the forger of all subtleties, can see it, and accordingly also put it in practice? Yea, he hath put in ure this most dangerous devise, not only in this action (whereof we entreat) done in our late sight and knowledge, by his seduced instruments William Hacket, Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington: but at sundry other times also, by other his like factors, since the last renewing of the Gospel, begun in Germany, in our father's days. One or two of the most memorable of which examples recorded in history, it shall not (I trust) be amiss to compare with these late attempts and actions: both that the one and the other may be better known, and avoided hereafter, and that the efficacy of this strong illusion, may more fruitfully be weighed and considered.  
In military instructions it is prescribed, 
Polyaenus in Stratag.  not to use a Stratagem twice together in one age, for fear of over fresh remembrance, and thereby of prevention. Therefore Satan an old Leader, might not in his great policy, so soon after, have again assayed this practice so like (in most points) to the former in Germany, had he not perfectly known (by experience) the efficacy and rare working thereof, and therefore did repose in it, an especial confidence for raising of tumult, shedding of blood, and overthrow of states.  
But before I enter into that Comparison, it is requisite first to make narration of this late Conspiracy, with the circumstances thereof, as it was plotted and carried forward by them, so near, as I could inform myself therein, either by depositions of others, or from their own letters, writings, and original confessions upon examination.   

CONSPIRACY, FOR Pretended Reformation.  
ONE of the three principal persons in this Action (whereof we entreat) was Edmund Coppinger, a gentleman descended of a good house and lineage, and one of her majesties sworn servants, but a younger brother, having no great livelihood. His chief abode (as I have learned) for some years past, hath been in and about the City of London.  
Another of them is Henry Arthington, a gentleman likewise, whose place of birth and dwelling is said to be in Yorkshire: howbeit for the greatest part of certain years past, he hath remained and sojourned in or about London. It is constantly (how credibly I know not) reported by some, who pretend to know it, that this Arthington (at the times of his long aboades at London) did most converse with another gentleman of Yorkshire, by whose means, he presently stands more deeply engaged, than his mean estate might well bear, and whose company is feared to have wrought in him small dutiful opinion of the godly reformation planted and established by the means of her Majesty. It is discovered by the mutual letters of Arthington and the aforesaid other Yorkshire gentleman, that certain seditious and slanderous books against the Counsel, judges, and this whole Estate, were received & dispersed by them, being printed in Scotland.  
Now by such remaining about the City of Coppinger and Arthington, they fell to be acquainted together for some years past.  
These two made semblance, and so were holden to be professors of the Gospel, neither of the coldest or lewke-warme sort, (as such do untruly term others, who be in deed godly wise, with a sober moderation) but rather of those that more justly may be said, to be scalding hot in desire of innovation, which they falsely call reformation. They therefore standing thus affected, most willingly sorted themselves in familiarity with such, as by their demeanour may seem to repose a great part of their Christian profession and zeal in the only reproaching, and odious traducing of governors and government Ecclesiastical.  
These two having itching ears, most usually heaped to themselves, and made choice to hear and follow such preachers, as were thought fittest to feed their humour: which preachers, with their sad looks, frequent sighs abroad, long and vehement conceived prayers, bitter and plain invectives in private, and privy depraving in public, of the laws and policy Ecclesiastical, joined with their usual speeches, besides sundry infamous libels and other pamphlets spread already for advancing that government (which they strangely term The Discipline) may seem so to have inflamed these two persons, as that they thought this Discipline a worthy subject whereupon they should spend most of their actions and cogitations.  
Their minds being thus prepared, it happened that some preachers of this Discipline were begun to be proceeded with in the most honourable court of Star chamber, about the same time that this Coppinger (by means of one Giles Wigginton) came acquainted with William Hacket, the third actor and chief setter forth of this tragedy.  
Concerning the said Wigginton (because this also tendeth to the better understanding of the whole action) he was borne or bred up in Oundel in Northhamptonshire▪ (where Hacket dwelled) and he often resorted into that country by that occasion. He was not long since a minister, and Vicar of Sedberghe and Dent in the North parts, but for his intolerable insolences and contempts against laws, and the peace of the Church, was both deprived of that his benefice, and deposed from his ministery by authority of her majesties commission for causes Ecclesiastical, a man (by report of such as know him best, and favour him not a little) whose zeal never came behind knowledge, nor bold-hardie forwardness, at any time went after discretion in him.  
This Hacket had dwelled also by a long space in Oundel, where first he served one master Hussey an Esquire, by the space of ten years: and after, for some time he served Sir Thomas Tresham Knight: he was a notable bragging and quarrelsome fellow, yet thought in truth to be but a very recreant dastard.  
He long together used one lewd & ungodly practice, which was to resort unto sermons (of purpose) to gibe, mock, and carp at them: and having a good memory (which was the only commendable part in him) he used in scoffing manner to preach over again in alehouses, the sermons that he had heard, most insisting and sporting himself and others at such passages thereof, which pleased him least, or whereat he imagined any likely matter of deriding might be gathered.  
Whiles thus he served Master Hussey, he obtained (by his master's countenance) the marriage of one Moretons widow, of reasonable substance, having also a good Farm in that town. But he, following lose and licentious company, and an idle course of life, without labour or industry either to get or save, lewdly and riotously misspent and wasted in short space all her goods.  
It fell so out, that at length he pretended from a Papist or an Atheist, to be converted to religion and knowledge of the truth: at what time he grew to be of familiar and inward acquaintance with the said Giles Wigginton, and was an especial follower and disciple of his, both at public sermons and private conventicles. Of late times he was also consorted in partnership of malt-making with Wigginton: their great acquaintance and familiarity may appear by a letter sent from Hacket unto him, the third of March last, and by his lending unto Hacket of ten pounds: the superscription is, To the worshipful Minister of God's word, M. Giles Wigginton at Newgate. In the letter thus he writeth: M. Wigginton I desire to communicate my spirit at large with you, but I know not your keeper. And in the end thereof, thus: Good M. Wigginton make my sound heart known to master Cartwright, master Snape, master Udall, master Lord, etc.  
By his and such others (like affected men's) instructions and example of life and behaviour, he so profited, that in short space he proved one that professed with the forwardest, and practised with the frowardest. For falling as fools do, from one extremity to an other, Qui dum vitant vitia, in contraria currunt, he grew to a most insolent, proud, and contemptuous disdain of all preachers and others whomsoever, that flew not his pitch, or lay not to the level of his pretended zeal. But most gladly and with greatest felicity that might be, he used to spend his mouth largely in invectives, railings and contumelies against Bishops and other governors of the Church, and also against the laws, orders, and whole government Ecclesiastical, not sticking (as was probably suspected) to procure also sundry lewd infamous libels against them and other preachers, etc. to be framed and set up thereabouts.  
His detestation of Ecclesiastical orders commanded, was so great, that he could not endure to frequent the sermons which Ray the minister of that town did preach, because he seemed to him a little more conformable in some few matters (by authority established) than Hacket liked of. Wherefore on Sabbath days Hacket usually did resort to a place a mile off called Stoke (where the minister fitted his humour better) in company of some of like strain to himself, and of certain light idle gossips, whereof some of the sincerest were said to love and like him so little, as that she could oft times be content to take the meat off his trencher, which he had cut for himself, and to eat it up from him. But whensoever this devout flock came so near to Stoke Church, as they might perceive the minister to be yet at divine service and prayer: then they used to stay abroad and rest themselves in the Green churchyard there (without going into the Church) until they heard the Psalm begun before sermon, for fear lest they should be polluted by those prayers.  
One most memorable prank (above others) was played in Oundell by Hacket, which is renowned far and near for the unmanly brutishness of it. It happened that M. Hussey his master fell at debate and was offended with one Freckingham an artificer of the town. This Frechingham had a son which was a schoolmaster, who (as in nature he was bound) did take part with his father. Now Hacket meeting this schoolmaster in an Alehouse or Inn, did lovingly (as seemed) signify unto him how sorry he was, that there should be any breach betwixt his master and him the said schoolmaster, entertaining him (that suspected no treachery) with such good speeches, till spying an advantage, he so grasped both Freckingham his arms, as that he might easily hold him and throw him to the ground. Thus having gotten him down on the ground under him, Hacket most savagely and currishly bit off the poor schoolmaster nose with his teeth, which when he had so barbarously performed, both the said Freckingham and one Clement (a cunning Surgeon) instantly desired the nose of him again, that whiles the wound was fresh and green, it might be stitched on and grow again (as they conceived it would) to avoid so fowl and great deformity: but the Cannibal varlet not only utterly refused so to part with it, but held it up triumphantly, and showed it with great vaunterie and glory, to all that would behold it: and after (as some have reported) did in a most spiteful & devilish outrage eat it up.  
In process of time it happened that his master fell out with him, and put him from his service (I think for no good conditions) yet it is said that he was retained afterward in service (by what means I know not) with a very worshipful gentleman Sir Charles Morrison knight, nephew to his first master: and one of those, against whom he lately caused his two small prophets so vilely to exclaim, and so unworthily to charge, even openly in Cheapside.  
Besides his former virtues and good qualities, this Hacket was also a very great swearer and blasphemer of the name of God, in his younger years: which course, when afterward, to retain the reputation of a professor of the Gospel (whereof he made great pretence) he was forced to leave, he turned his single oaths (in truth) into worse and more horrible, joined with most fearful imprecations against himself, when soever he would make any asseverations, wherein he desired to be credited, as namely these: so God judge me, I renounce God, and God confound and damn me, or do so, or so unto me, if this be not true: which was so usual, and by long custom so inveterate in him, even till the time of his apprehension, that in the midst of his counterfeit holiness (whereby he seduced Coppinger and Arthington) he often burst forth into this kind of execration against himself, as an especial motive (amongst others) to have his words to be better believed by them. Arthington noted this course of Hackets as a notable virtue in him, and a matter of care zeal. His manner (saith he) of praying is as it were speaking to God face to face, denouncing his judgements against himself, if he dissemble, lie, or seek himself in any thing, but the honour of God only. He prayed so confidently for mistress H. that he charged God to have given her unto him, to restore her to her former health and liberty every way, saying, Lord, according to thy promise thou hast power, and I have faith, therefore it shall come to pass. This mistress H. is a Gentlewoman of London, who pretendeth or feareth to be possessed with a devil now fourteen years together.  
Besides these he was given to quaffing and drunkenness: being not only a Maltster, but a Malt-worm, and was addicted also to lascivious life with women, which commonly accompanieth the other vicious excess: for credit whereof, his own story or legend (which himself indited as a notable monument of his excellent virtues and special holiness) may give too sufficient testimony: for therein he telleth of many temptations in this kind with women, which (as himself confesseth) he rejected not altogether, but went further than either godliness or yet civil honesty would permit. But he pretendeth that these baits were offered and laid by his enemies (who sought matter against him) as snares and traps whereby to take his holiness tardy, that belike was so hard to be entangled. Insomuch as Arthington in the forefront of that history (which he did whiles he was yet seduced by Hacket) doth stamp this brand and censure upon it, that they were profane speeches and matters of women, which he would not have set down, but that he could not otherwise reveal the villainous practice which Hackets enemies intended for the overthrow of the Gospel of Christ, as he most childishly and ridiculously excused then the matter. For further proof and manifestation of his lascivious disposition, it is also informed from the place of his abode, that on a time (under colour of giving godly counsel) he attempted to have wickedly ravished a poor man's daughter, whereupon he was forced to step aside out of the way, for a season.  
Neither did the wickedness of this wretch here rest itself: for he was vehemently holden in suspicion, for committing also of sundry robberies.  
But that which maketh up the heap of all wickedness, is this: that the sink of these sins in him, he always smoothly covered and parieted over (especially for sundry late years) with a very rare outward earnestness in profession of true religion, and with a most entire (yea burning) desire of reforming (forsooth) the Church and common wealth, by establishing the Presbyterial Discipline, which he did imagine would prove like the box of Pandora, for it promiseth cure for all maladies and disorders.  
But this his zeal and desire of reformation, begun then most of all to enkindle itself in him, and to break forth, after that (by riotous misspending and licentious life) he had wasted the wealth that he had with the widow, whom he married, whose hap was very hard to match with him, albeit he made more of her than she desired, for he made the uttermost penny. For than he begun with counterfeit holiness to set out himself (amongst such of the simpler sort as had zeal without knowledge) to be a man endued with an extraordinary and singular spirit, such as (in old time) the prophets and holy men of God were: making show withal, as if he had some peculiar gifts and qualities, to be able even to tell secrets and work miracles, which many believed: whereof some did attribute them to sorcery and enchantments, but the simpler sort unto his rare spirit and holiness.  
For he trusted by this persuasion to get such credit with the unstable multitude, as that by their hands he might one day be able (whosoever should withstand it) to bring his purposes about, for erecting of such pretended Discipline, to his own great estimation and advancement. In this vain and seduecing humour, he is reported (I know not how truly) to have traveled in the North parts unto York: for among the simpler people (where he was not known) he hoped by the vizard of holiness and religion, not a little to prevail, in setting forwards his designments. For which purpose he took upon him there the office and spirit of S. john Baptist, affirming, that he was sent thither by God, to prepare the way of the Lord before his second coming to judgement. But the counterfeit holiness & lewd seducing purpose of the varlet being discovered unto some in authority, he was welcomed not with loss of his head (as that holy man unjustly was, whom he wickedly counterfeited) but was well whipped & after banished that city.  
This medicine wrought not so effectually with him, as that it could terrify him wholly from the like attempts. For it is reported, that after this he assayed again to put on the like person or mask at Lincoln, where he also found the same cheer & entertainment for his pains, as he received afore at York.  
But this erroneous opinion (whereby through self-love and illusion of the devil, he thought that he was reserved of God for somegreat and excellent work, being blown forward by the show of zeal, and of an earnestness for such a reformation) could not thus easily be quenched and rooted out of him: the rather, for that by use and imitation of such as he most followed & conversed with (though otherwise he were wholly unlettered) he had grown to such a dexterity in conceiving of extemporal prayers, with bombasted and thundering words, as that he was thereby marveled at, and greatly magnified by some brethren and sisters, as a man greatly vouchsafed with God, and adorned with rare and singular endowments from heaven, so that through adimiration of such supposed excellencies in him, he still continued to fancy unto himself, that he had rare gifts and an extraordinary calling. For he gave out to divers that he was a Prophet of God's vengeance, where his mercy is refused: saying that If Reformation be not established in England this present year, three great plagues shall fall upon it, the sword, pestilence and famine. He pretended also that God had revealed unto him most wonderful things, Which he would (he said) utter to none but such as himself knew to be very resolute in God's cause: But he told unto Arthington and Coppinger, that there should be no more Popes hereafter.  
Upon confidence of which spirit and gifts in himself, in places of his resort, with an intemperate and fanatical boldness, (even as if he had sufficient warrant for it) he dared oftentimes to utter most vile, lewd, and seditious speeches both of the Queen's Majesty and of certain the greatest subjects whom he thought to be hinderers of his practices. Which his outrages being once or twice brought unto the ears of certain in authority in Northamptonshire, and elsewhere (not sufficiently acquainted with the strange humours of such anabaptistical wizards and fanatical sectaries) and perhaps unwilling to let his words be drawn so far against him, as they justly might: they were therefore content to attribute them to some spice of frenzy in him, and in that quality to be corrected, rather than to construe them to have proceeded from any settled and advised malice, as the event hath since made most manifest they did. For in the whole course beside of other the speeches and actions of his life, both before and after, none alienation of mind or madness, could be noted in him.  
At one of the times that he was brought in question for his seditious, and in deed treasonable speeches, it happened that he was convented before that honourable counsellor Sir Walter Mildmay, who commanded him (for more safeguard) to be watched the night before he was to be conveyed to Northhampton jail, at what time the counterfeit dissembling wretch, willed his wife to let him lie alone in the chamber that was to be watched, for that he had to confer with one, that would come unto him that night: insinuating unto her, as if he were to have at that time, some special conferences with God, or some Angel. Whereupon it was straightway blown abroad thereabouts, amongst the credulous multitude of those, that either favoured him for supposed zeal, or feared him for sorceries, that (albeit there were no candles used) yet there was a great light (that night) seen shining in his chamber: so that by this tale, the erroneous opinions afore conceived of him, were greatly increased.  
After he had lain in Northhampton jail a good space, and was to come unto his trial (in the absence of Sir Walter from thence) the matter is thought to have been so handled by some (who in favour of his forwardness, would needs interpret his felonies to be but follies) as that (none evidence being given against him) he was dismissed for that pull: upon band entered, for his appearance, when he should be called for again.  
Now Hacket (a man thus qualified as ye hear) was of all other men thought by Wigginton most fit and worthy, to be recommended, and straightly linked unto Coppingers familiar acquaintance: as most aptly consorting with his humorous conceit, long ere this apprehended by him, whereof it seemeth Wigginton was not ignorant, nor misliked.  
Their acquaintance was wrought in this manner, as Hacket testifieth in that discourse (which they since call Hackets history enlarged) indited by himself, written by Coppinger, and afterward copied out fair by Arthington, as it should have gone to the press, being annexed to arthington's prophesy. For there it is said: that the Lord brought Hacket to London (about the beginning of Easter term last) to see what would be done against job Throgmorton, and partly to reckon with M. Wigginton about the making of malt between them together: At what time Wigginton said, that there was a Gentleman in the City, a very good man: but Hacket (as the Lord knoweth) did not think that there had been one godly man in the land: and supposed the twelfth Psalm belonged to this time. When Wigginton was describing the man, and the matter that he was entering into, viz. that the man whom he spoke of, had a message to say to his Sovereign, concerning some practice intended against her, from dealing wherein, the Preachers in London had wonderfully discouraged him: then Hacket answered thus: did you so also? No saith Wigginton: then said Hacket, encourage him in any wise: for what know you, what matter it is, he hath to say? Hereupon Wigginton sent for the said Edmund Coppinger to come to the Counter to speak with him: who (by God's providence) came forthwith, & Wigginton willed them to take acquaintance one of the other, assuring Coppinger that he knew Hacket to be a man truly fearing God, and such a person, as by whose conference, God might minister some comfort to Coppinger: whereupon they two, (viz. Coppinger & Hacket) went from thence presently unto Hackets chamber at the sign of the Castle without Smith field bars: so soon as they were entered the chamber, Coppinger desired that before any speech should pass between them, they might first pray to God together, which they did: Hacket speaking to the Lord first. After which prayer, Coppinger delivered unto Hacket, how he had been very strangely & extraordinarily moved by God to go to her Majesty, & to tell her plainly, that the Lords pleasure was, that she must (with all speed) reform herself, her family, the Commonwealth, & the Church: & that the Lord had further told him, by what means all the same should be done: but that secret he would not then deliver unto Hacket. Then Copp. also prayed unto God, desiring him, if he would be with him, & bless that business (which he had committed to his charge) that then he would both furnish him with gifts fit for soweightie an action, & knit the heart of Hacket & his, so together, as David's & jonathans', Moses & Aaron's: for answer hereof, Hacket took further time till the morning, at which time in the morning (apraier being first made) Hacket laid all the Lords business (which was to be done by himself) upon Coppingers back: telling him the Lord had appointed him to it, & would stand with him in it. Thus far in this point goeth that discourse.  
But long before this time of their two first acquaintances, Coppinger (upon his return forth of Kent, in Michaelmas term last) had signified unto Arthington, and to one T. Lancaster, a Schoolmaster in Shoe-lane, (both being of his familiar acquaintance, and whom he had requested to fast and pray with him, for success in obtaining a widow) that God had showed him the said Copp great favour, by revealing such a secret mystery unto him as was wonderful, being in substance thus much, viz. that he knew away, how to bring the Queen to repentance, & to cause all her Council & Nobles to do the like out of hand, or else detect them to be traitors that refused: All they by such repentance, meaning & understanding (as it seemeth) the erecting of their fanciful Discipline. For this phrase being usual with them in conferences of this matter, he thereby sufficiently declared his mind to them, & they well understood what was meant, without further a do.  
Now it had been inconvenient that Coppinger should all this while conceal this mystery (which he imparted unto them, & after to Hacket) from Wigginton, who brought them acquainted together, unto whom he so oft resorted, and so highly above all other Preachers esteemed, for his resolute dealings in God's matters, as he terms them: whom he also after advouched unto Arthington, as an irrefragable witness to be persuaded by, that would justify the truth of Hackets torments, & whom he also knew more often busied, for attaining of that discipline (which himself also laboured for) then perhaps for heaven itself. And you see, that he had accordingly done it, Wigginton not discouraging him therein.  
This proposition so made by Coppinger, Arthington saith, that he & Lancaster misliked, as a matter impossible by Copp. to be done, but by the Lord jesus only, & such, whereof the issue could not fall out well any way, & so put him off for the first time: not understanding, in what manner, & by what special means, Coppinger conceived, that such repentance should be wrought in the Queen's Majesty, & in others.  
The manner and other circumstances of the first revealing of this pretended mystery, Coppinger himself at large declareth in a letter written the 4. of February last, unto T. C. in prison: the occasion of writing it, he there saith, was the said T. C. offer to take knowledge (by writing) from him, of such matter, as might induce him, to suppose himself to have received some hope of special favour from God, to some special use: but yet, without warrant from the word, direction of the holy spirit, & approbation of the Church, he was (he said) most unwilling to enter into so great an action. The letter is long, but to this effect: that upon some extraordinary humiliation of him, he, with some other, and a guide of their exercise, joined in a fast: their guide (in the evening) spoke of the use of fasts, etc. and then willed the others to add to that, which he had delivered, either for the general, or particular causes, which moved them to humble themselves: that a great part of the said night Coppinger found himself very extraordinarily exercised, etc. by such a motive, as he could not well describe: partly comforted with a wonderful zeal, which he found himself to have, to set forth God's glory any ways, which lawfully he might enter into: partly cast down by such a burning fire of concupiscence, as in his greatest strength of body, he had not found the like: that the next day, he riding into the Country, (as he rid) fancied to himself, that there was leave given him to speak to God, in a more familiar manner, then at any time before: and also persuaded himself, that God's spirit did give him many strange directions, wherein the Lord would use him to do service to his most glorious Majesty, and to his Church. Upon which, he had thought to have returned presently back, and to have left his intended journey: but going on, and after being returned back, he imparted to his former fast-fellowes the work of God in him, and desired they might again join in the like, which he (with some other) went forward with, to their comfort, but without their chief guide, for he refused to join. 
Note.  Hereupon (he saith) that he was again stirred up to such business of such importance, as in the eyes of flesh and blood, were likely to bring much danger to himself, and unlikely to bring any good success to the Church of God: hereof he writ to some Preachers out of the Realm, and to some in the Realm: at length he writ hereof to one in the City that was silenced: who resolved him, that God did yet work extraordinarily in some persons to some special uses. Hereupon he obtained this Preachers consent to join with him and about four others on the lords day, in a fast: which day was chosen, that they might not hinder their worldly affairs in the week, and that they used means to have notice given to some of the Preachers in prison, of the day of their humiliation, desiring them to commend to God in their prayers the holy purposes, 
Note.  which any fearing God, should (in time) attempt to take in hand, by seeking to bring glory to God, and good to the Church: that in their prayers at the said fast, he and others did beseech God, that if he had appointed to use any of them to do any special service to him and his, that to that end he would extraordinarily call them, that he would seal up his, or their such calling, by some special manner, by his holy spirit, and give such extraordinary graces and gifts, as are fit for so weighty an action. The night following (he saith) he thought (in his sleep) that he was carried into heaven: and there being wonderfully astonished with the Majesty of God, and brightness of his glory, he made a loud, and most strange noise, whereby he awaked his brother that lay with him, and some in the next chamber. Since which time (saith he) I find every day more and more comfort: and suppose, that there is somewhat in me, which myself am not so fit to judge of: and therefore I desire the Church (I mean yourself, and such as you shall name unto me, because I cannot come to you without danger to yourself and me) to look narrowly into me: & if I be thought to be any way misled, I crave sharp censuring: if I be guided by God's spirit to any good end, as hereafter shall be adjudged, I shall be ready to acquaint you and them, with generalities and particularities, so far forth as you & they be desirous to look into. At this time, the end of my writing is only to acquaint you with the occasions of mine entering into this great action, and to have your further answer to some questions, 
Note.  wherein I desire to be resolved: with your direction also, what hereafter I am to signify to yourself, concerning the matter itself. Oh the questions wherein he thus desired resolution, I do find two copies of Coppingers own hand: the one more large and confused, the other briefer, and in better order, but both to one purpose, which to have set down, may give good light (in mine opinion) to this narration.  

The questions to be resolved, viz.  
Whether there be (in these days) any extraordinary workers & helpers to his church, either apostles, evangelists, or prophets, where need requires, more or less? or Nazarites, healers, admonishers, in any special sort?  
If there be, is not their calling immediate from God, & his spirit, a seal unto their spirits, through which they have such excellent gifts and graces of wisdom, knowledge, courage, magnanimity, zeal, patience, humility, etc. as do manifest such their calling to the Church?  
If such graces and gifts shall appear, whether may the Church enter into consideration of the success, which God may please to give, yea or no? If they may, in what manner are they to proceed with such a person, extraordinarily called?  
If it shallbe confessed, that there may be until the end of the world immediate callings from God: whether may the same be found in a Country, where the Gospel is truly preached, and the Sacraments (in some sort) truly administered, though not universally, but here and there, not perfectly, but in part: and where the true discipline is not established, but oppugned by the public Magistrates, etc.  
If it shall be answered that none extraordinary callings are to be looked for, but where there is a waste of the Church, whether can it be truly said, that there is awaste of the Church, where the Prince, and chief Magistrates, are ignorant of the necessity of the discipline, opposing themselves against it, persecuting such as seek it: by means whereof, all wicked persons whatsoever, be admitted to public exercises of the word, and to the lords Table: whether (I say) may it be hoped for, that God (for his glories sake, & the good of the church) may extraordinarily call some, by giving him a spirit above others, 
Note.  to deal with the Magistrate in the name of God: to provide that the people may every where be taught, and true discipline executed, where the people already have knowledge?  
Whether where there be wanting Pastors, Doctors, Elders, Deacons, and widows, etc. in the Church established, and only a Minister thrust upon the people to be their Pastor, without their choice or liking: whether it can be truly said, a man so placed (though furnished with all inward gifts and graces of God's spirit fit for that calling) hath the lawful and perfit calling of a Minister, or no?  
To these I find wigginton's resolution made under his own hand, to this effect briefly, viz. That God hath, doth, and will, from time to time raise up extraordinary workers, and helpers, to his Church, as Apostles, Evangelists, and Prophets, where need requireth, and as Nazarites, Healers, Admonishers in special sort, & such like: that these cannot be known to themselves, but by God's spirit, nor to others, but by godly effects: That he who is so called, need not to ask many questions of mortal men for his calling, yet must be approved godly before he enterprise his work, especially, if he have been a known wicked person before.  
That where the chief rulers of any house or Country, or the most part of any house or Country be ignorant, & untaught, there it may be truly said, that house or Country is out of frame, desolate, or waste: much more then, when one part of 30. or 40. is not well framed, rightly taught, or guided, etc. in that house or Country.  
And in another paper of his own hand, he avoucheth such extraordinary callings, by example of one that cried up and down the streets in jerusalem, before it was besieged, and by another, which (he saith) the last Parliament came forth of Yorkshire to London, saying he was charged from God by an Angel in a vision, to signify great vengeance from God upon the whole Realm, for certain great enormities by himself (in another man's person) untruly and seditiously surmised. So that hereby it appeareth, that Wigginton is the silenced Preacher, meant by Coppinger in the former letter, who resolved him of extraordinary callings in those days: who consented to fast & pray with him & others, for a seal etc. of such calling: and who (as he afterward affirmed to Hacket) would not discourage Coppinger in his purposes.  
This conceit hereupon waxing stronger & stronger in Coppinger, he often came to Lancaster's house (where also Arthington then lay) to confer with them: specially to know the certainty, whether there were any extraordinary calling in this last age, & how the same might be tried? They both told him (as is now said) that they were mere ordinary men, not able to resolve him, much less to take trial of his gifts, & therefore willed him to keep his secrets to himself, or else to go to others, that could better judge of them. Whereupon Copp. sought for direction to divers Preachers, & others in London, & else where, of what settled disposition may easily be conjectured: for resolution also herein (by the help of his diligent fellow-labourer in this business, john ap Henry alias a Penry) he solicited the reform Preachers (so these fellows term them) of some foreign parts.  
It may also be gathered by some letters written by him to a Gentleman near about a great Counsellor, that he bore the said Gentleman in hand, as if he had intelligence, touching some matter of great service to her Majesty, and the Commonwealth, to be imparted to the said Counsellor. For in the copy of a letter of his, of the 28. of januarie last, he thus writeth. Your signification of some service, which you heard I was desirous to do, in discharge of my duty to her Majesty, may give his L. cause to suspect, that I honour him not so much as I do. Your revealing thereof to his L. I do assure you, doth much trouble me, because I am not furnished with such matter as I wish. My meaning was therefore to have forborn his L. trouble, until I had learned out that, which my heart desireth to do, etc. And in another letter of his, written to the same Gent. the 1. of Febru. after, in this sort: If you think he looketh to have me come to his L. (about any thing which you have put into his head) let me understand from you when I may attend his L. pleasure, which being known, I will (according to my duty) do it, though I wish myself to be freed, until I may know that, which may give his L. cause to think of me, as I do desire to deserve, etc.  
Now that this matter was the same whereof he desired such resolution, may be gathered by a note of his own hand, set upon the back of these two copies, thus: viz. By these letters it may appear, what care I had to carry myself in this action. But in his letters (about this matter) written unto Preachers, & others of his own humour, he goeth more plainly to work, and declareth another purpose, and that it is aspeciall service by him to be done, to God and his Church, and so no civil matter, as he elsewhere pretendeth.  
For I find by a letter of another Gentleman of the Laity, 
P. W.  dated the 25. of januarie last, and written unto Coppinger in answer: that Coppinger had sent for him up, to receive advise of him in some matters of importance, tending to the true service of God, wherein he was labouring: in the end whereof are these words, viz. you are in a plentiful soil, where you may use the advise of many godly wise: use the benefit thereof: and then (as joshua said) be bold, and of a good courage: fear not to be discouraged for God, even the mighty God, will protect, and defend you.  
In his soliciting the Preachers to take trial of his gifts & extraordinary calling, it appeareth he used some more plainness, without much disguising of the quality of the action, which he intended, and likewise how faintly he was discouraged from it by them. For in a letter of his unto T. L. written the 29. of january last, he reporteth, that M. E. (a Preacher) most Christianly, wisely, and lovingly persuaded him to be careful & circumspect over himself: to take heed lest he were deceived by the subtlety of Satan, and so misled: whereby he might endanger himself both for his liberty, estate & credit, and also be an hindrance to the great cause, 
Note.  which he would seem to be most desirous to further, but withal, the said M. E. concluded, that he would be loath to quench the spirit of God in him, or to hinder his zeal.  
About this time & matter, Coppinger writ also another letter to T. C. which thing (besides the letter itself) appeareth also by a letter of his, written the 24. of February last, to one M. H. The whole tenor of the letter unto T. C. is (in mine opinion) meet to be here inserted, 
Note.  in many respects, viz. Right Reverend Sir, I have with much grief been put back from doing some special service to God and to his Church, which I hope time will manifest, that I am appointed for: which if it had been done by enemies, it should not much have troubled me: but being done by persons as much regarded by me, as flesh & blood can regard men, it goeth near unto me. From you I received this message, that I should attempt nothing but by advise of those, whom you would procure to counsel me: this was done from you in the name of the Lord of heaven & earth, & therefore I obey it with great care and conscience, expecting at your hands, that Monday being the day appointed for conference, that it may hold: that I may be iustifiedin my course, or condemned. The danger that some stand in for their lives, is not unknown: and if I had not been letted, 
Note.  I durst have ventured my life, to have procured their release ere now. God help us: I see wisdom, zeal, courage, & love are seen but in few, & those who would gladly use those graces & gifts which God hath given them, cannot: but God seethe what is best to be done, and he will by contrary effects bring to pass, whatsoever pleaseth him. If you will answer my last questions, there may much use be made of them. I desire them as much in regard of others as myself, who am resolved of divers things, whereof I crave to be resolved, which I do to good purpose. And as you commanded me (in the name of God) to be wise and circumspect and to deal by counsel, so, (as I may) I command you in the name of God, that you advise the preachers to deal speedily and circumspectly, 
Note.  lest some blood of the saints be shed, which must needs bring down vengeance from heaven upon the land. Return this letter I beseech you to me, that I may show it (amongst other things) when the meeting shall be, and commend me & my purposes to God in your holy prayers, that they may so far be blessed, as himself is the director of them: God keep us ever his, this 14. of Febr. There is also this postscript. I am so full of worldly business, as I have no time to attend this weighty action, but do only wait upon God for the direction of his spirit, saving my heart and soul are still mindful hereof, and to morrow (by God's grace) I will humble myself before his majesty in fasting and prayer, & hope, that God will stir up some other to join with me in spirit, though few or none in person do, only one I am assured of, 
Note.  the prisoners know it: I leave it to them to join or not, as God moves them, but if ever men will fast and pray, I think it is now more than time to do it. The superscription was this: To my very loving and reverend friend master C.  
He dealt also (about this matter) with another gentleman of the laity, 
I. T.  in one of whose letters written in answer unto Coppingers, the 18. of the fifth month (meaning thereby May) I find these words of some mark. I confess (saith he) I heard some buzz abroad of a sole and singular course, that either you or some other had plotted in his head. And a little after thus: I would wish you and all that bear good will to the holy cause in this perilous age of ours, to take both your eyes in your hands (as they say) and to be sure of your ground and warrant before you strive to put in execution. 
Strive to put in execution.   
Besides these and some others, he instanted both by word and letters (in Easter term last) about this business, a certain gentleman. In his first letter to the said gentleman, dated 19 of May last, Coppinger promiseth to him in the name of the L. a recompense in the life to come, for that in the Star chamber he feared God more than man, in such a glorious action, so pleasing to God, so behoveful to his Church, which shall also remain of record here to all posterity. And a little after thus: If after your own holy private prayer you find any desire of speech, with me, let me entreat you, either to send this letter to M. Cartwright, or rather (if you can) carry it unto him, etc. The second letter which he writ to the said Lawyer the 21. of May (they having in the mean time conferred together) was thus word by word. Let thy spirit (O gracious father) direct us now and for ever, in all our ways, especially in those, whereby greatest honour may redound to thy glorious majesty, most benefit to thy church, and most danger to thine enemies.  
Good Sir and my loving brother in the Lord, though such as are admitted to consult with God, & have by prayer & meditation much familiarity and acquaintance with his holy majesty, need not doubt of good success, in all things which he setteth them a work in, (though Satan & his vassals cross their course, & hinder their labour by all the means they can) yet is it also necessary that while we remain in the fellowship & communion of the saints, that we communicate one with another, that as loving children we may all join together, to help each other, to be doers of our heavenly fathers will here on earth, as the angels do it in the heavens. The conscience which I had hereof, enforced me to write unto you lately, and the like moved you to speak with me upon that letter. And truly I did observe many things (in that little time we spent together) were said & done, which might move either of us to praise our good God, & to cheer us up, 
Note.  to further so holy an action as now is in hand, which must needs speed well in the end, because it is the Lords own work. And if we adventure ourselves to do him service here, he will reward elsewhere. You may be bold, for you have the warrant of the word, the allowance of the state, and you walk in your own calling: But I am to be fearful and circumspect, because the dangers I enter into, be infinite, my course misliked (though unknown) because it is extraordinary, which callings be ceased in all men's opinion of judgement, and have not (of long time) been heard of, or to be hoped for, but where the word is not preached at all, or the Church in a great waste, which no body dare affirm our Church of England to be. Wherefore it seemeth that every step that I shall make herein, shall be upon thorns, & therefore I am to fear pricking: yet for all this I am not without hope, neither is the same grounded but by good warrant. The end why I writ unto you, is this, to entreat you to give thanks to those holy men all on my behalf, who are now in question. I have reaped much benefit from them, by their carriage towards me, though they know it not: for I durst not (in regard of danger which might grow to them) visit any of them, since I found myself carried with a zeal to do somewhat in the same cause, for which they suffer. If by some effects hereafter I may show it, that is it which I desire to do, and in the mean time do what I can to persuade the saints, that in this action I seek God's glory and not mine own. I have been heretofore put back and dissuaded from attempting any thing (lest I marred all) by the wisest, the learnedst, the zealousest and holiest preachers of this City, great causes and weighty reasons moving thereunto. But yet this will not make me leave it, but still I am enforced (by little and little) to labour to make myself fit to take upon me the managing of it. Wherefore if it please you to show the other letter and this, and beseech them from me to lay them before the Lord, when they shall meet and join together in prayer: and if the Lords spirit shall assure their spirits, that he hath been, is, and will be with me in this action (how hard soever it seemeth to be) let me by their means be vouchsafed this favour, that I may be allowed conference with the preachers of the City: which suit I make not for that I would seek to have approbation from them, or any other living creature, but from God himself: or that I purpose to do that which heretofore I have been advised unto, 
Note.  namely, acquaint them with the courses (which I purpose by God's assistance to take in hand) whereby great danger might grow to them, and little good to me: but that my carriage towards them, may witness unto them the humility of my mind, and lowliness of my spirit, & care and conscience not to enter into the matter, without offer to have my gifts examined, & if they shallbe supposed to be such as the church may have use of, then let all holy means be used, which shallbe advised to be fit to be done in such a dangerous time, and weighty action. So beseeching God to govern us in all our ways, and preserve us in all our dangers, and supply us with whatsoever we stand in need of, I humbly and hearty commend you to God, this 21, day of May, 1591.  
The effect of the speeches which Coppinger had with him at their conference (as the said gentleman himself reported) was to commend the cause of the preachers committed, to encourage him to the defence of it, adding that it was the truth of God, & that in the end it would prevail. Then the said Coppinger began to declare unto him his revelations, his great fasting and prayer, and how God had endued him with an extraordinary grace of prayer, persuasion or prophesy: & that God had appointed him (as he was persuaded) to reveal the will of God touching the reformation of his Church, that he had an extraordinary calling to do good to the Church, and what several conflicts he had in himself before he yielded to this extraordinary motion or calling from God. Therefore his request was, that by the said gentleman's means, his gifts and calling might be tried and allowed by those godly preachers, etc. What the preachers and others that were conferred with, answered to Coppinger herein, and whether more dutifully to the estate, then warily: so as they might neither (as they thought) endanger themselves, nor kill or discourage the zeal of that their brother, in so pretended holy a cause, may partly by that which is afore spoken appear, and we may then believe them when they shall tell us the whole truth thereof.  
But how slender and cold discouragement he found with some preachers of London (with whom he dealt) touching his fantastical extraordinary calling, and dangerous plots, may also appear by these words found in a letter of his, viz. Good master L. as master E. former carriage in this action (which standeth me much upon to deal advisedly in) did somewhat trouble me, so his Christian and loving answer (delivered now by you from him unto me) doth much comfort me, 
A comfortable change.  though by reason of some particular business (which I must necessarily follow) I cannot attend till Friday in the after noon, or Saturday any part of the day▪ And after in the same letter thus: Satan by his angelical wisdom (which he still retaineth) doth many times prevail with the holiest to make them fear good success in the best causes, in regard of the lets and hindrances which himself layeth in the way. It cannot be denied but That the cause is good, which I desire to be an actor in: but it is said by some that it is impossible that I should be fit to meddle therein. So that here a christian & loving answer to his great comfort is given, further conference by speech is offered, & the course not so much misliked, as the success only is doubted by reason of his unfitness that was to be an actor in it.  
But what resolution herein was also returned from the preachers of foreign parts to this case of conscience propounded by Coppinger, may hereby (not unprobably) be gathered. Arthington at one of his examinations confessed, that Penrie sent a letter unto him forth of Scotland, wherein he signified, that Reformation (for so they speak) must shortly be erected in England: & herein he said, that he took Penrie to be a prophet. Now it is sure that Penrie conveyed himself privily into England, and was lurking about London, at the self same time when these other prophets arose in Chepeside, attending (as seemeth) the fulfilling of this his prophesy als by their means.  
How dutifully and advisedly those that be subjects have dealt, which (having intelligence hereof) did conceal it, till it burst forth of itself, with apparent danger to her Majesty and the whole state may thus be gathered. For by this conceit of Coppingers (you hear) it is pretended and surmifed, that a commendable cause, a cause to be defended, yea the very truth of God, (which must prevail) is by the state suppressed and kept under: that it is the will of God to have such a reformation: that impoachment of it is offered by the Queen, Counsel and Nobles: that this is a great sin meet to be repent of by them: that they must be brought to this repentance: that the penalty against any of them that refuse to be brought, is to be detected as Traitors, an offence deserving death: that this must be done out of hand: that the will of God (in great favour for the good of his Church) was revealed to him in this behalf, being a man of much fasting, prayer, rare gifts, a prophet, an extraordinary man, with an extraordinary calling; such as was not to be be judged of, or discerned by mere ordinary men, and whereinto he entered not rashly or on a sudden, but after many conflicts with himself before his yielding to God's extraordinary motion and calling: but submitting himself nevertheless, to have his gifts and calling tried and allowed of, by the best reformed Preachers, and therefore not worthy to be suspected, or discredited: that the way to bring them to this repentance was a secret mystery, such as those preachers and others whom he conferred with (albeit they held it a work to be wished at God's hands) yet by his talk gathered the manner of bringing it in, to be so dangerous, as that they feared the success, and refused to be made acquainted with the particular ways and means, which he had plotted to effect it. Thereby making choice rather that Coppinger should venture to put it in practice (if he remained resolute herein, which they found by him) of what dangerous consequence soever such a way might be, then that they, by bewraying of him to authority, should be any means to break of and prevent his resolution, or quench his zeal. And thus (with opinion of safety to themselves) they merchandized the hazard of their friend's life, or else the rearing of sedition in the Realm, with the hope that secretly they nourished, to have the Discipline (which they dream of) erected.  
Thus Coppinger (remaining still more confirmed and selted in this vain) by his Pue-fellowe Wigginton about Easter term last being (as is aforesaid) brought acquainted with Hacket (as with a most holy man) soon after would needs bring Arthington also acquainted with him, as one, whom (upon so small knowledge) he had observed, to be a very rare man. For this purpose he sent for Arthington to dinner or supper unto lawson's house near to Paul's gate, where Arthington met first with Hacket, together with another, whom he calleth a godly man: of whose ordinary talk than had, Arthington liked very well: but had (as he saith) at that time no further conference with him. After which time, Arthington discontinued from the City, & remained in Yorkshire until Trinity term, leaving Hacket and Coppinger behind him, piotting of their purposes together: what purposes they had, what counsel they entered into and what conferences they entertained betwixt themselves and with others, by the events ensuing, will best be discovered. After this, Hacket stayed not long in London, but desired Coppingor at his departure, to write unto him what success I. T. had, & withal assuring him, that whensoever he should write for him, he the said Hacket would straight way come up again. Hereupon Coppinger writ unto him first at the end of Easter term, and after again very earnestly to be at London three days before the beginning of Trinity term last, but he could not be here so soon by three or four days. When he was come, he lodged the first night at Islington: but sent his horse down again into the country, as purposing to stay long in London. Then after a night or two (one of which nights he lodged at the said lawson's house by wigginton's direction) he was provided of a chamber and of his board at one Ralph kate's house in Knight-rider street by Coppingers means, and at his charges, for he cost Coppinger there eleven shillings by the week: But Keys waxing weary of him (in part for that he feared Hacket was a conjuror or witch, in that the Camomile (he saith) in his Garden where Hacket either trodden or sat, did whither up the next night, and waxed black) therefore Coppinger provided at his own charges like wise an other room for him, at one Walkers house by Broken wharf, where he remained until his apprehension.  
Whiles Hacket was at Keys house, he used before & after meals to pray (as seemed) most devoutly and zealously, but never for the Queen's Majesty. Hacket also told Keys, that if all the Divines in England should pray for rain, if he said the word, yet it should not rain.  
The first of the aforesaid letters which Coppinger writ unto Hacket to move him to come up, doth contain matter of note beside, not unfit to be known. Brother Hacket (saith he) the burden which God hath laid upon me (you being the instrument to make me bold and courageous, where I was fearful and faint) is greater than I can bear without your help here, though I have it where you are. The workings of his holy spirit in me since your departure, be mighty and great: my zeal of spirit burneth like fire, so that I cannot contain myself▪ and conceal his mercies towards me. And a little after in the same letter: Master Thr▪ is put off till the next term, the zealous preachers (as it is thought) are to be in the Star Chamber tomorrow, the Lord by his holy Spirit be with them: myself (if I can get in) am moved to be there: 
Note.  and I fear (if sentence with severity be given) I shall be forced (in the name of the great and fearful God of heaven) to protest against it: my desire is, that you haste up so soon as you can: your charges shall be borne by me. And some what after, thus: If his most holy Spirit direct you to come, come: If not, stay: but writ with speed, and convey your letter and enclose it in a letter to him, who brought you and me acquainted (uz. Wigginton) put not your name to it, for discovery: direct your letter thus, To my loving brother in the Lord▪ give these my letters: I put to no name, but the matter you know, which sufficeth. Pray that the Lord may reign, and that his subjects may obey: that all instruments whatsoever, that shall be used, may be furnished with such gifts and graces as every one have, or shall have need of: that it▪ may appear, that the action (now in hand) is his own: and therefore he will provide safety for his holy ones, and destruction for those who are vessels of wrath: who have accomplished the number of their sins, which call for vengeance from heaven. These letters Hacket carried to Pamplin schoolmaster of Oundell to be read unto him, for that himself could neither write nor read: but I have not yet heard that he complained thereof to any in authority.  
When Arthington also about the midst of Trinity term last was returned to London, Coppinger (hearing thereof) came to his lodging, and then (with many words) extolled and magnified Hacket unto him, for the holiestman that ever was, Christ only excepted, & one that travailed (together with him) for the good of the Queen & the land, but after an extraordinary manner, and not both by one means. And albeit Arthington (as now he saith) desired them to keep their secrets to themselves, and not to trouble him with them, (who had other business to attend:) yet Coppinger importuned him so, as he could not avoid, but yield to hear Hacket pray before them (as a man of a singular spirit, albeit utterly unlearned of the book.) The first prayer of his (that Arthington heard) was about four or five weeks before their apprehension. All which prayers conceived by Hacket (even since his apprehension) the said Arthington praised to be so divine, sweet and heavenly, that thereby he was drawn into a great admiration of him. In all the prayers that Hacket made in his presence, Arthington observed this difference from other men's: that he usually therein desired the Lord to confound him, if he did not seek only his honour and glory in all things: which Arthington marking from time to time in him, and seeing him still to be so perfectly sound and very well, was thereby drawn (together with Coppingers words and experience of him) to reckon and esteem of him, as of a most holy man.  
This lesson of wishing themselves confounded, his said, two scholars (by imitation) did so perfectly learn of him, that to the great astonishment and horror of such (that afterward examined them) they used this execration: wishing themselves confounded and damned, if they said not the truth, in every matter whereof they made any asseveration, and wherein they desired to be credited, thinking (as Arthington confesseth) that whatsoever the spirit (as he fancied) told him was a truth, he was bound to bind it upon his salvation or damnation. These being joined with the relation of certain extreme torments, which Hacket had signified unto them that he suffered, not only outwardly by the instigation of certain noble and worshipful persons (as he untruly made them believe) but more grievously a great deal (he said) by suffering whatsoever either Devils in hell, Sorcerers or Witches in earth, could practise against him (all which he pretended to have endured for trial and proof, that the Gospel was the true Religion against Popery and all other sects) did so deeply astonish, or rather infatuate them: that (after great fasting and prayer used, which fasting they usually performed on the Sabbath days) they all did resolutely conclude, that if Hacket endured in truth all these torments and practices against him, for so holy an end, no doubt he was a man, which should not only establish the Gospel in all kingdoms, but all Kings and Princes should also yield their sceptres unto him, and he should be established chief king over all Europe. Reasoning thus with themselves, that surely the Lord had some great good to be done by him that had endured so much for his sake.  
Now, this was the opinion, which to have firmly planted in them two (as in deed it was first in Coppinger, and afterward in Arthington) was the main scope and drift (as may seem) of all Hackets cunning counterfeiting of so much holiness, piety, zeal and religion.  
To work this, he handled his actions so warily with them, that Coppinger seriously once avouched unto Arthington, how himself had by good experience found, that God would deny unto Hacket nothing which he prayed for or desired, and namely protested, that Hacket begged of God in a drought (that was not long afore their apprehension) a shower of rain, and that it was presently sent in good abundance, Coppinger also so firmly believed Hacket, that he told his own man Emerson, how Hacket being imprisoned, the bolts would (often) fall off his heels miraculously.  
But for proof that such incredible torments were in deed susfered by Hacket, he appealed herein to some of the Nobility, and to divers others both of worship and good credit. This did Coppinger further confirm unto Arthington, saying, that Master Wigginton also did justify the truth of the torments that Hacket suffered, and could do it with a hundred honest witnesses more, if need required. And Arthington himself also once heard Wigginton pitifully tell, how great and extreme torments Hacket had endured.  
But being asked by them, why he was so tormented, and how these could tend to prove the Gospel to be the only true religion? Hacket answered them thus: that his tormentors (the better to colour their lewd purposes and malice) gave out and surmised him to be out of his wits, but the truth was (said he) that being once at table with one G. H. an obstinate Papist, and reasoning which was the true religion (I defending this which we now profess to be the truth, against Popery and all other sects) amongst other speeches, I protested upon my damnation, that this was the truth, and withal prayed, that I might sink presently down into hell, if it was not so: and that, if he the said G. H. would say so much for his religion, if he did not sink presently into hell, then would I take Popery to be the true religion. But he refusing so do, and being greatly moved thereby against me, complotted with a Knight (a near kinsman of his) and with another gentleman (being a Papist) and with sundry others, who found such means, as that they procured Devils to be raised, Sorcerers, witches, and Enchanters (all which (said he) I know and can name, and mind one day, to help to burn them) to work upon my body, with intent to make me call back my said words of protestation, concerning the truth of this religion, which if I would not do (said they) but could endure the torments that they would inflict, than they all would be of my religion, and would make me Emperor over all Europe.  
This tale to them that had minds afore prepared, and took Hacket by reason of his most earnest protestations, prayers, show of zeal pretended, favour with God, and such like, to be a man that would not tell an untruth for all the world, seemed no way unprobable, or to be discredited: so that these three principal actors having aswell among themselves, as with others often conferred hereabouts (both by word and writing) were by the midst of Trinity term become most resolute, for the advancing of their designments. For in a letter written by Coppinger (about that time) to the aforesaid I. Thr. it is thus contained. Mine own dear brother, myself and my two brethren, who lately were together with you in Knight riders street, do much desire conference with you, which will ask some time. The business is the Lords own, and he doth deal in it himself, in a strange and extraordinary manner in poor and simple creatures. Much is done since you did see us, which you will rejoice to hear of, when we shall meet, and therefore I beseech you (so soon as you receive this letter) hasten an answer in writing to my sister's house▪ therein advertise (I beseech you) when I may come to speak with you; for delays are dangerous, and some of the great enemies begin to be supursued by God, as they are at their wit's end. The Lordmake us thankful for it, who keep us ever to himself, to do his will and not ours. By occasion also of hearing Master Charke on a Friday about that time at the Black friars, Coppinger saith, he was thereupon moved by God▪ spirit to write unto him a letter, which beareth date the 9 day of july last. In which letter (amongst other things) thus he writeth unto him. I do not deny good Sir, but that I have now (a good long time) taken a strange and extraordinary course, such as hath offered occasion of susption, of my not only doing hurt to myself, 
Note.  but also to the best sort of men now in question, and to the cause itself. But by what warrant I have done this, that is all: for if the holy Ghost have been my warrant, and carrieth me into such actions, as are differing from others of great note in the Church of God, what flesh and blood dare speak against me? This is it that I desire at your hands, and at all the rest of God's servants, that you forbear to censure me and such others, as shall deal extraordinarily with me in the Lord's business committed to our charge, & judge of us by the effects that follow: which if you hereafter see to be wonderful great, then are all ordinary men (placed in callings within this land) to fear, and to call themselves to examination before the justice seat of God, and see whether they have walked faithfully before God and man, in seeking the salvation of the souls of the people, and the advancement of Christ's kingdom, 
Note.  and the overthrow of Antichristes. And if all and every one in their places shall be forced to confess, to have failed in not discharge of their duties, let them acknowledge their sin and repent, before plagues and punishments fall upon them. The waste of the Church cannot be denied to be great, so that there is place for extraordinary men (though temporising Christians will not admit this) therefore Gods mercies shall appear to be wonderful great, if amongst us he have raised up such, as I know he hath, and hereafter I doubt not (by God's grace) but I, with the help of the rest, shallbe able to avow against all gainsayer whatsoever. My desire heretofore hath been to have counsel and direction from others: but now (by comfortable experience) I find that the action (which the Lord hath drawn me into) is his own, and he will direct it himself by the holy Ghost, and have the full honour of it, and therefore I wait upon him, and yet most heartily crave the prayers of the Saints, that they will beseech God to bless all his servants, that he hath set awork in his own business. And I further beseech you, to show this Letter to Master Traverse, and Master Egerton, and all the rest of the godly Preachers in the City, and judge charitably of me and others, and let every one look to his own calling, that therein he may deal faithfully, and let us judge ourselves, & not judge one another, further than we have warrant. After this letter, it happened that M. Charke preached in the same place again the next Sunday after, at which time Coppinger took himself to be particularly meant by one part of the sermon. Whereupon he wrote a letter to another Preacher (as I do gather) the thursday after viz. 15. of july: whereby he thus signifieth. M. Charke told the people, that there were some persons so desperate, that they would willingly thrust themselves upon the rocks of the land, and waves of the sea. This I took to be spoken principally to myself, & therefore I thought good to advertise you, that he spoke the truth in those words: but he touched not me, but himself, and the rest of the ministers of the land, who have not only run desperately themselves upon the rocks and waves, but carried the whole ship, whereby they all be in danger of shipwreck, and should have perished, if the Lord had not immediately called three of his servants to help to recover it, who are not only sent from God to his Church here, but also elsewhere, through the world. My calling is specially to deal with Magistrates. Another hath to do with Ministers, who hath written a letter to you of the City, but it cannot be delivered hardly this day. The other third is the chiefest (who can neither write nor read) for he is the Lords Executioner of his most holy will. This letter is thus subscribed, The Lord's messenger of mercy, Ed. Coppinger.  
These three therefore strongly fancying to themselves such extraordinary callings, and standing resolute by all means to advance that (which they falsely call Reformation) and being thus seduced and bemoped by Hacket, it is no marvel though they entered further (as by degrees) into many lewd, dangerous, and traitorous attempts.  
For first having conceived mortal hatred against two great and and worthy Counsellors of this estate (who they thought would not a little stop the course they had taken, and hinder the purpose which they pursued:) Coppinger therefore (by Hackets advice) directed several letters unto some honourable personages, whereby he signified, that certain treasons were intended even against her majesties own sacred person: meaning after to appeach those two thereof: and hoping by this means, either to take them away, or at least their credits with her Majesty, until he and his complices might bring their purposes to some better pass: or else (by this colourable pretence having access & opportunity) to have executed some wicked practice against her royal person. The discovery, avouching and proof of these supposed treasons, Hacket and he did take (especially upon themselves.)  
The first two letters that (I find) Coppinger writ to the said honourable personages about this pretended matter of treason to be discovered, was the third day of june last: both to this purpose, to have them acquaint her Majesty, that intelligence was given unto him of some treason intended against her own sacred person, but naming no particular. In the one of them, he enclosed a letter of his to her Majesty and certain petitions, which he would have had to be offered up to her highness, being to this effect: That he might have leave to entertain the action of such discovery; that as matters should come to light, he might resort to a certain worthy Counsellor (by him there named) to acquaint him therewith, and to have his counsel and direction: that he the said Coppinger might confer and examine jesuits and all prisoners (suspected or condemned of treason) about these matters, in the presence of certain others: That for better furtherance of his service, he might have this favour to stay judgement, or at least execution against condemned persons for crimes capital or smaller, until her Majesty might have account given of the cause of his so doing: that he might be pardoned for so bold an attempt, if in over much fear of danger to her sacred person, he had, or afterward should go too far, and not effect that in the end, which he hoped to do: and lastly, that this matter might be concealed from all men. But the said honourable parsonage finding this to be an unlikely and strange course to be yielded unto (as may be gathered by the answer, and by the other letters) directed him to a more sound way: viz. To learn first the grounds perfitly, to acquaint none other with the matter, and to do it specdily. Hereupon the eight of the said june, he addressed another letter to the same parsonage, enclosing therein a letter written to him from Hacket, and dated the last day of May, and one other letter of his own to her Majesty, to have been delivered unto her Highness. His letter to the said honourable parsonage, is to commend the writer of that letter enclosed, not naming him, (for Coppinger had razed out both Hackets name & the name of Oundel from whence is came) as a man able and willing, to do her Majesty some principal service, to offer their attendances to come before her Majesty, and to urge the delivery of the letters, for that the matter (he said) admitted no delays. The letter from Hacket is nothing but an inciting and animating of Coppinger, to perform the lords business (he had in hand) by many holy, and devout words and hypocritical allusions to certain stories of the scripture. Coppinger his letter to her Majesty, commendeth the inditer of that enclosed, for a man beloved of God, and fearing him unfeignedly, and one enabled (by God) to do her highness some special service: he also humbly desireth thereby, that they two might appear before here own Princely person, in the presence only of two certain Lords and one Lady. But the said honourable parsonage sent Hackets Letter again unto Coppinger, as of no moment for that purpose, and stayed the delivery of his Letter to her Majesty, till some particular intelligence might be had, to be first delivered to her Highness. The same day Coppinger also writ two several Letters to the same two Lords, in whose presence he and Hacket desired to come before her Majesty, and to deliver their intelligence; this he did, to advertise them hereof afore hand. That which is written to the one of them, mentioneth a supplication, which Coppinger sent (the day afore) unto his L. to make passage to some better service to her Majesty, which he hoped should be done shortly to her highness good liking, and to his L. great honour, for that he should be the chief actor therein. Upon some answer returned from the Lady afore mentioned, craving some particulars of that which they meant to discover, Coppinger writ to Hacket (being in London) to urge him unto some more special point of intelligence: whereunto Hacket (the said eight of june) answering by Letter to small purpose, and subscribing his Letter thus, As you find me, so call me: Coppinger therefore returned in answer another Letter presently unto him, whereby he signified, that Hacket must manifest somewhat more plainly, of some practice worth the revealing, otherwise they both should worthily fall into her majesties indignation: for that which he had then writ, would not satisfy her Majesty and the State, concerning the danger which Hacket supposed to be coming upon the land, and wherewith he seemed to be acquainted.  
Upon such overture (as afore is touched) made to one of the said Lords, he had the said two appeachers before him on the tenth of june: but finding Hackets demeanour of himself very strange, and their imputations as frivolous, he dismissed them (as is said) without further a do, to their great discontentment. Hereupon Coppinger (in stomach so far as he durst) writ another Letter to the said Noble man the eleventh of june: hereby he signified, that were it not that he had been before acquainted with the graces and gifts of the holy Ghost, which he did assure himself to be in Hacket in an extraordinary manner, he should have esteemed of him (by his behaviour) as his Lordship did. Therefore what trouble or danger soevermight come to himself by it, he was resolute to abide it, and further chargeth the said Noble man (in God's name) to deliver the Letters and Copies there enclosed to her Majesty, signifying, that what punishment should in that respect be allotted to him or unto Hacket, they would undergo it, and not departed the City, till they might further understand, what God would do therein. Sure it is, that (being thus shaken off by him) they grew extremely malicious also against the said worthy Noble man.  
I find also a Copy of a Letter written in coppinger's hand, but meant to be sent as from Hacket, unto her excellent Majesty: wherein (amongst other things) he desireth he may enjoy that, which God hath appointed him, and then lewdly, and falsely accuseth and revileth two great and worthy counsellors. In the end he sayeth, that if he should tell her the judgements of God that lie at her gate (which the Lord hath showed him) they would be over fearful for her to endure, or to hear of. And if she doubted of his sending from the Lord, he willeth her to ask a sign, and if he give it not, let him die.  
A second course taken by them besides the former appeachements, was a conspiracy of the death of certain the Lords of the Council, when they should be at the star-chamber, in case they should give any judgement against certain, that were (sometime) Preachers, and are now prisoners for misdemeanours, perillousto the peaceable state of the Realm, as is intended. That this devilish purpose was rise amongst them, may appear by a letter sent by Coppinger in Trinity term last, unto the aforenamed Lancaster. In which was contained to this effect, that if the Lords should give a hard censure against those parties (the next day) if God showed not such a fearful judgement against some of those Lords, as that some of them should not go alive out of that place, than never trust him. And albeit some that saw this letter, could not pick any further matter out of it, than Coppingers conceit, that God (without some speedy and miraculous judgement from himself alone) would not suffer such men to be punished: yet Lancaster (to whom it was directed) justly suspected some further meaning, and that the concealing of it might be both accounted undutiful, and further also dangerous unto him, and therefore asked counsel of some more skilful than himself, whether he might safely suppress it, and tear the letter in pieces.  
Another devise they also had for preparing (as is supposed) of the minds of the people, and to stir them up to be in readiness, which was by certain seditious letters, that were purposely scattered five or six nights afore in many of the streets of London, by some of these actors, or by their complices and favourers. Likewise there was found in wigginton's chamber (in the prison where he remaineth) about a thousand printed Pamphlets of two sorts: the one of predestination, the other carrying an odd and needless title to every man, that knoweth but the Author. For it is entitled on the first side, in great letters thus: viz. The fools bolt: and immediately under that title, this sentence is set down worthy to be duly considered, with all his circumstances now apparent, viz. Such as do surmise the complaint of innocency to be revenge, and the report of Truth to be slander, shall never want the due reward of their gross error, whilst innocency and Truth shall endure. On the other side of the sheet the title is, A fatherly exhortation to a certain young courtier. The matter thereof is conceived into an halting rhyme, roving lewdly not only at the governors Ecclesiastical, and at other Ministers, but also at sundry having civil authority and high places. Amongst the rest, the first two staves and last stave are most perilous, if ye respect the present action these persons had in hand, their opinions of this state, and the base condition and state of the chief of them. The first are these. viz.  
My son if thou a Courtier sue to be,  
In flower of youth this lesson learn of me.  
A Christian true although he be a clown,  
May teach a king to wear sceptre and crown.  
And in the last stave are these, viz.  
For God will sure confound such as devise.  
His ordinance or Church to tyrannize. etc.  
These papers Wigginton (by the means and help of one Browne) procured privily to be printed at Whitsuntide last, and being examined touching them by her majesties Counsel and others, he confessed, that they were all to be sent to women, the weaker vessels: viz. to Mistress L. Mistress B. and to I know not how many Mistresses, by them to be dispersed abroad: to the intent, that every one (to whom they might come) should conceive of them, as the spirit should move them. And Hacket also confessed, that a part of certain writings which Wigginton and Coppinger framed was, that a Clown might teach a King to wear a Crown.  
Now that Wigginton held intelligence in these matters with the conspirators, and that there was mutual and ordinary correspondence betwixt him and them in all plots for advancing of their Discipline per fas & nefas (besides that which in this behalf hath been touched afore) is made also manifest, by the confession of Arthington, who saith, that about the fifteenth of july, or not long before, he heard Hacket singing of certain songs, who then wished that Arthington had also some of them: for it was a very special thing, and (said he) M. Wigginton hath a great many of them.  
Also Coppinger had once conference with Wigginton (in the presence of Arthington) touching his extraordinary calling. At what time it is pretended, that Wigginton refused to be made acquainted with the manner of Coppingers secrets: and that he used these speeches to Coppinger, uz. You are known to be an honest Gentleman, and sworn to the Queen, and therefore I will not be acquainted with those things, which God hath revealed unto you for the good of your Sovereign. And his opinion of such extraordinary callings (set down under his own hand) doth elsewhere appear, whereby is argued, that he was made a common oracle for such fantastics: that he knew the matter in generality, which by Coppinger was to be wrought upon the Queen, to bring her (forsooth) to repentance, howsoever he refused to know the particular manner of such secrets: that he acknowledged it to be good for the Queen, and yielded it (without scruple) to be revealed unto Coppinger from God, so that it could not be, but that Coppinger hereby was much animated to go forward in his conceived wickedness. Besides, Wigginton taketh knowledge (as appeareth by a paper of his own hand writing found in his Chamber) that Hacket had defaced the Queen's arms, and had uttered dangerous words, importing himself to be a King, and his mislike of all Kings now reigning, since his last coming to London. Hacket further declared unto M. Young on the 24. of july, that he was once (in company of two Gentlemen and of Mistress Walker and Mistress Lawson) with Wigginton in his Chamber, where and when he heard Wigginton say, that if the Magistrates do not govern well, the people might draw themselves together, and to see a Reformation. This dangerous opinion of his, may be also gathered out of a letter of his own hand writing (found with him) being dated the sixth of November last, wherein he thus writeth. M. Cartwright (saith he) is in the Fleet for refusal of the oath, as I hear, and M. K. is sent for, and sundry worthy ministers are disquieted who have been spared long. So that we look for some bickering ere long, and then a battle, which cannot long endure.  
A fourth purpose of theirs, was not only to make an alteration in the state of Church-governement, and to plant in every congregation their Elderships or Consistory of Doctor, Pastor, and certain lay Elders with the appurtenances: but also to change the Civil policy of this Realm. For which consideration, they meant to displace all the Lords and others of the privy Counsel: therefore (in their speeches and writings touching these Counsellors) they used of late no title of honour, but their bare names and surnames, or else their names with this addition: Late L Ch. or late L. Tr. as if they were already disautorised, and in their steads they had nominated and set down, certain others (in truth very honourable and worshipful persons) that should be counsellors, of whom every honest man nevertheless is persuaded, that they detest both these and all other such vile, seditious and fanatical persons and courses.  
Coppinger (not long afore their rising as it seemeth) penneda letter to have been sent to the one of the aforesaid honourable personages. In this letter he chargeth a great & worthy Counsellor (using only his Christian name and surname) that he together with his hellish and infernal companions (for so he raveth) had committed treason in the highest degree against her Majesty. He desireth that honourable parsonage to effect, that the said Counsellor, himself, and two others of the Lords messengers, may be brought before the Queen's Majesty: and if he be not proved a traitor to God and her, then let me (saith he) for my pride and presumption, be hanged at the Courtgates. Then he exclaimeth against another great Counsellor (terming him but by his bare name likewise) to whom he had sent letters & copies to have been showed to her Majesty, and there showeth himself greatly offended with him, because he was not (as he hoped) brought to her Royal presence, adding thus thereto, but he & the rest (saith he) of her wicked Counsellors, 
Note.  & ungodly magistrates, shallbe forced to acknowledge, what they are worthy to have: the Lord pardon their souls, for in their outward man, they must be punished, though they repent: & a little after, thus. I do advise also that every one of her Counsel be commanded to keep their house or chamber, for fear of stir or danger. Then he doth appoint to her Majesty a new Counsel, advising that Wigginton (a man in more favour (he saith) with God, than any man of his calling whatsoever) be commanded to be near her highness, to pray to God, or to preach privately.  
By the like resolute vain, Arthington also chargeth the said Counsellor, as deeply, and upon the like & greater penalty to himself, in a supplication penned by him to have been sent to her Majesty. But I will give you a taste how frivolously, & upon what fond proofs he groundeth his accusation, to the end it may appear, that this was but a colourable pretence wherein they reposed to great surety of success, but hoped at length thereby to have brought themselves and Hacket, to her majesties presence. The issue he tendereth is this, That if in her majesties presence he prove not the said Counsellor to be the most dangerous enemy that was discovered since her highness reign, then let his body and soul be for ever damned: Provided always, that if her Majesty cannot (by his evidence) judge him the said Counsellor to be so bad as he makes report of him, yet that she would give him the said Arthington leave in her sacred Presence, to fight the combat of prayer with him, 
New Trial by combat in prayer.  wherein, if it please him (saith Arth.) I will first begin to pray against myself, that if he be not as deeply guilty as I have charged him, than that God's vengeance may presently consume me both body & soul into hell for ever, which if it come to pass, the victory shallbe his, & he return an innocent. But if he see me leap up for joy, as one that hath discovered him to be a traitor, then if he dare fall down in like sort, & make the same prayer, that the like vengeance may fall upon himself, if he be so deeply guilty as I have charged him, & if God's vengeance fall not upon him before he depart out of her presence▪ let me be hanged, drawn & quartered for labouring to impeach a Counsellors credit▪ but if he dare not thus enter the lists with me before her Majesty, let him be holden guilty.  
Their last & most damnable designment of all was the deprivation of her sacred Majesty from her Crown & dignity, & the destruction of her Royal person, whom the eternal God (in mercy) long preserve, to the confusion of all seditious wretches her enemies of all sorts.  
The very particular & principal means how these devilish purposes were meant to be effected by them, Arthington now saith, that they were not opened unto him: pretending that though the other two seemed willing to have imparted some of their secrets unto him, yet himself was always unwilling to hear any of them. But for the special means that Coppinger had plotted to bring the Q. Majesty & Counsel to repentance, he saith that this was a secret mystery (as Hacket & Coppinger affirmed to him) which they would keep to themselves, & were so enjoined of the Lord. But whether soever the way to effect these, was meant by some open violence, or secret practice: sure it is, that popular tumult was not the least means they trusted of, to bring them to pass, which they hoped to stir up by their pretence of so great holiness, with calling the Realm to repentance in the open streets of London, by offering joys and mercy to the penitent, and by their Proclamation also then made in Chepeside, as hereafter cometh to be declared.  
Now that these their two last purposes were in deed the principal & main ends which they propounded to themselves (besides that which by the way is noted already, & that which comes hereafter to be mentioned) let these few proofs ensuing suffice. First for the alteration of the whole government Ecclesiastical and erecting of the new Discipline: It is confessed, that Coppinger & Arthington the two counterfeit prophets (on the 16. of july last being Friday, and the self same day that they arose in Cheapside) told Wigginton in the morning, these words amongst many others: uz. That reformation & the Lords Discipline should now forthwith be established, & therefore charged Wigginton in the Lord's name, to put all Christians in comfort, that they should see a joyful alteration in the state of Church-government shortly. To which words Wigginton made no reply nor further demand, as of any matter strange unto him, how it was so shortly to be compassed. Wherein may also be observed, that these kind of persons do reckon and term only those Christians; that will take comfort andioy at such an alteration. So that (by their opinions) it skilleth not, what be attempted or done against all others, being but as Heathens and Paynims, or at least Idolalaters.  
Thus much (with their seditious purposes also) is plainly implied in a dangerous letter written by the said Coppinger since Easter last, unto one john Vdale a condemned man for Felony, in the White Lion in Surrey, for writing of the book termed the Demonstration of Discipline: that letter beginneth thus: Right reverend Sir, my forbearing to visit you and the rest of the Saints (who suffer for righteousness sake) do give you all cause to think that I have forsaken my first love, and have embraced the God of this world. But my conscience beareth me witness of the contrary: the reason of mine absence being so great and so weighty, that hereafter when they shallbe examined by yourselves (who are endued with the spirit of wisdom and discerning of spirits) I doubt not but you will allow of my not coming, 
Note.  which might bring you into more trouble and danger, than it would do me good, or breed me comfort, And afterward thus, You have care & conscience to further the building of the Lords house which lieth waste, and to seek the final overthrow of Antichrists king doom: which being the Lords own work, he will bless it, and all the actors in it. And this I dare be bold (of mine own knowledge) to report, that in this great work he hath divers that lie hid, and are yet at liberty, who are hammering their heads, busying their brains, and spending their spirits in prayers to God, as much as you or any of you that are in prison, 
Note.  and hope in short time to he brought forth into the sight of their and your enemies, to defend the cause you stand for. And again afterward in this wise: I beseech you cheer up yourselves in the Lord, for the day of our redemption is at hand, and pray that the hand of the Lord may be strengthened in them, 
Note.  whom he hath appointed to take part with you in this cause, and beseech him that blessing may be upon Zion, and confusion upon Babel. Pardon my long letter I beseech you, and impart mine humble suit to all the rest, to whom I neither dare write, nor offer to see. I neither put to my name, nor make subscription: the bringer can report who sendeth the letter, and let that suffice.  
Furthermore that they hated deadly, and maligned her Majesty (as a principal obstacle to their innovation and kingdom, and therefore sought to deprive her highness of her Sovereignty and life) may be gathered by their own words and actions: for Hacket confessed before the other two, that at a sermon of one egerton's preaching in the Black Friars (whither they usually resort) he the said Hacket remained uncovered all the sermon time, until the preacher came to pray for her Majesty, but then (he said) that he put on his hat. And when Arthington demanded why he did so, Copping. straight way answered thus, There is a matter in that. Likewise when as (in their private prayers among themselves) Arthington used to pray for the Queen, Coppinger would sundry times tell him, that his so doing did much grieve Hacket, adding, that in the beginning himself did also pray for her, but Hacket had now drawn him from it: saying, there was a cause why, which Arthington knew not, but should know hereafter. For (saith he) you do not know this man (meaning Hacket) who is a greater person than she, and in deed above all the princes in the world.  
And when as on the very Sundry before their rising (for so themselves have since termed that action) it happened that Arthington prayed again for the preservation of the Queen's Majesty: Hacket (not digesting this) suddenly with indignation turned his face away from him, but when he prayed for other matters, than Hacket cast his countenance towards him again: which he perceiving that Arthington also marked by him, and purposing (as it seemeth) to salve up this matter again, (lest Arthington happily might yet have fallen from them) therefore when they had ended their prayers, Hacket took him with his arms about the middle (in very kind sort) affirming, that he loved the Queen as well as either of them, and desired him not to be offended, for the Lord had commanded it: adding further, that there was a matter in it that Arthington as yet knew not. Hereupon Coppinger (being in hearing thereof) said, that she might be prayed for in general terms, but not so specially as Arthington did (whereby Hacket was grieved) nor yet to be prayed for as a Sovereign: for (said he) she may not reign as Sovereign, 
Note.  but this man Hacket, and yet (saith he) she shall live better than ever she did, albeit she must be governed by another, thereby also meaning Hacket. And to the intent they might the more assuredly retain Arthington without suspicion of their poisonful malice (wherein they boiled against the Queen's highness) Hacket himself (once after this time) very subtly prayed for her Majesty.  
For proof that they also meant to deprive her of life, the several confessions of Arthington at sundry examinations may be alleged. Whereby (upon that which he heard and knew) is confessed, that he is verily persuaded Hacket meant her Majesty should have been deprived both of kingdom and life, which he also gathered by Coppingers letters, albeit he denieth, that he was ever made acquainted by what special means it should be done.  
Thus having in some part described the qualities, persuasions in opinion, familiarity, inducements unto mutual crediting one of another, exercises and designments of these persons: it resteth to go on with the narration of the rest of the action, for better persiting up of this history.  
Hacket on a time recounting up unto the other two his torments (which he pretended to have endured) told, how (amongst others) one Pig a preacher did so beat him with rods at a place in Hartfordshire, (whiles he lay bound there in a sink hole) that this cost him the said Hacket more dear, than all the rest of his torments: because thereby he was enforced to suffer for all hypocrites also, adding thereunto, that all their best preachers (so they term such as thirst after and persuade innovations) were no better in very truth than Hypocrites, nevertheless he would (he said) daily hear them preach. Hereupon Arthington took occasion to tell him, that he could prove all such preachers to be Hypocrites and Idolaters both (albeit of ignorance) because they do yield (in some sort) to the commandments of the governors, and unto the laws of this Church, that they may be tolerated to preach.  
This pleased Hacket so exceedingly well, as that he began highly to esteem of Arthington, and hereby the rather he thought good, that Arthington should be made acquainted with their letters. For about ten days before their rising (Arthington saith) that Coppinger did greatly importune him to read the letters which he and Hacket had written, if it were but to see the style: assuring him they tended to nothing else, but to make a way to acquaint her Majesty with their secrets. So that when Arthington saw so great Counsellors so resolutely thereby charged with matter of so high quality, by Coppinger especially (her majesties sworn servant) he was induced to believe it, and to think they had some very good ground thereof.  
Arthington also (with great contentment unto Hacket) framed certain Syllogisms, (I believe) in a lewd Mood, and in an unperfect and fond Figure, to prove (forsooth) one of the said honourable Counsellors (whom he and Coppinger villainously afterward proclaimed traitors) to be such as they do charge him to be. This worthy work of Syllogisms therefore being first finished, his other treatise (to prove those preachers to be hypocrites and Idolaters) was straightway set upon the stocks, and began to be built on the Monday before their rising: after they all had (for obtaining good success in this and the rest of their business) humbled themselves on the lords day afore in fasting and prayer, for so be their words. This latter treatise Arthington finished up the Thursday morning next after, and termed it A Prophecy of judgements against England, whose skill in this precipitate kind of pistling, the other two so magnified, as that they termed him by a title mentioned in a Psalm, viz. The pen of a ready writer. Where as wiser men think they might have looked a little lower, and he have better compared it, as the wise man doth the like, where he saith: A word in a fools mouth is like an arrow in a dog's leg, because he will never leave wrinching and fisking, till he have got it out.  
In this prophesy he first setteth down the third commandment, 
arthington's prophesy.  inferring what plagues shall light on himself if he offend therein. Then cometh he to his nine several assertions, adding to every one of them, The Lord to confound him, viz. that if he think not himself to be the vilest sinful wretch living: If he take not himself to be the most ignorant in God's book of any man that hath professed the Gospel so long: If he acknowledge not himself most unfit and unworthy of all men to serve the Lord jesus: If nevertheless he be not extraordinarily called to do the message of God more faithfully than any preacher in England hitherto hath done: If the Scripture do not justify extraordinary callings before the ends of the world: If he know not two persons within the city of London, that have greater extraordinary callings than himself, videlicet, Edmund Coppinger, and William Hacket: If the former be not a prophet raised up of the Lord to bring a message of great Mercy to the land, if all the people truly repent of their sins: If the later be not the holiest man and of the greatest power to bring fearful judgements upon the whole earth, that ever was borne, Christ jesus excepted: If the said Hacket (as the Messenger of God's vengeance, where mercy is refused) do not bring such great plagues upon this realm of England, the like whereof was never seen: In these and in every of these several cases, he prayeth the Lord to confound him.  
Whereupon he inferreth that having thus denounced so many fearful woes against his own soul, as would sink it into the bottomless pit of hell, if he were guilty in any one of them. Then thereupon with cheerfulness he cometh to declare his message to England, accusing it to be the most rebellious, though it have been most blessed of all other nations. Then he affirmeth the city of London, and the courts of justice at Westminster, and the counterfeit worship of God with cross and surplice, to be worse than Sodom and Gomorre, or the purple whore of Rome, or else desireth to be confounded. Nay he preferreth Rome before London: because at Rome they sin only of ignorance. Of her Majesty he saith, she is least guilty of the common sins, but most abused (of any Prince that ever was) by those, whom she hath most advanced.  
Then he speaks to three great Counsellors, C. C. T. daring them to protest for their innocencies against themselves, as deeply as he hath done, and then, if they be not swallowed up quick, he is contented to be hanged up in chains at Paul's cross. 
Note.  Then he threateneth them, that they three shall be otherwise detected ere long, & all those that are their partakers, when her Majesty shall reign and live to see better days, if God give her true repentance. Then he saith he will leave all other of the Clergy (as sufficiently detected already) save such as pretend to seek Reformation, who (he saith) are as guilty (in two points) as any of the other. The first point, for not crying out continually against Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacon's, and others, as wicked usurpers in the house of God. The second, for not crying out against the wicked Magistrates of this land, because they keep out the Elderships out of the Church, and maintain in their room, officers and offices of Antichrist: Hereupon gathering thus: how can God spare this land any longer, wherein both the Magistrates and messengers of God have dealt so unfaithfully in the lords service? Adding, that the fearful judgements of God shall be sure to fall on the reprobate: being already prepared, and put into the hands of the Mighty Messenger of the Almighty God, William Hacket, to be powered out upon this great City of London, and upon all places, where repentance followeth not this publication. Then he goeth about to prove all such Preachers to be Idolaters, or consenting to Idolatry, which practice or consent, and suffer others to use surplice and cross, because (he sayeth) they are the marks of Antichrist. Preferring herein the Papists afore them, as sinning herein only of ignorance, seeking also to engreeve their faults in this behalf, for that they are all hypocritical Idolaters, in that (nevertheless) they profess Reformation: whereunto he addeth (he sayeth) a secret: That this their halting and hypocrisy hath so hardened God's heart against their requests, for bringing in the Discipline, that for this unfaithful and unsingle walking in their function, 
Note.  he hath hitherto denied it. Neither shall any one of them, or all of them together, have that honour given, to bring in Reformation: For (sayeth he) I tell you truly, the Almighty God hath put his cup of vengeance into his trusty and faithful servants hand, William Hacket, to power it down shortly, upon every wilful and obstinate sinner that doth not repent upon the notice hereof, or else the Lord confound me. Lastly, he giveth a charge to have this prophesy, together with the incredible, (but most certain) history of the holiest servant of God, William Hacket, that ever hath been, is, or shall be borne, (Christ jesus only excepted) with all speed possible, printed and published together, as in substance true (saith he) or else the Lord confound me. This wise prophesy is thus subscribed: By the most unworthy servant, but yet a faithful Prophet of the Almighty jesus, or else his wrath confound me. Henry Arthington.  
Whiles Arthington was about this his task, Coppinger (as it seemeth) was neither idle nor well occupied, for he was setting down from Hackets own mouth a long ragman's role, of Hackets torments, revelations, and (I know not what) called Hackets history. For by Thursday morning Hacket having enlarged the first draft thereof, (which was at first but scribbled out by Coppinger) Arthington was to write out again fair the enlarged copy, that being perfected, it might be annexed unto the aforesaid prophesy. All that Thursday was spent by them in consultation and writing: Hacket being also present, and assisting them. But with what joyfulness amongst them all, it is incredible, if we may believe their own reports. Yet Arthington was forced (for the haste that was made to have all in readiness against the Friday following, and for the desire he had to yield unto Hacket all satisfaction and contentment, that might be) to sit up, most of Thursday night, writing out again of the said history, so enlarged.  
But on Thursday itself (being the 15. of july) amongst other their actions: Coppinger and Arthington writ a letter to the aforesaid T. L. which is of this tenor: first at the top of it, thus: viz.  
If this letter be not indited by the holy Ghost, 
Coppingers and arthington's letter unto T. Lancaster.  who hath appeared (in a far greater measure) to sinful wretches, in the end of the world, even to us, whose names are here under written, and to a third person, in calling above all former callings whatsoever, (Christ jesus excepted) the Lord confound us two with vengeance from heaven, and carry us (with all violence) into the bottomless pit.  
If we have not taken the name of God in vain, it standeth you upon to read this letter with fear and trembling, with joy and gladness: with fear, that the Lord should woo you to do him service: with joy, that he offereth you honour, if you accept it. We two are messengers from heaven, who have a good Captain to guide us: who have received immediate callings from God, to call the whole world to repentance, and amendment of life: otherwise they are to fear, that Christ jesus his second coming in glory, will be to them as a thief in the night. If I Edmund Coppinger do not prefer you before any one man in the land whatsoever, for your wise, holy, loving and religious course, both in the general calling of a Christian, and in your particular calling, the Lord confound me body and soul. The reason why I choose you first, is, because in your house, in your presence, and (under God partly by your means) I had my first extraordinary calling, though thereof (as of all other things) the whole honour and glory be the Lords. And of the same mind is my brother Arthington. In token of our extraordinary love to you, we deal as we neither have, or will do, with any other: for we command in the name of the Lord, all creatures upon the earth, and they must obey. But with you we will dispense thus far, that it shall be your choice to come, and take a new calling (for a time, wherein we would use you) or refuse it. So wishing you to commend us, and yourself to God, before you answer us, which we expect in word, and not in writing, etc.  
The messenger of mercy to the whole world, if they accept me. Edm. Coppinger.  
I avouch whatsoever my brother hath written, to be most true: & further I protest, that you are a more holy man then any Preacher in London, or throughout the whole land, or else the Lord confound me. If it please you to come and see me joyful, you may hope this is true.  
The Prophet of God's judgements to the whole world, where mercy is rejected. Hen. Arthington.  
That the perfit and enlarged history of Hacket be briefly gathered into a summary, & here set down, it will not (I think) be amiss, for such as shallbe desirous to know, what mysteries may be therein contained, which drew these two (amongst other matters) into such an extraordinary admiration, and opinion of him.  
First therefore, 
A sum of Hackets history.  there is declared whom Hacket served, then how he got the execution of the Bailywike of Oundel, being void: how upon complaint of the wives there, that their husbands spent their thrift in Alehouses on the Sabaoth days, he (by a justice of Peace not far off) did cause all the playing tables that could be come by, to be burnt. Also the light and enticing behaviour of some women towards him, & his familiarity with them, whereby his wife became jealous of him, so that he was forced (for her satisfaction) to clear himself by his oath. The sundry baits laid by means of some of his fellows (that envied him for the credit he had with those whom he served) to entrap him with women. His attempting them in dishonest manner, but with purpose only (as he there pretendeth) to learn of them the practices against him. The like snares laid for him by some of better place & credit, than the former: Of his affliction in mind that he endured, because he so behaved himself towards women, & yet could not learn out by them, the plot laid against him. Of his going into Hampshire to have been placed there: How he was in a place there (for the most part of 20. days) beat with a bastonado, and into what pitiful state of body he was thereby brought: That this was done, partly for his avouching that Christ was head of the Church against the Pope, and for saying, that as certain earthen pots were there by him broken, so should all Papists be broken in hell, and confounded, so many as rose up against him in earth: how he was forced to use the Deputie-Lieutenant of Hampshire his aid, to be safely conveyed out of that Country, lest he should be murdered by his enemies: that he came thence to one M. Paul Wentworthes house, where he remained a month, and was used most Christianly, and where he was most deeply exercised in the spirit: How as he passed by the way out of Hampshire, he told a Gentleman in company (that was privy to his enemy's complots) of a great practice intended against him, and to be done in a chamber, by certain persons, whom he then named aforehand: insomuch as the said Gentleman (being made privy to such purpose, and knowing that he said true) affirmed, surely he could conjure, or else it had not been possible to tell such things as he did: where in deed (he saith) the Lord, in the midst of his former afflictions, revealed it unto him, and further showed him a place which he had appointed for him, and how he would bring all his enemies practices to confusion: How in performance of that which was so revealed, he was afterward in a certain place in Hartfordshire bound, first in a chamber, and then chained in a sink hole of a seller, and most grievously many ways afflicted there, for 20. days together: That in the greatest extremity thereof (which was greater than he could express) a Cross came upon his breast as he lay, & always when his torments were at the greatest, the Lord unloosed his feet and hands from his fetters, and bands: nevertheless he lay still till his tormentors came, and bound him again: how the Lord then appeared to him, and assured him, that he would establish the Gospel by him, and showed him all the whoredom of Rome, in the person of a great parsonage (since deceased) as it were in candle light, with a great Bell full of iniquity: That during that time, the Lord showed him a terrible famine which he would bring upon a land, but whether this land or not▪ was not declared: That Christ then showed him his wisdom and providence, in governing the Seas, & all other waters in their courses: and further showed him the man that should sit on Christ's right hand, to judge both the quick and the dead, whose name he well knoweth: That then he made his petition unto the Lord, who answered him by a voice, thus, what he would, how he would, & when he would: How (by the extremity of his torments) his eyes were fallen down, and his tongue thrust out of his head, so as he could not pull it in again one Barley corns breadth: but the Lord in that extremity showed him, that he would keep his body from bursting, and that one hair of his head should not perish: That being loosed (by his wives importunity) soon after, in a very rainy day, he, his wife, one Richard Dickons, and one Palmer, rid altogether thence, toward Oundell, thirty miles that day: and albeit it rained all the day very sore (so that great floods came upon it) yet never one of them had any drop thereof fall upon their clothes: That being at Oundell, and foreseeing he should be exercised again, he prayed his wife, that no man might come at him, for he would keep his chamber: and then the Lord appeared unto him, and showed him, in what danger the land was, by reason of foreign enemies at the Sea: and commanded him to go round about the Town, and that should be a defence to the land round about: That after this, he kept himself in his Barn about eight days, reasoning with the Lord, touching predestination and Reprobation, continually begging of him, that he would save all those, that fought ignorantly against the truth, or otherwise sinned through want of knowledge: How (after this,) betaking himself to his chamber again, the Lord (he saith) forced him to cry out against two great subjects and Counsellors in this land: That he was again bound and tormented there other twenty days, in eight whereof, he neither did eat nor drink, and was continually watched, for that they knew, the Lord would come and lose him, if they left him: That during this time Witches used their sorcery stongly upon him: That the Lord than told him that he would harden his own heart against Hackets tormentors: How then also 4. or 5. Angel's night by night stood by him, and watched over him, like unto doves, and one night spirits innumerable: and that a white hand came from the Almighty, and took him by the hand, whereby all venom, poison, uncleanness, and corruption departed from him for a time: whereupon, the Lord showed him three heavens together, & all the dwelling places contrived in one of them, but the highest heaven was showed to be without end, which glory he was not able to behold, but was made able to look upon the blood of the Saints, which was made round like a wax cake, in very great breadth, but the glory which therewith appeared, he could not look upon, so that he was forced to turn his face upon the pillow: How the Lord also showed him the murdering of the wicked, even like the slaying of swine, the father murdering the son, and the mother the daughter, and every one another, all the day long, and no man took pity upon them: That there was then revealed unto him, a very strange fire from heaven, the length whereof he did see consuming all things from the heaven to hell mouth, but he did not see the breadth thereof: Also that he then did see the breadth of the tormenting place of the damned, and what was therein, but neither the bottom, nor length of the place: That he also supposed, he saw his liberty begged, by two honourable personages: Notwithstanding which deliverance (that he dreamt of) he telleth that he was carried afterward to Northhampton jail, where he remained 17. weeks, as afore is remembered. Furthermore there is declared, that in his torments the Lord showed him, how he would confound all his adversaries that were guilty in any practice against him, and that one thing which they went about, they should never bring to pass: for he let him see, that they were all as drunken men and fools without wit: That in the end they should throw all their books away, and be at a great confusion, one with another: That afterward (viz. about the beginning of Easter term last) the Lord brought him to London, and how he was made acquainted with Coppinger at that time, as hath been afore declared: How after his departing out of the City from Coppinger, he could not but remember him in his prayers: desiring the Lord to reveal himself extraordinarily to him, so that he might be encouraged to go forward in the action: whereupon (as the said Coppinger affirmed) he had two extraordinary seals in very short space after Hackets departure, and was wonderfully strengthened, to proceed in the cause. Then is told how the Lord commanded him to go from one place to another in and about the City, for two days space: and how he was commanded to rail against the said two great Counsellors, in diverse places where he came: How being (in that time) commanded to see the Lions in the Tower, he took the fiercest of them by the head, and had none harm: Then is told, what Preachers in the City he heard, and that going to hear one, he saw a surplice lie in the Church, whereupon he would not stay there: That he went to certain Preachers in prison, to command them to deal faithfully in the lords business: And how he was commanded by God to deface the Arms of England in Keys house in Knight-Rider street. Lastly, it is said, that God hath appointed two others to deal for, and with Hacket, whom it will stand upon to deal faithfully for the Lord, for they know what Hacket is, and what shall follow, if their counsels and directions be not followed.  
Now if any shall marvel, how such an absurd and ridiculous lying legend, should seduce men of any consideration, so earnest for a supposed Reformation, and so exercised in praying and fasting: let him remember, not only the effectual, but the efficacy itself of Illusion, and the spirit of slumber, falling (by God's secret, yet always just judgement) upon the children of disobedience, such as be wise in their own conceits, and not wise with sobriety: that they might believe lies, because they have not believed the truth: and that they might ask and not obtain, because they ask not as they ought.  
After Arthington (on Thursday morning) had ended his aforesaid Treatise of prophesy (being the very day before their rising) Coppinger told him, that God (the night before) had enlightened him the said Coppinger, who they all three were, saying, that Arthington had unawares prophesied truly: for he was the greatest Prophet of God's judgements against the whole world, that ever was, but that they both were greater than he: for Coppinger himself was (he said) the greatest that ever was, and last Prophet of mercy: and that he must describe the new and holy jerusalem, with the several places of joy, that the elect should enjoy after this life, and that they the said Coppinger and Arthington, were ordained to separate the Lambs from the Goats, before the Lord jesus at the last day. Whereat (it is said) they were both astonished, considering their own unworthiness and unfitness, crying out against themselves and their sins: yet submitting themselves to the direction of God's spirit, which they were assured, should sufficiently furnish them to do him that service, which himself did command. Then Coppinger proceeded to tell further, that Hacket was greater than either of them, and that they two must obey him, in whatsoever he commanded, but told not then, what nor how great he was, other than king of Europe: which title was (afore this time) concluded of amongst them. Hereupon (according to coppinger's commandment) Arthington offered to honour Hacket with his title of the king of Europe, and to demean himself toward him accordingly. But Hacket himself herein dispensed with him, until the time should come, that he was to honour him before others, bidding him withal to be of good cheer: for (saith he) I serve a good Captain, who makes so dear account of me, that all the devils in hell, nor men in earth, cannot take my life from me. Then Coppinger (for confirmation of the like unto them two also) said, that Arthington and himself were possessed, not only with prophetical, but also with Angelical spirits, which Arthington taking to be true (by a great burning that he felt in himself after that time) did thereupon fancy to himself, that no power in earth nor hell, could hurt either of them, because they had the spirit of Angels, and they were subject to no power, but to God alone: And that (God being the master of the whole work) all things should prosper with them, they only seeking his glory, which (he saith) he vowed with himself, & to deal thoroughly in his office, to rebuke the world of sin, & to denounce judgements against whomsoever the spirit should move him, without fear or favour of men, or of devils in hell: which spirit (he saith) then moved him (according to his hatred afore conceived against them, and his opinion that they were traitors against the Queen's Majesty) to utter and to declare his detestation he had against the aforesaid three worthy Counsellors, being by their places the greatest subjects in the land. But herein may be said with the Poet: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? Verrem de furto? who can with any patience endure such seditious companions as these, to appeach others of treason? but especially, so loyal, honourable, and worthy Counsellors, as they three are known to the world to be.  
By the way we may note the subtle managing and carriage of this action by Hacket and Coppinger in this one principal point, which Arthington himself also now observeth: videlicet, in that they opened not at any time Hackets chief pretended office unto Arthington: videlicet, to represent and to participate with jesus Christ's office (of severing with his fan the good from the bad) until the very time they were to go into the streets to do the message that Hacket enjoined them. For hereby they prevented a doubt of driving Arthington back, who seemed a man so serviceable for their purpose, as that he was worthy to be still retained by them: and the rather, for that he had not yet finished the writing up of Hackets history (that was to be annexed to the prophesy) until late that Thursday night which was afore their rising, for they might have feared (if leisure had served him to have considered of it, and examined it at full how this could be) lest it might have made him at least to stagger, and be doubtful of it.  
Besides Hacket kept (as Arthington now gathereth) that honour wholly to himself to proclaim it to them both together, as it were by a voice from heaven, at that very instant when they should receive their charge of him: and thereby have no time to reason against it, being strait way to go forward as obedient persons to him in all things.  
Thus that Thursday passed on. On Friday morning, Coppinger sent his man Emerson (by five of the clock in the morning) unto arthington's lodging, but his wife would not then awake him: so he sent for him again at six, and they two then went together unto Coppinger. Then Coppinger and Arthington determined (that Friday morning being the 16. day of julie last) betwixt six and seven of the clock in the forenoon, to go unto a certain Gentleman's mans house about the City, of good behaviour, and they forsooth to honour him, to be chief Governor under her Majesty, which they also did that Morning, and promised unto him accordingly that he should so be. Leaving also with him both the said prophesy and Hackets history to peruse, but the good gentleman was unwilling to deal either with them or their papers any way. They stayed not there above half an hour. From thence they came betwixt 8. and 9 of the clock in the morning unto wigginton's chamber (being prisoner in the Counter in Woodstreet) with whom having much speech and conference (part whereof is touched before) among other things, they signified unto him, (as Arthington confesseth) that they were provoked to pronounce him the holiest minister of all others, for dealing so plainly and resolutely in God's causes above all ministers, which God would manifest one day to his comfort.  
Wigginton at his examination confesseth such conference by him at that time to have been had with them, and (as he was enjoined by those who examined him) hath reported it by writing somewhat largely. He therein also setteth down a conference had by him about the same matters with Hacket himself, coming to him thither alone (as he saith) the self same Friday morning, some while after the other two were departed from him.  
It may be gathered by his own narration, that betwixt the time of Coppinger and arthington's talk with him, Wigginton had set down article-wise, and distincted with number the several heads of their speeches had with him. And after he also inquired and set down in writing Hackets opinion likewise, unto every of the said articles severally. And albeit it need not be questioned, but that both for circumstance and matter he would set it down, the least that might be either to his own, or any his complices disadvantage, yet may it serve for the fuller understanding of the whole action, and for necessary observation beside, to touch some chief points of those conferences, though it be but as himself telleth them.  
The principal points of Wiggintons own report touching conference and speeches had by him to and fro with Coppinger and Arthington, and afterward with Hacket, the 16. day of july in the morning, 1591.  
He saieh, that Coppinger and Arthington came unto him about 8. or 9 of the clock of the 16. day of july in the morning, full of courage and comfort, saying unto him thus: We are come to you now to bring you certain news of great comfort, which is this, viz. That we have seen jesus Christ this day in lively and extraordinary shape or fashion presented unto us, not in his body (for so he sitteth at the right hand of God in heaven, until the last judgement) but in his effectual or principal spirit, whereby he dwelleth in William Hacket, more than in any creature upon the earth.  
When Hacket came not long after their departure that morning unto him, Wigginton saith, that he examined him about the whole speeches of Coppinger & Arthington uttered before unto him: whereunto Hacket answered first generally thus: That he approved them no further than he saw they had warrant for their doings, but particularly to this first Article thus, viz.   

Hackets answer thereof unto Wigginton.  
To the first that he knew not of that their vision, but he accounted himself to be a chief messenger of God, in such sort as followeth.   

Copping, and Arth. speeches to Wigginton.  
That the said William Hacket is the very same angel forespoken of by the Scriptures, who should come before the last judgement of Christ with a fan or sheephook in his hand, to separate the goats from the sheep.   

Hackets answer.  
To the second, that he was the only principal man sent of God to decide the controversies of the Gospel of Christ in the world, or in England, or in Europe: into which controversies some bad persons (being enemies to him and to the Gospel in England, and some of them being great personages) had drawn him to enter by their cruel, unjust, and extraordinary practices and treacheries, or sorceries used against him: and that by him as by a principal angel of God (with his fan in his hand) God would now separate the sheep from the goats: and that God would establish the Gospel by him generally, either by his death, or by his life: but (quoth he as it were correcting himself) by my life it must be.   

Coppinger and Arthur speeches.  
That Hacket is a man dearer or nearer unto God in some respects, than Moses or john the divine, who wrote the Revelation▪ because he must (as it were) bring an accomplishment unto their prophecies, and hath a more excellent spirit or work to do, than they in some respects.   

Hackets answer.  
To the third, that God would do a greater work by him the said William Hacket, then ever he did by any of all the Prophets, for the establishment of his gospel, to the confusion of Satan and Antichrist.   

Copping. and Arth. speeches.  
That the said Hacket had laid two several charges in the name of Christ upon them two, which they must needs perform or execute: the one upon Arthington of prophesy, concerning the end of the world: the other upon Coppinger of painting out the good and bad in the world, or in these parts of the world: and one of them had in purpose or charge, to read over the whole Bible, for proof of their office and business.   

Hackets answer.  
To the fourth, that God had sent Arthington to be the said Hacket his writer or pen, and the said Coppinger to be the expounder of his mind, or deliverer of his message to the old magistrates (which were almost gone) and to the new, and to the world.   

Coppinger and Arth. speeches.  
That they had some sight of the glory of the world to come, where they found that the Queen was highly in God's favour, because she had cut of much of Antichrists force or train: but, etc.  
That M. Cartwright had done more against Antichrist, than any in the world before him▪ since the Apostles time: and that Wigginton was comparable unto him, 
Mutuùm muliscabunt.  and M. Lancaster (meaning a schoolmaster in Shoe-lane) was above them both, in the state of heavenly glory, because he had kept himself undefiled from the common corruptions of these times, and had a most single heart to God.   

Hackets answer.  
To the fift and sixth, that men should shortly turn their spears into mattocks for the making of a true or better Reformation, or else a great plague, as it were fire from heaven should fall upon them for their rebellion against God: and that the Queen was undone, and all we Preachers should be damned, if we fall not to Reformation speedily. And that he knew not of any such comparisons or degrees to be in the seat of glory, but sure he was, although every man should be rewarded according to his works, yet he that would be highest should be lowest there, where all be as one in Christ.  
The seventh Article by them then uttered, is nothing but a lewd and slanderous railing, against two of the said Counsellors, whereunto Wigginton shapeth none answer in Hackets behalf, belike allowing it: and therefore did not ask Hacket of it, because himself made no doubt of the truth thereof, as it seemeth.   

Coppingers and arthington's speeches.  
That many of the Preachers and people in England professing Religion, were blind and careless in many things, yet the servants of God, to be saved upon repentance, and that some few which were more forward than others, should have more honour or higher places in heaven than they.   

Hackets answer.  
To the eight: that it was true, so near as Wigginton could call to remembrance.   

Coppingers and arthington's speeches.  
That these things they would confirm unto him by God's Spirit out of his word: In the mean while, they both used vehement protestations, that it was most true which they spoke, and that their doctrine was or should be fetched out of the third heaven: and they would prove themselves and William Hacket, to be extraordinarily called and sent of God as aforesaid: and they exhorted him to be constant in the truth. Arthington also pronounced Wigginton to be highly in God's favour, and assured him, that God's Spirit should be doubled upon him.   

Hackets answer.  
To the ninth be avoucheth the full effect thereof, and he also pronounced Wigginton to be highly in God's favour: and further told (after a bold and a resolute manner) that he had appointed him and some few others, to be assistants to Coppinger and Arthington in their foresaid offices, etc.  
Besides the premises, Wigginton hath set down (as pleased him best) a dialogue had with Coppinger & Arthington at that time not worth the insertinghere: yet this may be observed in it, that they then said they would prove the things aforesaid, by God's Spirit (which was above his word) and by his word also. Secondly, by Wigginton his own report it appeareth, that they answered unto his speeches, very temperately, directly, and pertinently. Thirdly it appeareth also therein, that he did not contradict any of their sayings, nor rebuke them, nor found fault with the absurdity and blasphemy of their opinions, and unduetifulnesse of their speeches, or danger of their purposes, but only warned them to be wary etc. lest they might be illuded of the Devil: so leaving it at that time doubtful, whether he allowed them to be such extraordinary men or no.  
In his said Narration he further showeth, that he ask Hacket, when he saw the two Gentlemen? Hacket answered, they had been with him that Morning whiles he lay in his bed, and had suddenly departed from him with one cry, saying, Christ is come, Christ is come whereat he said he marveled, not knowing what was their meaning in the matter: adding further, that he had oft warned Coppinger to take heed of conceiving too much liking of his own spiritual gifts, 
Scilicet.  whom he perceived to be ravished with an exceeding love, and extraordinary care for the safety of his Mistress, meaning the Queen's Majesty, who (quoth Hacket) is undone (and here is put an &c.) For you and all other Preachers shall be damned, unless she for her part, and you for your parts, do speedily fall to Reformation. Wigginton also saith further, that Hacket either at that time, or not long before, did exhort him to deal faithfully in the lords business, and that he had heard Hacket pray sometimes before, in strange terms, as these and such like, viz. Father, I know thou lovest me aswell as thou lovest thine own self. Thus when Hacket had answered wigginton's demands touching Coppingers and arthington's speeches (as is afore set down) he said he would departed home into the Country, yet he would leave word behind, for his adversaries to know in what place they should find him, if they were disposed to call for him. And withal made great show (after his former wont manner) as though he neither feared Magistrate, nor cared for any punishment, nor doubted any danger to ensue upon him, for any thing he had done or said, or should go about.  
Now touching some things markable in this Narration of Wigginton's. First, if Arthington say true in his confessions: that Hacket published not himself to have that office of Christ or his principal spirit, till the very moment that they were to go into the City to proclaim (as they did) and if they went not unto Hacket that day till they had first been with Wigginton, which seemeth to be true: then could it not be, that Wigginton heard that of them two at that time, which he reporteth them to have spoken in the first, second, third, & fourth article: and therefore he was made acquainted with it, before that time. Secondly, that, which he maketh Hacket to fumble about somewhat doubtfully in answer to the fourth article (touching the old Magistrates that were gone, and of new) doth argue, that Wigginton was also made privy to the intent of displacing all the old Counsellors, and placing of new, as was plotted by the conspirators. Thirdly, their lewd and malapert imputation of her majesties Honour to be blemished, and affirming she was undone, though it had been no more, were matters of that quality, that no dutiful or well advised subject would have either concealed, or so lightly passed over as he did. Fourthly, it is probable, that Hacket meant rather to have mattocks turned into spears then contrariwise: for I see no peaceable means that was thought on by them. Fiftly, we may observe that here is a Reformation moved, which upon pain of damnation must be undertaken, and that with all speed, even Now, (they say) wherein others beside the Queen have their parts to perform in erecting off it: some whereof have also extraordinary gifts and callings to run in that course of Reforming, and Wigginton (being yet a prisoner, but belike put in hope of speedy deliverance by their means) is appointed a principal assistant to them: yea, and is made privy unto some matter, for which Hacket thought he was not unlike to be afterward sought for, and which he knew might be dangerous unto him, had he been such a man, as any Magistrate, punishment or danger might have dismayed, and yet not sought to be revealed by Wigginton unto any Magistrate, till upon his examination it was found out. Lastly, I observe the coggery of the Reporter, or else the lewd lying and contradiction to himself of that wretched seducer Hacket. For in his answer to the fift and sixth articles he knows no degrees of glory in heaven, and yet in his answer to the eight, he assigneth more honour and higher places in heaven unto some few that are the most forward, than he doth unto others.  
But let us go on with the Narration of the principal action interrupted by occasion of the conferences had with Wigginton, and of his report of them.  
From wigginton's lodging the said Coppinger and Arthington came directly to Hackets chamber in Walkers house at Broken Wharfe, and there found the beast in bed after eight of the clock: where being inflamed (they say) with zeal out of all measure, Coppinger began to pray at the bed's feet, and Arthington joined with him: wherein they stood much upon their own unworthiness etc. but yet offered their obedience to do as the Lord should direct them by his Spirit, having already done so much as was enjoined them. Whereupon Hacket came out of his bed, and prayed with them in his shirt twice, that the spirit might direct them, and they likewise obey the same in all things, to the glory of God only. After Hackets latter prayer, Coppinger offered to go on in his prayer, but the Devilish spirit moved Arthington to interrupt him, and to charge him in the Name of the Lord jesus to arise and anoint the king, with the holy Ghost. Whereupon Coppinger straightway rose up, and three times kissed the boards under his feet, rising up after every time, and making great reverence with bowed knee: and after the third time he came towards Hacket as he lay in his bed, who put out his hand, and took Coppinger by the hand, 
Blasphemy.  and said, You shall not need to anoint me, for I have been already anointed in heaven, by the holy Ghost himself. Then Coppinger asked him, what his pleasure was to be done. Go your way both (said he as Arthington reports) and tell them in the City, that Christ jesus is come with his Fan in his hand to judge the earth. And if any man ask you where he is, tell them he lies at Walkers house by Broken Wharfe: & if they will not believe it, let them come & kill me, if they can: for as truly as Christ jesus is in Heaven, so truly is he come to judge the world. Then Coppinger said it should be done forthwith: and thereupon went forward, and Arthington followed so readily the said Prophet of Mercy, that he had no leisure to take his gloves with him, and yet Arthington could get down the stairs, Coppinger had begun (in the house below) to proclaim news from heaven, of exceeding great mercy: that Christ jesus was come &c. as above is said, with whom Arthington also cried the same words aloud, following him along the streets from thence by Watling street and Old Change, towards Cheapside, they both adding beyond their Commission these words, Repent England, Repent. But surely either their Commission was delivered them (at one time or other) more largely than the one of them now reporteth: or else they went beyond and exceeded it in many other material points besides this. For after they both had thus come (with mighty concourse of the common multitude as to such a novelty of hearing two new prophets in these days arisen was likely) with an uniform cry into Chepeside near unto the cross: and there finding the throng and press of people to increase about them, in such sort as that they could not well pass further, nor be coveniently heard of them all, as they desired; therefore they got them up into an empty cart which stood there, and out of that choice pulpit (for such a purpose) made their lewd and traitorous preachment unto the people: wherein they stood not only upon the words of their former cry, but (so near as I could learn from so common an Auditory, and in so confused an action) they reading something out of a paper, went more particularly over the office and calling of Hacket: how he represented Christ, by partaking a part of his glorified body: by his principal spirit, and by the office of severing the good from the bad with his fan in his hand, and of establishing the Gospel in Europe (which as it seemeth they took to be all the world, or else supposed, that all Europe did profess Christianity) and of bringing in that Discipline which they so often babble of, and which they mean by the term of Reformation and the holy cause: that he was now come, and all these things were presently to be performed by him, telling also the people, where they saw him, where he lay and remained: that they were two Prophets, the one of Mercy, the other of judgement, sent and extraordinarily called by God to assist him in this great work, and were witnesses of these things: confirming the same upon their own salvation, and wishing themselves confounded and damned for ever, if these things they spoke, were not true. And thereupon, the one of them pronounced Mercy, great comfort, and unspeakable joys to all that should repent presently, be obedient, and embrace this acceptable message and opportunity offered: and the other denounced terrible judgements, if they repent not, which should even presently (also) fall upon them, and especially upon that City of London: affirming that all that believed them not, were condemned body and soul. This judgement against London (as Arthington the pretended Prophet of judgement, saith he gathered out of Hackets history) was, that men should (there) kill and massacre one another (as Butchers do kill swine) all the day long, and no man should take compassion of them. There was then and there further delivered by them, or by the one of them, that Hacket was King of Europe, and so ought to be obeyed and taken: and that all Kings must hold of him, and that the Queen's Majesty had forfeited her Crown, and was worthy to be deprived. Which most traitorous point (amongst others) Hacket enjoined them to publish, as in the one of his Inditements is contained. Lastly, in very unmannerly and saucy terms they prayed to God, to confound two great Lords of her majesties Counsel: for these two (together with a certain Knight) they then and there openly and most lewdly accused in general terms of treason. This outrage was done the sixteenth day of july aforesaid, about ten of the clock or something after, in the afore-noone.  
By which their proclamation, being laid together with their former conferences, Letters, and purposes against the Queen and Counsel, and for advancing of Hacket, and for altering the State, with the very time (when so many soldiers were about the City) it is evident to any, who hath but half an eye to see with, that they intended and hoped to move tumult and sedition: that by many hands of the common multitude (which they brag of, saying, they are already inflamed with zeal) they might have brought all their purposes at length to a sure and speedy conclusion, which designment, for their pretended Reformation, this sort of people do greatly lament, so long to have been frustrated, after so many other several kind of means, in vain attempted by them. But God (who stayeth the raging of the waters, and the madness of his people) did frustrate them herein of their purpose and expectation: his Name be always praised therefore.  
And whereas they had purposed to have gone with the like cry and proclamation through other the chief parts of the City, the press (not of Officers to take them, but of common people to gaze and wonder at them) was so great, as that they were forced to go into a Tavern in Cheapside, at the sign of the Mermaid: the rather, because a Gentleman in a white doublet, being of his acquaintance, plucked at Coppinger whiles he was in the Cart, and rebuked him for his strange and lewd demeanour and speeches.  
Whereupon (though Arthington were offended with the said Gentleman for touching a Prophet of God in so rough a sort as he said) yet they were both contented to step aside into the said Tavern with him: where when they had remained a space, Coppinger was persuaded by one of the aforesaid lawson's men, that stayed there at that time (for avoiding the wondering and press of the people) to step over into Woodstreet, and from thence by back Lanes to his sister's house near unto Paul's wharf, where he lodged. But whiles they two were going together, Coppinger was very careful to know, whether Arthington followed them or not: insomuch as he would not be satisfied, till the said apprentice went back again for him. At whose coming back, he found Arthington still publishing his foresaid messages to the people, and telling them of Hacket and of his Office, with whom Arthington was content also at last to go by the same streets that Coppinger had gone, but yet crying (as he did afore) Repent England, Repent etc. When in this sort they two were come together to coppinger's lodging, they found the gates shut against them: whereupon the said apprentice would have had Arthington to have gone to his own lodging, but he would needs go to Walkers house at Broken wharf, where not long before he left Hacket. All the way that Arthington went, he was followed by a great multitude of lads and young persons of the meaner sort: But at his coming to Walkers house, Hacket was not yet returned out of the city, from Wigginton.  
After that Arthington was entered the house, he was there stayed by one Edward jones an honest citizen: and when Hacket (not long after) came in, Arthington said, There cometh the king of the earth. But Hacket willed him to keep silence, telling him he was too outrageous: whereupon he straightway (in very dutiful manner) obeyed: for he called Hacket his Captain, and said, That he would do whatsoever he commanded him to do.  
When the said jones (in searching about Arthington) found a writing in his sleeve, Arthington said, That fell out as he would have it, for now it would be seen: for he had made (he said) an Epistle to the Queen, and she would not receive it, and therefore she was (he said) no longer Queen, but was deprived of her Crown, Hacket saying nothing thereunto.  
There was found also in Hackets Chamber, hidden at the bed's feet, many writings: and Walker (the owner of the house) brought also unto the said jones other writings of theirs, out of a stable.  
And when Master Heiney parson of the Church of Saint Mary-Somersets an honest and learned Preacher, looked on one of the said papers, Hacket reproving him said, that it appertained not unto him, but unto the Magistrates to look on them.  
Arthington (in speeches with the said Heyney) said amongst other things, that the judgements of God over that City were very great, and that the time was now come, that God would reform his Church universally, and root out all Idolatrous priests, and that the Ministers of that City were no better: affirming himself to be a Prophet sent purposely from God, to denounce his judgements, and that Coppinger was a greater Prophet than he: that Cartwright was a great learned man, and a Saint of God: but Wigginton was less learned than he, yet far before him in dignity for his zeal, always concluding his speeches with these words of imprecation against himself, viz. else God confound me.  
When the said Preacher demanded of Hacket why he had seduced Arthington to bring him into such blasphemies, his answer was, that abundance of zeal did cause him to exceed in that sort. Then he asked Hacket, how he liked that Arthington ascribed unto him an Office peculiar to Christ? To which he would not directly answer, but said, that God had a great work to bring to pass by himself in this land, affirming that himself also was a Prophet, and had indited that prophesy (which Arthington writ) to be sent to the Queen or Counsel, and that he prayed to God to direct arthington's pen therein.  
This strange accident being quickly blown through the city, all was in a buzz, and in a kind of astonishment, what to think of the matter: and being speedily brought to her majesties ears, (then lying but at Greenwich) two of her honourable Counsel were presently dispatched unto London, to take further notice of the whole matter. About one of the clock in the afternoon, Coppinger was sent for, whiles Hacket and Arthington were brought before those honourable Counsellors and others at the L. majors to be examined: but (as is informed) they would not show any token of duty or reverence unto those honourable persons, not so much as by putting off their hats unto them. Then their hats were plucked off by others, and they were told their duties, and were asked whether they did not know before whom they stood? To which they answered, that they knew them right well: nevertheless they would yield them no duty nor reverence, insomuch as themselves (they said) were greater persons, than those before whom they were convented, yet they seemed well content to stand bareheaded, so their hats were taken off by force, and not put off by their own wills. This course of insolent behaviour towards all that examined them, both Hacket and Arthington held on, at sundry other their examinations. Nevertheless, Arthington that was so scrupulous to yield any reverence to the Queen's Counsel, and Officers, at one time when he saw Hacket, presently fell down groveling upon his face on the ground and honoured him, according to the Convention among them mentioned before. And albeit both these continued still resolute in their former fancies conceived of their extraordinary callings and Offices, and sought most absurdly to defend it by Scripture, (but chiefly by most terrible imprecations unto themselves, praying to be confounded and damned if they said not true:) yet to all questions that were asked of them, they answered (though most confidently) yet pertinently, and directly to purpose, saying, that Hacket used the matter somewhat more craftily, when any question of especial danger was propounded unto him. For than would he by cunning evasions, by cavils, and by frustratory kinds of answers go about to put off such interrogatories, seeming when he was pressed somewhat hard, to be weary of his part and person put on, if he could have then told how to have shaken it off, and been rid of it again, with any honesty.  
Coppinger (soon after his first examination) finding the event of things not to answer their expectations, seeing also the matter somewhat warmly taken (as there was good cause) and thereby gathering the danger which he and his complices stood in, and perceiving also (by the questions asked) the intercepting of their writings and Letters, whereby their dealings were at full discovered and brought to light; began, either by his own voluntary choice (as some perhaps not unprobably have imagined) or through anxiety (in deed) of mind, growing forth of the badness of the cause, to behave himself as a man distracted of his wits. Insomuch as coming at one time to be examined, & finding Hacket there, at his sight he presently roared out, in a very strange and horrible kind of voice: which Hacket willing to turn to the best, straightway said, It was no marvel, though Coppinger did now so behave himself, for that he had given him over already unto Satan.  
By perusal of their writings and Letters, and by their examinations, all the plots of treason and lewdness (afore mentioned) fell out very evidently, and more at full against them.  
Touching the Queen's arms defaced at Keys house, Hacket did confess, at the times of his examination, that he did it, none other being present, and that he was moved thereunto inwardly by the spirit, to take away her whole power of her authority, and that he would have done worse, had it not been for disquieting his hostess where he lay, because when she found it, she was very angry therewith: for he was not sorry, neither is sorry (as he then said) for doing the act, because he was commanded by God to do it, and durst do none otherwise. He confessed also, that he was likewise moved to put out the Lions and the Dragon's eyes in the arms: but being asked, why he did so? he bitterly and maliciously answered, that he did know, that Lions and Dragons did afflict God's people. He did also raze out the cross, that was pictured on the top of the Crown. He further confessed, that he meant also her majesties Counsel should be removed, because they were (he said) wicked: and that he himself (being moved by the spirit) would have placed certain other new Counsellors (whom he then named) to wait upon the Queen, and to reform Religion. It is also confessed by him, that he told Arthington and others, that he was the anointed King of Europe. By the depositions of the said Kaye and his wife, it appeareth, that they finding (about a fortenight before Hackets departure from them) the Queen's majesties picture pricked with some bodkin or iron instrument in the very place, representing her royal heart, did in great anger charge Hacket with it. Whereunto he answered, that he had done it, and must and would answer it; adding, he had greater matters to answer then that, and therefore (said he) you need not make such ado for it. But Hacket at all his examinations either denied this point flatly, or said, he did not remember it. This Noble heart, which thereby he so traitorously despited, God of his infinite mercy long bless and continue still most happy and hearty in his love and fear, within her majesties sacred breast, maugre all such execrable fiery spirits and hell hounds in earth, and all the damned devils in hell. Amen.  
Likewise he confessed, that he moved and sent forth Coppinger and Arthington, to go whither God should send them, and to declare and publish, that there lay a man (namely he the said Hacket) at Walkers house, which made claim to the Crown of England, and that her Majesty had forfeited her Crown, in that her Ministers have used extraordinary means to set up religion. This he confessed on the one and twentieth, and three and twentieth of july. But at his former examination on the nineteenth of july, being demanded whether he would acknowledge that the Queen's Majesty is lawful Queen of England or not? he subtly then said, he would not answer to that question, but said, she was Queen of England yet, if she had not forfeited the same. And he further confessed (on the three and twentieth day of july) that he first published in Hamp-shire (about three or four years passed) and afterwards in Hartfordshire, and in Northhamptonshire, that her Majesty was not Queen, and that she had forfeited her title to the Crown: and that he told Arthington so much in Trinity term. All these aforesaid, were confessed by him, without any torture: but being tortured, he then sang another song, and confessed her Majesty to be his lawful Queen, and affirmed, that he honoured her, and was sorry for his offence: adding, that if Coppinger, Wigginton, and one other (whom he named) were well sifted, and straightly examined, they would utter and declare sundry matters of treason.  
It fell out beside upon deposition of Keys, that Coppinger (being told how Hacket had used the Queen's picture and the Arms) at the first seemed to mislike with it, saying, that if he were such a fellow, he had done with him; but (saith he) you must bear with him: for some great men have also borne with him, and he is with you, but as it were a prisoner.  
Coppinger himself also at that his examination (which was taken the 19 of july) confessed, that the Letter then showed to him, (and inserted afore) was the copy of a Letter which he sent to the said john Udall about ten weeks then past, and that the cause why he wrote to Udall that he used not to repair unto him and the rest who were in prison▪ so often as he was wont to do, for doubt of more trouble and danger that might grown to them thereby, was, in respect of this action, which he had to do: he also then affirmed, that the Queen's Majesty, Queen Elizabeth, is not Queen of England, neither is he (as he said) now her servant, for Hacket is the only king of the world, and that Hacket was commanded by God to deface her majesties Arms which were in the house where he than lay, and that Hacket also pricked the picture of the Queen's Majesty at the heart. That himself, Wigginton, and one other (the very week afore Wigginton was committed) had a Fast together, where they prayed, that if any of them should have any extraordinary calling, they might have some extraordinary seal of it: about the which time, he the said Coppinger was called in a Dream. And that he (together with Arthington, and one other) had a former Fast at the aforesaid Lancaster's house, about one week afore that time: and that her majesties Counsel (that now are) must be tried by this King, whether they are to be removed from her Majesty or not: and that she is to have to be about her to attend her person (for the time) such as himself should assign, which shallbe those, whom he hath named in a Letter of his, that is found with him: and some others also (he said) were meant to have been assigned also for that purpose.  
There fell out also upon some of arthington's examinations (whiles he remained obstinate) certain other points not unworthy to be remembered. One was, that whereas he, in writing of a treatise against the state of this Church as it now standeth, observed (as he sayeth) therein his old wont to abstain from bitter speeches and railings, as a thing which he naturally abhorred: yet within these few Months, and after he had entered into these actions, he had altered his opinion, and was moved in spirit, to follow another sharp and biting course of writing, as being more convenient in his judgement. Also, when some that examined him, stood greatly upon this point, to persuade him, that he was seduced in those things wherein he seemed so resolute: and reasoned against such their pretended extraordinary callings, gifts, and offices: then he (for better confirmation thereof) said: that it should very shortly appear to the world, that they were no such seduced persons, as was imagined. For whereas a godly Gentlewoman in London (so he termed her) had been by the space of fourteen years, possessed with a devil, (as is afore touched) that (for a sure sign of their vocation) the said devil should be thrown out of her, by all, or some of their three means, very shortly. He also persisted wilful in his former fancies, until the very time that he knew Hacket was hanged, for until that day, he very confidently affirmed, that he was most assured by the spirit of God, and by the joys and comfort he inwardly felt, that Hacket did participate with Christ in a part of his office, and was in deed king of all Europe, on whom her Majesty and all other, must hold their crowns and sceptres, and must govern (if they would continue their government) by such laws, as he should prescribe and set forth, that all they three should shortly be dismissed, and should go over sea with Hacket, to take possession of all those his other kingdoms abroad, and to perform their offices. But when the vanity and danger of this strange fancy was opened unto him, his answer was to this effect: You think (saith he somewhat pleasantly, as it were pitying their error and misconceit) that we have incurred the danger of laws herein: and that we shall therefore be put to death: but as sure as God is in heaven, the sword shall not come near to hurt us, neither shall any man be able to touch the least hair of any of our heads.  
Thus, the mean time (for the most part thereof) from Friday the 16. of july, until Monday seven-night after, being spent in examinations, it was thought good, that Hacket should then come to his trial: on which day (being the 26. of july) he was brought from Bridewell to the Session's house near Newgate, before the Lord Maior, the Lord Wentworth, Sir Gilbert Gerrard knight, Master of the Rolls, Sir Wolstane Dixie, and Sir Richard Martin knight, M. Sergeant Fleetwood Recorder of London, M. Daniel and others in that Commission: where after the grand jury was empanelled, the witnesses that should give evidence sworn, and two several Indictments against him found, Hacket was willed to hold up his hand, which he did: then the first Indictment was read being of this tenor being turned into English, viz.  
The jury do present for the Queen, 
London ss.  that William Hacket late of Oundell in the County of Northampton yeoman, as a false traitor against the most excellent and Christian Princess our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God, of England, France, and Ireland, Queen, defender of the faith, etc. his natural & Sovereign liege Lady, having not the fear of God in his heart, nor weighing his due allegiance, but seduced by the instigation of the Devil, maliciously & traitorously, compassing, imagining, devising, and intending the deprivation and deposing of our said Sovereign Lady Elizabeth, from her honour and royal name of the Imperial Crown of this Realm of England, on the 21. day of july, in the 33. year of the reign of our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth now Queen of England, at London, that is to say, in the parish of S. Brides in the ward of Farringdon extra London, and divers other days & times, betwixt the 12. of February last passed, and the 25. day of july, in the said 33. year of her majesties reign, aswell in the parish and ward aforesaid, as else where in London aforesaid, of his own perverse, and traitorous mind, and imagination, maliciously, expressly, advisedly, directly, and traitorously in the presence & hearing of sundry faithful subjects of our said Sovereign Lady, these false, malicious, and traitorous English words following, concerning our said Sovereign Lady the Q. Majesty, falsely, maliciously, advisedly, expressly, directly, and traitorously said, rehearsed, published, and spoke, viz. That the Q. Majesties (meaning thereby our said Sovereign Lady Q. Elizabeth) was not Queen of England: and that the Queen's Majesty (meaning thereby our said Sovereign Q. Elizabeth did represent all hypocrisy, and had forfeited her Crown, and was worthy to be deprived, and that he had been of that opinion these four years: and that he defaced her Arms in Keys house (thereby meaning the house of one Ralph Keys situate and being in Knight-rider street in the parish of S. Gregory near Paul's in the ward of Baynard's Castle London) to take away her whole power of her authority, and was moved thereunto by the spirit, and that he neither was, nor is sorry therefore, to the great scandal and derogation of the person and Royalty of our said Sovereign Lady the Queen, and to the subversion of the state of this Realm of England, and contrary to the form of a statute in this case made and provided, and also against the peace of our said Sovereign Lady, her Crown and dignities, etc.  
Being asked whether he were guilty to this Indictment or not? he confessed and pleaded guilty: adding this, All must be as you will. Whereupon M. Attorney general desired for the Queen, his confession of the Indictment might be entered. Then Hacket being again bidden to hold up his hand, he did so accordingly: whereupon the second Indictment was read being in English as followeth, viz.  
The jury presents for the Queen: 
London ss.  That William Hacket late of Oundell in the County of Northhampton Yeoman, as a false traitor against the most excellent and Christian Princess our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, France and Ireland Queen, defender of the faith, etc. Having not the fear of God in his heart, nor weighing his due allegiance, but seduced by the Instigation of the Devil, and intending wholly to withdraw, put out, and extinguish the hearty love, and the true and due obedience, which a true and faithful subject of the Queens should bear, and by law is bound to bear, towards our said Sovereign Lady the Queen. The first day of july in the three and thirtieth year of the Reign of the said Queen, at London in the parish of Saint Gregory's near Paul's in the ward of Castle-Baynard London, falsely, maliciously, and traitorously intented, imagined, went about, and compassed, the said Queen his Sovereign and natural liege Lady, not only from her Royal state, title, power, and government of this Realm of England, utterly to deprive, depose, cast down, and disherit, but also to bring and put the said Queen's Majesty to death, and final destruction, and sedition in the said Realm of England to raise up, levy and make: and also wholly to subvert and destroy the state of this whole Common wealth, being in and throughout every part thereof, well constituted and ordered. And to the intent he might fulfil and bring to pass those his aforesaid traitorous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents, the said William Hacket afterward, that is to say, the said first day of july, in the three and thirtieth year of the reign of the Queen's Majesty that now is, did come to the mansion house of one Ralph Keys situate and being in Knight-rider street in the said Parish of Saint Gregory in the ward aforesaid: and then and there, maliciously, devilishly, and traitorously, razed and defaced the Arms of the Queen's Majesty then and there in the said house being, with this intent, traitorously to take away, put down, and overthrow the power of authority of the said Queen. And that the said William Hacket for further accomplishing and effecting of his said traitorous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents, the said first day of july, in the said 33. year of her majesties reign, in the house of the said Ralph Keys situate in the parish and ward aforesaid, did traitorously raze a certain picture of the Q. majesties, then and there in the said house likewise being: and then and there did maliciously and traitorously put in and thrust an iron Instrument into that part of the said picture, that did represent the Breast and heart of the Q. Majesty. And afterward, that is to say, on the 16. day of july, in the 33. year of the reign of the Q. Majesty that now is, the said W. Hacket, traitorously came to the house of one john Walker situate and being in the parish of S. Marry Sommersets in the ward of Queene-hithe in London aforesaid, with intent, traitorously to confer and treat, with one Edmund Coppinger Gent. and Henry Arthington Gent. concerning his traitorous purposes, imaginations, compassings, & intents aforesaid, And that the said William Hacket afterward, that is to say, on the 16. day of july in the 33. year of the reign of the Q. Majesty that now is, at London aforesaid in the house of the said john Walker, in the foresaid parish of S. Marie Somerset in the said ward of Queenehithe in London, of his own perverse and traitorous mind and imagination, maliciously, advisedly, expressly, and traitorously, did treat & had conference with the said Edmund Coppinger and Henry Arthington, by what ways, means, and manner, the said traitorous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents, might be accomplished and brought to pass. And thereupon on the said 16. day of july, in the said 33. year, in the said house of john Walker aforesaid, situate and being in the said parish of S. Marry Sommersets in the said ward of Queene-hithe London, in the presence & hearing of the said Edmund Coppinger and Henry Arthington (being then and there in the said house) the said Hacket these false traitorous English words following, of our said Sovereign Q. Elizabeth, falsely, maliciously, advisedly, expressly, directly & traitorously, said, rehearsed, published and spoke, viz. That the Q. Majesty, (meaning our said Sovereign Lady Q. Elizabeth) had forfeited her Crown, and was worthy to be deprived. And that furthermore the said William Hacket thereupon the said 16. day of july in the said 33. year, in the said house of john Walker situate in the parish of S. Marry Sommersets in the said ward of Queene-hithe London, maliciously, and traitorously moved & stirred up the said Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington, traitorously and openly to publish and declare in London aforesaid, that the Queen's Majesty that now is, had forfeited her crown to the great offence and derogation of the person of the Queen's Majesty, and to the subversion of the state of this Realm of England, and contrary to the peace of our said sovereign Lady, her crown and dignities, etc.  
And being likewise asked whether he were guilty to this Indictment or not (belike perceiving that he was already plunged in far enough) he began then to answer more perversely, saying to the Bench, You have wit enough to judge for me & yourselves too: being asked the same again, he said, Few words are best, it is good to know much and to say little: and being divers times asked, he still repeated these words. Then being told that if he should persist in that sort, not to plead directly as by law he ought, it could not serve his turn, for that alone was sufficient of itself, to condemn him of the treason: and being asked again whether he were guilty or not, he said, Ambo. But some further good advertisements being given unto him, at last (after much ado) he pleaded not guilty to that second Indictment. Thereupon being asked, by whom he would be tried? he said by the country: but being told he ought to say, By God and by the country, he said, that he would be tried by the jury. And there withal, burst out into such blasphemous and hellish words against the Majesty of God (in truth not to be heard by Christian ears, and therefore not to be vitered or repeated here) that they were to the great astonishment and horror of all, and detestation of him with all the hearers. It may be that he hoped thereby to induce the judges to an opinion, that he was mad and furious, albeit in his countenance, gesture, attentiveness to that which was spoken, silence when he ought, holding up his hand when he was commanded, perceiving the effect of all was spoken, pertinent (though sometimes perverse) answers, through all that action, no tokens of any fury or madness at all could be noted in him.  
Some have imagined that the Illusion of the devil was so strong to persuade him of an immunity from all danger, according to his former conceived opinions, that thereby he grew to such a devilish impatience against God, when as now he saw himself to be brought to more apparent danger, than (happily) he supposed there ever would be cause for him to fear. Which thing seemeth more probable to have been the occasion thereof, for that immediately after his blasphemy, he also used these words: God almighty is above, and will he not revenge? But seeing he could not be brought to any other plea, the Queen's Attorney general, desired in behalf of the Queen, that judgement thereupon might be entered. And seeing he pleaded guilty to the one, and stood mute to the second, in that he answered not as law would (whereupon he was to be convicted of both the Inditements) so that none Evidence (which was there ready) needed either to be used, or by the Queen's Counsel learned to be opened or enforced: Nevertheless, for better satisfaction of the world, it was by them thought meet, somewhat to show, both how heinous, and how evident (for proof) his treasons were. And albeit I am not able (in any tolerable sort) to repeat the grave, wise, and pithy discourses that were made in this behalf, by those two worthy gentlemen master Attorney general, and master Solicitor to her Majesty: yet (I hope) they will pardon me, to set down only some few heads of their speeches, as they were noted briefly from their mouths, and afterward brought unto me. Master Attorney declared, that the original of these plots and conspiracies came from, and were for the Sectaries of this time: that Coppinger in a letter to Udall prayeth him and the rest in prison not to saint: that he and others had taken a course for their speedy deliverance, and desired pardon for not coming to him, which he said might be dangerous, for that they should be the sooner suspected, or to that effect: that there were letters dispersed in the streets five or six days before the action: that there were found in wigginton's chamber printed pamplets, which should be sent to a great number of women (whom I, quoth master Attorney forbear to name) as is touched before: that in other letters was contained, that the Queen should command her Counsellors to their chambers, because of the stir and danger which then should be: that Hacket himself had afore confessed (besides the other points of the Inditements) how he sent Arthington and Coppinger to do and proclaim as they did.  
Then master Solicitor very excellently also discoursed, how there was no treason more dangerous than that, which is practised under other colours, as it were in the clouds, and none wounded so deep as those that were shadowed under the cloak of religion & zeal: for of it commonly followed greatest destruction and calamities. This he exemplified by the Anabaptists at Munster in Westphalia, and some others: that in like sort (as they did) this Hacket also affirmeth he was sent from God, was a principal Angel sent before the judgement, that he doth participate (with horror I rehearse it, said master Solicitor) of the human nature of jesus Christ, and the two other are Prophets, one of Mercy, and the other of judgement. That the Queen had forfeited her crown: that the counsel was wicked, and must be overruled, and by whom but by him? etc. Then he showed what Hacket was, viz. a Bankrupt: that he had married a widow, and had spent all.  
Which done, master Recorder of London, gave judgement upon Hacket as in like cases is accustomed. From thence Hacket was carried to Newgate, and there remained till Wednesday next after (being the appointed day for his execution) that in the mean while he might (by godly counsel) be brought to repentance, and to provide for his soul's health. Certain preachers so traveled with him in the mean time, that albeit (for some while) he thought to advantage himself, and to respite his execution, by giving (through dissimulation) froward and lewd answers, yet at length they brought him (as it then seemed) to a serious consideration of his own state, and of the grievousness of his treasons. In so much as master Richard Young of London coming also unto him thither, on the Tuesday being the 27. of july, betwixt the hours of six and seven in the after noon (sundry others also being in company) he found him (in outward appearance) well affected. For when master Young wished him to submit himself, and to confess his fault towards almighty God, he presently with good words did it accordingly. Then master Young told him that God had appointed death unto all men, but unto divers in divers sorts, and wished him to take patiently that which God had laid upon him. This Hacket said he would unfeignedly do, and withal asked the Queen's Majesty forgiveness, saying, he was very sorry for the words he had spoken, and that it was a gracious and happy turn, that their treasons were in time revealed: for otherwise it would have cost a number of innocent men their bloods, and himself (he thought) should nevertheless also, have been slain amongst them: but now he trusted in God, that the others would confess also their treasons, and that her Majesty was a gracious Prince, and would forgive them if they asked mercy. And if it would also please her highness, to be so gracious unto him as to pardon him, he would henceforth become a good subject. Furthermore (because he had no money) he then desired M. Young either to give or to lend him some money: saying, he would repay it again, if ever he were able, who thereupon did his devotion towards him. Then Hacket thanked him, and desired master Young to pray for him. Thus he continued in good temper that night, and the next morning, until (looking out at one of the windows into the street leading towards Chepeside) he saw all the street even filled (as it were) up with people, expecting his execution. Thereupon he began to answer such as exhorted him very desperately, and blasphemously: and when as coming down the stairs, one of the Shiriffs wished him to be mindful of Christ's death, who suffered for him, he thereupon uttered most execrable blasphemy against Christ's blessed passion.  
He was brought from Newgate towards the place of execution, the eight and twentieth day of julie (being Wednesday) after ten of the clock in the morning, albeit by reason of the incredible multitude (than in the streets) but especially in Chepeside from one end thereof unto another (the like whereof at no assembly in memory hath been seen) it was very long ere the Officers (with all they could do) could get him to the very place. All the way that he was dragged upon the hurdle, he continued his counterfeit vain that he had then undertaken: one while crying out jehovah Messiah, jehovah Messiah: another while crying out thus: Look, look, how the heavens open wide, and the son of God cometh down to deliver me. When he came under the gibbet (which was reared hard by the cross in Chepeside, towards the right hand of the street as you come from Paul's) and the noise being appeased, he was exhorted to ask God, and the Queen forgiveness, and to fall to his prayers: but he persevering in his unprofitable course of dissimulation, in stead thereof, fell to railing and cursing of the Queen's Majesty, most villainously. But being more vehemently urged to remember his present state, and to give over all hope to do himself good by such dissembling, he began to pray this most passionate, blasphemous, and execrable prayer, videlicet. O God of heaven, mighty jehovah, Alpha and Omega, Lord of Lords, King of Kings, and God everlasting, that knowest me to be that true jehovah, whom thou hast sent: send some miracle out of a cloud to convert these Infidels, and deliver me from these mine enemies: If not, I will fire the heavens, and tear thee from thy throne with my hands. With other words of most execrable blasphemy against the divine Majesty of God (not to be rehearsed) by reason that he found not that deliverance, which he fancied God to have promised. Then turning towards the Executioner, he said unto him, Ah thou bastard's child, wilt thou hang William Hacket thy king? The Magistrates and people detesting this subtle, seditious, and blasphemous humour, commanded and cried to the Officers to dispatch with him, or to have his mouth stopped from blaspheming: but they had much a do to get him up the ladder: And when he was up, he struggled with his head to and fro, (aswell as he could) that he might not have the fatal noose put over his head. Then he asked them (very fearfully) O what do you, what do you? but seeing by the circumstance, what they intended, he began to rave again, and said, Have I this for my kingdom bestowed upon thee? I come to revenge thee, and plague thee, and so was turned off. But the people unwilling that so traitorous and blasphemous a wretch, should have any the least favour: cried out mightily to have him cut down presently, to be quartered, and seemed very angry with the Officers, that made no more haste therein: but as soon almost as he was cut down, (even with a trice) his heart was taken forth, and showed out openly to the people, for a most detestable, blasphemous traitors heart.  
Thus died the most dangerous firebrand of sedition, most detestable traitor, most hypocritical seducer, and most execrable blasphemous hellhound, that many ages ever saw, or heard of, in this land.  
The next day after this (being Thursday,) Coppinger having wilfully abstained from meat (as is said) seven or eight days together, died in Bridewell: and Arthington liveth yet in the Counter in Woodstreet, reserved (I hope) unto sincere and perfit repentance. For immediately upon Hackets execution, he wrote a letter unto two great Counsellors, (whom among others he had lewdly slandered) of submission, and afterwards (more at large) he wrote to the body of the Council, the whole course (as he pretendeth) of this action, so far as he was made acquainted therewith, humbly craving their Lordship's mediation unto the Queen's most excellent Majesty for his pardon, and acknowledging his dangerous error, and devilish seduction (by Hacket especially) into this traitorous action.  
This declaration is truly taken forth of their own letters, writings under their hands, and their confessions upon examinations, subscribed by themselves, and by sundry honourable and worshipful persons of great gravity, and wisdom, before whom they were made: and therefore may suffice, to show unto all reasonable and well affected, the lewdness and danger of the hypocritical plots, and seditious conspiracies entered into by these persons.  
But some there are so perversely wedded to their own wills, and addicted to their fancies once conceived, that they give out they were mad, and furious persons, choosing therein, rather to accuse the honourable justice of the Realm, and all the administers thereof, then that any of their factious crew (professing desire of pretended Reformation, and to bring in The Discipline (as they call it) should be noted with so deep disloyalty.  
As it is not the part of any honest Christian, by calumniation to charge those that be innocent: so doth it not become a loyal subject, to justify any traitors, especially with slandering of the State. It therefore seemeth requisite, that this point be not left uncleared: whether they or any of them, in these practices, were in deed transported with fury, besides themselves, so as they needed not to have been regarded, nor (by law) ought to have suffered death for them?  
In wants of understanding and reason (after such time as men should naturally have them) there are noted divers degrees, that are also of several consideration, that is to say: Furor sive Rabbis: Dementia sive Amentia: Insania sive Phrenesis: Fatuitas, Stultitia, Lethargia, & Delirium. And albeit the three first (by sundry writers) be sometimes confounded & taken for one, like as also the fourth is with the fifth, and the sixth with the last: yet when the diversity espied in the things themselves, do drive men to a more exact consideration, and distinction of the words (by which those passions are to be expressed) they are for the most part thus properly termed and distinguished by the best writers.  
Furor (as it is described by Tully) est mentis ad omnia caecitas: 
Tusc. qu. li. 3.  an entire and full blindness or darkening of the understanding of the mind, whereby a man knoweth not at all, what he doth or saith, and is englished madness or woodness. 
Bal. in I. sed & milites § iam autem ff. de excus: tuto: & passim alij.  He that is possessed herewith, is carried with fury of mind, into great violences, and outrages, so that he neither spareth himself, nor other men, and is called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such was the madness of Ajax (as is feigned by the Poets) who whipped and scourged droves of beasts and cattle, thinking they were the Grecians that had displeased him, and afterward in that rage, killed himself.  
Dementia is described there, 
Ibidem.  by the same Author, to be affectio animi lumine mentis carens, A passion of the mind, bereaving it of the light of understanding: 
Quintil. Declamat. 348.  Or as another grave and learned Author calleth it, ablatus rerum omnium intellectus, when a man's perceivance and understanding of all things is taken away, and may be englished distracted of wit, 
Festus.  or being beside himself. Such one is called also Mente captus, cùm mens eiè potestate abijt, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
I. 2. D de inoffic. testamento.  This infirmity of the mind is less than furious rage, and to be distinguished from it. They differ in this, that the first is, as it were carried with great outrage of mind, 
DD. in § 1. Instit. de curate.  into violent courses: but he that is only mente captus, useth greater quietness of body, & calmness, and showeth not such outward testimonies in his actions, of alienation of his wits: yet neither of these have any ruled memory, will, understanding, or feeling, of that they do or say. 
Tuscul. qu. li. 3.   
Insania is also described by Tully (upon the judgement of the Authors of the 12. Tables) to be inconstantia sanitate vacans, quae tamen possit tueri officium vitae communis, & cultum usitatum; A kind of Inconstancy void in deed of perfit soundness of mind, yet such, as that he which hath it can observe and do the common offices of this life amongst men, in some reasonable and tolerable sort: such be all they, whom commonly we term either frantic, brainsick, cracked-witted, cocke-braines, or harebrained men, being not altogether unapt for civil societies, or void of understanding, to perceive what they say or do, or what is said unto them: albeit they have many strange conceits, toying fancies, and perform sundry, rash, undiscreet, mad, and foolish parts. Many examples of these three degrees, much differing one from another, may be observed in our daily experience, & in histories of all ages.  
Fatuitas is the want of wit and understanding, wherewith natural fools are possessed: But Stultitia is that folly which is seen in such, as albeit they be but simple and gross witted, yet are not to be accounted very idiots, or Naturals. Therefore one speaking modesty of himself, 
Afranius.  said thus: Ego stultum me existimo, fatuum esse non opinor. I take myself to be but a simple man, yet (I hope) no stark idiot.  
A Lethargy is a notable forgetfulness of all things almost, that heretofore a man hath known, or of their names: so that such one often times forgetteth also his own name, calleth any thing by a wrong name, and beginning to speak, forgetteth what he had said afore, and what he meant to say after. This distemperature and weakness cometh by some blow, sickness, or age.  
Delirium is that weakness of conceit and consideration, which we call dotage: when a man, through age or infirmity, falleth to be a child again in discretion: albeit he understand what is said, and can happily speak somewhat pertinently unto sundry matters.  
If a man, whiles he is troubled with either of the first two infirmities, shall commit any thing, which in his own nature is criminal, all good laws do rather pity his case, then punish him, albeit, in the rest, it be not absolutely so observed: for volunt as non actus, affectus non effectus distinguunt maleficia: we are not in punishing offenders, so much to respect the event, and what is done, as with what purpose, mind, and affection the thing is done. But such as be furious, and distracted of their wits, are intended (whiles that passion lasteth) to have no will, 
l. 17. § filio. D. de iniurijs L. 2.  to know or perceive nothing, & therefore not to give consent to any thing they do, or say. In which respects they are compared in law, to men absent, 
§ finali. D. de iure Codicillorum.  and utterly ignorant of any thing done by themselves, or in their presence.  
Now then, to examine these three persons by that which hath been said: It may be yielded, that their imaginations, purposes, plots, and designments, respecting the weightiness of the end, and weakness of the means, were fantastical, unadvised, & most fond and unlikely, yet none otherwise then may be also truly said for the most part of all such fanatical fantastics, schismatics, heretics, or malcontented treasonable conspirators whatsoever. But cannot (truly or with any colour of probability) be affirmed, that any of them were mad, beside themselves, and out of their wits, as not knowing and perceiving what they did or said, or what others said or did unto them.  
First concerning Arthington, I have not heard so much as any doubt at all of madness to have been made by any man that conversed, or had to deal with him, either in, or after this action. But because Coppinger hath been supposed by many (after the time of his first examination) to have fallen into stark madness, let us a little look back, & briefly recapitulate some points, that have been afore touched concerning him, to see, if any such distraction of mind could also be noted in him, by the carriage of this action, before his apprehension. Yet I do know, that it hath been doubted (upon some good ground) by wise men, whether he were in deed mad, even at any time after he was apprehended, as he made show, or whether it were only feigned by him. For a mad man may, & often times doth, for 2. or 3. days together, eat no meat, nor happily drinks not at al. But when the humours of his stomach are fully concocted & put over, so that for want of food, it beginneth naturally to suck back the blood & nourishment, distributed afore into the veins & parts, which breedeth hunger: then will a mad man (most commonly) very greedily & ravenously, even by course of nature, fall to his meat, if it be showed him, & cannot abstain, because he cannot dissemble this appetite, in the time of his fury. But Coppinger is said to have forborn & abstained from meat & drink (though they were offered unto him) by the space of 8. whole days: whereby he grew so weak, as that it may seem, he died for want of sustenance. Such resolution or obduration of mind, can hardly so long together remain with him, that is mad in deed, & knoweth not what he doth. Howsoever it were after, it is sure, that before their pageant was played, (wherein matters prospered not as they expected) the whole course of his speeches, writings, & other dealings were such, as do argue no defect at all of reason, memory, wit, or understanding, setting aside the absurdity and folly of the fancy, wherewith he was led.  
For when he first had taken apprehension of such extraordinary calling, he yielded not straight way & unadvisedly unto it, but after long & deliberate debating with himself: his care was great, and course (as in such a matter) was considerate, in seeking to be resolved by such, as he both then, & afore held, to be best able to judge of his gifts & calling: the questions that he framed were very pertinent to that purpose, and orderly penned: his letters & speeches to T. C. to Eg. to Ch. to Vd. to Lan. to Wig. to P. W. to I. T. and others, and to them of foreign Churches, were (for that matter) well and advisedly indicted: his cunning was not small, to keep the very particular way of effecting that which he desired, from those he dealt with, because himself knew it a dangerous secret, and a course not justifiable, unless it came by extraordinary motion, and special economy from God, and therefore he desired to have it allowed so to be: his pretence of entertaining intelligence (touching some important service to the State of the Realm, whereof he pretended to have an inkling, but no full and particular knowledge) was none unadvised or simple reach of policy, in him. For if in plaiting of his purposes, and dealing in the principal action, any thing of doubtful acceptance, should happen to have been after discovered, then might he well and with good colour, have pretended, that he did it but in way of attaining to intelligence of those dangers, whereof the generality (as it were in the clouds) he had afore delivered to a Counsellor. For he might not seem a man to be suspected of any disloyal purpose, who showed himself so careful for his Sovereign's safety. Add to these, his cunning petition▪ to have prisoners for treason, etc. to be examined by himself, and execution of condemned persons to be stayed at his beck, whereby he might more easily have induced them to appeach, whom he list to have overthrown, and whom he principally aimed at. His subtlety also doth notably appear in his petitions to her Majesty: where he makes show of great secrets to be delivered only in her presence, and prayeth to be pardoned, if in over much fear of her safety, he had attempted to prove that, which he could not, which argueth, that he had (in deed) not so much as any colourable intelligence delivered unto him, of treason intended, by such great men, as he pretended: but used this as a means, to have access, for himself and the others, unto her highness presence, for some further intended mischief: then his allowance and commendation of sound & good counsel given him, by Eg. a preacher, and by others: his sparing to reveal the great & dangerous secret unto Hacket, upon their first acquaintance: his rasing out of Hackets and the towns name, out of the letter sent by him to a Noble parsonage, to give inkling of treasons intended against her Majesty, lest the quality and unlikelihood of the man being inquired after, that plat should be dashed: his not subscribing of his name to sundry letters: his directing of Hacket, neither to subscribe nor endorse (but in that sort as he prescribed) for fear of discovery: his desire to have all the letters again, that he had written to Eg. about that matter: his wary and diligent keeping of copies, of every letter that he writ in that cause: and when leisure served not so to do, his great care to have the very letters again: his offence with one Hoc. for keeping a letter from him, which he had sent unto him: his cunning excuse of Hackets defacing of the Queen's Arms: his counterfeit revelation to bring Arthington further in: his devise to make Arthington resolute, by saying it was revealed to him, that they had Angelical spirits, not subject to hurt, by any mortal power: his willing choice to withdraw himself into an house, when (after their proclamation) things fell not out as was expected, and from thence afterward to go to his place of abode, through by-lanes: his and Hackets putting of the matter from knowledge of Arthington for a time, though afterward (happily) to be opened, why the Queen might not be prayed for, in particular: their pretence of the lords commandment, to keep the means secret: how the Queen's Majesty and the Council were to be brought to repentance, and unto their pretended Reformation: The sensible and coherent manner of report unto Wigginton, touching Hackets and their own callings, and offices, by Coppinger and Arthington: their temperate and pertinent answers unto wigginton's speeches, and all their consulting sundry times together, about their business, namely, the night afore, and the day of their proclamation, do plainly argue, that Coppinger (albeit he were greatly misled by a false and spiteful zeal, and by much hypocrisy) yet was he far enough, from any distracting of his wits, in every part of this action.  
And concerning Hacket (whose terrible blasphemies at the last, do argue either a villainous dissimulation to have his execution respited, or a desperate intemperancy against God, for frustrating his expectation) there can no fury or madness be justly noted in him, by the whole managing of this action, but rather, notable hypocrisy, craft, and dissembled holiness. First, in that he seemed a man most zealous for the pretended Reformation of the Church, by erecting the Discipline, and afterward also for reforming of the Commonwealth: That he used (in outward appearance) a most fervent, and devout manner of praying: that in his prayers, he did execrate himself most deeply, if he sought not the glory of God only in this action, thereby the better to be credited, and to cover his villainies: that he took a days deliberation, to answer the great matter, after it was first propounded by Coppinger: that he sought to get credit to himself, & to terrify her majesty, by telling (in generalities) of strange judgements of God, imminent over her, that were revealed unto him: that foreseeing it not unlikely to rain (after a long time of drought) he prayed in coppinger's presence for rain, whereby it might seem to be sent by God, at his only prayer & mediation: that he bore them in hand he could tell things to come, being merely contingent: that he could feign such kind of Revelations, as if they were showed to him in the midst of his torments, which (if they be marked) tended only to have himself magnified, as a man placed most highly in God's favour: that when the one of his followers seemed offended, he craftily excused the mislike which he had showed, to hear her Majesty prayed for: that the better to colour his hatred & malice, he afterward prayed for her himself: that he cunningly induced Coppinger, either to feign or to fancy a Revelation, that he, & Arthington must obey him the said Hacket in all things: that he pretended to dispense with Arthington, for honouring him as king of Europe, until he should do it before others, where it might stand him in better steed: that he craftily put off his intended anointing by Coppinger, (as being already done in heaven) lest some (unlooked for) accident happily falling forth, the whole pageant might have been marred: that his pretended greatest office of severing (in Christ's behalf) the good from the bad, with his fan in his hand, was concealed from Arthington, until the very time that the message was to be done by them, when as it was too late to consider of it, & unlawful to be disobeyed: that this office he proclaimed unto them (after his two solemn prayers, for direction of them by God's spirit, to the glory of God only) as it were an oracle newly dropped down from heaven: that he answered wigginton's questions very cunningly▪ as touching the old Magistrates that were gone, and the new come in place, meaning thereby (in truth) the displacing of all her majesties Council: that he warily qualified Coppingers and arthington's speeches, which seemed unto Wigginton, to attribute a little too much unto him: that (coming through that streets, & seeing their proclamation had not made such stir, as was hoped) he then pretended unto Wigg. that he had not set them on work, but marveled what they meant thereby, & thereupon signified, he would departed that city, & be gone home: that fearing what might happen in the event of the tumult, he sent them into the streets, but tarried behind in the house himself: that he put the trial of his said pretended great office (which he claimed in Christ's room) upon this issue & trial, that none of that people which should come to see him, had the power to kill him: for he knew that no private subject might or would attempt to do it, howsoever otherwise they took the matter: that after the matter fell not out to his purpose, & being returned to Walkers house, he rebuked Arth. overmuch forwardness, for calling him there (openly before others) the king of the earth, & excused this in him, by his great zeal: that he slily avoided the questions which the minister of that parish did ask him touching those things which Arthington attributed unto him: that he used at his examinations, many crafty evasions, when any question of capital danger to him was asked: that he constantly at all his examinations persisted in denying, and said he did not remember that action which seemed most odiously traitorous touching the piercing that part of the picture, which represented her majesties royal heart: that he denied also to have sent them to publish as they did: that he did answer so doggedly and (in truth) knavishly, to the question of defacing the Lion and Dragon in her majesties arms: that to a question (of most importance) whether her Majesty were lawful Queen of England? he refused to answer: that he subtly answered (albeit not to the lawfulness of her being Queen) yet she was (in fact) queen as yet if she had not forfeited it: that when he was tortured, he revoked his treasons, and sorrowfully submitted himself, a course which by the extremity of pain (at the first assaying of it) doth drive a man (being in deed mad) into a far greater rage and impatience than he was afore: that till he was tortured, he would not appeach any other his complices in the treasons: that being not willing to plead directly to his second indictment, he drove of the time with cunning answers, in deed importing nothing less than madness: that being in good temper, and (as seemed) well disposed in mind both the night before, and the Wednesday morning, until he saw no remedy, but that he was presently to be executed, he burst not forth into his horrible blasphemies: and that at the very execution, in his greatest impatience pretended, (albeit his speeches were most villainous against the Queen, and blasphemous towards God) yet he understood what was said and done, his words had sense, and his prayer was coherent together, one part with another. None of all which things premissed, can happen or be found in him, that is in deed furious and distracted of his wits, such as the laws not only do pity, but also spare and protect from all punishment▪  
If any man now shall marvel how such vain and foolish conceits, could so deeply possess men of any consideration, let him remember what Luther writ against certain like fanatical persons, the Anabaptists in Germany: who pretended like purity, and intended also a dangerous Reformation: There is (saith he) none error so absurd, but (when Gods wrath is once kindled) the devil is able to persuade it.  
But if offence be taken by any against the Gospel itself, for that these weeds have sprung up in the times, and amongst those persons that make outward profession of it, let that be called to mind, which I said in the beginning of this treatise, and the comparison and resemblance now ensuing be considered, with these men's purposes, opinions, and actions, which there I promised to make betwixt them and certain heresies and tumults stirred up in Germany, at the very beginning of the renewing of the light of the Gospel, by the preaching of Luther, Zuinglius, and others, the brief of which story is thus, viz.  
About six or seven years after Luther began to preach the Gospel, 
Sleidan lib. 4. & 6.  the devil (to disturb this work) stirred up certain hotebrained, unconsiderate, and importune preachers, that misliked not only the doctrine of the Pope, but the doctrine of Luther also, as not being so spiritual, nor serving so fitly for planting of purity, as they thought requisite. By whose continual clamour, and sharp invectives against the enormities of the Ecclesiastical state, the Nobility and Magistrates, such effect was wrought, as that (in short time) there was kindled a most fearful war of above one hundred thousand of the common and uplandish people, rising and taking up arms, almost about one time, in several parts of Germany, where they sacked towns, killed certain of the Nobility, and did many other outrages. For such preachers having set them on fire, did so harden them also, as that they could not be wholly vanquished, until (what in one place and in other of that country) fifty thousand of them were killed, and cut in pieces by the united forces of the most of the Princes of the Empire. The manner of these peasant's linking themselves together, was in secret conventicles by night, and assemblies in private houses, where they gave mutual faith and oath, each of them to stick to other. Their purposes and counsels were how to overthrow the state Ecclesiastical, the Magistrates and Counsels of Estate, in every several Province. When they were up in arms, they made the pretences of their actions, to be the defending, erecting, and upholding of the preaching of the Gospel through every place. Being once assembled in great troops, they then set forth and published certain points, which they required the Princes and Magistrates to perform and yield unto them, whereof these following were some, amongst sundry other grievances, which they pretended were offered unto them by Princes, Noblemen, Magistrates and gentlemen, and whereof they urged a Reformation, videlicet. One petition of those uplandish rebels was this: that they and other the common people, themselves might every where have the free choice of sincere ministers: another that Mortuaries might wholly be taken away: a third, that they might be disburdened of paying any tithes to Ecclesiastical persons, but only corn: and a fourth, that they might also prescribe how these tithes should be better employed. Luther in an answer that the made to that book of theirs, saith, he conceived that this sedition was a very stratagem of Satan: to the intent that the devil might destroy and kill him, and other true and sound preachers of the Gospel, by men making outward show and profession of the same religion, because he saw he could not effect it, nor so far prevail by open adversaries, such as the Pope was and his adherents. For these rebels called themselves a Christian congregation, and bragged much, that they would (in all their actions) follow the precise rule of God's word. And whereas (under the pretence of detestation of sin, and of their own great sincerity and good lives) these traitorous rebels noted many faults in all other sorts and states of men, and protested also great loyalty and fidelity to the persons of their Princes, so they might but have things amiss reform: he freely and truly putteth them in mind, that whiles they pried thus narrowly into other men's faults, the devil had so blinded them (through pride and hypocrisy) that they could not see their own detestable treasons, with other their sins, and impieties: adding also, that such as wrest away or abate Princes sword and jurisdictions, will (upon any fit opportunity offered) no doubt, take away their lives also: which is chiefly maintained by their sovereign jurisdiction, and by power of the sword.  
Amongst others, Carolastadius a preacher, professing the Gospel, but fallen into discontentments and emulous oppositions against Luther: gave no small advancement to this fearful commotion. This man attributed much to Cabinet teachers in private conventicles, and unto visions, and pretended conferences with God. But of all other preachers that pretended enmity both to the Pope and unto Luther, one Thomas Muncer was the hottest and chiefest bontifeu and bellows of this sedition. At first he urged and exhorted men (in his teaching by a good space together) and that with great vehemency, unto a singular, strait, precise, and holy course of life: namely to fly all, even the least show of actual sin, to fast much, to array themselves with mean and base raiment, to retain a settled austerity in countenance, to speak seldom, and such like: which he called the bearing of the cross, mortification and discipline. Now when as hereby he had procured unto himself, a great opinion of holiness and reputation with the common people, he proceeded further unto strange and very dangerous opinions: for than he began to teach men in their prayers, to ask a sign of God, whether they held the truth in religion or not? that if he gave not a sign, they might importune him, and expostulate with him, that he dealt not well with them in not giving a sign to them, who (in this sort) begged but true knowledge of him, saying, that to show such anger in prayer, was acceptable unto God, for that hereby men did show their fervency in zeal. He taught also, that God (even in these days) did reveal his will by dreams and visions: that all judgements civil, must be by the Bible or revelation from God: that all in dignity must be equal. He railed against Princes, and imputed many faults unto them, and namely this, that they suffered the Ecclesiastical state with great impiety. This opinion of equality of authority and dignity, made the common people fall from their work, and beginning to gad idly up and down, they took away (by violence) such things as they had need of, from those that were more wealthy.  
Muncer (in this sort) winning many unto him, they entered from time to time into secret leagues together, upon mutual oaths given, to help to root out and kill all wicked magistrates, to the intent new that were more godly might be set in their places, for so (he said) God had given in commandment unto him. According to which plots (by a tumult of the people) at Mulhusin, he procured the old Officer to be deposed, and a new Magistrate to be set up in his place, and himself to be chosen a Senator of that City, albeit he was still a Preacher, and seemed to mislike this course in other men. Now when as by these and other like means, great multitudes of men, to the number of forty thousand had taken up arms, throughout Franconia, and Sucuia, than he thought opportunity served him to set forward his purposes, by adjoining himself unto them: and in this action one Phyfer, a near companion of his, and like affected to him, did also join. But when the rebellious Rout wanted victuals, and many other necessaries, whereby their courages began to fail: then he comforted them in his Sermons, and assured them (as from God) that their cause and quarrel was so good, that the frame of the whole world should sooner be changed, than they should be forsaken, or left destitute of him. And when the Prince's army (gathered to subdue them, being greater and better furnished than theirs were) was ready to join in battle, he still most resolutely assured them, of some evident miraculous help, to be manifested from Heaven, for the overthrow of their enemies: saying, that God would so enfeeble all their enemies shot, that Muncer himself would receive them all (without harm) into the lap of his coat, before they should light: for a token hereof, it happened that they had taken the sign of a Rainbow for their ensign, he showed them (as it fell out the self same time) a true Rainbow in Heaven, as an undoubted sign, that they should obtain the victory. Whereupon they courageously at first set forward, singing a song for aid by the holy Ghost: but being nevertheless all put in Rout and discomfited, Muncer fled away, and disguised himself. Yet by means of certain letters that were found with him, he was afterward in a house discovered, and taken. Being brought before the Magistrates, he stoutly defended his fact, affirming, that Princes, who refused to establish the purity of the Gospel, were in that sort to be bridled. When he was brought to the place of execution, & saw no hope of escape (which before he hoped for) he grew to be very. much dejected, & perplexed in mind, in so much, as without help of a godly Prince, which then stood by, he could not repeat so much as the articles of his Christian faith.  
I shall not need to dwell long in the application and resemblance of these points, unto this late tragedy: the very reading of them over, giving sufficient light unto the same. For the sharp and angry zeal of some unadvised Preachers, which pretend neither to like of the Pope, nor of the present state of the Church, for want of some purity, as they fancy, hath it not incensed, and made to boil over, not only the foul mouths of Martinists, but also the traitorous actions of these Conspirators? And albeit the common multitude (whom the Disciplinarians brag to be already inflamed with zeal, ready to lend a hundred thousand hands for the advancement of their cause, and by whom they hope and say such Reformation must at last be brought in) did better keep themselves out of this action than was expected: Yet the danger thereof was as great, and if it had once taken head, would (happily) as hardly as the other have been subdued. Were not the treaties of these men also in private houses at night-fasts, and the Consultations concerning it, at Classical Conventicles, and like assemblies? Did not these likewise shoot at the overthrow of the whole state Ecclesiastical, and at the displacing of her majesties most honourable Counsel, and that under pretence of Reformation, & to advance the preaching of the Gospel in every congregation throughout this land? Made not these the like complaints of wicked Counsellors, Noble men, and Magistrates, for keeping out the Discipline, for persecuting sincere Preachers, & afflicting God's people, like lions and Dragons? And do they not pretend this to be a special grievance of theirs, that the common people of every Congregation may not elect their own Ministers? that the people are brought under the yoke of the law Ceremonial, by paying tithes, etc. and is not the hand and head of Satan, as plainly in this action, to seek the overthrow of sound professors, by others of the same profession, under pretence of greater sincerity? Do not these likewise almost appropriate to themselves and their favourites, the tens of God's Church, of Christian brethren, and of true & reformed Preachers? Is any speech more rife in their mouths, then that they will only be tried and judged by God's book, and by his spirit? Do they not tax all other men (not so far gone as themselves) of lose lives, of Antichristianisme, of Hypocrisy, & Idolatry: in the mean time, never looking at their own treasons, disloyalties, and other vices? Make they not great ostentation of love and fidelity to her majesties Person, and of care of her safety, even when they secretly nourished a fancy of forfeiture of her Crown, & sought to overrule her by Hacket their imagined Sovereign King of Europe? Had they not their Cabinet Preachers, their table-end teachers, their guides of Fasts, etc. that teach, pray for, & attend extraordinary callings by visions, dreams, revelations, & enlightenings? Was not Giles Wigginton & some others unto them, as Thomas Muncer, & Phifer were to the Germans, men of supposed great austerity of life, holiness, favour with God, resoluteness in his cause, singleness, and uprightness of heart? Did not Wigginton resolve them, by examples he gathered, touching extraordinary callings in these days, by reason of the great waste of this Church of England? Had not he and they likewise learned of the same Devil (in the prayers at fasts) to ask signs and seals of God, for their extraordinary callings? Doth not Arthington say, that he importuned God in his prayers? and Coppinger, that he had leave given to talk more familiarly with God then afore? Did not Hacket in praying for the pretended possessed Gentlewoman, saucily expostulate with God, & charge him with his promise, as if he dealt not well with him? Did he not at his Arraignment and Execution, show such anger in his prayers against God, thinking belike, as those did, to be excused by his fervency of zeal? Did not both he and Coppinger pretend conference with God by sundry revelations and dreams? 
Fenneri theol.  Do not they and the rest of the Disciplinarian humour, exact and seek to square out, even in Hypothesi, all civil policies and judgements (in causes Criminal especially) unto the judicials of Moses, given for the people of the jews? Is there any thing they stand more upon, or condemn the contrary deeper, then to have an equality amongst all persons Ecclesiastical? Do they not inveigh sharply against Prince and Nobles, for upholding the state Ecclesiastical, and in this respect intended to have them brought to repentance, when their opinions grew to a ripeness? Was not this their principal pretended purpose, to plant the Gospel and their Reformation by rooting out wicked Magistrates, and Counsellors (as they judged) and by setting others in their places? Did Hackets fancied Fan in stead of Christ, to sever the good from the bad, import any thing else, or should it have served any other turn, then for the kill up of all that thought not well of their Discipline & Reformation? Did they not pretend the will of the Lord so to be? And was it not plainly meant, this to be effected by tumult of the common people? did not these likewise bear one another in hand, that all things should succeed and prosper with them? that no violence could harm them, nor any man had power to hurt them, as having Angelical Spirits, and being in most high favour with God? and Hacket accordingly (even in going to execution) did he not call for and expect a miraculous deliverance from Heaven, out of the hands of those, whom he called his enemies? Did he not likewise (for a certain sign of his favour with God) make Coppinger believe, that he could and did obtain rain, and could stay it at his pleasure? Was not the chiefest of their plots and conspiracies detected by their letters found with them? Did not they likewise when they were convented before the Magistrate, stoutly & resolutely defend their dealings, and maintain, that the Prince had forfeited her right, and was now to be bridled & overruled by others? and lastly, was not that impious wretch Hacket as irresolute, dejected, and base-minded towards his death, as Muncer, or any man either could be, or as so bad a cause might procure?  
Not long after those former rebellions in Germany, another strange and memorable Commotion happened in Munster, the principal City of Westphalia, a Province also of Germany: which is not unmeet to be (in some points) also touched in this place, for the near resemblance that it hath unto this late action.  
After the suppression of this former Rebellion, 
Sleydan. lib. 6.  and about the year of the Lord 1527. Anabaptistrie began mightily to spread itself in sundry parts of Germany, even as Cockle and Darnell doth (by the sowing of the envious man the Devil) among good wheat. It happened that in the year 1532. one Bernard Rotman first, 
Idem. lib. 10.  & afterward five others (sent to assist him from the landgrave of Hesse) began to preach the Gospel truly, in and about the said City of Munster. In the year 1533. one john surnamed of Leyded a town in Holland (having none other known surname, by reason of his ignobility, being but a Cobbler, or a Currier by his occupation) came unto the City of Munster. This Cobbler was an egregious Anabaptist under pretence of professing the Gospel, & of an hatred he had of Popery, he insinuated himself into the acquaintance of the Preachers of the City of Munster: but when it happened once that in answer to a question of his (in that behalf made) they told him, that young infants ought to be baptised, he laughed at them, as it were in scorn and of pity of their ignorance. Not long after this, one Herman Staprede, a Preacher came also thither: but he preached openly against the baptism of young children. By these means (but especially by their secret assemblies and conventicles by night) this heresy of Anabaptism spread itself largely throughout that City, so that great speech was made in every place thereof: albeit no certain knowledge was had, because they admitted none other to their close assemblies but such, as stood alike persuaded. This their course being come to the Magistrates ears, all that favoured that opinion, and had assembled themselves in any such dangerous conventicles, were (by a general Edict) banished the City: but as they went out at one gate, so (being confident upon their multitudes) they returned in at another: pretending that they were commanded by God to stay there, and to deal more earnestly and resolutely in their business. It happened, that Rotman (who before had preached against them) began at that time, to show himself to be a favourer of their opinions: which thing gave also great encouragement unto them, insomuch as they then challenged the sound Preachers (which stood against them) unto disputation. But when this challenge was accepted, so that learned and grave judges and assistants might be chosen, and that whatsoever should be determined, might firmly be stood unto, and observed of all without further contradiction: then they shrunk back, and refused disputation upon any such conditions. Hereupon they began to be less esteemed with the people, than they were afore; therefore to recover their former reputation with them, they devised another more short and plausible course, which was this. About the end of December, one of them pretending to be divinely inspired, and to be ravished in spirit, did go through the streets of the City, crying, Repent, Repent, and be again baptised, or else the judgements and wrath of God will quickly and suddenly overwhelm you. By this occasion, many of them which afore did lurk secretly in corners, and kept themselves close, came suddenly abroad, and in great routs and plumps ran together (with the former cry) into the chief street of the City being the Market place, making great outcries, that all which were not rebaptized in token of repentance, should be slain as heathens, and as ungodly men. After this, (with sundry great outrages done by them against many of the Citizens) they invested themselves of the guilded hall or townhouse, and of all the Artillery and Munition of the City: so that many persons, what upon credulous simplicity, and what for saving their goods and lives, were content to be rebaptized with them. Nevertheless, others (for safeguard of their goods and themselves in this perilous uproar) betook themselves to a place in the Town, very strong by natural situation, and apprehended many of the seditious Anabaptistes for prisoners. These skirmishes lasted betwixt both the parties, until they grew to a parley and composition, giving hostages each to other, for observance of it. And albeit the said Rotman, and one Bernarde Cnipperdoling (being chief in the faction) had also allowed of such composition: yet by their sundry Letters, privily and under hand sent unto others of their faction and sect in places and Cities abroad, they treacherously (from time to time) invited very many, (though it were with loss of their goods abroad) to retire themselves to dwell at Munster: assuring them of ten times as much, as they did forego. Hereby the City began to be replenished with strangers of that faction, insomuch as most of the wealthy and grave Citizens, fearing whereunto it might tend, abandoned the City, and left it to the Anabaptistes, and to the rest of the common sort. Thus becoming masters of the place, they by and by put out all the old Senators or counsellors of that estate, and the two Consuls (being the chief Magistrates) and put others in their places, and namely they called Cnipperdoling to be one of their consuls. Then they fell to burn, ryflle and deface the Churches, and in plumps went through the streets, crying, Repent, Repent: and immediately after, Avoid all ye wicked, upon peril of your lives. Whereupon all the Anabaptists put themselves in Arms, and (according to their proclamation) drove out of the City, all whom they supposed not to be of their sect, without regard either of age or sex. Insomuch as divers women with child through the great throng and their overhasty departing, pitifully miscarried. This banishing & proscription happened the very day afore the Bishop of the City being also temporal lord thereof, planted his siege against the town, for revolting from his obedience. In the midst of all these outrages, sundry (calling themselves prophets) did arise up amongst them; who pretended to have extraordinary callings, gifts, functions, and revelations from God; the chief whereof was one john Matthew, next to him was the said john of Leyden, and then Cnipperdoling, Crecthing and some others. This Matthew (their principal Prophet) charged every man (upon pain of death) to bring all his gold, silver, & movable goods into a great common storehouse appointed for that purpose, to the end they might be used & bestowed in common: for so he protested to them, it was the will of his heavenly Father. The people were greatly grieved with this rigorous Edict; nevertheless they obeyed, though sore against their wills. Neither was it possible (without great danger) for any to conceal or hide any part from them, because there were in the City two girls, soothsayers, that did reveal whatsoever was concealed, at least so it was believed. Then the said Matthew commanded every one to bring all his books whatsoever (saving the holy Bible) to be publicly burned, which was accordingly performed. Thus taking great confidence & boldness that his hests and advises were so readily obeyed, and had so good success; he most insolently and cruelly thrust in with a Pike, and after shot in with a arqebus one Hubert Trueteling, only for a merry jest that he made, touching one of their Prophets. Yet seeing that he did not die thereof out of hand, the said Prophet told them, it was revealed to him from heaven, that Trueteling should live, and continue, and that God had forgiven him. Nevertheless, he died of his wounds within few days after. Then Matthew got into his hand a long pike; and running hastily therewith through the Town towards the gates, he proclaimed as he went, that God the Father had commanded him to beat back all the enemies (that besieged them) from the town. But being met near the camp, by one only soldier, he was by him thrust through, and so died. And albeit the falsehood of his forged prophecies was thus twice detected, yet the other prophets (his companions) did so disguise the matter, & bewitch the people, that they could not perceive his coggeries, but did rather much lament his death, as a matter ominating some great mishap towards them, for that so excellent a man was taken away. Yet john of Leyden comforted them, saying, that God had revealed unto him long before, that Matthew should have such an end, and that he should marry his widow. Some few days after, Cnipperdoling also prophesied, that high mountains should be brought low, and the poor and mean should be exalted: and thereupon commanded all which was left standing of the Churches to be demolished even with the ground: assuring them (and that with a constant settled gravity and great earnestness) that this commandment came from God himself: & in further accomplishment (as may seem) of such his prophesy: john of Leyden gave to the said Cuipperdoling the sword of execution, and so made him the common hangman of the City, that immediately afore was Consul and chief Officer. This office of Executioner (belike upon compact between them) he willingly accepted, and obeyed Leyden therein, as the messenger of God. Now after that some assaults had been made against the City, by the Bishop's Army besieging it, (albeit with no success) john of Leyden laid him down to rest, and dreamt three days together. Being awaked, he spoke not a word to any person, but calling for paper, writ down the names of twelve men (whereof some were in deed Gentlemen of blood) who should have the sovereign charge of all, and should govern the City, as the heads of the tribes did in Israel: for so he said, it was the heavenly Fathers will. But hereby (in very truth) he laid the foundation of a kingdom, whereunto he aspired. Then he propounded unto their reformed Preachers, certain articles to be resolved in by the Scriptures alone: by which if they could not confute them, than he would (as he said) put them up unto the people, that by their authority they might be established. The effect of them was, that a man was not bound unto one wife, but might marry so many as himself lusted. When their Preachers made some difficulty and sticking at it, he called them into the Counsel house, together with the twelve new Governors or Elders. Then he put off his cote and laid it and the new Testament down together afore them, swearing by those two (as by assured tokens) that the articles by him proposed, were revealed unto him from heaven, & that God would never be merciful unto them, if they did not yield unto them. Hereupon they gave their assents, and after (for three days together) they preached of nothing but of marriage. Then Leyden married three wives: one whereof was the widow of their great Prophet Matthew lately deceased, and divers other followed the like example, as if it had been a matter most allowable and laudable. But some of the Citizens (of better disposition) finding this course to be most abominable, gave a watch word through the town for all that truly favoured the Gospel without fantastical novelties, to come into the Market place: where being assembled, they apprehended Leyden, Cuipperdoling, and all the rest of their Prophets. But when the common people were advertised hereof, they straightway took Arms, and rescued the prisoners from them. The people also laid hands on them, which had apprehended their Prophets, putting them to death with most exquisite torments: namely, they fastened fifty of them unto trees, and shot at them with harquebuses, their great Prophet (all the while) crying thus unto them, that he that would do God good service, should first shoot at them; and others were put unto sundry other several kinds of death.  
In the month of july that year, a new prophet (being a goldsmith by his trade) did arise up amongst them: who having called the multitude together into the Market steed, signified unto them, it was the will and commandment of the heavenly Father, that john of Leyden should be Emperor of all the earth; and that he marching forth with a puissant army, should destroy all Kings and Princes, but should spare the common people that loved righteousness and sincerity, to the intent he may hold the seat of David his father, until the heavenly Father should receive again the kingdom: for (said he) godly men must only rule in the world, after they have once dispatched all the wicked out of the way. When the Prophet had ended these speeches, suddenly john of Leyden kneeled down, and lifting up his hands to heaven, say the thus: Brethren, it is a good while agone since I first knew this, and yet would not hitherto publish it abroad: but now the Father hath used another Minister to bring it to pass and to proclaim it. So having (by this subtlety) compassed to be King, he first deposed the twelve Governors, and after the manner of other Kings, did choose and create sundry to be great Lords about him: he also caused two Crowns of pure gold to be made for himself, and a Royal rob, collar and sceptre, with other compliments of Majesty. He assigned also certain days, wherein he would give audience to all complainants and suitors. Whensoever he came abroad, he was attended with his Officers and gentlemen of his Court, and with two young henchmen on horseback, the one on his right-hand carrying the Bible, and the other on his left, carrying a drawn sword. He had also a magnifical Throne prepared and set on high for him, with a golden cloth of Estate. At a certain time, when the King was thus set in his Majesty, and the people thronged close together about him, Cuipperdoling one of the prophets, got upon the people's heads; and so creeping along on his hands and feet, he breathed upon them in their mouths one after another, saying thus: the Father hath sanctified thee, receive the holy Ghost. Certain weeks after, the new Prophet (afore mentioned) caused (by sound of a Trumpet) to be proclaimed, that all should retire themselves in arms unto the Churchyard of the chief Church, for that the enemy must be repelled from the town. Coming thither, they found a great supper ready prepared. Then there sat down to supper (as they were commanded) four thousand: and after these had supped, one thousand more (that had waited) sat down. The King also, and the chief Queen, together with their courtiers did serve at table. The supper being towards an end, the king gave bread unto every one of them, saying, Take, eat, and show forth the lords death. Then the Queen presented them with the cup, saying, Drink, and show forth the Lords death. This being done, the said prophet got him up into a pulpit, and asked them if they would obey the word of the Lord? which when they had yielded unto that they would, he said it was the Father's commandment, that eight and twenty Doctors or Teachers should be sent forth into all the corners of the world, to teach the doctrine that was taught and received in that City. Then he named them all, and the particular place whitherech of them should go. So after all was done, they let the said eight and twenty Preachers out of the town by night very closely, for fear of those without, who besieged them: giving to every one (above that which should defray his charges) one piece of gold, and commanding them to leave it at such places where their doctrine should not be received, for a testimony of such people's damnation, & everlasting perdition, for refusing such message & wholesome doctrine. When those Preachers were come to the places assigned unto them, they cried in the streets of the towns where they came, Repent, repent, or else you shall all quickly perish. Then they spread their garments on the ground before the Magistrates, & upon them they laid the pieces of gold which were afore delivered unto them, assuring them, and protesting that they were sent from the heavenvly father, to bring them peace & mercy: and if they would receive it, than they must give up all their goods to be used in common: but if they refused it, than that sign & token should be a witness against them of ingratitude & rebellion against God. For (said they) now is the time come that was spoken of afore by the Prophets, in which righteousness shall reign in the earth universally; & when the King (meaning john a Leyden) hath brought to pass, that righteousness shall rule in every place, then Christ shall give up his kingdom to his Father. But these preachers being hereupon apprehended, they resolutely stood in it, & defended, that they only held the true doctrine, which they would maintain upon peril of their lives. Being asked, with what justice they could enter upon, and possess other men's wives, children & goods as they did? they said, The time was come forespoken of by Christ, that the meek should possess the earth, & that God gave these unto them, as he did give the goods of the Egyptians unto the Israelites. They affirmed also, that king David & john a Leyden were two righteous prophets: but the Pope & Luther were both false prophets: whereof Luther was the worse. Thus still persisting obstinate in their erroneous opinions (not withstanding the tortures which they endured) they were all beheaded, saving one of them, that escaped away by flight. Whiles these things were thus in doing within and abroad, the city of Munster was every day more & more straightly besieged, and pressed with extreme famine, so that for fear lest many the chief Burghers should capitulate with the enemy, & yield the King up unto the Bishop, their King therefore did choose twelve, whom he held most faithful unto him, & appointed them to be captains of war over so many several parts of the town, into which he did quarter it: entertaining the said twelve persons with mountains of large promises, and telling them over what great Provinces & Dominions under him he would after place them. Thus the famine still more & more increasing in the City (so that sundry died thereof, albeit the King had abundance for himself & his special favourites, not only for supply of necessity, but also to riot & banquet) it happened, that one of his Queens in commiseration of the distressed, said unto the rest, that she could not believe it was the will of God, that men should in that sort be suffered to die for want of food. Hereupon being accused, she was brought into the market place, & being commanded to kneel down, the king struck off her head; all the rest of his Queen's singing, dancing, & giving thanks therefore to the heavenly Father. But when as the common sort had like to have mutined, by reason of the extremity of famine, their King promised them assured deliverance from God before Easter. When Easter was come, no sign or token of their deliverance appeared. Then the king feigned himself to be sick for six days: afterward (assembling the people into the market steed) he told them, that all that while he had ridden upon a blind Ass, and that the Father had laid upon him the sins of the whole multitude, so that now they were cleansed and freed from all vice: which was the deliverance which he promised unto them, & therewith they were to hold themselves contented. When the Bishop's strength, by common supplies from the Princes of the Empire were much remeforced, matters (in the town) grew to that extremity, that by means of two persons (who conveyed themselves secretly forth of the town) it was at last surprised by the assailants, though with much ado and bloodshed, even after they were entered. Their King, with Cuipperdoling and Crecliting their two false prophets were taken alive: but Rotman their Reformed preacher (seeing no hope to escape) desperately ran in amongst the thickest of the armed companies, and by them he was cut in pieces. The three persons aforenamed were carried about the country, as a spectacle to sundry the Princes and others thereabouts, and after were brought back again unto Munster. The Bishop of Munster demanded of the King, by what authority he took upon him to rule in that City? who asked the said Bishop again, by what authority he the said Bishop claimed any power there? When he answered, that he had it by means of election of the Chapter, and by consent of the people, the King replying, said, that himself had his authority from God. After two days had been bestowed with them, to reduce them (by godly persuasions) from their errors, Leyden their King confessed his sin, and desired forgiveness at Christ's hands. But Cuipperdoling and Crecliting would confess no fault, but defended their course and opinions with great obstinacy. So all three being tied unto posts, were dismembered by piece meal, and pulled in small pieces with hot burning pincers and tongues, and afterward their carcases were hanged up there in iron cages; but the King in the midst, and much higher than the other two, as his place required.  
Besides certain especial opinions which these Anabaptists held, namely, the young children were not to be baptised, & touching lawfulness, of polygamy or having many wives: Of community of goods, and that Christ took not flesh of the virgin Mary etc. they also taught and defended many other strange, erroneous and heretical positions: and yet they showed as much devotion, outward holiness and purity, as might be. As for example, they held these following: viz. that a perfect Christian might not exercise the office of a Magistrate, nor might take an oath before him: that God doth now oftentimes show his will by extraordinary revelations, dreams, and visions: That the common people have an especial authority in determining and establishing of Church causes: That before the day of judgement the kingdom of Christ shallbe such, as that the godly and elect, shall overthrow & subdue all the wicked, and then they alone shall rule in the earth: That it is lawful for the people to depose and put down the Prince or Magistrate: That Ministers and others godly affected, aught to establish (though it were by force) a Reformation in all Countries: That Princes and Magistrates ought not to pursue this kind of persons, for that they are innocents and the beloved people of God: That the seat of David which was fallen down must be re-established, and that Christ now in the latter end of the world shall reign externally upon the earth: That the time of besiege (they then lived in) was that whereof Esaie prophesied, wherein the just and godly were afflicted and persecuted: That the time of their deliverance and enlargement was at hand: which should be like to that deliverance of the Israelites from the thraldom under the Babylonians: And that then the wicked and ungodly shall receive the guerdon and recompense of all their impieties committed against the saints, all the ungodly being rid out of the way, the seat of righteousness should be prepared and advanced: That there is none efficacy or force in that baptism, wherewith infants are baptised. All which they obstinately defended, and yet (whensoever they were charged) they pretended that they would acknowledge and confess their errors, if they should be showed unto them by the Scriptures, to be errors.  
Now as I have done afore, in the History of Thomas Muncer, I must crave leave, that with the reader's patience, I may also briefly compare and resemble some of the dealings and errors of the Anabaptists of the City of Munster, with the actions and opinions of these late conspirators, & of their Disciplinarian schoolmasters, from whom they have sucked like poison.  
For did not Hacket (the most ignorant of all the three, being but an unlettered Maltster) in like sort take upon him to rule the other, and to manage the whole action? and are not the most ignorant of such as be of this humour, most presumptuous to direct all others, and to discuss deepest doubts? Have not their mutual cohortations, and seditious instructions, with their conceived prayers, and hypocritical Fasts, (that they practised in privy conventicles, and assemblies) given greatest strength to his faction, to the seduction of numbers? Have not the Magistrates now as great cause to look into these proceed, before they make head, upon confidence of their multitudes? Have not all the stayed and sound Preachers of this land, by sundry Maleperts, and now again by Arthington, been (most insolently) challenged unto disputation? Hath not the cause of this pretended Discipline, been neverthetheless quashed (oftentimes) in Pulpits, in public disputations in the universities, and by learned treatises written: whereby the weakness, and meagerness of their childish collections, have been fully displayed? Will they make any haste, or dare they to offer disputation, if such conditions, assistants, and indifferent and learned judges as are fit, shall be set down and appointed? and (being beaten from their ordinary means) have not these Conspirators, and such as have animated them, betaken themselves unto pretended extraordinary callings, ravish in spirit, carying into Heaven, revelations, dreams and visions? Have they not seditiously filled our streets with their like hypocritical outcries of Repent, Repent, etc. and by gathering of Routs, tending to uproar and popular tumult? If their purposes had succeeded, and their prophecies of killing and massacring men (like swine) in London streets, had come to pass; would the outrages, in heinousness, have come any whit behind those of Munster?  
If this sort of persons have been gratified with any indifferent toleration, could their restless busy heads (though they have promised otherwise) cease to hammer, by long hand, and secretly, the bringing to full effect of their designments, viz. That they might govern in the Church with Christ's sceptre, and administer his kingdom? for so they (blasphemously) term the Discipline, which they have forged? Was not the displacing of her majesties Counsel plotted by the Confederates, and had they not assigned other Counsellors in their rooms? Should those, whom themselves had thus chosen and assigned, have remained long in place, if their King Hacket, had been once invested, as fully and royally as john a Leiden was in Munster? Would they not quickly have brought them down, as Cnipperdoling was, from being Consul to the basest room of account, that might be? would these (if they had prevailed) have spared (think ye) either place, age, or sex, or should banishment only have served? No: Viscera impiorum crudelia. And did not Hacket take upon him to be as great a Prophet, as john Matthew, or john a Leiden his successor? and Coppinger the Prophet of God's mercy, as high as Cnipperdoling? and Arthington the Prophet of judgement, and pen of a ready writer, as refined and excellent, as Crechting the goldsmith? had not these also appointed out Wigginton and Lancaster, to be their assistants for a time, as it were their petty Prophets? Did they not pretend the will of the Heavenly Father, for every most ungodly, and absurd motion, speech, or action, as namely for the defacing of her majesties Arms: and that she should not be prayed for? Did not these pretend and feign, to be in high favour with God, and that they could tell secrets, and things to come, merely contingent, and to be able to cast out Devils, and to obtain rain at pleasure? matters of as great difficulty and unlikelyhoode, as soothsaying and bewraying of things concealed? Did they not inveigh against the human wisdom (of divers of their own judgement) whom they supposed not to be forward enough? and do not many of the Disciplinarian vein, despise and condemn all helps of good Arts and learning, as little less than impious, but specially in Sermons? Was not Matthew the chief Prophet of Munster his fancy stronger, and his resolution greater, than these Conspirators showed in any part of their action: when he thought himself alone able to repel an whole host? and yet he was not therefore accounted furious, mad, or distracted of his wits? Was not Coppinger likewise, as deeply bewitched as the people of Munster, when he could not perceive, that Hacket did but dally with him, about particular intelligence of some treasons, supposed to be plotted by some great persons? had not these three, and this sort of Humorists, as great envy at old and Cathedral Churches and others: when as they seek to procure their overthrow? Did not Coppinger fancy, to have had his extraordinary callings, and enlightenings, by dreams in his sleep? Had they not likewise appointed their governors for matters of Counsel, and for other civil administration? Do not this kind of persons also make show of desire, to have all questions decided alonely by Scriptures? Doth not the Discipline give the chief and sovereign allowance or disallowance of all Ecclesiastical determinations, unto the whole congregation? Did not these Conspirators use (as means to be trusted that God had revealed such things unto them) oaths and execrations of damnation and confusion to themselves, as deeply as john a Leiden did, when he did swear by his coat, and by the new Testament, touching the like revelation? Did not Hacket their great Prophet, thirst after, and threaten revenge against some great persons, who he though did stand in his way? Did not Coppinger and Arthington proclaim in the Market place of Cheap, and afterward defend, that Hacket was King and Emperor of all Europe, and that God had so appointed it? Did they not hold, that he together with themselves, should go forth, and take possession of all his kingdoms here and abroad, and subdue all kings, that would not hold their sceptres of him, and be governed by such laws and orders, as he should appoint: and that he should sever with his Fan, the good from the bad, so that they should not trouble and afflict the godly any more? Had not Hacket also, his said Prophets to proclaim him publicly King of Europe, as john of Leiden had the goldsmith? Did not Coppinger (upon arthington's advertisement) with three most lowly obeisances, and with great gravity, take upon him, and was ready to anoint, and sanctify Hacket with the holy Ghost, but that (by a shift) he was put off? and as they of Munster had their profane and impious celebration of the Communion, before they sent forth their 28. Preachers; In like manner, had not these, their hypocritical fasts and prayers, promulgated and made known, unto sundry of their own disposition, that they might join (either in body or spirit) with them, afore they enterprised any matter, or entered consultation of weight, or would assume their supposed extraordinary callings? Do not these, and all like affected to them, by their teachers in every corner, seek to win or persuade, as many to the liking of their opinions, as possibly they can any way compass, and hem in? Have they not also their set, empty, thundering words, and solemn obtestations, to allure men to believe that, which they teach? Did not the said two English Prophets, offer by their Proclamation, great mercy and joys to them that should believe or follow them, and infinite woes and damnation, to those that should reject them? did they not signify, that the time was come for the establishing the Gospel and Reformation, by their K. Hacket: and therefore willed all true Christians to be of good comfort, because the wicked should be overthrown? did they not engage their lives, yea and souls, upon the verity of the messages, that they published? and were they not a good while (after their apprehension) very obstinate and resolute in their fancies conceived? was not Coppingers promises of speedy deliverance unto Udall, as confident and resolute as john a Leidens was unto the people of that City? though the event showed, that at last all did but come, to the riding of a blind ass? did not Hacket likewise blasphemously affirm, that by the whipping which Pig bestowed on him, he did suffer for the sins of all hypocrite preachers, such as favoured the discipline, but were not so forward, as he thought they ought to be? Was not the resolution of one of these, as lewd as Rotmans' (who after all hope was past, ran amongst the armed companies) if he also did (as was said) with like wilfulness, refuse to take any sustenance? was not the desperateness of Hacket also most horrible and fearful, when as (seeing no remedy but death) he opened his mouth blasphemously against heaven, and against the Majesty of the Eternal God?  
And concerning certain opinions of the Anabaptists, do not many of the Disciplinarian humour, come far nearer unto them then were to be wished? for though they deny not the civil magistrates superiority altogether: yet in causes Ecclesiastical, though they admit it (in words) they allow unto him nothing else but execution of their orders without attributing any superior pre-eminence of commandment in church causes, for retaining of good order, & of soundness of doctrine in the Church. Likewise, though they take not the sovereignty from the chief magistrate in causes of the common wealth, do they not so abridge and pound his authority in causes Ecclesiastical, that the very Papists do attribute as much in this behalf unto him, as they do? And albeit they will not absolutely in judgement deny the lawfulness of an oath before a magistrate, yet if their sundry and variable positions in this point be marked, they do (in effect wholly) repeal the use of it. For do not some of them plainly refuse to take an oath, whereby they may be urged to discover any thing which may either be penal to themselves, or to their Christian brother, and so in effect deny it altogether? Do not others of them refuse to tell any thing that is criminal concerning any other person, though perhaps they will do it against themselves, especially when they think it is afore discovered and known? Do not some of them refuse an oath simply, yea, and to answer (without oath) either affirmatively or negatively, but do will their accusers to stand forth? Do not others deny to take an oath, except every particular question be afore made known unto them: a matter impossible, because sundry questions that shall be asked, do arise forth of the matter of the answer? And do not sundry of them (albeit they yield to detect by oath both their own & others offences) yet deny to reveal any thing whereof they are asked, if themselves be persuaded the matter demanded of, be none offence? And so they do hang obedience to laws, allegiance and duty of subjects, upon every particular man's conceit, even as he by circumstances, or his own fond persuasion, shall list to measure matters, Do they not resolutely hold, that summapotestas, the chief and Sovereign power in all church-causes, belongs to a Presbytery, who though they may consult, yet may not determine matter of any moment, without the allowance of the people? Had not these conspirators a like opinion to those of Munster, that the principal spirit of Christ (being in Hacket) he was come with his fan to sever and dispatch out of the way, all the wicked and ungodly, from the good and godly? Hath it not been set down by an English subject, and twice printed with singular allowance of the English Archprophet of discipline, for found and holy divinity, that it is God's ordinance, to have in every kingdom certain chief officers (like Ephori in Lacedamon) who should have authority to depose kings, though they come unto it by lawful succession, if they shall judge them to be tyrants? Did not Wigginton deliver for sound doctrine, that if the Magistrates did not govern well, the people might draw themselves together, and to see a Reformation? Do not these kind of persons like wise slander the Prince and state, with persecution of the saints, and of innocent men, because they are a little restrained from running on in their seditious courses? Did not these conspirators also hold, that now in these later times, Christ by his principal spirit (imparted unto Hacket) should rain and erect an external kingdom on earth, & in the world? And did they not fancy, that even at that time the Gospel with their discipline, should be universally established, and all the ungodly abolished? Do not all of the Disciplinarian sect hold, that to the very being of baptism (and without which, it is of no more force in any case, than the nurses washing) it is required, that it be administered by a lawful Minister? thereby derogating, not only from the true baptism of thousands, but also of all whomsoever, that were baptized by Popish sacrificing Priests themselves, and from all that have received baptism of such, as were baptized by them? whereupon must needs follow necessity of rebaptisation, or else that it were lawful to neglect and contemn that Sacrament, and high mystery of our salvation. Lastly, do they not make great shows, and many pretences, for all their unsound and absurd opinions, that they are taken from the holy and sacred written word of God? which by this means they make to be of private interpretation, and do not reduce their senses unto it, when they read, 
Scripturas ad suum non suum sensum ad Scripturas adducunt.  but do wickedly captivate the Scripture unto their own senses and meanings? even as (in this behalf) Coppinger or Arthington did first take upon them an extraordinary calling, and were afterward charged by Hacket, to read over the whole Bible, there to find an approbation of it.  
God of his infinite mercy forgive, and turn the hearts of all that trouble his Church, from running well, or that impugn his ordinance, and such as are set over them: and restrain, or root out all fantastical errors, & fanatical spirits, which the envious man (from time to time) doth sow amongst the good wheat: that holding the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, we may all meet together (in the unity of faith, and knowledge of the Son of God) unto a perfit man, and unto the measure of the age of the fullness of Christ, and so speedily and joyfully meet him our bridegroom in the clouds, with our heads lifted up, and full of comfort, and so reign with him for ever, through the same jesus Christ our Lord: to whom with the Father & the Holy Ghost, one eternal, immortal, invisible, and only wise God, be all honour, praise, glory and dominion, now and for ever. Amen. * ⁎ *