ANTI-COTON, OR A REFUTATION OF Cottons Letter declaratory: lately directed to the Queen Regent, for the Apologizing of the Jesuits doctrine, touching the kill of KINGS.  
A BOOK, In which it is proved that the Jesuits are guilty, and were the Authors of the late execrable Parricide, committed upon the Person of the French King, HENRY the fourth, of happy memory.  
TO WHICH IS ADDED, A Supplication of the University of Paris, for the preventing of the Jesuits opening their Schools among them: in which their King-killing Doctrine is also notably discovered, and confuted.  
Both translated out of the French, by G. H.  
Together with the Translators animadversions upon Cottons Letter.  
LONDON, Printed by T. S. for Richard boil, and are to be sold at his Shop in the black Friars. 1611.   

TO THE QUEEN REGENT.  
May it please your Majesty:  
IN as much as it is the common opinion, as well of your own Subjects at home, as of Strangers abroad, that the Jesuits were the workers of that damnable Parricide, which striking to the heart of our deceased King (whom God absolve) hath stricken to the very throat of France itself: and thereupon the Jesuits complain that they are wrongfully dealt withal, and that these reports are spread by their enemies, thereby to make them odious to the world: I thought it necessary to make appear to your Majesty the original causes of this aspersion cast upon them, to the end that if it be found to spring from sure and undoubted grounds, your Majesty may from thence conjecture, whether it may stand with the safeguard of the present King, your sons life, to suffer these holy Fathers to approach near his person: as also whether it may be done without holding your Subjects in continual alarms, and de●iances one of another. For if it were forbidden by Moses Law (as Father Cotton hath observed, in his Epistle Dedicatory,) to seethe the Kid in the milk of the Dam; much more unlawful must it needs be, to deliver the Son into hands already embrewed in the blood of the Father. I desire not to be believed without evident proofs, and profess withal, that I am no way transported with passion against their persons, nor would at all be drawn to speak or write against them, if after the manner of other Monks and Friars, they would be content to bond themselves within the lists of instructing the people, and managing the affairs of the Church: but that which I now speak, is not the suggestion of Heretics, but the testimony of your highest Courts of justice, the consent of the greatest part of your Clergy, and among them, even of the sacred faculty of Divinity, and in a word, the common universal outcry of all your people: all which, notwithstanding, would willingly have learned the Art of forgetfulness with Father Aubigny, and been content to mourn without speaking a word, were it not that we see the murdering of Princes become a custom, and that if your Majesty put not to your hand to stop it betimes, Treason will shortly stand in the rank of Christian virtues, and be held the fairest and shortest way to heaven.  
If then your Majesty please for a while to lay aside your important affairs of State, and to peruse this ensuing discourse, you shall find, I doubt not, in this case the voice of the people, the voice of God: whom I beseech to make the Flower de Lice to flourish upon your sons head, and to pour down upon your Majesty, all possible happiness.  
Your majesties most humble and obedient Subject, P. D. C▪   

AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER.  
READER, marvel not that the Author of the Work puts not to his name: it may justly be imputed to the iniquity of the times, in which it is hard to utter the truth, and not thereby to procure enemies: notwithstanding, if there be any that will undertake the answering of it from point to point (which I hold impossible, such is the clear evidence of truth) the Author promiseth to rejoin upon the same subject, and withal to discover his name: for he hath both courage and countenance enough to maintain himself, and his cause against the malice of his adversaries, and the troublers of the public peace.   

A REFUTATION of Father Cottons declaratory Letter to the Queen Regent.  
That the doctrine of the Jesuits approves and maintains the Parricide of Kings, and the Rebellion of Subjects.  

CHAP. I.  
THat we may take all rubs out of the way, and fully clear the doubt in question: it will not prove unnecessary to search out, and discover the dependences of the matter in hand, till we arise to the headspring itself.  
We find it registered in the French History, that in the year 1407. Lewes' Duke of Orleans, brother to King Charles, the sixth of that name, the 22. of November in the twilight, was slain by Assassinates, hired to that purpose by john Duke of Burgundy, who then contested his right to the Regency against the said Duke of Orleans: but the Duke of Burgundy being no way able to invent any colourable varnish for the shifting off the fact, grew bold to maintain in the presence of the Princes of the blood, and Officers of the Crown, that what was acted by his command, was honourable and just; and thereupon set a work john Petit Doctor of Divinity, by birth a Norman, who publicly defended, that both by the Law of God and man, as well Canon as Civil, it was lawful for any man to make away a tyrant, and that by any means; whereupon the matter was so carried, partly through fear of violence, and partly by strength of persuasion, that the course of justice for that time was stopped, and nothing done.  
At that time there lived in Paris, john Gerson Chancellor of the University, a man of no mean learning, (as that age afforded,) who strongly opposed himself to the forementioned proposition of john Petit, insomuch that not long after a general Council being held at Constance, Gerson was employed thither as Ambassador from Charles the sixth, having in his instructions express charge to propose that conclusion to the Fathers of the Council, by them to be further discussed and censured: where both parties being indifferently heard what could be objected on either side, the Council in their fifteenth Session, condemned the opinion of john Petit as heretical, the Canon begins thus: Quilibet Tyrannus, etc. plainly defining that it no way rightfully falls within the compass of the Subjects reach, to set upon the person of his Sovereign, under pretence of curbing a Tyrant.  
This erroneous Doctrine having been now a long time quenched as it were, and buried by the authority of this Council, is now again enlightened and set a foot by the Jesuits, but under the cloak and colour of Religion, that is to say, when it shall be judged necessary to make away a King for the good of the Church: to this purpose they have published divers discourses, in which they permit and incite the Subject to kill his Sovereign, when his Regal power degenerates into tyranny.  
Peter Ribadenera a Spanish jesuit venteth this doctrine, in a book which he hath written of Religion, and the virtues of a Prince, speaking thus of the parricide of james Clement: For as much as the resolution which Henry the third took upon him, was the advise of a Politician, and a machia●elist, not conformable to the rules of our Saviour; behold the reason, that by the just judgement of God, the said Henry was made away by the hand of a simple young Monk, and died by the stroke of a knife.  
Carolus Scribanius a Flemish jesuit, who by an anagrammatistical inversion of Letters, calls himself, Clarus Bonars●ius, hath written a Book, which he entitules, Amphitheatrum honoris: in which he stoutly maintains the same murdering position. Lib. 1. Cap. 12. where he thus speaks: if it so fall out that a Denis, or a Machanidas, or an Aristotimus, monsters of their ages, 
Dionicij, Machanidas, Aristotimus saeculorum portenta, Gallian opprimant, nemo Pontifex Diones, Tim●le●ntē, Philopoemen, Helenatum securus animabit?  oppress France, shall not the Pope have power confidently to encourage against them some Dion, or Timoleon, or Philopoemen; that is to say, tamers, and quellers of tyrants? and a little after speaking of a tyrant wasting France, What? will no man take arms against that beast? will no Pope set free that noble Kingdom from the stroke of the Axe? where observe, that he speaks not in that passage of an usurper, 
Nullus in hanc belluam miles erit? nullus Pontifex nobilissimum Regnum securi eximat?  but of a lawful King, who unlawfully useth his power.  
Bellarmine in his second Book against the King of England, condemneth treason and conspiracy against Princes, but in such captious and ambiguous terms, that upon the matter he seems to approve it, and incite men unto it, by commending the jesuit Garnet, that being acquainted with the conspiracy against the King of England, by the confessions of the Traitors, he would not disclose it, his words are these; 
Cur denique Henricus Garnetus, vir doctrina omnis generis, & vitae sanctitate incomparabilis, ultimo supplicio affectus est, nis● quia revelare noluit, quod salva conscientia revelare non potuit?  Wherefore was Henry Garnet, a man unmatchable in all kinds of learning and holiness of life, so punished in the highest degree, but only because he would not detect that, which with a safe conscience he could not? See then here the doctrine of the Jesuits, which is this: that if a man disclose unto them his purpose to kill the King, he ought to conceal it, and rather suffer the King to be killed, and the kingdom to be ruined, then to break up the seal of confession: an opinion which the Sorbon holds not, it being of the Law of God to be loyal to our Sovereign, and of the Law of Nations to hold the receiver of stolen goods as guilty as the thief, 
L. 13. ff. de off. praes. L. 1. ff de Receptat.  and in the case of treason equally to punish the undertaker and the concealer, as being both principal, 
L. quisquis. §. id quod Cod. ad Leg. jul. Mayest.  an offence of that nature admitting no accessory.  
The same jesuit Bellarmine, and together with him, the whole troop of that society, generally defend, that the Pope hath power to dispose of kingdoms, to bestow them as he shall see fit, on whom it shall please him, and to stir up the Subjects to rebel against their Prince, by unloosing them from their sacred bond of allegiance: his words are these, in his sixth Chapter and fifth Book, 
Papa potest mutare Regna, & uni a●ferre atque alteri confer, tanquam summus Princeps spiritualis.  De Pontifice Romano: The Pope may dispose of Kingdoms, taking them from one, and giving them to another, as being the Supreme Prince Ecclesiastical: and the jesuit Gretzer in his Book entitled; Vespertilio haeretico-politicus, pag. 159. We are not such dastards, that we fear openly to affirm, that the Pope of Rome may, 
Tam timidi & trepidi non sumus ut asserere palam vereamur Romanum Pontificem posse si necessitas exigat, subditos Catholicos solvere juramento fidelitatis, si Princeps tyrannic● illos tractet. etc.  if necessity so require, free his Catholic Subjects from their oath of fidelity, if their Sovereign handle them tyrannically: Nay, the same man adds in the same place, that if the Pope do it discreetly and warily, it is a meritorious work. Consider here this new and unknown kind of merit, by raising sedition, and commanding disloyalty, from whence must necessarily issue, attempting upon the person of the Prince: for in such a rebellion it is to be presumed that the Prince will take arms to safeguard himself, and oppose force to force, which cannot possibly be done, without manifest hazard of his life.  
Tolet in his first Book of the instructions of Priests, 
Excommunicate subditi non tenentur iuraruen. to fidelitatis.  and 13. Chapter, affirms, that Subjects are not bound to keep unuiolate their oath of allegiance to an excommunicate person: and again, 
Excommunciatus non potest jurisdictionis actum exercere.  An excommunicate person cannot exercise the act of jurisdiction: which rule if we admit as true, we must consequently hold that Henry the third was no King; and he which killed him, killed no King.  
Mariana, another Spanish jesuit, hath set forth a Book, De Rege & Regis institutione, first printed at Toledo, by Peter Roderigo, in the year 1599 and and since again at Mentz, by Balthasar Lippius in the year 1605. in the sixth Chapter of this Book, after having commended james Clement, 
Cognito à Theologis, quos ●rat 〈◊〉 tyrannum iure interi●●i posse.  he adds, that he had been instructed by Divines, with whom he consulted in that point, that it was lawful to kill a Tyrant: and thereupon describing how the young Friar gave the deadly blow, 
Su● sang●ine patriae comm●nis & gentis libertatem redemptam inter ictus & vulnera impense lae●ebatur, scilicet caes● R●g● ingens sibi nomen fecit, c●ede caedes est expiata ac manibu● G●●isij Duci● per●ide perempti regi● sang●i●e est parentatum.  he cries out; Insignem animi confidentiam, facinus ●●emorabile! O excellent confidence of Spirit! O memorable fact! And a little after speaking of the same murderer, amidst the blows, and the wounds which he received, he continued full of comfort, as having redeemed with his blood, the liberty of his Country, and having ●lai●e the King, he purchased himself great renown, in expiating the death of the Duke of Guise, (treacherously made away) by shedding the blood Royal; Thus died Clement, being about twenty four years of age, a young man, of nature gentle, not tough of body, but that a higher power actuated his vigour and courage. Thus speaks this jesuit, and in the same Chapter speaking of a lawful King, to whom the Subjects have passed their oath of allegiance, he says: If he pervert the Religion of the Land, or if he draw the common enemy into his Country, he that labouring to satisfy the public desire, 
Si sacra patriae pessumdet, publicosque hosts in patri●m attrahat, qui voti● publicis faventes ●um p●rimere tentarit, ha●d quaquā●um inique fecisse existimate.  shall assay to kill him, shall in my judgement, not do unjustly.  
In the Chapter following, he steps yet one degree farther; in which he allows the poisoning of a Tyrant as just and lawful: notwithstanding it is worth the while to mark the niceness of the man, and how precisely those of his hair observe their cases of conscience: for fearing least by poisoning the Tyrant's meat or drink, he should by that means be enforced to make himself away, Mariana brings this remedy: For mine own part (saith he) I would use this moderation, 
Ho● tamen temperam●nto uti in hac quidem disputatione licebit si non ipse qui perimitur veneni●̄ haurire cogitur, quo intimis medullis concepto pere●t, sed exterius ab alio adhib●atur, nihil adi●●āte eo qui perimendus est, nimirum cu●● tantavis est ve●eni ut sella eo aut vest delibut● vim inter●iciendi habeat.  not to constrain him (whom I purpose to do away) to take the poison himself, which might presently disperse itself through his inwards, and so kill him, but that some other lay the poison so, that he who is to die, no way concur in the taking of it; which may be done, when the poison is so strong, that a chair, or a garment being anointed with it, may work upon the body which sits on the one, or wears the other: which is a cunning, I find the Kings of the Moors have often used: Such is the piety of the jesuit, who makes us Disciples to the Moors.  
This Book of Mariana's is commended by Gretzer the jesuit, in his Vespertilio, alleged once already, where he affirms, Pag. 160. that Mariana is traduced, as having written that it was lawful to kill any Prince who disobeys the Pope: sithence he maintains, that a lawful Prince, who disobeys the Pope, notwithstanding ought not to be made away by any private man, if sentence be not pronounced against him, or that it be not demanded by the voice of the people, or that the consent of learned men run not that way: but note this by the way, that by the definitive sentence, he understands the judgement of the Pope; and by the approbation of learned men, the advise of Jesuits: and touching poison laid upon a garment or chair, the jesuit Gretz●r pag. 162. approves simply Mariana's position, and complains that Mariana is unjustly accused, for having affirmed, that a tyrant ought to be poisoned, seeing he maintains the contrary, 
N● tyrannum quidemprimi vel secundi generis ●tiam post iudiciariam contra illum latam sententiam ve●en● licite tolli, si Tyrannus ipsem●t vene●um illud sum●re & sibi applicare debeat.  Affirming, that a tyrant cannot lawfully be made away by poison if himself take it, and apply it to himself, which cannot be avoided when his meat or drink is poisoned, so that labouring to blanche Mariana's opinion, in the end he falls upon the same himself.  
Clarus Bonars●ius in the 13. chapter of his amphitheatre, likewise commends this Mariana, both for the style and the matter, and wisheth that all ages should reverence him, what? (saith he) what age shall not reverence those grave and learned writings of Mariana, 
Quid? Marian●● gravem & decoran constructionem sonantis ver●●● splendor●m narrandique sublimitatem copiosum ingenium in no● impari materia quae ●●t●s n●n re●erebitur?  his piercing phrase, the neatness and loftiness of his narrations, the plentifulness of his wit, together with stuff commendable alike?  
And to the end that it may be known, that this position of Mariana is not the opinion of a few Jesuits, on the forehead of the Book you shall find an approbation & permission from their general Aquaviua, and Stephanus Hoyeda visitor of their Society in the Province of Toledo for the Printing of it; in which grant, these words may farther be observed: These Books of Mariana have been approved by grave and learned men of the order of Jesuits: 
Quip approbat●s prius à viris doctis & gra●ibus ex eodem nostro ordine.  Whence it appears, that howbeit the general of their Order were overtaken (as Father Cotton would make us believe ((forging Letters as from the said Aquaviua, out of his own brain,) yet so it is, that their visitor and Doctors who had the examining and censuring of the whole work, before it went to the Press, could not possibly be overseen. What should we press this point any farther? some four Months before that execrable Parricide committed upon the person of the good King deceased, the very same consistorical act, by which the arrest against john Chastel, and Mounsieur Thuanus his History were censured at Rome, suspended also another Book of Mariana's, which treats of ●oynes, not meddling at all with this book which approves the murdering of Kings, which makes me think, that his holiness being busied about other affairs, was circumvented by the cunning of the Jesuits (who domineer at Rome) for otherwise he would surely as I think, rather have censured this Book, which plainly teacheth murder and parricide.  
This book of Mariana being first printed at Toledo, was brought into France, about eight years since, and showed (the most seditious passages being marked out) to his Majesty, who calling Father Cotton to him, asked him if he approved that Doctrine or no? the jesuit who bends with all occasions, and knows well enough how to fashion himself to the times, replied, that he approved it not; whereupon his Majesty▪ by the advise of Mounsieur Seruin his advocate general, urged Cotton to write against it, but he found means to excuse himself, and avoid the task, as well perceiving that he could not oppose himself against it, but withal he must of necessity oppugn the General of their Order, the Provincial of Toledo, and a many of their society, who had their fingers in approving of it; but now when he sees that through the death of the King, the Jesuits are grown into a general distaste, and perceives himself to be pinched by the Court of Parliament, and the Sorbon, he hath published an Epistle Dedicatory, in which he would seem forsooth to condemn Mariana, which he performs indeed, but in such mincing gentle terms, that a man may without spectacles perceive, he fears to lance too deep, only affirming, that it was the lightness of a soaring quill, in stead of accusing the person of Heresy and perfidious barbarous treason, and the doctrine of impiety, and enmity against God and man: but howbiet he had reached home in reproving Mariana, yet now (as the Abbot of Boys hath well observed) the medicine comes after the Patient is deceased: for had he done as he ought, he should then have put pen to paper when the King pressed him to it, and not suffered such an opinion to root itself in the minds of the people, which for want of weeding out at the first, at length growing up, cost the King his life within a few years after: but let us pass to some other examples.  
There are yet at this day left alive in Paris above two thousand witnesses, who upon their credit will testify that james Clement ordinarily frequented the Jesuits, and that some of them accompanied him even to the town ditch, when he departed out of Paris to strike the blow, and some three months after, was published at Paris a Speech of Pope Sixtus, made in full Consistory, the 11. of September, 1589. in which the assassinate of james Clement, is paralleled with the mysteries of the Incarnation, and Resurrection, and the exploits of Eleazar and judith: and after having set on the tenterhooks the vices of the slain King, he adds: 
Propter h●ec & similia manifesta impoenitenti●e sig●a decrevimus pro ipse non esse celebrad●● exequias.  for these a●d the like manifest tokens of impenitency, we decree that his exequys shall not be solemnized. Concluding with a prayer to God, that it would please him graciously to accomplish that which mercifully he had begun: this speech was imprinted at Paris by Nicholas Nevil, and Rollin Thierry, Printer to the holy Union, together with the approbation of three Doctors, Boucher, Decreil, Ancelin: not that I can believe, that such impious speeches could drop from the lips of our holy Father, but rather take it to be a mere imposture: the Jesuits and other Doctors of the same feather, having forged it, there by to make the murder allowable, and to incite some other to the dispatching of the succeeding King.  
At the same time john Guignard a jesuited Priest, residing in Paris, at the College of Clerimont, wrote a Treatise in the praise of james Clement, together with divers motives for the making away of the succeeding King, who last died; which since too manifestly appeared at the arraignment of the said Guignard: for behold how God wrought, as the commissioners were busied at the arraignment of john castle, some of them, deputed to that purpose, withdrawing themselves to the College of Clerimont, seized upon many papers, among which was found a Book written by the hand of the said Guignard, containing many arguments and reasons to prove that the murder of the King was just and lawful, together with divers inductions, and incitements for the making away of his Successor: some of which I will here set down, being copied out of the original, which is yet to be seen among the Records of the Court: First, that the ●ruell Nero was slain by Clement, and the counterfeit Monk dispatched by the hand of a true Monk. Secondly, that the heroical act of james Clement, termed by Divines a gift of the holy Ghost, was justly commended by Burgoin, Prior of the jacobins, Confessor and Martyr, and that by many reasons, as well at Paris, when he read there upon judith, as also before the worthy Parliament of Tours. Thirdly, that the Biarnois, howbeit converted to the Catholic faith should be handled more gently than he deserved, if he had set on his head a Monastical Crown: that if he could not be deposed without war, that it should be undertaken against him, and if that might not be, he must be made away privately.  
The Court having perused these papers, and Guignard being put to his answer, freely confessed that they were written by his own hands: whereupon the Court by an arrest executed the 7. of januarie 1595. declared the said Guignard attainted and convinced of high Treason, condemned him to make honourable amends, naked to his shirt, the halter about his neck, before the chief door of our Lady's Church in Paris, and after this to be hung in the grieve, and his body burnt.  
May it please the Reader to make inquiry if ever as yet any Iesui●e were heard of, who condemned this Guignard of treason and disloyalty: but on the other side, Rich●ome in his Apology excuseth him as far as he dare, affirming that Guignard discussed the forementioned propositions only by way, and in form of Scholastical dispute, and in this we agree: for I have always held it, that to kill a King is the undoubted conclusion of the jesuits divinity: which position if any jesuit, either driven to it by force of argument, or drawn to it by shame, any where condemn, it ariseth either from want of discretion, or learning, or some such ground.  
The which may from thence be made to appear in that the Jesuits have ranged Guignard in the catalogue of their martyrs, which they have caused to be Printed at Rome in two forms, in the one of which Guignard is; in the other he is left out, to the end that some copies at le●t, might be passable in France without danger: besides this, the jesuit Bonarscius, Chap. 8. of his amphitheatre, extols this Guignard to the skies, howbeit without naming him, for fear belike of offending the King, yet openly enough to decipher him, the words are these: I will pass thee over in silence, O bright Star, 
Tacebo ●go 〈◊〉 clarum coelo terraque sidu● & ultimum nil amplius doliturae domus innocuum piamen●um? Nullu●  clearly shining both in heaven and on earth, the last expiation of an house, no more capable of sorrow, no day will ever be able to blot out the tincture of thy blood: and then presently adds; All France will concur with me in these my vows: 
tui sanguinis ve●●igia dies exteret, to●aque in haec vota m●a ibit Gallia●.  which words are not appliable to any but Guignard, who was a French jesuit, and the last that suffered in France.  
Out of the same forge was shaped that detestable Book, De justa abdication Henrici 3. of the just degradation of Henry the third. A Book whereof the Author is not certainly known, but only that it was printed at Lions, and bears in it forefront, the stamp of the Jesuits.  
Franciscus Verona Constantinus hath written an Apology for john Chastel, 
Non obstante de●re to supradicti Co●cilij constanti●nsis Privatis & singulis licitum sit Reges & principes haereseos & Tyrannid●s condē●●atos ●ccid●r●.  which outstrips Mariana in villainy: for in his 2. Chap. & 2. Part, he plainly affirms, that notwithstanding the decree of the Council of Constance, it is lawful for any private man to murder Kings and Princes condemned of heresy and tyranny.  
Now we see by the example of our two last Kings, that at their pleasure they would make Princes believe (whom they purpose to make away) that they are Heretics, or favourers of them, if they set not their kingdoms in combustion by civil wars, thereby to give advantage to the invasion of the Spaniard, or send aid to their neighbour princes, for fear of being undermined by the house of Austria. Thus dealt the Cyclope in Homer, who finding no reason to misuse Ulysses and his associates, and yet desirous to feed upon them, would needs persuade them that they were pirates. In the same Apology, he commends the fact of james Clement, as being against a public enemy iuridically condemned. 
Contra hostem publicum & i●●idice condem●at●●.  The same Author in his third Chapter defends also the fact of john Ch●stel in this manner; that in striking at Henry of Bourbon, his intention was not to kill the King, howbeit he called himself King, 
Vulnerando Henricum Borbon●ū, non vol●erit ●●●dere aut occidere Reg●m, etiams● se talem dicebat, & in quo praeter imaginem nihil Regij quam quod genere Regio ortus erat.  sithence he had nothing left but the appearance of a King, as being of the blood Royal: adding thereunto, that Henry of Bourbon could not be called King, no not since his reconcilement to the Catholic Church.  
Emanuel Sa in his Aphorisms of Confessions, at the word Clericus, affirms, that the rebellion of a Clerk against the King is no treason; 
Cl●rici reb●llio in Regem non est crimen laesae Maiestatis, quia non ●st subditus regi. Summus P●ntifex exemit clericos ● sub●ectio● principum. Non sunt amplius reges, Clericorum superiores.  in as much as he is not subject to him. Bellarmine in his 28. Chapter De Clericis, speaks in a manner the same; the Pope of Rome hath exempted clarks from subjection to Princes; Kings are now no more Superiors of Clerks. Consider here a little their cunning; if you demand, whether it be lawful for a subject to kill his king, or to rebel against him under pretence of being a tyrant; upon this demand, the Jesuits fearing to speak too roughly, and thereby become odious, in affirming that a Clerk may kill the King; they affirm that Clarks are not subject to Princes, and from thence draw this conclusion, that being so, they cannot be held guilty of treason, since that he against whom they conspire, is not their Master or Lord.  
Garnet the jesuit, with Hall his companion, otherwise known by the name of Oldcorne, were executed in England for tampering in the powder treason: Garnet being apprehended upon the deposition of one of the Conspirators, constantly, and with oaths affirmed that he knew nothing of the plot, whereupon the Commissioners perceiving that they gained nothing by threats, bethought themselves of another course, which was this: they lodged Hall in a chamber next adjoining to Garnet, and wished the jailor to tender to Garnet all courteous offices, and withal to give him notice that his companion Hall was placed in the next room, and that there was a little hole in the middle wall, by means of which they might, if they thought good, interchange conference, which they daily did: in the mean time▪ the jailor sets some in a close corner not far off, to listen what their talk was, who overhearing them, by that means brought their secrets to light, which they discovered in this conference between themselves, but had before denied to the judges: hereupon Garnet being again convented before the Court, and finding himself discovered, confessed indeed that he understood of the enterprise, but it was opened to him in confession, which he could by no means unseal, there were also produced witnesses, who deposed, that in a sermon which he made to the Catholics, he exhorted them to pray God, that an important and dangerous business, which was then in hand, might have an happy success for the Catholic Church.  
Being then demanded, wherefore he had so constantly forsworn that which now proved to be true, he made answer, that being demanded, if he were acquainted with the plot, he told them indeed that he knew nothing of it, but that he understood in his mind this restriction, I knew it not to tell you, and thereupon was brought to confess, that he had published a Book of Equivocations, prescribing therein the means to cozen the judges by doubtful answers, and by ambiguities to avoid the intent of their Interrogatories.  
In behalf of this venerable Father Garnet, a jesuit named john l' Heureux, but disguising his name in an Hyrogliphicall form, calls himself Andreas Eudaemon-Iohannes Cydonius, hath very lately written an Apology, Printed at Colen, by john Kinke, Anno. 1610. together with the approbation of the General of their Order, Aquaviua, and three other of their Doctors, where he maintains it tooth and nail, that it is lawful to deceive the judges by Equivocations, and also that a priest, for any cause whatsoever, though the life of the King, and the safety of the state stand to the stake for it, ought not to reveal any confession. Upon the first point behold his words pag. 38. 
C●m quis n●llis justis judicijs in iusvocatur, quianemo tenetur s●ipsum magi●●ratui prodere idque ●ex naturae satis docet apertè & liberè, sin● ulla tergiversatione negare potest id cuius gra●ti● accersitur quia. semper clausula illa intelligitur, ut t●near dicere.  When any man is drawn▪ into question under an unjust trial, no man standing bound to inform against himself (as the law of Nature teacheth us plainly,) he may peremptorily and freely deny that for which he is called into question, without any tergiversation, because he always understands this clause, ut tenear dicere. Here note by the way, that he styles the justice of the Kings of England, exercised upon the Jesuits, an unjust jurisdiction, as if they stood not obliged to appear at their command.  
Martinus Navarus Aspilcueta a Spaniard by birth, and trained up in the ●ame school, hath written a Book purposely of Equivocations: in which, pag. 352. he delivers this doctrine: 
In de●r. C. humanae aures. 22. quest. 5. pag. 3●8▪ Franciscus interrogatus a lictoribus homicidam persequen●ib●●, anillac ubi S. Franciscus erat talis homicid● transisset? i●●miss●s manibus intra manicas, respondit hac non transivisse, sub intelligend●●acit● contra communem intelligentiam non transivisse per 〈◊〉 manicas.  that it is lawful for a man to dissemble his being a Catholic, and in another place allows the answer of him as good, who being demanded by the Sergeants if a murderer whom they pursued, were not passed that way, thrusting his hand into his s●eeue, protested that he passed not that way. And in the end addeth, that the doctrine of Equivocations, is founded upon the memorable example of S. Francis, which is without all doubt a gross injury offered to the virtue and piety of that holy Father, by fathering upon him the coining of such kinds of abominable lying and cozening.  
The forenamed Andreas Eudemon-Iohannes Cydonius, in his 40. pag. targets himself with the authority of Silvester, in the 5. accusation, & 13. question, where he thus writes: 
Quando iuridicè non pr●cedit, v●l quia accusatus e● non est subditus simpliciter, vel in hoc caus●, ●●t qu●cunque alia de caus●, tum lice● m●ndacium sit illicitum, non tamen e●t mortale, quia nec est co●tra debi●um justitiae, nec in judicio ve●ro, sed in usurpato. Immo ●●n erit ●tiam veniale si respond end● 〈◊〉, & ut aiunt sophis●icè, dicat aliquid falsum apud sensum iud●●is & apud su●m verum. Si crimen omni●o occultum est de quo quis in●errogatur, ●um aequivocatione uti poterit, respondendo nescio, intelligendo tamen intrae se ut dicam tibi, vel respondendo non feci, intelligendo intra se nunc non feci.  When the judge doth not proceed iuridically, the arraigned being not simply subject to him, either in this case, or for some other reason; upon such terms, howbeit lying be unlawful, yet it is not a mortal sin, it being not against that which we owe to justice and true judgement, but only against that which is usurped: nay, we hold it not a venial sin, if in answering warily, or as they term it, sophistically, he utter somewhat which is false according to the apprehension of the judge, but not in his own meaning, for that in this case, sithence he is not his subject, he is not bound to speak the truth, according to his understanding. Here we must remember, that by judgement, which is not rightful, but usurped upon those who are not subjects, he means the passing of the judgement of the civil Magistrate upon Ecclesiastical persons, & chief Jesuits, who are no way subject to Bishops.  
The jesuit Tolet in his fourth Book of the instructions of Priests, Chap. 91. speaks thus: If the offence be secret, upon which thou art demanded, thou mayst then use Equivocation, answering, I know it not, with this reservation to the self, to tell it you; or thou mayst answer, I did it not, understanding, at this present.  
The ancient Ari●n Heretics chalked out this way long since to the Jesuits: For Nicephorus in the eight Book of his History, Chap. 51. saith, that Arrius, having subscribed to the Confession of the Nicene Council, had another Confession hid in his bosom, which himself had written, and thereupon confidently swore to the Emperor, that he did believe as he had written, understanding thereby the writing which he had wrapped up in his bosom. By the virtue of this Doctrine, a man may deny his Religion, his Faith, his God, and all, telling the judge, that he believes not in jesus Christ, but with this mental reservation, to tell you: and Saint Peter denying jesus Christ to the Maid, might well have shifted himself by the help of this Sophistry, saying; I know him not, but softly to himself, to tell you.  
By this subtlety the Jesuits have found a trick, how to stir up Instruments to assault the sacred persons of Princes, and withal to instruct them in the means not to disclose their Complices, persuading them that they may keep their conscience safe, by such and such Equivocations, as to deny, that they never saw it, or heard of it; always provided, that they keep to themselves some secret limitation or condition, by which they may free themselves from the imputation of a lie, and not offend their conscience. This is it which makes the parricides of Kings, so confidently to forswear themselves in the face of the Court, being taught by their spiritual Guides, that in so doing, if they reserve some other meaning in their own minds, it offends not God at all.  
And from hence it ensues, that a man cannot fix any certain belief upon Father Cottons protestation, in disavowing Mariana: for who knows, whether he have not some reservation locked up in his own breast? or who can tell whether in saying, I condemn Mariana's books, he understands not for not having said enough: or thus, A private man cannot lawfully attempt upon the life of the Prince, speaking thus to himself, except the Pope give way to it, or the King be excommunicated, or be no true King; but such, or such, is no true King, because he doth this or that, etc. But to conclude this point, as in contracts heretofore among the ancient romans, their women were compelled to renounce the Villeian decree, and the authentic Si qua mulier: In like manner, Father Cotton if he would have us give credit to his declaration, he ought first to have renounced his privilege of lying, and using Equivocation; and yet I fear, that in this very abrenuntiation, he would have used some other ambiguity and craft.  
The other point maintained by john l' Heureux is, that Henry Garnet and his companions, having understood of the conspiracy against the life of the King and his whole race, ought not to reveal it, but keep it close: he delivers it in these terms, Pag. 262. of his Apology: Add hereunto the scandal which Catholics would conceive, 
Add Catholic●rum scandalum, & off●nsionem si sacerdos idemque I●suita conscientiae causa cons●ltus idque interposita confessionis religione q●a● nulla maior inter Catholicos esse potest, consultores su●s detuliss●t? quem enim in posterum in rebus sui● d●●bijs adire, aut cui ampli●s ●idere possint▪ si ●e in sacerdotibus quidem fidem inveniant? Rem sacrosancto confessionis arca●o obsignatam sine immanni sacrilegi● prodi non potuisse.  if a Priest, a jesuit, being consulted in a case of Conscience, and that in the most Religious act of Confession, (the most sacred mystery among Catholics,) should inform against one, who comes to crave advise: for to whom would they afterward address themselves to be resolved in their scruples of Conscience? or whom can they trust, if they find no faithfulness in Priests? And in the 290. Pag. A thing sealed up with the most holy signet of confession, cannot be broken up without detestable sacrilege: his 13. Chapter entire is spent about this subject, in which at length he comes to this pass, to affirm, that there cannot fall out so great a mischief, for the avoiding of which, it can be lawful to bewray a Confession. The jesuit Suares says the same in effect in his Treatise of Penance: 
* Disput. 33. sect. 1. num▪ 2.  Yea, though the safety of the whole Commonwealth should stand upon it.  
Of late days since the death of the last King, Father Fronton jesuit, though less seditious than the rest, accompanied with another jesuit, came not long since to the King's library at the Cordeliers, and there finding Mounsieur Causabon, the keeper of it, they fell into dispute with him upon this Theme, Fronton maintaining it stoutly, that he would rather all the Kings in the world should perish, then that he would reveal one confession.  
How then? shall a Son rather suffer his Father to be slain, then acquaint him that such or such lie in ambushment to kill him, though he have received it under the seal of Confession? or shall a jesuit rather suffer his King and Country to swim in blood, then open a confession? Yea, but will some man reply, the Confessor must be faithful to his Penitentiaries: it is true, but I say also, that he ought to be obedient to his God, and loyal to his Sovereign: God commanding us to be faithful to him, to whom we have solemnly sworn allegiance; and if we look into those sacred Tomes of holy Writ, we shall meet with store of passages which enjoin us loyalty and obedience to Kings, but not so much as a fillable of enjoining secrecy after confession: it is a precept which the Church only hath put upon us, but with this caution, that it be not prejudicial to the Commandments of God, or that under the pretence of secrecy we turn Traitors, and by our perfidious silence become the cause of the murdering of our Father or our King, which is, as if I espying one who hastening to set fire on his brothers or neighbour's house, should quietly suffer him to do it, because I had promised to disclose it to no man. No certainly, we must believe that on the contrary, rather the breach of such manner obligations is more praiseworthy in itself, and pleasing to God: for he that can prevent a mischief, and yet suffers it to pass, was ever held as guilty. And surely for none other reason is it, that Homer in the very entrance of his Iliads tells us; 
Homer. Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. L. 1. §. ●●cis●rum ●um s●qq. ff. ad. S. C. Syllania. L. 9 §. 1. ff. ad. leg. Cornel. de fals. L. 1. Cod. de falsa mon. L. quisquis Cod. ad leg. jul. Mayest. Idem in cap. quantae de sentent. excommu. cap. delicto. de sentent. excommuni. In 6. Cano. non inferenda. 23. quest. 3.  that the rage of Achilles against Agamemnon, slew many valiant men, and gave their carcases as prays to the dogs. And hence it is, that in the Roman laws, such kind of patience is as far forth liable to punishment, as the principal act itself: which rule hath it place and truth, not only in common crimes, but most especially in Treason, as the Lawyers teach. And to the end that no Marianist may object that the founders of those Laws were Pagans, the Popes themselves have ever heretofore maintained the same to be just, in like case together with the whole rabble of Canonists, adding their reason, that there is a great presumption of secret intelligence and correspondence between the delinquent and the connivent.  
The jesuit then, and Cardinal Bellarmine, take the wrong Pig by the ear, in labouring to justify Garnet and Oldcorne, as if they had well done, especially since they might easily have brought the matter to light without accusing any body, by writing a word or two to warn the King to look to his person, or to search under the Parliament house, and by that means might the conspiracy have been discovered, and not the Confession. The source and spring of all this mischief, ariseth from that vow which the Jesuits take to obey their Superiors, that is to say, the Generals of their Order (who of necessity ought always to be subject to the King of Spain) as also to their other Governors, and that with a simple, absolute unlimited obedience, not such as inquiring why or wherefore, which themselves call an obedience not of will only but of judgement, or a blind obedience. There is a little Pamphlet, entitled, Regulae societatis jesu, which themselves have caused to be Printed at lions Anno 1607▪ by jiques Roussin, in the end of which they have set a long Epistle of Ignatius Loyola●s, the Spanish soldier, Patron and founder of their sect: in which the said Ignatius, Page. 254. lays down these rules to his Society: 
Statuatis vobiscunt ipsi quicquid superi●r praecipit ipsius Dei prae●eptum esse, atque ut ad credenda qu●● Catholica fides propo●it toto a●nimo affectuque vestro statim in●umbitis: sic ad ●●faci●nda quaecunq●e superior dix●rit caeco quodam impetu voluntatis parendi c●pidae sine ulla prorsus disposi●ion● feramini.  Entertain the command of your Superior in the same sort, as if it were the voice of Christ: And a little after, hold this undoubted, that all which your Superior commands, is none other than the commandment of God himself, and as in believing those things which the Catholic Faith proposeth, you are presently carried with all the strength of your consent: so for the performance of all those things which your Superior commands, you must be carried with a certain blind impetuosity of will, desirous to obey without farther enquiring why or wherefore. And to the end that they might not find any escape by the word quodam, certain impetuosity, other passages there are in the same Epistle, where that word is forgotten; as where he says, perit caelebris illa obedientiae caecae & simplicitas. For in as much as those things which the Superiors command, might sometimes seem unjust and absurd, this Saint (though not yet canonised) commands the Jesuits so to captivate their understanding, that they sift not the commands of their Superiors, after the example of Abraham, who prepared even to sacrifice his Son at the commandment of God, and of Abbot john, who watered a dry log of wood a whole year together, to none other purpose but to exercise his obedience; and another time put himself to the thrusting down of a great rock, which many men together were not able to move, not that he held them things either usual or possible, but only that he would not disobey the command of his Superior.  
This rule then consequently draws to this issue, that if the chief of the Jesuits Order, among whom their General is always subject to the King of Spain, command a young French jesuit any thing whatsoever, he stands bound instantly to put it in execution, without so much as casting an eye upon the danger or difficulty of it, or any way respecting how damageable it might prove, either to himself or the state. A Maxim which if it be held as sound, our Kings shall no longer be secure of their lives, than the Heads of the jesuits command their underlings nothing to the contrary: for it being once commanded, they are forbidden to inquire if the thing be just, the matter given them in charge, shall be sure to carry the name of the good of the Church, and be grounded upon a satisfaction for some enormous sins, or upon the hope of being crowned Martyr, and obtaining in heaven some pre-eminence above the ordinary.  
This vow is also the cause, that the Jesuits are exempt from the obedience of Bishops, for it had been a matter merely impossible to obey their Superiors in all things, if the Bishops had had power to correct or hinder that which the Superiors should command.  
Some one it may be will tell me, that these things are indeed clear enough, and the testimonies sufficient to settle any man's judgement in discerning the doctrine of the Jesuits: but whence comes it to pass (than will some body here object) that in some places they condemn the murdering of Kings, and maintain that a subject ought not to attempt upon the person of his Sovereign, howbeit he be viciously given and abuse his power: to which I answer, that the opinion indeed of some of the Jesuits is, that a Subject ought not to rebel against his Sovereign, although he be an Heretic or a Tyrant, before the sentence of deposition be pronounced by the Pope, or by some of the most learned, among which the Jesuits ever suppose themselves to stand in the first degree, and that by express declaration the subject may be unloosed from his oath of allegiance, as the jesuit Andreas Eudemon-Iohannes teacheth at large, in the third Chapter of his Apology for Henry Garnet: but they also generally hold, that after sentence of deposition, which is commonly procured at the instance of these holy Fathers, such or such a King is no longer King, and that another aught to supply his room, and that his Subjects owe him no obedience at all. This point is at large demonstrated by the same jesuit in the same Chapter, and we have already made it clear, that the same is also the doctrine both of Ballarmine and Gretzer. Nay, France itself hath by experience sensibly felt the smart of it, to her great misery and grievance. Now this is it which I affirm, that whosoever maintains that the Pope can at his pleasure alter kingdoms, displacing one, and setting up another, and exempt the French from their oath of allegiance, consequently maintains that the French in such a case ought to kill their King: For a man may well think that a King from whom offer is made to snatch away his kingdom, will take arms to maintain his right, and labour to reduce his subjects to loyalty, who stand armed against him: now in such a war, and among so many rebels, it is impossible that the Prince should not r●nne in hazard of his life, since that in defending himself he is resolute not to lose his kingdom, but with the loss of his life: these be the niceties of the Jesuits, by which they euchant men; they protest solemnly that they allow not the murdering of Kings, but herein lies the craft, that they acknowledge none for Kings but whom themselves please, and maintain that to kill a King, whose government they cannot brook, is not to kill a King, but a man (as they say) masked under that title. But yet mark here another mischief, by which they are plainly convict to be enemies to our Kings: for the French could never yet be brought to acknowledge, that the Crown of France depended from the holy Sea, or that the Pope might give it too, or take it from whom he thought fit, and never approved the Canon Alius, which is to be found, Causa. 15. Decret. quest. 6. and runs thus in plain terms: 
Romanus 〈◊〉 Zachari●s s●ilicet Regem Franciscorum non tam pro suis i●iquitatibus, quam pro eo quod tantae p●testat● erat i●●tilis, a regno deposuit▪ etc.  Zachary the pope of Rome deposed the French King, not so much for his witkednesse, as for that he was uncapable of so great a power; and h●●th set Pippin, Father to Charles the Emperor in his room, and absolved all French men from their oath of allegiance. By virtue of which Canon the Pope attributes to himself power, to remove the Crown from the heads of our Kings, without regarding whether they be Here iques or Catholics; whether of a vicious or innocent and virtuous life; but only if in his judgement he find them unfit, and some other more capable of government. Whosoever maintains this opinion, withal cannot but hold that our Kings are merely tit●larie, and that their Crown is held at the mercy and disposition of the Pope.  
But the Jesuits hold that the Pope cannot err in Doctrine, and thereupon maintain all and every article which he teacheth, whereupon consequently it followeth, that the Pope in pronouncing this decree, hath spoken nothing but the truth.  
I will add hereunto yet one point more touching the Doctrine of the Jesuits, which may give us a fuller taste of their humour. At Garnets' arraignment among other matters which he confessed, he acknowledged that Catesby the ringleader in the Conspiracy, was touched with remorse of conscience, because that the time drawing near for the acting of the plot, he considered that in blowing up the Parliament house, he must needs together with the Heretics make away many innocent Catholics; now to be resolved of this scruple, he addresseth himself to Garnet, and demands of him whether in doing to death the bad, a man might with a safe conscience make away the good also that were found among them: Garnet to this question thus replies, that he should make no doubt but that he might justly murtherboth the one and the other, provided always that it advanced the good of the Catholic Church. Is it possible to find a more desperate rage then this, which to kill Kings spareth not the dearest blood both of brothers and friends? And this I report not only from the testimony of Garnets' arraignment, but from the Confession of those Jesuits, who since his death have written discourses in his commendation: for the Apology of Garnet, composed by john l' Heureux, and approved by their General Aquaviua, and three other of their Doctors, confirms the same, and offers to make good this fact of Garnet, Pag. 103. and 265. He confesseth moreover, 
M●●et omnes qui ad solemnem Ecclesiae c●●tum convenerant, ut obnix● orent Deum pro felici success● gravissimae cuiusdam rei in causa Catholicorum sub initium comitiorum.  that Garnet in his public prayers, in a Catholic assembly, exhorted the people to pray unto God, for the good success of an enterprise, which was to be executed at the opening of the Parliament: and Pag. 269. he confesseth, that the jesuit Hall being apprehended and put to his answer, that we were not to judge by the unfortunate success of the enterprise, of the justness of the cause. And Pag. 273. he acknowledgeth, that the rebels having taken Arms after the enterprise was discovered, the jesuit Hamond in stead of persuading them to disarm themselves, and lay aside their weapons taken up against the King, gave them all absolution. Again, Page. 275. he affirmeth, that all that were of the powder treason, were men of very tender and scrupulous consciences. The same Apology Page. 310. witnesseth that the jesuit Garnet in certain Letters of his, resolving to hazard his life for the Catholic cause, speaks thus; It is necessary that one man die for the whole people: applying to his own person those speeches which Caiaphas inspired by the holy Ghost prophesied, touching the redemption of the world by the death of our Saviour. At the arraignment of the same Garnet he confessed to the Commissioners deputed to examine him, that he had offered sacrifice unto God, for the hindering of the enterprise; yet with this restriction, if it were not profitable for the Catholic Church; hereupon the Apology labours to excuse him in these words: Garnet approved not the fact, 
Neq●e vero ob ●am re●● factum probabat ed ●●●●bat eventum.  but loved the event: as if a man should say, that he approved not the murdering of the King, and his family, but yet was glad that it was done: these are the windings and turnings of the Jesuits, ready to say and unsay the same thing in the same line. These were the heroical exploits for which Garnet and Oldcorne, justly executed as Traitors, are by B●llarmine styled by the honourable name of Martyrs, as also by the Apologist, approved as I have said before, by their General of their Order, Aquaviua, and three of their Doctors, and thereupon they are ranged in the Catalogue of the Jesuits martyrs, lately printed at Rome: a copy of which is to be seen and sold, at the Palace in the prisoners Gallery, and that since the death of the King. From hence then let the Kings and Princes of Christendom duly con●ider, in what surety they can live hereafter, since the people is instructed by these Doctors, to seek the glory of Martyrdom in the villainy of murder; and let all good Catholics be moved with just grief, that the sac●ed name of Martyr, so much honoured in the Primitive Church, should now a days be given to bloody barbarous parricides, and disloyal Traitors.  
I pass over my judgement to what purpose that distinction tends, which the Jesuits make of two sorts of Catholics, naming the one true Catholics, and the other state Catholics: for these latter, howbeit they accord in all points of faith with the Roman Church, yet are they not esteemed of them but as demie Catholics, because forsooth they will not be as factious as they are, nor approve treason and rebellion, a distinction which without all peradventure will breed a Schism in the Church of God, if his mercy prevent it not.  
These accusations which we have mustered together in this Chapter, sufficiently witness, that Mar●ana hath not alone straggled out of the way, but that all the Jesuits upon this matter err with him, whom Father Cotton cannot justify in general, without giving satisfaction to the particular objections drawn out of other Books, as express for the murdering of Kings as that of Mariana's.   

CHAP. II.  
Wherein the same thing is further proved by the facts of the Jesuits.  
We have already sufficiently proved by the writings of the Jesuits, that it is an opinion generally currant among them, that it is lawful even for private men to kill Kings: now we come to demonstrate the same in their actions, the horrible effects of a detestable Doctrine.  
It may from thence strongly be presumed that this mischievous sect first set a foot this Doctrine, in as much as before their arising, never a word was extant of attempting upon the persons of Kings, under pretence of Religion: and behold, since, two of our Kings successively have miscarried through the impression of this damnable persuasion; and if some order be not soon taken against it, it will turn into custom.  
And we have found by experience in France how pernicious unto a state this Sect is, which coming out of Spain above fifty years since, yet could not the sweetness of the French air, qualify the fierceness of their spirit unto this day. 
A●lian. de ani●alib▪ lib. 12. cap. 23.  A very strange thing, considering that heretofore even Lions and Tigers being brought unto the Temple of Adonis in Persia, were no sooner entered there, but that their rage and natural cruelty was changed into such a gentleness as is almost incredible.  
And if it pleased the Queen, and my Lords the Princes of the blood, to inform themselves thoroughly by my Lords the Precedents, and Counsellors of the Court, or by the Advocates and Attorneys general of his Majesty, of the proceedings taken against the Jesuits, they shall find this which followeth to be true, which we have drawn out of the arrests of the said Court, and out of the interrogatories of the convicted, which are yet kept in the Office of the same Court, namely:  
That in the year 1594. the 27. of December, john Chastel, Clarke, brought up in the College of the Jesuits, having given the late King a stab with a knife in the mouth, thinking to have given it in the breast, was taken and committed to the Provost of the King's house, and brought into the Bishop's prison, where upon an interrogatory, he confessed, that long ago he had purposed in himself to give this stab, and missing of his purpose, he would do it yet if he could, being perswa●ded that it would be for the good of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Religion. Being brought from thence to the prison of the Palace, he was examined by the chief Officers of the Court, to whom he confessed amongst other things, that whereas he had a conceit that he should be forgotten of God, and was certainly persuaded, he should be damned like Antichrist, of two evils he made choice to avoid the worst, and being a damned person, he had rather his damnation should be in a fourth degree then in an eight. Being demanded where he had learned this new Divinity, he made answer, that it was by Philosophy. Being asked whether he had studied Divinity in the College of Jesuits, he answered: Yea, and that under Father Gueret, with whom he had continued two years and a half. Being (further) asked whether he had ever been in the Chamber of Meditations, whether the Jesuits use to bring the greatest sinners▪ there to behold the representation of many Devils, diversly and fearfully shaped (under colour of reducing them to a better life,) thereby to cause a perturbation in their spirits, and consequently upon such or such resolutions to push them forwards to the undertaking of some great action. His answer was, that he had often been in this chamber of meditations. Being demanded whether the kill of the King were not matter of ordinary discourse amongst those Jesuits, made answer, that he had heard them say, It was lawful to kill the King, and that he was no member of the Church, neither ought we to obey him, nor hold him for (our)▪ King, until he had (received) approbation from the Pope.  
During the foresaid proceedings, certain of the Lords of the Court, came to the College of Clerimont where the Jesuits were, and (there) seized on the papers of john Guignard, amongst which there was found a Book composed in the praise of james Clement, who murdered Henry the third, with exhortation to do the like unto hi● Successor: out of which Book divers clauses have been produced in the first Chapter.  
The Court upon the sight of these Writings, sent for Guignard the Author, who when his Writings were showed him, and himself examined thereupon, confessed that himself had composed them, and written them with his own hand. And hereupon Guignard by sentence of the Court, was (condemned and) executed the 7. of the january, 1595.  
By another sentence was Peter Gueret jesuit, the Master of john Chastell condemned to perpetual banishment, and all his goods seized on, and confiscated unto the King, with commandment for the erection of a Pyramid before the great gate of the palace, with an inscription containing the causes why the Jesuits were banished. In which (inscription) they are termed Heretics, troublers of the State, and corrupters of Youth. Which Pyramid while it stood, if any did ask why it was set up, many more now a days are ready to ask why it was pulled down.  
A case like unto this fell out at Melun, the last of April. 1593. what time the process criminal was made against Peter Barriere, who being apprehended upon the intelligence of a Friar, an honest man and faithful unto the King, confessed that he came purposely unto the Court to make away the King, and that he had been incited hereunto by one Varad● by name, a jesuit, whose daily practice was to defame the King with vile speeches. By the persuasion of this jesuit, the foresaid Barriere had prepared a knife to do the fear. About this he first of all asked the advise of A●bry, Curate of S. Andrew des arts, to whom he made his purpose known, and afterwards betook himself unto Varade, rector of the College of Jesuits, upon the foresaid Aubry his advise. That the said Varade confirmed him in his resolution to kill the King, and that by assuring him, that in case he were apprehended and put to death, he should obtain in heaven a Crown of Martyrdom. That the said Varade adjured him unto this action, upon the Sacrament of Confession, and of Communion of the body of our Lord.  
It was also observed, that when the late King was stricken, their Colleges being environed with a Guard, certain jesuits cried out at the doors of their Chambers; Surge frater, agitur de Religione: Up brother, up, our Religion is in danger.  
Besides this, in the College of the said Jesuits, there were found divers themes given by the Masters of forms, the argument of all which was an exhortation to set upon Tyrants, and to suffer death constantly.  
It was also certified to betrue, that after Paris was reduced under the King's obedience, the Masters of the College of Jesuits, forbade their Scholars to pray for the King.  
Elsewhere informations have been made against Alexander Hayes, jesuit, borne in Scotland, who taught openly that it was good to dissemble, and for a while to perform obedience unto the King in show. He was wont to say, jesuita est omnis homo. This jesuit was further charged to have said, and that often, that he wished if the King came along by their College, he might fall out of the window upon him, and break his neck. For which cause by the sentence of the Court, given the 10. of januarie, 1595. the said Hays was condemned to perpetual banishment; and withal he was wished to keep himself out of the Country, upon pain of being hanged, without any other form of arraignment. Moreover, the said Fathers have been often convicted for corrupting children, that so they might send them into strange Countries against the will of their Fathers. As for instance, in the year 1595. the 10. of April, a jesuit, by name john the Fair, of the College of Clerimont, did honourable penance in the great Chamber, during the Audience, barehead and barefoot in a white sheet, holding in his hand a burning Torch of two pound weight of wax, and sentenced to profess and declare upon his knees, that rashly and unadvisedly he practised to seduce Francis Veron, Clarke, Student in the University of Poitiers, to send him fo●th of the kingdom. And further, that he had indiscreetly reserved and kept with him Lectures and Treatises made by some of the said Society, which he received and wrote out with his own hand in the said College of Clerimont, containing many damnable instructions to attempt against Princes, and (withal) approbation and commendation of that detestable parricide, committed upon the person of our King of most blessed memory, Henry the third. These are things so common and so well known, that who so should feign aught, or add unto it, cannot have any hope to believed; and he must needs be accounted impudent that should deny them, the whole body of the Court being witnesses of the truth of them. Besides all this, there is no man that hath not by experience found, that the Jesuits were never other then sworn enemies unto our Kings. For during these last troubles, which endeavoured to transport France into Spain, there were many of the Religious persons found, and that of all Orders, to ha●e taken the King's part, but there was no one jesuit found to be for him, until such time as for their crimes they were driven out of the kingdom.  
In a word, the late King our Prince, who never was afraid in war, (yet) was afraid of these men in peace. My Lord the Duke of Sully can testify this, who persuading the King not to recall the Jesuits, was answered by him, Give me then security for my life.  
And if we step forth of the kingdom of France, we shall find many examples of the like. In all the conspiracies against Elizabeth the late Queen of England, it was always found that some Jesuits or other had the tempering of them: and yet for all this they cease not to martyr her with wrongful speeches after her death, provoked hereunto by this, that she suffered them not to murder her. Bonars●ius the jesuit, in the first Book of his amphitheatre, and fourth Chapter, calls her, Lupam Anglican●m, The English Wolf. And the jesuit Eudaemon-Iohannes, in the 116. Page. of his Apology for Garnet, calls her Sororis filiam, Patris neptem: Her Sister's daughter, and her Father's Niece.  
Of late Henry Garnet, Hall, surnamed Oldcorne, Hamond, john Gerard, and G●inuelle, were found to be complices in that powder-mine, which was made under the house where the King with the States of the Country were to assemble together. And for these the jesuit, john the H●ppy, hath writ an Apology: wherein he confesseth that indeed they knew the intendment, but that they ought not to reveal it. It was found also that they had communication (hereon) by letters with Bauldwin, the English jesuit, who (then) lived at Brussels: this jesuit was taken since as he passed through the Palsgrave's Country; and we doubt not but that if he were but a little stretched by the fingers, a man might learn strange mysteries of him; yea, & that he had some intelligence (to) with Francis Ravillac, who had been in Flanders somewhat before his cursed enterprise.  
And if you pass into Polony, you shall find that the Jesuits do absolutely possess the King, and having as it were the Tutorship of him, have carried him unto such violent courses, that the Country by their means is risen up against him, and he in great hazard of his kingdom. Their factious humour is the cause that Sueden is lost from the Crown of Poland, and from the Catholic Church. For they have moved the King of Poland, to make war upon Duke Charles (who now styles himself King) so by force to compel him to receive the Jesuits.  
Neither is Transyluania free. We have seen the Letters of the Baron of Zerotin, dated the 2. of May last, wherein he declareth how a Lord of the Country having a jesuit (with him) in his house, was by the same jesuit drawn to conspire the death of the Prince of Tran●yluania; who being advertised of the day (appointed) for the enterprise, went forth of the Town that day, giving out that he went to hunt, and laid an ambush without the Town, wherein he surprised the enterprisers, who followed after him to execute their intendment upon him. He put them all to death, and the said jesuit was executed with the general slaughter of his complices.  
The house of Austria alone hath this privilege, (as) to be free from the conspiracies of this Society. Of this family the Prince's lives are sacred and inviolable unto the jesuits: for the founder of their Order, and the General of their Society being a Spaniard, to whom they have vowed a blind obedience under oath, it is not to be feared in this respect, that ever they should be moved to enterprise aught against the Kings of Spain, or against such as are of his house.  
And therefore it is not without cause, that the Commonwealth of Venice, (whose wisdom of government is to be admired) hath driven them out of Venice, and out of all their dominions: They (well) perceive that these men are creatures of blood, and firebrands of war, whom they can better endure without, then within their Country. For their last troubles had their beginning from the Jesuits: for whereas the Senate had discovered, that the Jesuits by cunning fetches had gotten great store of Legacies by Will, and made themselves Lords of much land, to the prejudice of the Commonwealth: It was concluded by advise in Council, to prohibit all Clergy men thence forward to receive any goods immovable by testament, without leave of the commonwealth: whereunto when other of the Church submitted, the Jesuits who opposed it, and wrought against it at Rome, were for ever banished the State.  
And for these considerations it is, that the City of Orleans would never receive them, albeit they have much desired it and laboured it. They sent thither one of their company to preach their Lent Sermons; but the Inhabitants were not very well satisfied: for instead of studying, he busied his brains in searching out and entertaining such as had yet in their hearts any (remainder of the) old leaven of the League: by whose intercourse this jesuit set the report going, that the King's pleasure was, they should be established there. Heretofore their talk was of driving out the Monks of S. Samson, that they might get their Church, and of displacing Mounsieur, the Marshal of Chastres, Governor of that City, to get his house, making reckoning to join it together with the houses in the way unto the foresaid Church. And besides all these preparatives, having given the King to understand, that the Citizens of Orleans did exceedingly desire their company, they did so importune his Majesty, that he granted them to have an house there, yet with this charge that the Citizens should be drawn to consent unto it. Now when they were solemnly assembled together about this matter, one amongst them, Touruille by name, a famous Advocate of the City, a man of learning and judgement, declared unto them the inconveniences that might befall the City if they did admit them, and by strong reasons made it good, that in France for a man to love his King and the Jesuits, were things that could not stand together. The chief Officers of justice following this first tune, and all the Citizens concurring jointly in the same opinion, it was concluded, that they should not be received. This City at other times hath drunk of the cup of Rebellion, with many others, but sithence their reducing under obedience unto the King, they have at all times declared themselves most faithful; even by their carriage in this last common affliction, as they have declared more grief than any other, so do they make the continuance of their obedience appear by all manner of good works, more than any other.   

CHAP. III.  
That the Jesuits are guilty of the murder of our deceased King, Henry the fourth.  
Whosoever shall consider the crime of this wicked (wretch) Ravillac, in every part and circumstance of it shall easily perceive that the Jesuits had their fingers in the Pie, and that the mischief came none otherwise then by their instruction.  
It is some five years since that at S. Victors, there was a Maid possessed with a Devil, whose instrument she was for the telling of divers things that seemed admirable. Father Cotton, either moved with curiosity, or grounding himself upon the familiarity he had with his Spirits, took a journey thither, to question with this Spirit on divers points which he had a desire to know. And to help his memory, he wrote in a ticket the points whereon he was to demand: Amongst other points these were some: What should be the issue of the conversion of Mounsieur de la Val: and of the enterprises against Geneva: and of the continuance of Heresy: and of the estate of Madamoyselle Acarie; and about the life of the King. There were many like unto these: but so it fell out, that Father Cotton, delivering unto Mounsieur Gill●t, counsellor, in in the great Chamber a book which he had promised him there, through some oversight, left behind him his memorial, which falling by this means into the hands of the said Mr. Gillot, he communicated it unto certain others, and amongst others to my Lord the Duke of Sully, and so the matter came abroad. Had this fallen out at some other time, while some vigour of spirit yet remained in men, this had been sufficient to have entered an indictment against the jesuit; it being a matter capital for a man to inquire about the term of his Prince's life: (and that) not only by the Roman laws, 
Paulus. lib. 5.  the Authors whereof were Pagans and Idolaters; 
Sentent. tit. 21. §. 9  but even by the laws of God, 
Qui de falute Principis vel summa Reipub. Mathematicos, Ariolos Aruspices Vaticinatores consulit, cum eo qui responderit capite punitur. Cui auté opus est serutari super Caesaris salute nisi à quo adversus illam aliquid cogitatur, aut post illam speratur & sust●nctur?  as we may read in the 18. Chap. of deuteronomy. And Tertullian gives the reason of it in his Apologe. ticus, to wit, that such a one hath imaginations against the Prince's life, that makes such inquirings about it.  
Two years after this, so it fell that Mounsieur de le Forze, Lieutenant for the King in Bearne, by the intelligences which he had from Spain, by reason of his neighbourhood unto it, was advertised that a Spaniard of such a stature, of such an hair, and in such apparel, departed such a day from Barcelona, to go into France, with intendment to make away the King, by poison or other means. Well, this Spaniard came to Paris, addressed himself to Father Cotton, who brought him unto the King, & gave high commendations of him. A while after came the Letters of Monsieur de la Forze: when the King had read them, he sends (forth) to seek Father Cotton, and shows him the Letters of Mounsieur de la Forze, and commands him to bring back again that same Spaniard. Father Cotton answers, he could not believe it, and that the advertisement was false: nevertheless, he would go seek out the said Spaniard, and bring him before his Majesty. Whereupon he goes forth, and returning a good while after, he tells the King, he could not find him, and that he was gone. To see clearly unto the bottom of this, but a little good sight is too much.  
It is not above a year ago that Father Cotton wrote unto a provincial of Spain divers things which our King had uttered in secret, and revealed in Confession, and such as turned to the disgrace of his Majesty. The discovery whereof was the cause why he continued in disgrace for the space of six Months. Nevertheless the late King (through a clemency (that was) fatal unto his own destruction) forgave him, and received him into favour. But it may be remembered, how not many days after, our young King being importuned by him, gave him a gird, by such an answer as he well deserved, in these terms; I will tell you nothing, for you will writo in into Spain, as you have done the confession of my Father.  
And to come near the fact of Ravillac: like as after the death of Henry the third, a man might hear the Jesuits preach seditiously, and exhort their auditors to do the like unto his Successor: and amongst others, Father Comolet, crying out in his Sermons, We have need of an Ehud, be he a Monk, or be he a Soldier, we have need of an Ehud. Right so at Lent last, might a man have heard a jesuit, by name Father Hardy, Son to one Mercier, dwelling on Nostre-Dame bridge, preaching at S. Severins, and saying, that Kings heaped up treasures to make themselves feared, but that there needed but a mattock to kill a King. In witness whereof, I can produce monsieur le Grand, and monsieur de la Vau, Counsellors of the Court, who were present thereat, besides divers others.  
At the same time Father Gontier preached so seditiously, and so injuriously against the King, that monsieur the late Marshal of Ornano, as zealously affected unto the Catholic religion, as any man in France, being asked of his Majesty what he thought of his Sermons; made answer to him, that if Gontier had spoken as much at Bordeaux, he would have caused him to be thrown into the River. Every one from that time might prognosticate some great mischief, and the murmur was so great amongst true Frenchmen, that myself falling on a time amongst good company, where some speech passed between us, one of them affirmed, that a jolly man of quality, called monsieur de la Grange▪ Secretary to the Prince of Condy, would avouch to Father Gontier (s face,) that whiles (during these wars) he remained prisone● at Perigeus, the said Gontier in presence of Father Saphore, Rector of the College, did maintain against the said de la Grange, that it were a good deed to kill the King.  
Yet this is not all: for to give fire to the match at both ends, the Jesuits by means of a person named Guron, (who makes show of much devotion) would fain have prescribed unto the Curates of the parishes in Paris, a form of preaching the very last Lent, giving them in writing sundry discourses tending to sedition. But divers honest Curates came to the Duke of Sully, beseeching him, that by his means they might speak with the King; to whom they made their complaints, saying; there were some that would prescribe them to preach things contrary to their allegiance. The excessive clemency of this great King contented itself with making remonstrance hereof unto Father Gontier; yea, and to win his heart, he made him his Preacher, and gave him a pension.  
Like as before lightning a man shall hear some grumbling in the Clouds: even so, these preachings and seditious meetings were the forerunners of this great blow, that hath shaken this State in the person of so great a King, whose loss we lament now, but shall feel it much more in the time to come.  
Add hereunto the Confession of Ravillac, 
This is to be found in the Records.  who justified unto Father Aubigny, that he had told him in confession, that he had been sent to give a great stroke, and that he showed him the knife, having an heart graven upon it. But the said jesuit protested, that God had given him this grace, that so soon as aught was revealed unto him in confession, he forgot it incontinently. The Gallant saved his life by this: but had he been in another Country, he would have been taught the Art of Memory.  
They that have sounded this Ravillac, and have been present at his examination, may perceive that the said parricide hath been (very) thoroughly instructed in this matter: for in every other point of Divinity he showed himself most ignorant; but in the question, whether it be lawful to kill a Tyrant; he was well skilled in all manner of evasions and jesuitical distinctions, as my Lords the Commissioners can testify, the Sieur Coeffeteau Doctor of Divinity, and others, who had the examination of this Ravillac in this matter. And this parricide being demanded what moved him to this attempt, told them more than once, What the causes were why it was requisite to kill the King, they might understand by the Sermons of the Preachers. His meaning was, that he was induced hereunto be the sermons before mentioned. But (more than this) it was easy to perceive that besides public exhortations, he had (withal) received particular instructions at large, so well seen was he in this argument.  
Neither is it a circumstance to be neglected, that Father Cotton, having obtained leave to speak with Ravillac in prison, amongst other things that he spoke unto him, this was one; Look well to it, that you accuse not the Innocent: fearing (belike) lest he should accuse the Jesuits: but the Cordeliers, Carmelites, and other honest religious persons, who were not touched in conscience, they feared not lest any should accuse them.  
But whence was it, that at Bruxelles and at Prage where the Jesuits domineer, the King's death was spoken of (some) twelve, or fifteen days before it came to pass? At Rouen divers received letters from their friends at Bruxelles, desiring to be informed whether the report that went of the King's death were true, albeit at that time it was not so.  
Mounsieur Argentier at Troy's, received letters from the ●utor of his children at Prage, wherein he was advertised that a jesuit had given it forth, that the King was dead before it fell out to be so, and withal had told them, that after his decease Monsieur the Dolphin should not be King, but the King of Spain, and that for the same reasons which Father Gontier gave in his sermons at Aduent and Lent last.  
I may not omit the prediction of the provost of Petiviers, (who was found strangled in prison) who being at Petiviers, two days journey from Paris, and playing at nine pings, amongst sundry of his friends, told them saying; This day the King is either slain▪ or hath a blow. This provost was in faction a jesuit, and had committed a son of his unto them, who at this day is a jesuit.  
divers have observed with what disdain and general indignation it was taken of every one, to see the Jesuits at the Lowre, the (very) morning after this abominable assassinacie, looking with a smiling and presumptuous countenance, as who should say, all things went well for them; and to be presented unto the Queen by Mounsieur de la Varenne, their Benefactor and restorer; and to have that boldness in this common heaviness and sorrow, so speedily to demand the ha●t of the poor deceased King, which they carried away in a kind of conquest, wherewithal they had done well to have buried also the tooth which john Chastel, a disciple of theirs, struck out some years since.  
But who did not wonder to see all the Orders of religious persons assist the funerals of the King, and partake of the common sorrow, saving the Jesuits? who alone having received more good turns of this good King, than all other Ecclesiastical persons put together, even they alone vouchsafed not to accompany his body unto the grave. Which being observed by divers of the Spectators, some said, the reason of their absence was, because they disdained all other Orders: but the most judicious, their opinion was, that it was no small part of their wisdom: and that Tiberius and julia, having procured the empoisoning of Germanicus, 
Tacitus. lib. 3. Annal. Tiberius atque Augusta publico abstinuere, inferius maiestate sua●rati, si palam lamentarentur, arm omnium oculis vultum eorum scrutantibus, falsi intelligerentur.  in the public mourning that was at Rome, would not appear openly, for fear lest the people should discover their sorrow to be but false and counterfeit.  
After the King's death, they did what they could to keep his purpose from taking effect, and to thwart such courses as he judged to be for the good of the State. He had resolved to send companies unto Cleves, for aid to the princes of Germany. Since that, Mounsieur the Marshal of Castres', General of these forces, prepared himself for the journey, when behold two jesuits who came to seek him out, told him that he could not go this voyage, not bring succour unto Heretics with a good conscience, and fought to affright his conscience with threats, as that if he did this, he could not be saved. But the said Marshal giving no credit unto their words, within a while after, they come unto him to change their language, and to appease him.   

CHAP. FOUR  
An Examination of the declaratory Letter of Peter Cotton.  
FIrst of all, I say, that this Letter being extorted (as it is) by necessity, comes out of season, and doth not prevent the evil, but comes after it: for it should have been written against Mariana when he first peeped forth, and when the late King entreated Father Cotton to write against it.  
I say further, it is utterly unknown to us whether he speaks in earnest: in his Letter, or whether according to the doctrine of his Order, he useth Equivocation, and suppresseth the one half of his meaning: or if he speaks in good earnest, who seeth not that his companions are not of his opinion, sith none of them hath subscribed his Book, nor approved it? which yet had been most requisite in a matter so public and of such importance.  
Again the authority of so many Jesuits condemning the murdering of Kings, is alleged by him in vain: for all such passages of the Jesuits are understood of Kings whom the Pope and Jesuits acknowledge for Kings: But we have made it clear in the former Chapters by the authority of a great many Jesuits, and by their actions, that when the Jesuits do attempt upon the life of any King, they make good their action by this, that such a one they do not reckon to be a King, albeit he bears the name, in as much as he is excommunicated, or because he is an enemy unto the Church: and in very deed this wretched Ravillac, alleged this for the cause of his attempt, to wit, because the King would make war against the Popr, and that the Pope was God, and by consequence, 
These are the very words of the interrogatory.  that the King would make war against God.  
And therefore the reverend Abbot of Boyse, hath well observed in his answer to Father Cotton, that whereas Gregory of Valence, jesuit, saith; It is no way permitted for a man to attempt upon the life of his Prince, albeit he abuse his authority; yet he adds, If it be not done by public judgement. Now all the Jesuits maintain that the judgement of the General of their Order is a public judgement, and whereon they must rest (themselves,) as on the voice of Christ, as we have showed before; we hold also the judgement of the Pope to be a public judgement.  
Again we have formerly observed that the Apology of Eudemon-Iohannes the jesuit, approved by their General Aquaviua, and of three Doctors● of the Jesuits, affirms that Jesuits do no way approve the murdering of Kings, notwithstanding they love the event: so that it serves to no purpose for Father Cotton to condemn him that murdered the King, if nevertheless he be glad for the event, that is to say, for the death of the King.  
And in very deed, it is a fraudulent protestation that he makes of approving the decree of the Council of Constance, where they condemn the proposition of john Petit, and declare that it is not lawful for a subject to kill a Tyrant: for the Jesuits have their evasion ready, and which is a truth, namely, that the Council of Constance speaketh of such Tyrants as are lawful Kings, and that they speak not of Tyrants deposed by public judgement, and whose Subjects are discharged and absolved of their oath of allegiance by the Pope, nor of Kings who are judged enemies unto the Church. For if the Jesuits shall undertake to make away a King, they will easily find (out) some reason (or other) to prove that he is no King at all, and by consequence that (herein) they do nothing against the Council of Constance, nor against those places which Father Cotton alleged out of the writings of the Jesuits.  
That which Father Cotton adds, that this was the singular opinion of Mariana, and not of all their Order, hath been disproved in the first Chapter, by the approbation of a great many Jesuits, whose names are in the front of Mariana's Book, and by the books of sundry Jesuits, who affirm the same that Mariana doth; yea, they commend him, and maintain him: and the jesuit Cotton (himself) doth so tenderly condemn him, that in his reprehensions of him, he doth rather seem to flatter him.  
As for that pretended decision, which he would make us believe to have been made in a provincial congregation of the Jesuits, wherein Mariana was condemned by them: this seems to me, to mar their Market, ●ith they have concealed this decision hitherto,) and would have no man know it. Did they fear to make Frenchmen to well affected towards the preservation of the King? or did they fear to give offence to the Jesuits of Spain, by publishing their condemnation of Mariana? Out of doubt it will be found that either any such decision was never made, or if it were, it was a matter of (mere) Equivocation, and ambiguous (construction)  
And this will be more easily believed when a man shall come near, and observe the Jesuits confession in this matter, which Father Cotton hath reduced to fifteen heads or Articles, which are nothing but infoldings of words, and which declare the Jesuits belief in such points whereof no man asks them any question: for behold, (these are the points) whereon we would expect to hear the Confession of their Faith.  
I. Whether when the Superior of the Jesuits shall command them to undertake against the King, they ought to obey him.  
II. Whether the Pope can discharge Subjects of their oath of allegiance made unto their King.  
III. Whether a King being deposed by the Pope, and excommunicated, is nevertheless a King, and whether the Subjects are bound, nevertheless to perform obedience to him in things temporal after excommunication.  
FOUR Whether in case some good Catholic shall discover unto a jesuit in Confession his purpose to kill the King, the jesuit ought to reveal this Confession, or conceal it.  
V. Whether the Pope can give and take away kingdoms, and at his pleasure transfer them: namely, whether the Jesuits do approve that Canon which ●aith, that the Pope may take off the Crown from a King's head, albeit he be without blame.  
VI Whether Kings are above Clerks: that is to say, whether the King hath authority over their goods, and over their lives, as much as over his other Subjects.  
VII. Whether faith given to the enemies of the Church be to be kept.  
VIII. Whether a jesuit being accused of Treason, and kept prisoner thereupon, may lawfully use Equivocations in his answer.  
IX. Whether to slay a man's enemies, it be lawful for him to kill his friends.  
X. Whether the rebellion of a Clergy man against the King be high treason.  
XI. Whether a man can hate him that murdereth a King, and yet be glad for the event.  
XII. Whether Garnet & Oldcorne are Martyrs: and whether Guignard were justly condemned to death.  
These are the points, whereon all honest Catholics desire the Jesuits might be catechized, and that it would please the Queen Regent, and my Lords the Princes of the blood, the Officers of the Crown, and Lords of the Counsel, to command Father Cotton, and his companions to write their minds clearly, and to set forth their Confession, to the end these new impressions which enfeeble the authority of our Kings, and hazard their lives, might be razed out of (the minds of) the people, in stead of giving us articles which touch not the matter, and which (withal) are carried in obscure and doubtful terms, like unto the sword of Delphos, which cuts on both sides.  
The first Article is this: All Jesuits (saith he) in general and in particular, are ready to seal even with their own blood, that they have not either in this matter or other, any other Faith, doctrine and opinion, then that of the Church of Rome. Herein he speaks against his conscience: for if all Jesuits in particular are agreed in every thing, it follows that Cotton and Mariana do agree together, and that Cotton doth not well to condemn him. Whereas he saith, that all the Jesuits are ready to subscribe, that in this matter they have no other belief than the universal Church hath. I answer, that the Jesuits may easily subscribe to any thing that a man would have them, sith they have their retention, and secret conditions, which they reserve in their minds: but I am well assured that the universal Church will not subscribe to any of those abominable positions of the Jesuits, which we have formerly alleged out of their Books, much less will it approve their actions.  
His second Article is: That amongst all kinds of governments and administrations of Commonwealths a Monarchy is the best. To what purpose is this? It is not necessary that they who esteem a Monarchy to be better than a Democraty, for this cause, must make scruple to destroy Kings: or that they who desire● to kill the King, must have an intention to change the form of Government; but only they desire another King, because he that lives mislikes them.  
The third Article savours altogether of the Jesuits vain, and of their terms, for therein is nothing but Equivocations, and mental reservations. It saith, That such as is the spiritual Government of the Church, which relies on the Vicar of jesus Christ, the Successor of S. Peter: such is the temporal of the State and Kingdom of France, that it determines in the person of the King, our Sovereign Lord and Master. There is nothing spoken to the full in this, but with much dissimulation: for he dares not affirm that the King is as simply absolute in his Kingdom, as the Pope in the Church: for the Jesuits alone maintain that the Pope can depose Kings; but they do not maintain that Kings may depose Popes: they hold that Popes can discharge Subjects of their obedience unto Kings; but they do not hold that Kings can dispense with Christians touching their obedience unto Popes: They hold that the Pope's power reacheth unto the temporalties of Kings, either directly as some say, or indirectly as others say; but they do not believe that Kings have any power either directly or indirectly, over the spiritualties or temporalties of Popes: they hold that there are many persons in France who are not liable to trial before the King's judges; but they do not hold, there is any man within th● territories of S. Peter who is not triable before the Officers of his holiness: they hold that the Pope can levy money and rents upon the Ecclesiastical revenues of the Kingdom of France; but they do not hold that the Kings of France can levy any money upon the persons nor upon the lands of Italy, which are of the Patrimony of S. Peter.  
For it is not credible that Father Cotton will oppose himself against Cardinal Bellarmine the jesuit, all the Jesuits now adays being his Disciples and Scholars, who in his fifth Book, De Pontifice Romano, and sixth Chapter, writes thus: The Pope may change kingdoms, take them from one▪ and bestow them on another, as the supreme Prince spiritual, and when he shall find it necessary for the salvation of souls▪ Of whom also we have formerly learned that Kings are not above Clarks. The same (Author) in the second Chapter of his Book, Of the exemption of the Clergy, calls all Kings and Prince's in general, Profane men: And he holds in divers places, 
Qui● dicere audeat ius e●●e profano ●n ea quae sancta sanctarum, id est, sanctissima dici meruerunt?  that the power of secular Princes, is but an human institution, and is only the work of men. Albeit the Apostle in the thirteenth to the Romans, saith; That there is no power but of God, and the powers that be, are ordained of God. And therefore it is no part of the Jesuits belief, to account Kings to be Kings in such sort, as the Pope is the head of the Church, seeing they are not Kings but by human institution: but the Pope is head of the Universal Church by the institution of God. In a word, Cotton speaks but with half a mouth, and by that which he saith, it is impossible to apprehend what he believeth. And the same may be said of his other Articles.  
The last Article is a recrimination of those of the pretended reformed Religion, sundry of whose Books he saith are infected with this opinion, that it is lawful for a Subject to make away his King. After this he adds; I could note and specify the places, allege their words, were it not much better that they should remain swallowed up of the gulf of forgetfulness. Oh what matter of triumph here doth he give unto our adversaries? whose saying will be, that if Father Cotton had known those places, he would not have failed to bring them to light, and it had been good to name the books, that they might be suppressed, and the Authors punished if they were living.  
Now hereupon I have been moved in the humour of curiosity to clear myself: and inquiring of some of the contrary Religion, men not unlearned, they have answered me, that indeed the Council of Constance in the eight Session, makes an enumeration of Wickliff's Heresies, and amongst other things accuseth him for being of opinion, 
Artic. 15. Nullus est Dominus dum est in peccato mortali, & Artic. 17. Populares possunt ad arbitrium suum dominos delinquentes corr●gere.  that no m●n is a Master or Lord in civil things, during his continuance in mortal sin. Again, that people may at their pleasure correct Princes that are faulty. And that Buchanan an Historian and Scottish Poet, in his Book, De iure Regni apud Scotes, speaketh (indeed) of handling Kings roughly, and driving them out, when they become Tyrants. But the Council of Constance slandereth Wickliff, not only in this point, but also in divers others: that this is no where to be found throughout his writings: and that he was not present to answer for himself: that after the same slanderous manner, the same Council chargeth him to have said, that God must● obey the Devil: that Buchanan was no Divine: that amongst their Doctors there are indeed found some free speeches against Kings that persecute their Churches, so far as to say, that notwithstanding their wicked wills, they will not give over to advance the work of God, and such like. But not so much as any one word is to be found of advise to kill Kings, nor so much as any one precept of rebellion. That Luther writ indeed against King Henry the eight of England, in most contemptuous sort and indiscreet terms: but that Luther was none of his Subject, and that he never spoke of kill Kings, nor of rebelling against their Sovereign, and therefore that these examples are not to purpose.  
This I say, not that I rest satisfied with these justifications, I leave them as they are, but to stir up Father Cotton to speak more plainly unto this point, for fear lest our adversaries should say, that they are accused without proof, and without showing wherefore.  
That which remains of Father Cottons declaratory Letter, is only a declamatory discourse, wherein he talks of Otacoustes, Prosagogides, and Quadruplators: words that had given us the stop, had they been put in the entrance (of his discourse.) For these are words too hard for us, that know no other Latin then that of Ac●ursius, and that busy ourselves to prove as good Frenchmen, as the Jesuits are good Spaniards.   

CHAP. V.  
Whether it be for the good of the State, that Father Cotton should be near about the person of the King, or of the Queen Regent, and whether the lesuites are to be suffered.  
IF all the world wonders to see after the blow that john Chastel gave with a knife, after the condemning of the Jesuits, after the erection of the Pyramid for a memorial, yet nevertheless a little after (all this,) these Fathers to be established again, and to possess the heart of the King, whose mouth they had slit: So is it a thing as much to be wondered at, to see at this day, after so horrible a death, those, who have set abroach the doctrine of murdering (Princes) and who are known to have a ●inger in the action, to continue still, and to be near about the person of the King.  
I will believe that the person of Father Cotton is free from this crime, and that Father Gontier and Aubigny had no communication with him, and that he had no intelligence with the Jesuits of Bruxelles: yet such are his manners and his profession, that it is no way fit, nor for (the) credit (of the Court) for him to come near about the person of his Majesty.  
First of all, I affirm that Cotton, who calls himself a religious person, yea, of such a Company who take unto them the name of jesus, is a scandal to the whole Church, being every day a follower of the Court: for this is a thing contrary, not only to the Institution of all Monks, but particularly to the rules of the Jesuits, as Father Richeome assureth us in his Apologetical complaint: and Cardinal Tolet the jesuit, in his Book Of the Institution of Priests. 1. Book, and 40. Chapter, holds it for a general truth, that a religious person who betakes himself unto the Courts of Princes, is an excommunicate person, albeit he hath leave of his Superior.  
Secondly, for the imprinting of virtue in the heart of a Prince, it is fit to set about his person men that are enemies unto vices, and such as will not flatter him in his imperfections. This was one of the (great) faults of Father Cotton, even his connivence at the pleasures of the late King, in stead of withdrawing him from them. And such a Prince was he, that if a man an enemy unto vice, had held his place about him, it had been an easy matter to restrain him. This is the complaint that Father Portugais, lately made in our hearing, in a funeral Sermon that he preached at S. james in the Shambles, and which afterwards he set forth in print.  
Yet this is not all: for in stead of restraining him, he rather humoured him, affirming even at a full Sermon, that his Majesty made amends for his sins with many merits: that David committed faults, although he were a man after Gods own heart.  
(Nay,) he did well worse than this: for he was the Messenger of the King's love, and carried his Love-letters unto Ladies: a great Prince of this kingdom, and who now lives in Court, can testify, that (as he told him) (how) he wondered at this, that Father Cotton should be employed in bringing a certain Damsel unto the King: the said jesuit answered him, that indeed it was a sin, but that he was rather to regard the health of the King, whose life was so necessary unto the Church, and that this evil should be recompensed with a greater good.  
And for his life; therein he hath discovered egregious Hypocrisy. He vaunted (sometimes) in the presence of sundry Lords of the Court, who yet are living, that since he was two and twenty years of age, he never committed any mortal sin; and yet nevertheless, the Abbot of Boyse hath justified unto him, and is ready to justify it, that since that time it is that a sentence hath passed against him at avignon, for getting a Nun with child. Mounsieur des Boards, Lord of Grigny, a man that wants no good part, save to be a Catholic, hath lying by him at this day Father Cottons (love) Letters unto Madamoyselle de Claransac de Misme, written with his own hand: wherein after many protestations of friendship, he tells her, that he hopes to see her shortly, to pay her the principal, and the arrearages of his absence: and that the affection h●e bears unto her is such, that he cannot promise himself to have full joy in Paradise, if he find not her there. This Damsel was entered amongst the questions which this jesuit was to propose unto the Devil.  
Who doth not wonder at the incredible impudency of this man, who insinuates himself every where, and shrinks not back for an hundred puttings by? who thrusts himself into every action, who makes himself a companion to Princes, who in the Meditations he sets forth, seems as if he would flatter God, and bring him a sleep with words that savour of his Quean? What an heartburning would it be to see a caitiff jesuit besiege the spirit of a King, and to be as a man may say, tied to his girdle, while in the mean time, Princes and Lords who have done him great service, have much a do to come near him? I cannot conceive any reason why other of the Clergy who for many ages have been the pillars of the Church of France, who never laid hand on their Kings, and who never abandoned them in their afflictions, especially in the (time of our) last troubles, should not enjoy the same favour that these new come upstarts, who are not subject to any Bishop, but immediately depending of their Spanish General, and of their Consistory: and who have been already driven forth, for the crime of parricide? Have not other Religious Orders better deserved to be Confessors unto the King, or Preachers unto the Queen; whose Confessions these men will write into Spain, to some Provincial of Castille, or to their General at Rome?  
And if in seven or eight years, since their revocation, they have bestirred themselves so well, that in divers parts of France, they have gotten above an hundred thousand crowns of rent, and built in divers places, especially at lafoy Flesche, an house, that comes to above an hundred thousand crowns, what will they do if they continue but twenty years more? This is a canker that still gets ground. They cannot be in a place but they must domineer to: they have already built an house for novices in the Suburbs of Saint Germans, a pretty town might stand within the precincts of it: and there the Rector of the University shall have nothing to do, but to look on; and from thence are they like to draw all the youth, as being more subtle than others to insinuate into men's houses, to please women given to devotion, to flatter their children, to take neither for washing nor candles of their scholars, so they may swallow lands, and whole inheritances: whence it will come to pass, that the University of Paris, shall be but a shadow, and assuredly come to nothing. From hence in ten years space, the Privy Council, and Courts of Parliament, and the great Council, shall be full of the Disciples of the Jesuits, and the rest of the Clergy shall no more be made reckoning of: for they have a purpose to bring them lower, and they speak contemptuously of them, as of ignorant persons: and yet I have heard of many that are learned, and particularly of Mounsieur, the Cardinal of Perron, that themselves are ignorant persons, & that they will overthrow learning. For the restoring whereof, my Lord the said Cardinal hath a purpose to erect a new College in the University, where he will raise (the study of good) letters, which are fallen, sith these men have soiled them, by reducing them unto a miserable kind of Schollerisme, and making them to consist of slender observations which themselves have gathered.  
(Yet) this were but a small matter, were it not that by bringing up Scholars, and making men learned, they hereby grasp the State, and go about to bring Kings under a Tutorship, and stir up people unto sedition, and if they were as ready to rise, as these are busy to solicit them, France by this had run over with blood, and the death of the King had been followed with massacres both of the one and of the other Religion: for this was their hope in this cursed parricide: from which if this blow cannot keep them from falling, they will easily find the means to renew their party.  
In the mean while let my Lords of the Council, and my Masters of the Courts of Parliaments, judge whether with a good Conscience they can permit the hearing of confessions unto them, who have sworn to reveal nothing, though it necessarily concern the preservation of the King: and whether it be not fit to force them from so damnable a doctrine, that makes them culpable of high treason. To what purpose serves it to burn a book by the executioner, while the (persons themselves) are suffered? and to execute a piece of paper, while in the mean time a man dares not name the jesuits, for fear to offend them? Let them consider whether they will be glad to see the ruin of the University of Paris, which ever since Charles the great, hath been the Ornament of this Kingdom: or whether in suffering the increase of these, and their establishment in the Court, they can be content to hold the King's faithful Catholics in defiance, and in expectation to behold yet a third parricide. Let them be forbidden to intermeddle in affairs of State: let them preach the Gospel, and the Commandments of the Church: let Parents be bound to send their Children unto Colleges in the University: let there not be two distinct Universities: let inquiry be made what the Jesuits do with all their wealth, seeing it is well known they are but few in number, and that they do not spend it neither upon apparel, nor on horses, nor upon servants. To what end then serves all their revenues, save to make voyages, and Commissions for strange Countries, and to make a storehouse that may serve to wage the enemies of the State, and contribute to the charges of some Rebellion, as they did in the last league? For I find the Polander had reason, when he said that the Society of the Jesuits was a sword, whose scabbard was in France, but the handle of it in Spain, or at Rome, where the General of the Jesuits abides; for the first motion to draw this sword comes from thence.  
This is it we had to say on this matter, whereunto my desire is, that answer should be made from point to point: or rather that we would open our eyes unto these considerations, which are most clear and needful. And if in doing this we shall procure more hatred than we shall gain commodity, yet this shall be our comfort, that we have not failed in our duty of proposing things necessary for the good of the State, and for the peace and safety of the Church.  

A QVADRANE To the Queen.  
If you desire your State continue may,  
Then chase these cruel Tigers far away:  
Who cutting their King's life apart,  
Are their own pay-maisters with his heart.  
FINIS.     

THE SUPPLICATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS, FOR THE PREVENTING OF THE JESVITES opening of their Schools in Paris.  
WHEREIN THEIR KING-KILLING DOCTRINE, IS ALSO OPENED and refuted.   

TO THE QUEEN REGENT: THE LORDS, THE PRINCE'S OF THE BLOOD: AND THE LORDS of the Council.  
MAY it please your MAJESTY:  
The University of Paris in all humility desires to make to it known to your Majesty, that the doctrine of the kill of Kings by assassins, who of devotion destiny themselves to death, as to a Martyrdom pleasing to God, is by us held to be a pestilent devise, never seen nor read in the records of Antiquity; nor as much as known to the ancient Pagans or Christians. Among the Mahometans only, one named, the old man of Montagne, is found to have used this trick, but the rest of that Sect crushed it in the egg, and never since put it in practice, howbeit their malice a 'gainst Christian Princes be no way abared: Only about sixty years ago, this poison spread itself in the veins of Christendom, and began to be put in execution in England and in France; we say in England, in as much as in regard of civil and temporal obedience due to Kings, and for the safeguard of their lives; all Christian Princes, though Pagans, Heretics, Idolaters, Infidels, excommunicates, Apostates, are notwithstanding unto us, holy & sacred, as the Apostles ●each, and the primitive Christian Church, and the examples of Saints, now in heaven, sometime prelate's and Bishop's of France. Now this hellish position of theirs is grounded upon another erroneous doctrine, which is, the Pope's omnipotency, whom we acknowledge head of the Church, in that manner and meaning as our predecessors have done. The doctrine of this omnipotency, is not at all to be found in the divinity of Paris, nor in the bosom of the University, but we find it in the Sermons and writings of the jesuits, & in the answers of assassins at their arraignment before the ludges.  
To put this matter out of doubt, we need no more, then to hear themselves speaking. Parrie, who undertook the murdering of the late Queen of England, maintained that he might lawfully do it, she standing excommunicate by the Pope, and consequently her life abandoned. Catesby the undertaker of the firework, which should have blown up the King of great Britain, the Queen, their Children, & the States, stood to it, that the enterprise was holy: for since Clement the eight by two briefs, forbade the Catholics to receive him, they had better reason (as he thought) to make him away being received. john Chastel affirmed that he thought i● a meritorious work to kill our last King, because that although the Bishops of France had received him into the Church, yet he was not in it, the Pope having not admitted him. Ravillac, the last parricide, affirmed that the King undertook the last war against the good will of the Pope, that God was the Pope, and the Pope God, by virtue of those words; Thou art Peter, and upon this rock, etc. Hereupon the Bishop of Clerimont, one of their disciples failed not after the execution of the murderer to be present at the assembly of the Sor●on, which was called (accordingly as our ancestors had chalked us out the way,) for the censuring and condemning of that murdering doctrine, where turning himself from company to company, before the sitting of the Doctors, he told them they should take heed what they did, for you have here (saith he) two of the Pope's Nuntioes; and the Company being sat, he told them, that the question then to be discussed had been diversly handled, and that in his judgement it was needful they should propose it to the Pope's Nuntioes, who might give notice of it to the Pope their Master; as is none other Kings were to live but whom it pleased the Pope.  
After that many good Preachers of this University had contested against the murders of Kings, and the broachers and abettors of that doctrine, at last Father Cotton presents your Majesty with a Letter declaratory, of the doctrine of the Jesuits in that behalf, in which he labours to give contentment to such as complain that their writings maintain these three doctrines, cousen-germains, the omnipotency of the Pope, and from thence depending rebellion against Kings, & abandoning of their lives, when they, or such as themselves, shall judge them Tyrants: but men of understanding sufficiently perceive the Equivocations and fallacies wherewithal they would shadow their mischievous doctrine, following herein the use and practise of that position where of their Sect make open profession in treatises expressly allowed by the General of their Order; as may be seen in the Apology made in the behalf of Henry Garnet in the Chapter of Equivocations: yet should we be loath to discover them, and to hinder their counterfeit coin from being currant for some profit which might might from thence arise; were it not that by the virtue of these ambiguities, that Sect hopes to get the start of us in opening their Schools in the University of Paris, against the settled and resolved determination of the last King. In regard whereof this University, daughter of the French Kings, should hold herself guilty of disloyalty if she did not unmask those fallacies, and become an humble petitioner to your Majesty to provide that this daughter (most faithful to her Liege as long as she is kept from being forced,) be not stained with the company of that sect which hath long since been found to be most dangerous to our State.  
He then would make your Majesty believe, that the writers of his Order affirm, that it is not lawful to kill a Tyrant but they by him alleged▪ and by name, Valentia (their late great Doctor) adds this restriction: if it be not done by public judgement; and ●o the end you may not make scruple what is mea●●● by that public judgement, he afterward lays y●●● down certain articles of the doctrine of the Iesuit●s, touching the Sovereignty of Kings, in fashion as f●●lloweth: That a Monarchy is the best kind of government: That the Pope is a Monarch in the Church for ●he spiritual government, as the King is in his kingdom▪ for the temporal; as not allowing the King to be King's in his own kingdom, if the Pope be not absolute Sovereign in the spiritual affairs of the Church. But may it please your Majesty to be informed, that this is an assertion directly opposite to the doctrine of the Church, which your University of Paris hath always stood for: namely, to affirm that the Pope hath monarchial power in the Church: for they are indeed contradictory speeches, to maintain, that a Counsel is above the Pope, (as your University hath always done,) and that the Pope is absolute Monarch of the Church. This doctrine of your University if ever it were necessary, surely now a days it is more useful than ever, aswell in regard of our own King, as of all the States of Christendom.  
Now what are the effects of this absolute spiritual Monarchy, he clears in another Book, which he hath dedicated to your Majesty, the Princes of the blood, and the Lords of the Counsel; you shall find it in the end of the second Tome of his Institutions, Quest. 35. where he affirms that the Pope hath no absolute power to command and dispose the Crow●es of Kings: but his fallacy lies in this word [absolute,] in as much as he hath power to put of and put on the Crowns of Kings, but that power is not absolute: 〈◊〉 King, and your Majesty, and the Lords pretend 〈◊〉 absolute power to dispose of the goods of your subjects, but only by the rule and guidance of justice. Moreover Father Cotton a little after affirms that the 〈◊〉 by virtue of his spiritual government, and for th● uniting of Religion and the State, may by the po●er of his Ecclesiastical censures dispose of Prince's Crowns, for the service of God, the good of the Church, ●nd the salvation of Souls. Neither is this any peculiar point, which himself alone defends, but it is the common tenant of that Society: but this doctrine of the uniting, as he terms it, of Religion and the State of the Church and the Commonwealth, is merely opposite to the doctrine of our Lord jesus Christ, who hath for ever put a separation between the Church and the State, in those words, Give unto God, that which is Gods, that is to say, religious Service; and unto Caesar, that which belongs unto Caesar, that is, civil obedience, honour, homage, and tribute.  
May it please your Majesty: your University of Paris hath never taught otherwise, holding herself fastto the ancient counsels, and rejecting the new, in that wherein they reject this wholesome doctrine, and this is it in which the Kings, the Bishops of France, the Courts of Parliament, the King's council, the French Doctors, & lastly, this your University, have always held the liberties of the French Church and kingdom to consist. And surely, it is no final question which we have now in hand, no less worth than the estate of the King, which these men leave to the mercy of the Pope, these men I say, to whose charge the training up of our youth is every where committed, the consciences of the people in their confessions, and by their sermons and writings the instruction of all. Notwithstanding that in the mean while the life of the King, & that of your Majesty are in hazard, in as much as when the pope withdraws the right of government from a Prince, they hold him presently for a tyrant, as usurping against the determination of that public authority, which according to the Jesuits doctrine, may of a King make a tyran●nay, they farther affirm that Subjects may rebel against their Sovereign, although he be not excommunicate, if they believe, that those who should do it, fearing his greatness, durst not▪ this is the decision of the jesuit Suarez, who by that means sets the estates & lives of all potent Princes to six and seven. Such is also the practice of some murderers of Kings, men who acknowledge the omnipotency of the Pope, taught by the Jesuits, and indeed acknowledge none other, but so far forth as it pleaseth the Pope; and this was apparently the practice of that last wretched parricide, as it was clear by that execrable discourse which he held with those divines, who were sent to confer with him; unto whom he showed himself to have been perfectly skilled, in all the shifts and cavils which Sophistry itself could possibly invent, touching that subject: this man I say, was thus cunning in this point, who was otherwise devoid of all good literature, and almost common understanding.  
We make no doubt, but if it would please your Majesty to consult the Pope in this point, he would be drawn to perform that, which he ought, in condemning by his Bu●s to hell pit such murderers and assassins', and by stopping (which might be done by a word of his mouth) the torrent of those mischiefs, which cast a shame and obloquy upon the innocency of Christian Religion; for the power which these men have hitherto had at Rome, hath given occasion to ●ome to give out, that since he labours not to prevent these mischiefs, acted by them, upon whom he may work what he list, it cannot be avoided but himself must needs be thought to be the author of them: as the rules of justice require.  
The pretence which Cotton draws from the good of the Church, thereby to draw to the Pope power to dispose of kingdoms, is but a colourable pretext: for by virtue of that separation, which our Lord jesus Christ hath for ever made between Religion and the State, through the whole world, where his Gospel should be preached, we stand obliged, notwithstanding all Ecclesiastic censures, interdictions, dispensations for oaths of allegiance, or commandments whatsoever from the Pope, not to take Arms against our Kings, but chose to yield them all civil and temporal● obedience, and for safeguard of their lives to hazard our own. This is the law of nature, engraven in the hearts of men, even when they enter into this world, which the Son of God clothed with our flesh, hath since established and consecrated, binding Christians to the observance of it in a straighter manner th●n were the Pagans, led by the sole light of Nature; and Priests more strictly than laics, to whom they are to preach sound doctrine as well by words as example; and Bishops rather than ordinary Priests, and lastly, above all, the chief● Bishop of all, because his example in this case would more prevail then any other, nay all the other beside. This was the true cause why the King of great Britain, to safeguard himself from these King-killers, was constrained to exact of his subjects an oath of allegiance, for their civil and temporal obedience, and the surety of his life, notwithstanding the Pope's Bulls.  
An oath which the frequent doctrine and practice of assassins now a days makes in a manner necessary through Christendom, to secure the estates and lives of Gods anointed, and withal to free the Catholic Apostolic Roman Religion toward the Kings and Princes of the earth, from that blame & hatred which this wicked doctrine draws with it, and to make it more gracious in the eyes of those who maintain a different religion. Yet is this wholesome doctrine more needful in France then any where beside, because the effects of the contrary fall especially upon the life and crown of the King, and rather now in the minority of our King, then in his full age, this erroneous doctrine ought to beresuted, and the venter's thereof punished, because the practice of the ages past hath ever taught us, that when they would draw out their censures against the temporalties of Kings, that commonly set upon the weakest.  
For these reasons the University of Paris, daughter of the Kings of France, most humbly beseecheth your Majesty, the Princes of the blood, and the Lords of the Council, not to give way to the Jesuits (since they defend an opinion touching the pope's omnipotency, and the surety of the estates and lives of Kings, quite contrary to that which this University hath always taught and maintained) to the opening of their Schools here in Paris, much less to their incorporating into the University, lest they make the learning and manner thereof as repugnant to the estate of Kings, as is their own Sect, as may appear by those writings which Father Cotton dedicates to you, and puts into your hands daily, and by that experience which we have found of them, and yet daily find in many quarters of Christendom, and th● University shall ever be bound to pray for the establishment and happiness of the King, your Majesty, the Princes of the blood, and the Lords of the Council.  
FINIS.   

THE TRANSLATOR, TO THE READER.  
Reader,  
THat thou be not ignorant of the occasion of Anti-coton, bepleased to be informed, that since the last execrable parricide in France, th● Doctors of the Sorbon met together in solemn Convocation, condemned a book written by john Mariana a Spanish jesuit, maintaining the murdering of Kings, and before that, was it adjudged by the precedents of the Parliament of Paris, that the said book should publicly be burnt by the common executioner before the great gate of the Palace, and withal as well the buying as selling of it was by them straightly forbidden; hereupon a rumour spread itself, that the Jesuits generally maintained the same opinion: and consequently their writings to that purpose were as liable to censure and fire as that of Mariana Whereupon Cotton newly returned from the Funerals of the King's heart at la Flesche, and seeming to be much appalled with this unexpected noise, was in a manner constrained (for the making up of this sudden breach) presently to put pen to paper to disclaim what Mariana had affirmed, to produce the testimonies of his associates, who seemed to defend the contrary; and lastly, to set down those articles in this point, which his society (as he pretended) would stand unto; upon this declaratory Letter of Cottons (as himself terms it) dedicated to the Queen Regent, comes forth within a very short space this Anti-Coton, (written a● it seems by one of the same Religion, and therefore cannot but carry the greater show of truth,) which labours to prove against Cotton, that the doctrine and practice of the Jesuits made a ready way unto, if not acted, the late horrible blow in France: which book (as I am credibly informed by a friend of good intelligence and credit, being greedily devoured of all sorts of the French, 
Auidissime l●ctus ab omnibus ●sque adeo ●ssit Cottonum ●t ●●mini exciverit lachrymas prae dolore & iudignatione.  So ●●ung Cotton, that it wrung tears from him for very grief and indignation, and personal imputations (as you know) the truer they are, the deeper impressions they usually work. Now because I suppose some may be desirous more particularly to understand of the quality of this Cotton (who is so often named thorough this work,) for the further content of such, I can assure them, th●t 〈◊〉 France he carries the name rather of a good Orator, than a deep Clark, as 〈◊〉 better what belongs to points of Courtiership, than Scholarship, notwithstanding a man he is, much magnified by his own Society, for having so thoroughly understood, and fully possessed the affections of the last King, as if he had enchanted him; to whom he was both Confessor and Preacher: and was beside that both at meals and at Mass continually in his ear, no man more; insomuch that in France it grew to a common jest upon any repulse from the King, or denial of access 〈◊〉 him; Les oreills du Roy sont buschees de Cotton: The King's ears are stopped with Cotton. Whereupon about three years since this Pasquil flew abroad in Paris.  

Le Roy ne scauroit fair un pas,  
Que le Pere Cotton l'accompagne:  
Mais le bon Sire ne scait pas,  
Que le fin 
Fin in the French signifies as well crafty as fine.  Cotton vient d'Espagne.   

The King no where can step a foot,  
But Father Cotton finds him out:  
But the good King is not aware,  
That fine Cotton is Spanish ware.   
But I leave his person, and return again to his Letter, in the scanning of which I have somewhat to say to him, which the Author of Anti-Coton passeth by, which is this; that whereas he undertakes to prove that the other Jesuits accord not with Mariana, in the doctrine of making away Princes, and to that end produceth the testimony of Becanus, one of their chief pillars: turning to the passage he quotes, I find that Becanus in that very place approves 〈…〉 in express terms, and withal holds 〈…〉 common tenent of the Jesuits, his words are these▪ In respon▪ add Aphorism. 9 Atque haecest expressa sententia johannis Marianae loco citato, & aliorum jesuitarum qui ha● de re scripserunt, in qua non video quid Caluinistae possint meritò reprehendere: And this is expressly the opinion of john Mariana in the place alleged, as also of the other Jesuits who have written touching this subject, in which I see not what it is which the Caluinists' ca●● justly disprove. That which I now affirm is a matter of fact, and therefore needs no more ado than the opening of the Book, and the reading of the text.  
Again in producing Gregory de Valentia his testimony of him, 
〈◊〉 2 2. disp. 5. quest. 8. punct. 3.  he affirms, determine qu'il n'est nullement permis d'attenter sur la vie du Prince, iaçoit qu'il abuse deson authority: he concludes, that it is in no case lawful to make a● assault upon the person of the Prince, howbeit be abuse his authority▪ Whereas the said Valentian in the same place by him alleged, first distinguishing of a tyrant by administration and usurpation, plainly affirmeth, de primo eadem estratio, ac de aliis malefactoribus▪ qui solum per publicam pote●●atem puniri possint: of a tyrant taken in the first sense (that is by administration) there is the same reason as of other malefactors, who cannot be punished but by public authority. In which words he seems to me to range unruly Princes (though they pretend never so just a title to their Crowns) in the Catalogue of common murderers and thieves, and to make them as abnoxious to public censure, whereas Cotton would make us believe that he holds their persons altogether inviolable.  
Lastly, that 〈…〉 to say at this time against Cotton, and the 〈…〉 he allegeth is this; against himself, that he prote●●eth, the opinion in this case of all the I●suites in common, and every of them in particular, no way to dissent or vary from that of the universal Catholic Ch●rch, which assertion of his to be merely untrue, shall hereafter (God willing) be fully demonstrated, by making it clearly appear what the Catholic Church hath ever taught and practised in this point from age to 〈◊〉 down to these very present times, and by comparing it with that which the Jesuits now adays generally both teach and practice. Against the Authors he allegeth this I say, that whereas they impute the occasion of the Canon of the Council of Constance against tyrannicides, 
Azorius Serarius, alijque.  to the doctrine of the Hussites, it must needs arise either from their ignorance, or their malice, or both; for had they but read the Canon itself as it is laid down in the body of the Council, or john Gerson, In his proposition on the behalf of the French King: or lastly, The French History in the life of Charles the sixth, they might easily have perceived that the occasion thereof grew from a doctrine which john Petit, a Doctor of the Sorbon, set a foot in ●aris on the behalf of john Duke of Burgundy, who treacherously show Lewis Duke of Orleans, as the author of this precedent Book hath rightly observed, in the very first entrance thereof, and surely I make no doubt but the greatest part of those Fathers who met at that Council, if they now lived and saw how matters are carried in Christend●m, would as willingly subscribe to the censuring of that opinion which the Iesuit●● 〈◊〉 maintain touching to making away of 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 did to the condemnation of that of john 〈…〉 very deed and truth is little or nothing differing from that of the Jesuits, sa●e only they are grown more cunning to east a fairer glass & varnish upon it. Thus much have I added, not that I take any pleasure in ripping up and discovering other men's imperfections, which with my heart I rather wish were not; or in exagitating that Sect among whom reside many excellent wits, but which dwell ill, and as he said, in malum publicum, but only that I might a little farther search into that wound which I find cannot be cured without much lancing: in the mean time my desire is, and daily prayer unto God shall be, that notwithstanding we differ in some points of our Religion, yet we may all agree in our obedience to our Sovereign, and strive on each side to gain credit to our Religion by the fruits of our obedience, as assuring o●r selves (because Truth itself hath delivered it) that Obedience is better than Sacrifice: 
1. Sam. 15. 22. Ita a plebibus Principes, & a s●r●is domini fer●●di sunt, ut sub ●x●rcitati●●e t●leranti●e 〈…〉  Iconclude with S. Augustine: So are Subjects to bear with their Sovereigns, and Servants with their Lords, that through the exercise of our patience, things transitory may be endured, and eternal hoped for.  
FINIS.