A SHORT VIEW OF THE Long Life and Reign of HENRY the Third, King of ENGLAND. Presented to King JAMES. Printed. Mdcxxuii. portrait of Henry III Henricus III D. G. Rex Ang: Dux Acquit: etc Dom: Hib: A Short view of the long Reign of Henry the third. WEaried with the lingering calamities of Civil Arms, and affrighted at the sudden fall of a licentious Sovereign, all men stood at gaze expecting the event of their long desires (Peace) and issue of their new hopes (Benefit.) For in every shift of Princes there are few either so mean or modest that please not themselves with some probable object of preferment. To satisfy all, Hist. minor Math. Paris. a child ascendeth the throne, mild and gracious, but easy of nature, whose Innocency and natural goodness led him safe along the various dangers of his father's Reign: Happy was he in his Uncle the Earl of Pembroke, the guide of his infancy, and no less than for thirty years after whilst De Burgo, that fast servant of his Fathers against the French, both in Normandy and England with Bygod Earl of Norfolk and others of like gravity and experience did manage the Affairs. Few and no other were the distempers then in State, but such as are incident to all, the Commons greedy of liberty, and the Nobility of Rule, Math. Paris Hist. maior. and but one violent storm raised by some old and constant followers of his Father, Fulco de Brent de Fortibus and others, men that could only thrive by the wars, misliking those days of sloth▪ (for so they termed that calm of King Henry's government;) and the rather because the justice of quiet times urged from them to the lawful owners, such Lands and Castles as the fury of war had unjustly given them, for finding in the uprightness of the King, that power of protection should not be made a wrong doer, they fell out into that rebellion, that with it, Hist. Sancti. Albani. ended their lives and competitors, professing that those their swords that had set the Crown upon their Sovereign's head, when neither Majesty nor Law could, should now secure those small pittances to their Masters, when Majesty or Law would not. Dangerous are too great benefits of Subjects to their Princes, when it maketh the mind only capable of merit, nothing of duty▪ No other disquiet did the State after this feel, but such as is incident in all, the malice to Authority: Good and great men may secure themselves from guilt, but not from envy: for the greatest in trust of public affairs are still shot at by the aspiring of those that deem themselves less in employment than they are in merit. These vapours did ever and easily vanish so long as the helm was guided by temperate spirits, and the King tied his Actions to the rule of good Counsel, and not to young passionate or single advice. Thirty years now passed, Chro. de Dunst▪ joan. the Wallingford. and all the old guides of his youth now dead, but the Burgo, (a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting but moderation,) whose length of days giving him the advantage of sole power, his own Ambition and Age gave him desire, and Art, to keep out others, which wrought him into the fatal envy of most, and that increased in the Title of Earl, & great Offices the King then gave him. Time by this, had wrought, as in itself, so in the hearts of the people, a Revolution, the afflictions of their fathers forgotten, and the surfeit of long peace; perchance having let in some abuses, from hence, the Commons to whom days present seem ever worst, commend the foregone ages they never remembered, and condemn the present, though they knew neither the disease thereof, nor the remedy. Chro. de Litchfield. To these idle and usual humours, fell in some of the young and noble spirits, warm and overweening (who being as truly ignorant as the rest) first by sullying the wisdom of the present and greatest rulers, (making each casual mishap their Errors:) seem to decipher every blemish in Government, and then by holding certain imaginary and fantastic forms of Common wealths, flatter their own belief and ability, that they can mould any State, to these general rules, which in particular application will prove idle and gross absurdities. Next confirmed in their own worth by Sommery and Spencer, Gual. de Coue●. they take it a fit time to work themselves into action, and employment, a thing they had long desired, and now (though unwilling to seem so) do sue for, and doubtless the furthest of their aim was yet, to become quiet instruments in serving the State, if they had been then held fit and worthy. But the King taught by the new Earl, That Consilia senum hastas juvenum esse; and that such wits, (for so they would be styled) were Novandis quam gerendis rebus aptiores, fitter in being factious to disorder, then to settle affairs, either denied or delayed their desires; for wise Princes will ever choose their Instruments Parnegotijs, and not supra, Creatures out of mere election, that are only theirs, otherwise, without friends or power. Amongst this unequal medley, there were of the Nobility, Math. Paris. Hist. minor. Richard Earl of Pembroke, Gloucester, and Hartford, darlings of the multitude; some for the merit of their Fathers, whose memories they held Sacred, as Pillars of public liberty and opposers of encroaching Monarchy: at Runemeed the Armies met. And of the Gentry, Gron. Petri Pe●●auien. Fitz-Geffe●ry, Bardolph, Grisley, Maunsell and Fitz-Iohn, spirits of as much Acrimony and Arrogant spleen, as the places from whence they were elected Camp, Court, or Country, could afford any: These by force would effect what the other did affect by cunning; but all impatient, to see their ends thus frustrate, and that so long as the King followed the direction of the Earl of Kent, they had small hope of their desires, they made often meetings; Ma 〈…〉 Paris. and as one saith of them, Clam & nocturnis colloqujs aut flexum in vesperum die. In the end, Sommery and Spencer, two that were far in opinion with the rest, Gentlemen, by Foreign education and employment, more qualified then usually men of these Times; and that set upon their own deserts, the best places when the Stream should turn, (which one of them, Spencer, did unworthily obtain, for he died in actual Rebellion, justiciarius Angliae, against his master) advised that the best means to remove that great and good obstackle, the Earl of Kent, out of the way of their advancement, was by sifting into his actions, and siding with his opposite, Peter Bishop of Winchester, (an ill man, but gracious with the King) making still their ends, that the worthiest being driven out by the worst, they shall either be able to mate him with his own vice, which will be ever more visible, as he is more potent, and so remove him at pleasure; or else give over the King to such Ministers, to their bad desires, as losing him the hearts of his people, might smooth them away to their bad desires, Honours quos quieta Republica desperant, Acero in Cattalline Orat. prima. perturbata consequi se posse arbitrantur. This Counsel heard, approved and put in practice, the corrupt and ambitious Bishop is easily ensnared to their part, by money and opinion, of increase of power. Articles are in all hast forged, and urged against the Earl, Lib. Bermondsey Vita abbati sancti alban● as sale of Crown land; wast of the King's Treasure; and lastly, (that which these doubtful times held capital) his giving allowance to any thing that might breed a rupture between the Sovereign and the Subjects, as he had done in making way with the King, to annihilate all Patents granted in his nonage, Lib. Bermondsey vita abbatis sancti albani. and enforced the subject to pay as the Record saith, Non juxta singulorum facultatem, sed quicquid justiciarius estimabat. Well? he cleared himself of all, but the last, and did worthily perish by it, for arts that fill Princes Coffers, are ever the ruins of their first Inventors; bad times corrupt good Counsels, and make the best Ministers, yield to the lust of Princes, therefore this King cannot pass blameless, that would so easily blemish all former merits, of so good a servant, for that wherein himself was chief in fault. But Prince's natures are more variable, and sooner cloyed than others, more transitory their favours, and as their minds are large, so they easily over look their first election, tying their affections, no further than their own satisfactions. The Bishop now alone manageth the State, chooseth his chief Instrument, Peter De Rivallis, a man like himself, displaceth the natives, and draweth Poictoins and Britons into Offices of best trust, and benefit; and the King into an evil opinion of his people. For nothing is more against the nature of the English, then to have strangers rule over them, of this man's time, Wendover, an Author then living, saith, juditia committunter injustis, Leges ex▪ legibus, Pax discordantibus, justitia iniuriosis. Thus the plot of the tumultuous Barons went clear, and had not the discreeter Bishops calmed all by dutiful persuasions, Regis Roffen. Annalis de Ely. and informing the King that the support of this bold man's power (whose carriage before had lost his Father▪ Normandy, the love of his people, and in that his Crown) would by teaching the son to reject in passion the just petitions of his loyal Subjects, (as of late the Earl of Pembroke his Earl Martial of England the due of his Office) drive all the State into discontent by his bad advice, and corrupt manners; doubtless the rebellious Lords had ended this distemper, as their design was, in a civil War. Denials from Princes must be supplied with gracious usage, that though they cure not the sore, yet they may abate the sense of it; but best it is, that all favours come directly from themselves; denials and things of bitterness from their Ministers. Thus are the strangers all displaced and banished, Rivallis extortions ransacked, Claus. anno 37 H. 3. M. 26. Chron. Hall. by many strict Commissions of enquiry; the Bishop sent away disgraced, finds now that Nulla quae sita scelere potentia diuturna; and that in Prince's favours there is no subsistence between the highest of all, and precipitation. The Lords still frustrate of their malicious ends, began to sow of these late grounds of the people's discontent, Querelas & ambiguos de principe sermons & quaeque alia turbamenta vulgi, and took it up a fashion to endear and glorify themselves with the senseless multitude, by depraving the King's discretion, and Government, whose nature too gentle for such insolent spirits, was forced (as Trevet saith) to seek as he presently did, advise and love amongst strangers, seeing no desert could purchase it at home, all bore themselves like Tutors and Controllers, few like subjects and Counsellors. God we see holdeth the hearts of Princes, and sendeth them such Councillors as the quality of the subject merriteth. Chron. Litchf. For Mountford a Frenchman became the next Object of the King's Delight, a Gentleman of choice blood, education, and feature, on this man's content, the heady affection of the Sovereign did so much Dote, that at his first entrance of Grace, in envy of the Nobility, he made him Earl of Leicester; and in no less offence of the Clergy, Math. Paris. Roger Wendover by violating the rites of the holy Church, gave him his vowed, veiled, sister to wife. More of Art then usual some have deemed this act of the Kings, making the tye of his dependency, the strength of his assurance, so both at his will. Chron. joan. Sulgrave. Mountford made wanton thus with dalliance of his Master, forgetteth moderation, for seldom discretion in youth attendeth great and sudden fortunes, he draweth all public affairs into his own hands, all favours must pass from him, all preferments by him, all suits addressed to him, the King but as a cipher set to add to this figure, the more of number. Great is the Sovereign's error, when the hope of subjects must recognize itself bee-holden to the servant, which ought immediately to be acknowledged, from the goodness and good election of himself: Though Princes may take above others some reposefull friend, with whom they may participate their nearest passions; yet ought they so to temper the affairs of their favour, that they corrupt not the effects of their principalities. At this the great and gravest men began to grieve, knowing the unworthy without honour, or merit, thus to deal alone in that which should pass through their hands, and to leap over all their heads, to the greatest Honour and Offices, and therefore run along with the then rising grace of the King's half brethren, (though strangers) hoping thereby to divide that power, which otherwise they saw impossible to break. Leicester confident of his Master's love, and impatient to bear either rival in favour, Chron. Reading. or partner in rule, opposeth them all, but findeth in his ebb of favour, the Fortune of others, and that this King could ever as easily transfer his fancy as he had settled his affection. Great we see must be the art and cunning of that man, that keeps himself a float in the stream of Sovereign's favour, since the change of Prince's wills, which for the most part are full of fancy and soon satiate are hardly arrested: Who so would effect this, must only attend the honour and service of his Master, and despoiled of all other respects, transform himself into his inward inclination and work into necessity of employment, by undergoing the Offices of most secrecy, either of public service, or princes pleasures, he must also beat down Competitors of worth by the hands of others, conceal his own greatness in public, with a feigned humility, and what impotency or government he affecteth, let it rather seem the work of others, out of conveniency, than any appetite of his own. Now were the raynes of rule, by this advantage, taken by the rebellious Lords, Hen. Knighto 〈…〉 Mon. Leicest. and put alone into the hands of the King's half brethren: Adam, Guido, Godfray, and William, himself as before; Et magna Fortuna licentiam tantum usurpans: For to act his own part, he was ever wyer-drawne when he had such worthy servants as would often for his Honour urge it. For these Masters, (as Wallingford termeth them) Tanta elati jactantia quod nec superiorem sibi intelligunt, nec parem mellitis & mollitis adulationibus animum Regis pro libito voluntatis à ratione tramite declinantes, do alone what they list. They fill up the place of justice and Trust, with their Countrymen, strangers, exact of whom, how and what they they please; waste the Treasure and Crown Lands on themselves, and their followers, set prices on all offices, and rain the Law within the rule of their own Breasts. Wil de Rishanger. The usual reply of their servants, to the plaints of the King's subjects, being Quis tibi rectum faciet? Dominus rex vult; quod Dominus meus vult; these strangers seemed in their Lawless carriage not to have been invited, Lib. Monastery Ramsey. but to have entered the state by Conquest: The great men they enforced not to obey, but to serve, and the mean to live so as they might justly say, they had nothing, yet lest the King should hear the groans of his people, and the wickedness of his Ministers, which good and able men would tell him, they bar all such access: Suspicion being the best preserver of her own deserts, aimeth at these, who hath more of virtue than themselves, as fearing them most. Thus is the incapacity of government in a King, when it falls to be prey to such Lawless Minious, the ground of infinite corruption in all the members of the State, all take warrant generally from Prince's weaknesses, of licentious liberty, and greatness makes profit particularly by it, and therefore give way to increase ill, to increase their gains. A Famine accompanieth these corruptions, and that so violent, Claus. anno 42 Hen. 3. that the King is enforced to direct Writes to all the Shires, Ad pauperes mortuos sepeliendos famis media deficientes: Chron. London. Famine proceeds, Fames praecessit & secutus est gladius tam terribilis ut nemo inermis secure possit, provincial pervagare: For all the Villages of the Kingdom were left a prey to the Lawless Multitude: Who Per diversas parts itinerantes velut per Consensum aliorum, (as the Record saith) did imply that the factious Lords suspected by the King, had given some heat to that commotion. Seditious Peers bringing ever fuel to such popular fires. Neither was the Church without a busy part in this Tragic work for Walter Bishop of Worcester, Wil de Rishanger. and Robert of Lincoln, to whom Mountford and his faction, Prae-cordialiter adhaerebant were far engaged. In such designs, Churchmen are never wanting, and the distaste of the present government, (as well in the Church as in the Commonwealth,) will ever be a knot of strength for such unquiet spirits, who aswell frame to themselves some other form of government; then the present in the Church, as in the temporal state, as that which with the giddy multitude winneth best opinion, and did at this time fitly suit the people's humours, so much distasting the new Courts of the Clergy, their pomp, their greediness and the Pope's extortions. A fair pretext was it to those factious Bishops, to use their bitter pens and speeches, so far against Religious Orders, Ceremonies, and State of the Church, that one of them incurred the sentence of Excommunication at Rome, and Treason at home; Math. Paris. for he enjoined the Earl of L●●cester in Remissione peccatorum ut causam illam (meaning his Rebellions) usquae ad mortem assumeret, Wil de Rishanger▪ asserens pacem Ecclesiae Anglicanae numquam sine gladio materiali posse firmari. It was not the best Doctrine that this man could plant, by liberty or war when the first Church rose by fasting and prayer. True Piety binds the Subject to desire a good Sovereign, but to bear with a bad one, and to take up the burden of Princes with a bended knee, rather in time so to deserve abatement, then resist authority. Churchmen therefore ought not always to lead us in the rule of Loyalty, but a knowledge of our own duties, in difficult points of Religion, where an humble ignorance, is a safe and secure knowledge, we may rely upon them. To suppress these troubles, and supply the king's extremity, a Parliament was called, ●arth. Co●on. much to the liking of those Lords, who as little meant to relieve the King as they did to acquit the State, Chro. Norwie. Chro. Worc. their end at that time being only to open at home the poverty of their Master, to lessen his reputation abroad, and to brave out their own passions freely, whilst those times of liberty permit. Here they began to tell him he had wronged the public State in taking to his private election the justice, Chancellor and Treasurer, M. Paris. that should be only by the Common Council of the Realm, Wendover. commending much the Bishop of Chicester for denying delivery of the great Seal but in Parliament where he received it. They blame him to have bestowed the best places of trust and benefit in his gift on strangers, Wallingford. Paris. and to leave the English unrewarded, to have undone the trade of Merchants by bringing in Maletosts and heavy customs, Wil de Rishanger. and to have hurt the common liberty by non obstantes in his Patents, to make good Monopolies for private favourites. That he hath taken from his Subjects quicquid habuerunt in esculentis & poculentis. Rusticorum enim equos, bigas, vina, Chron. Sancti. Albani. victualia ad libitum caepit. That his judges were sent in Circuits under pretext of justice to fleece the people, Causis fictitijs quoscunque poterant diripuerunt. And that Sir Robert de Purslowe had wrung from the Borderers of his Forest under pretence of encroachments or assarts, great sums of money. And therefore they wonder that he should now demand relief from his so peeled and polled Commons, Gual. de Coventry. who by their former extremities & per auxilia prius data ita depauperantur ut nihil aut parum habeant in bonum. And therefore advised him, that since his needless expense, Postquam regni caepit asse dilapidator, was summed up by them to above 800000 l. Wil de Rishanger It were fitting to pull from his favourites, who had gleaned the Treasure of his Kingdom, and shared the old Lands of the Crown, seeing one of them there whom the Lords described to be Miles litteratus, or Clericus militaris, who had in short space from the inheritance of an acre, grown to the Possession of an Earledom; Chron. Litchf. and Mansel another inferior Clerk that (besides 50. Hist. minor Wil de Rishanger promotions with the cure of souls) rose to dispend in annual revenue 4000 marks, Epist. Robert Lincoln. whereas more moderate Fees would have become a penman, no better qualified then with the ordinary fruits of a Writing School; yet if a moderate supply would suit with the King's occasions, they were content to perform so far relief in Obedience, as the desert of his carriage should merit toward them: And so as the Record saith, Math. Paris. Dies datus fuit in tres septimanas ut interim Rex excessu●s suos corrigeret, & Magnates voluntati ejus obtemperarent. At which day upon new grant of the great Charter, Math. Paris. Regis Roffen. admittance to his Council of some persons elected by the Commons, joan. de Wallingford. and promise to rely upon his Natives, and not Strangers; for advise hereafter; they spare him such a pittance as must tie him to their Devotion, for a new supply. Thus Parliaments that before were ever a medicine to heal up any rupture in Princes fortunes, are now grown worse than the malady, sith from thence more mallignant humours began to reign in them, than well composed tempers. The King by this, Chron. de L●i●. experienced of the intents of his rebellious Lords, and finding that the want of Treasure was the way whereby they enthralled his Majesty, begins now to play the good husband, closeth his hand of waist, and resolves himself (too late) to stand alone; such experience is pernicious to the private, and dangerous to the public good of a state, when it never learns to do, but by undoing, and never sees order, but when disorder shows it. Yet still alas, such was his flexibillity when he came to be pressed by his French Minions, that he could not hold his hand any longer, from their vast desires, and endless waste. So that an Author then living, saith, it became a by word, our Inheritance is converted to aliens, and our Houses to Strangers. Followers to a King excessive in gifts, are excessive in demands, and cut them not out by reason, but by example: Favours past are not accounted, we love no bounty but what is merely future, the more that a Prince weakeneth himself in giving, the poorer he is of friends: For such prodigality in a Sovereign, ever ends in the rapine and spoil of his subjects. Yet before the King would again submit himself, as he had the last Parliament, to so many braves and strict inquiries of his disloyal subjects, he meaneth to pass through all the shifts, that extremity of need, with greatness of mind could lay upon him. Claus. anno 46 & 47. Henry 3. He beginneth first with sale of Lands, and then of jewels, pawneth Gascoigne, and after that, his Imperial Crown; and when he had neither credit to borrow, (having so often failed, the trust he had made,) nor pawns of his own, Claus. anno 37 Henry 3. he than layeth to pawn the jewels and Ornaments of St. Edward's Shrine; and in the end, not having means to defray the diet of his Court, was enforced to break up House, (and as Paris saith) with his Queen and Children, Cum Abbatibus & Prioribus satis humiliter Hospitia quae sivit & prandia. This low ebb which again the King's improvidence had brought him to, gave great assurance to the Rebellious Lords, that they should now at the last, have the Sovereign power, left a prey to their ambitious designs, and to bring it faster on, they desire nothing more, then to see the King's extremity▪ Constrained a Parliament, for at such times, Princes are ever less than they should be, subjects more. To hasten on the time, and adapt the the means, Wil de Rishanger. there are sown certain seditious rumours, that the King's necessity must repair itself upon the fortunes and blessings of his people, that having nothing of his own left, he might and meant to take of others: For Kings may not want, as long as the Subjects have means to supply. This took fire just to their minds, and wrought a little moving in the State, which doubtless had flamed higher, if the King had not asswadged it by Proclamations, wherein he declared, Quod quidam malivoli sinistra praedicantes, Claus. anno 49 〈◊〉 3. illis falso suggesserant illum velle eos indebite gravari, ac jura & libertates Regni subvertere, & per suggestiones illas dolosas & omnina falsas eorum corda à sua malidictione, & fidelitate averterent, but desireth, that Hujusmodi animorum suorum perturbationibus ne fidem adhiberent, for that he was ever ready to defend them from the oppression of the great Lords, Et omnia jura & Consuetudines eorum debitas bonas, & Consuetas, in omnibus & per omnia plenius obseruare, and that they may rest of this secure: De voluntate sua libera, litteras suas fecit patentes. But seeing still that Majesty and right subsist not without means and power, and himself had of neither, so much as would stop the present breach in his own wants, or his subjects loyalties, he flieth to the bosom of his people, for relief and Council. At Oxford they met in Parliament, Parl. Oxon●. where his necessity, met so many undutiful demands, that he was forced to render up to their Rebellious will, his Royal power. here the Commons knowing that, Quum eligere inceperunt, they were Loco libertatis, stood with the King to have the managing of the State, Math. Paris. put to the care of twenty four, whereof twelve by their election, Chro. Worc. (whereto they look strictly) and the other by him, who in all things else, was left a cipher, and in this, Chron. Liechf. whether by fear, or remissness, filled up his number with Mountford, Gloucester, and Spencer, which besides the weakening of his own part, won to those his late opposites, an opinion of great interest they had got in his favour, he now hath left neither election of public office, nor private attendants, his half brethren and their followers, he must despoil of all fortune, and exile by prescription under his own hand, commanding his Writs, Pro transportatione fratrum suorum, to be directed to the Earls of Hartford and Surrey, and not to pass either their Money, Arms, or Ornaments, Nisi in forma quam dicti Commits iniunxerent, and after their departure enjoined the men of Bristol, Claus. anno 4● Hen. 3. that they should not permit any strangers, Sive propinquos Regis applicare in portu, but so to behave themselves therein, that aswell the King, Quam Magnates sui eos merito debeant commendare. Thus we see how easily men's estates do change in a moment, and how hard it is to make use of things ill gotten. Richard Elect of the Empire, the King's full Brother, and then beyond Sea; Chron. Sancti Albani. must be wrought by Letter, as his free desire to confirm by Oath those former restrictions of regal power, which though performed, yet would the Lords suffer neither the one or the other, Reg. Roffen. to enter Dover Castle (the Key of the Kingdom) which they had furnished, as most of the other Forts of reputation in the Realm with Guardians of their own, sworn respectively to the State; and then taking the like assurance of all the Shrieffes, Bailiffs, Coroners, and other public Ministers, Rot. in Scrio. searching the behaviour of many by strict Commission upon oath, to win opinion in show among the Vulgar, Wil de Rishanger. who groaned under their late Extortions, whereas their end was truly, as it after proved, by displacing the faithful Servants of the King, to open away, to their own dependants. Thus changing sole power into the rule of many, and those by popular election, made the State believe, that this form of limited policy, they had utterly suppressed the mind of man, for ever dreaming more upon the imaginary humours or licentious Sovereignty: But it fell out nothing so, for now every man began to estimate his own worth, and to hammer his head on every design, that might enlarge his power and command. Then began the great men to rend from the body of the Crowns, and regal signiories, all such royal suitors as neighboured any of their own seats, Rot. Parlia in Scacar. whereto they enforce their service, and so (as the Record saith) Ad sectas indebitas, & seruitutes intollerabiles subditos Regis compulerunt: Thus raising mean manners to become great Honours, and renting asunder the regal justice, they made themselves of so many subjects whilst they lived in duty, Totidem Tiranni (as the Book of Saint Alban saith) when they had left their loyalty, Rot. Regis in Scaca. 56 H. 3 Magnas induxerunt Magnates Regni, super subditos Regis seruitutes & oppressiones, which they bore patiently; for excess of misery having no ease but Custom, made men willing to lay the foundation of servitude by the length of sufferance, which found no ease nor end, until the quiet of this King's Reign. Mountford, Gloucester, and Dispenser, Wallingford. the Heads of this Rebellious design, having by the late provisions drawn to the hands of the twenty four Tribunes of the people, the entire managing of the Royal State, and finding that power too much dispersed to work the end of their desires, forced again the King to call a Parliament, where they delivered over the authority of the twenty four unto themselves, and Create a Triumvirate, Wil de Rishanger. non Constituenda Republicae causa, as they first pretended, for their own ends, Chro. de Dunst. and so in the interest of some private contented, the public was stayed; but to make a speedier way to one of them as it fatally did, to become Dictator perpetuus: Ambition is never so high, but she thinks still to mount, that station which seemed lately the top, is but a step to her now, and what before was great in desiring, seems little, being once in power. These three elect nine Counsellors, and appoint Quod tres ad minus alternatim semper in curia sint, Ordinat. inter Re●: Lond. to dispose of the custody of Castles, & de aliis Regni negotijs, the chief justice, Chancellor and Treasurer with all Offices, Maiores & minores, they reserve the choice of to themselves, and bind the King to this hard bargain upon such strong security; that he is contented under the great Seal, and Oath, to lose to them the knot of Regal duty, whensoever he assumeth to himself his Regal dignity, Chran. Origin. sub sigillo. Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos▪ in surgere, & ad gravamen nostrum opem & operam dare ac si nobis in nullo tenerentur. This prodigy of fortune on whom she had set a pitiful example of her inconstancy, finding no part of his Sovereignty left, but the bare Title, and that at their leave, beggeth succour from Vrbane the fourth, against his disloyal subjects. The Pope by his Bull cancelleth his Oath, and contract, and armeth him with Excommunications against all those that return not with speed, to their due and old Obedience, since promises made by men, which cannot say they are at liberty, are weak, and force hath no power to make just interest. The Lords on the other side that had imped their wings with Eagles feathers, Chron. Liech. Wil de Rishanger. and liked no game now, but what was raked out of the ashes of Monarchy, made head against their Sovereign, and to mate him the better, called in aid, some French forces: Thus the Commonwealth turned again her sword into her own bowels, Chro. Brettaniae. and invited her ancient enemy, to the funeral of her liberty; so that it was a wonder she should not at this time pass under a foreign servitude. Chron. Dunst. And though these men were more truly sensible of their own disgrace, then of others misery: Yet found they no better pretext for private interest then that of the public. And therefore at the entry of this war, they cried liberty, although when they came near to an end, they never spoke word of it. At Lewis the Armies met, where the King endeavours a reconciliation, but in vain, Wil de Rishager. for persuasions are ever unprofitable▪ when justice is inferior to force. The sword decides the difference, and gave the two Kings, and their eldest Sons Prisoners: The person now aswel as the regal power; thus in the hands of Mountford and Gloucester, found neither bond of security, nor expectation of liberty, but what the emulous competition of greatness (which now began to break out between these mighty Rivals,) gave hope of, for Leicester meaning by engrossing from his partner, to himself, the person of the King, and to his followers the best portion of the spoil, to draw more fruit from this advantage, than it should in fellowship yield, disolved the knot of all their amity. Thus equal Authority with the same power, is ever fatal (we see) to all great actions: For to fit minds to so even a temper, that they should not have some motions of dissenting is impossible. Mountford having thus broken all faith with his Confederates, and duty to his Sovereign, left the path of moderation so wisdom to come to the King by that of pride and distrust. To him he telleth that his Arms and ends had no other object ever but order of the State, and ease of the people, that he did not in this, carry affection against duty, but well knew how to rein his desires, to his just power, and so no less to his Majesty's content, if he would be ruled; which was to command the Forts and Castles of his now opposite Gloucester, and the rest into his hands. It was hard to this King thus to take a Law from his inferior, but necessity in Sovereign affairs doth often force away all formality; and therefore this poor Prince, who now at the Victor's discretion, seemed to have been only raised to show the inconstancy of fortune and vanity of man; suited himself with incomparable wisdom, according to the necessity of the time. Neither did humility wrong Majesty, when there was no other means to contain spirits so insolent but dissembling. He therefore summoneth in his own person the forts of his fastest friends, to yield to his greatest enemies. This he enters in show as his lodging, but in effect his Prison, and saw himself forced to arm against his friends, and to receive now Law from him, to whom he lately thought to give it. Thus Leicester is become a darling of the common rout, who easily change to every new Master, but the best durst not sail along his Fortune, by the light of his glory: Crystal that fairly glistereth doth easily break and as the ascent of usurping royalty is slippery, so the top is shaking, and the fall fearful. To hold this man then at the entry of his false felicity fully happy, was but to give the name of the Image, to the mettle that was not yet molten, for by this the imprisoned Prince was escaped, and fast assured of Gloucester, by the knot of his great mind, and discontent, and both with the torn remainder of the loyal Army united, and by speedy march arrived unlooked for, near Euesham, to the unarmed troops of the secure Rebels, whom they instantly assailed, for it▪ was no fit season to give time, when no time did assure so much, as expedition did promise. Dispenser and other Lords of that faction, made towards the King, with the best speed for mercy, but could not break out, being hurried along the storm of the giddy multitude. Public motions depends on the Conduct of Fortune; private on our own carriage, we must beware of running down steep hills, with weighty bodies, they once in motion, Suo feruntur pondere, stops are not then voluntary; but Leicester at that instant with the King, and out of the storm might have escaped, if his courage and hope had not made him more resolute by misfortune, so that he could neither forsake his followers, nor his ambition; thus making adversity the exercise of his virtue, he came, and fell. The King by this blessed fortune freed, and obeyed, began to search the ground of his former misery, and why that virtue and fortune that had so long settled and maintained under his ancestors the glory of his Empire, had cast her in his time off, and conspired with her Enemies to her almost ruin, as if they Genius of the state had quite forsook her; Here he finds his wasteful hand had been too quick both over the fortunes and the blessings of his people, the griping Avarice of his civil Ministers and lawless liberty of his Martial followers, Rot pa●. 53. H. 3. M. 51. Rishanger. the neglect of grace, and breach of his word, to have lost his nobility at home, and necessity, his Reputation abroad, by making Merchandise of peace, and war as his last refuge, so leaving his old Allies became enforced to betake himself to persons doubtful, or injured, and that by giving over himself to a sensual security and referring all to base, greedy, and unworthy Ministers, whose counsels were ever more subtle than substantial, he had thrown down those pillars of sovereignty, and safety, Reputation abroad, and Reverence at home. Io. Tuxerer, Mon. Bury. He now therefore making sweetness and clemency the entrances of his regayned Rule for the faults of most of the late rebels he forgot a gracious kind of pardoning not to take knowledge of offences, others he forgot, that they might live but to the glory of his goodness, for the fewer killed, Rot. Cart. 51.52. H. 3. the more remains to adorn the Trophy. Tyrant's shed blood for pleasure Kings for necessity, yet lest his justice and power might to much suffer in his grace and mercy, some few he punished by small fines some by banishment, as the two guiltless yet unpitied sons of the Archtraitor. Claus. 52. H. 3. M. 29. Treason so hateful is to the head, that it draweth (we see in this) the carriage of the innocent children into an everlasting suspect, and what is suspicion in others is guilt in them: Upon the constant followers of his broken fortunes he bestoweth, but with a more wary hand then before the forfeiture of his Enemies: Immoderate liberality he had found but a weak means to win love, for it lost more in the gathering then it gained in the giving. This bounty bestowed without respect, was taken without grace, discredited the receiver and detracteth from the judgement of the giver, and blunted the Appetites of such, as carried their hopes out of virtue and service: Chro, Dunst▪ Thus at last he learned that reward and reprehension justly laid do balance government, and that it much importeth a Prince the hand to be equal that holdeth the scale. In himself he reform his natural Errors, Princes manners though a mute law, have more of life and vigour than those of letters, and though he did sometimes touch upon the verge of vice he forbore ever after to enter the circle. His court where in at this time the faults of great men did not only by approbation, but Imitation receive true comfort, and authority, for their crimes now became examples, and customs, he purged very judiciously and severely, since from thence proceeds either the regular or irregular condition of the common state. Ordinat author. Reg. aulae. Claus. 53. H. 3. R●shanger. Expense of house he measureth by the just Rule of his proper revenue and was heard often to say, that his excess of waist before had been an issue of his Subjects blood, the insolency of his Soldiers made lawless by the late liberties of Civil arms he spendeth in foreign expedition. Having seen that the quiet Spirits underwent all the former Calamities, and the other never were satisfied but in the misery of Innocents', and would if they had no enemies abroad seek out at home as they had done before. Pat. 53. & 54. H. 3. The rigour and corruption of his judicial Officers he examineth, Comment. de Trail●aston. and redresseth by strict Commission; For the sense of their severity, became a murmur of his own cruelty. The seats of judgement and Council he filled up with men nobly borne. For such attract with less offence, the generous spirits to respect and reverence. Their Abilities he measureth not by favour or by private Information as before, but by public voice for every man in particular may deceive and be deceived, but no man can deceive all, nor all one. And to discover now his own Capacity and what part he meaneth to bear hereafter in all deliberate Expeditions he sitteth himself in Council daily, and disposeth Affairs of most weight in his own person. For Councillors be they never so wise or worthy are but as accessaries, not principals, in sustentation of the State; their Office must be subjection, not fellowship in considerations of moment, and to have ability to advise, not authority to resolve. For as to live the Prince must have a particular soul so to rule his proper and intern Council, without the one he can never be truly man, without the other he shall never be securely a Prince, for it offendeth aswell the minister (of merit) as the people to force obedience to one uncapable of his own greatness, or unworthy of his fortunes. This wonderful Change to the general State (so hopeless lately to recover her former liberty, they sought now for nothing but the mildest servitude) brought them home again with admiration to his devotion and their own duty. He that will lay (we see) the foundation of Greatness upon popular love, must give them ease and justice, for they measure the bond of their obedience, by the good always that they receive. ●arth. Coton Chro. No●●. This peace attended ever after his Age and hearse and he happily lived to fashion his son and successor, and to make him partner of his own experience and authority; whose own hard education training him from that intemperance, which makes men inferior to beasts: framed him to affect glory, and virtue; which made him superior to men. So that all the Actions of his future Reign were exact grounds of Discipline, and policy; for his best successor to rule by after, who as he was the first of his name since the Conquest, so was he the first that settled the law and state, deserving the Style of England's justinian, and freed this Kingdom from the wardship of the Peers, showing himself in all his Actions after, capable to Command not the Realm only, but the whole world. Thus do the wrongs of our Enemies more than our own discretions, make us sometimes both wise and fortunate. FINIS.