A TRUE AND ALMOST INCREdible report of an Englishman, that (being cast away in the good Ship call the Ascension in Cambaya the farthest part of the East Indies) Traveled by Land through many unkowne Kingdoms, and great Cities.  
With a particular Description of all those Kingdoms, Cities, and People.  
As also A Relation of their commodities and manner of Traffic, and at what season of the year they are most in use, Faithfully related.  
WITH A DISCOVERY OF A GREAT Emperor called the Great Mogul, a Prince not till now known to our English Nation.  
By Captain Robert covert.  
LONDON Printed by WILLIAM HALL., for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer. 1612.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ROBERT, EARL OF SALISBURY, KNIGHT OF THE MOST HOnourable Order of the Garter, Viscount Cranborne, Lord CECIL of Essindon, Lord high TREASURER of England, Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, and one of his majesties most Honourable Privy Council.  
AS the most noble Maecenas of all good Arts, & the most worthy Patron of all such as can any way merit of their Country: I have elected you (Right Honourable Lord) to whom I have presumed (encouraged by your known grace and Clemency) to Dedicate these my tedious and dangerous Travels. In which, your Honour shall find undoubtedly all truth, and some novelty. If after your more weighty and serious Considerations, you will deign the perusal of this my rude and unpolished discourse. For being shipwrecked in Cambaya, the farthest part of the East Indies, and not despairing in the power of the Almighty, of my safe return to my Country. Leaving the rest, to the number of 75. that would not hazard so desperate and unexpected an undertaking. I adventured to pass thorough many unknown Kingdoms and Cities over Land: of all which, I have (to my plain understanding) made a particular and faithful discovery: Protesting to your Honour that in all my travels and (almost incredible dangers) I have here expressed no more than I have directly seen, and to my great sufferance and difficulty proved. Pardon, I entreat your Lordship, this my presumption, in selecting you the noble and worthy Patron, to so rude a discourse, whose simpleness is only excused in the Truth. That granted, I shall think myself most comforted after all my precedent Hazards, that your Honour will but deign to accept of this report.  
Your Lordships Humbly devoted. Robert covert.   

To the Reader.  
Receive, Courteous Reader, a true report of my dangerous Travels, which will (I make no question) be as pleasing to thee in reading, as they were painful to me in suffering. here thou mayest safely and without danger see that, which hath cost me many a tedious and weary step; many a cold and comfortless lodging; and many a thin and hungry meal. I publish not these my Adventures in any pride or Arrogancy: But I think, I should prove ingrateful to my preserver, not to let the world know his miraculous power, in safegarding me beyond mine own hope or man's Imagination. The report of these my perils are freely thine, mine hath only been the dangers and sufferance. Be thou as well pleased with my faithful discovery: as I am contented with my hard and painful Pilgrimage.  
Thine ROBERT COVER●●   

A TRUE AND ALmost incredible report of an Englishman, that (being cast away in the ship called the Ascension in Cambaya the farthest part of the East Indies) Traveled by Land through many unknown Kingdoms and great CITIES.  
THe 14. day of March, 
1607.  1607. we came into the Downs, and there anchored against Deal, about 3. miles from Sandwich, where we stayed until the 25. day of the same month, being by computation the first day of the year, 
1608.  1608. upon which day, about four of the clock in the morning, we weighed anchor and past by Dover, between three and four of the clock in the afternoon, without any staying, but giving them notice with 3. pieces of Ordinance of our passing by, and so passed forwards some three leagues, and then by a contrary wind we were driven back again into Dover road where we anchored and stayed till five of the clock in the morning, being the twenty six day of March. and then weighing anchor, we sailed some three leagues, when the wind contrarying constrained us again to cast anchor until the 27. day in the morning about seven or eight of the clock, and then having a fair gale of wind, we sailed to Plymouth, where we arrived the 29. day between ten and eleven of the clock in the forenoon, where we stayed till the thirty one day of March. And then having a fair gale of wind, we weighed anchor and sailed until we came in sight of an Island called the savages, on Sunday being the tenth day of April, being about five hundred leagues from Plymouth, and still sailed forwards until the next morning, that we came within sight of the grand Canaries, which belong to the Spaniard. And upon the twelfth day of April, about eight or nine of the clock in the night we anchored, and discharged a piece of Ordinance, for a boat to come aboard, but to no effect: For before our arrival in the road, there was a rumour of twelve sail of Flemings that were coming that way, to no good intent (as the Spaniards afterward told us) to be some of those Flemings that had overrun the rest, where upon they sent up into the Country for one hundred and fifty horse and foot or more, for their defence and safeguard (if need should be) nor would they be persuaded to the contrary, until two of our Factors went on shore, and fully satisfied them in any thing they demanded or doubted, and that our intent was only to make provision for such things as we wanted, and the next morning, (as the manner there is) we discharged another piece of Ordinance. And then the Governor of the Town sent a boat to know what we craved, whereupon we certified them of our wants, and they told us they would give the Governor intelligence, and return us an answer, which was, that unless we came into the road, it was beyond his Commission to relieve us, yet having first sworn and examined our Factors, and so knowing the truth of our intended voyage, they gave them a warrant to take a boat, to come aboard at their pleasures with licence to supply our wants, if they had any thing that might content us. Yet one thing above the rest made us much to marvel, which was, two English ships (which we perceived and knew by their flags) being in the road, who had not so much kindness in them as to give us notice, of the custom or manners of these subtle and currish people. And of this doubt, we were also resolved, that no man whatsoever, being once within their Dominions, may come aboard any ship, that shall arrive there, and lie out of the road, although they be of their own Nation, without their Governors and Counsels permittance or licence. At our being there some of them came aboard of us every day for the space of five days that we stayed there, and eat and drank with us, after an unsatiable manner, and very greedily. Also we sent the Governor a present of two chéeses, a Gammon of bacon, and five or six harrels of pickle Oysters, which he accepted very thankfully and returned us in requital thereof, two or three Goats and a Sheep or two, and good store of Unions. And there we took in fresh water, Canary wine, Marmalade of Quinces at twelve pence the pound, little barrels of Suckets at three shillings the barrel, Oranges, Limmons, Ponicitrions and excellent fair white bread made with aniseeds, and is by them called Nuns bread.  
The eighteenth day of April about seven of the clock in the morning, we weighed Anchor and set sail having a fair gale of wind for some three hours and being then becalmed, we hovered too & fro till the 21. day, and having then again a fair gale of wind, we sailed until the 27. day about two or three of the clock in the afternoon, that we arrived & anchored at Mayo, being about three hundred leagues from the Canaries, and coming from thence, we were determined to take in fresh water at a place called Bonavista, but having anchored we found the water to be two or three miles, up in the land, neither was it clear water, so that we took the smaller quantity. But there were other good commodities. For at our first coming we were told by two Negroes, that there we might have as many Goats as we would, gratis, and I well remember, we had to the number of two hundred, or there about in both our ships. Also-they told us that there were but twelve men in the Island, and that there was very great store of Salt growing out of the ground so that (if we pleased) we might lad both our ships therewith, it is excellent good white salt, and as clear as ever I saw any in England.  
Over against the I'll of Mayo, some eight leagues distance, is an Island called S. Deago; we stayed at Mayo from the twenty seventh of April in the afternoon until the fourth day of May at six of the clock in the morning, when we set sail and sailed until the twentieth day of May, that we were past the Equinoctial line, about 4. or 6. of the clock in the morning, being distant from the I'll of Mayo about three hundred forty eight leagues or there about, as our master Philip de groan noted it down in his own Book of the description of the whole voyage. And thence we still sailed forwards until the fourth of july, that we ca●●e to a part of Souldania with all our men in health, God's name be praised, but two which were touched a little with the scurvy, which ●●one after recovered themselves on shore to their former health.  
Also the same day we espied Land which is called, Cape bona Speranse being some fifteen or sixteen leagues of Souldania and standeth in some thirty five Degrees or thereabouts.  
At Souldania we refreshed ourselves excellently well so long as we were there, and had, and took in for our provision about four hundred head of cattle, as Oxen, steers, Sheep and Lambs, and fowls, and fish of sundry sorts very plentiful, and fresh water, great store. Also in that place is an Island called Pengwin, some five or six leagues from the main Land, where are great store of fowls called also Pengwins, infinite number of seals: And to fetch some of those Seals, we went twice thither and filled our boat each time, and made tranie Oil thereof for Lamps. Also in this Island we found 20. fat sheep, being left there by the Hollanders, for a Pinnace which we met some two hundred leagues from Cape bona Speranse, which sheep we took with us and left six beasts or bullocks in their steads.  
At our ●irst coming to Souldania, we began to build or set up our Pinnace, and launched her the fifth day of September next following, and in seven or eight days after, she was rigged and ready in all points to have gone away, if any such necessity had been.  
Souldania is within the Kingdom of Ethiopia, Now the Ethiopians are by nature very brutish or beastly people, especially in their feeding. For I have seen them eat the guts & garbedge, yea even the very paunch where the dung & ●ilth lieth. Also when we have cast off those Seal fishes into the river near adjoining where they have lain the space of fourtéen days, and that they have been putrified and stunk so vehemently, that it could almost have stifled one of us to come by them, these people have taken them up and ●aten them when they have swarmed with cranling maggots.  
Also in this Country are sundry sorts of wild beasts, which myself and others of our Company (going on shore of purpose) have seen, and perceived some of them to ●e very fierce and cruel: so that afterwards when we found their dens, we durst not enter them, nor come very near them, lest they should be in them.  
The Ethiopians brought down to the shore side to sell Estridgs' eggs and some empty shells, with a small hole in one end, with Ostriches feathers and Porpentines quills, and for all their Traffic and Commodities, they chiefly desire Iron, esteeming it more than either gold or silver. For with our old iron, we bought all our cattle and any thing else that we had of them.  
In this Country we remained from the fouretéenth day of july until the twentieth day of September than next following.  
The 20. day of September early in the morning we weighed anchor, and that night we lost the good ship called the Union, and our Pinnace called by the name of the Good hope, the night being very dark and windy, now, the evening before we lost them, the Union (about five of the Clock) put out her Ensign, but to what intent we knew not, nor could imagine, but all that night we lay at hull.  
The next day being the 21. day having a fair and strong gale of wind, and afterwards sundry contrary winds and many calms, yet at length we attained to the height of S. Laurence on the 27. day of October standing in the height of 26. degrees, from whence we sailed with many cross and contrary winds, and calms. Yet at length on the 22. day of November in the morning we descried two or three small islands, and in the afternoon we espied an Island called Gomorrah a very high Land: and on the 24. day we sent our boat to the shore side, and there came to the shore side five or six men of that Country, and sold us Plantains, and nothing else at that time.  
The next day we sent our boat again, but a little before they came to the shore they espied a canoe and two men in it a fishing, we went between them and the shore but would not violently take them, than we showed them a knife o● two, and they came both into our Boat, and we brought them aboard our Ship and used them very kindly, and gave one of them a Turban to put on his head and to the other a little glass of a quarter of a pint full of Aquavitae, and sent them ashore. From the 22. day that we espied the Island Gomorrah, and came amongst the islands we could have no stéedy gale of wind to carry us forward, until the 25. day that with the wind and aid of our Pinnace, which towed our ship between the two islands adjoining to the shore, we came to an anchor that night between four and five of the Clock in some 17. or 20. fathom water.  
The ●6. day we sent our boat to the shore with a present to the King, by master jordan who went himself alone with the present, leaving only a pledge or two in the boat till his return: The present was a pair of Knives, a Shash or Turban, and a looking glass with a comb in it, to the value of some 15. shillings in all, which the King received somewhat scornfully, not scarce looking on it, or at the least thinking it to be but of small value, and gave it to one of his Noble men, and told master jordan our Factor, that if our General would come on shore, he should have any thing that they had, and with this answer he departed, and at his coming from the King, the King bowed himself towards him in very courteous manner and after his departure (as it may seem) he better perused the present. For in the afternoon he sent our General in requital, a very fat young Bul●locke, which we received, and gratified the messengers with a couple of penny knives, wherewith they thought themselves very royally contented. The 27. day our General went on shore and some 12. with him, and carried with him a small banquet: as, a box of Marmalade, a barrel of Suckets, and Wine, which they did eat before the King, but he would neither eat nor drink, but his Nobles did both eat and drink. And after the banquet having some conference with the King by his Interpreter concerning our wants, by whom we understood that they had, some dealings with the Portugals, of which language he could speak a little, which was sufficient to satisfy us with what they had.  
The 28. day the King had determined to come aboard our ship, but his Interpreter told us, that his Council and the common people would not suffer him so to do. Also that day towards night I went a shore where our people were cutting down wood, and came aboard again with the boat.  
The 29. day I went ashore again, with our Master, master tindal, master jordan, and our whole noise of Trumpeters, and at the shore side were very kindly entertained by the Interpreter, who brought us to the King, being then by his Palace side, who at our approach bowed himself unto us very courteously. He hath for his guard when he walketh abroad six or eight men with knives of a foot long, and as broad as hatchets and very sharp, which go next to his person, and more go before him, and many behind him, to keep and defend him, from what injury or wrong soever may come or happen.  
These people seem to be civil, kind, and true hearted to strangers, for in going too and fro, a shore and aboard, one of our men carelessly left his sword behind him at night when he came aboard, which being found by one of the people of Gomorrah, he brought it to the King, who perceiving it to be some of ours, demanded how he came by it, who answered, he found it, and the King again told him, that if he proved the contrary it should cost his best blood, the next day at our coming on shore, the King's Interpreter brought us the sword and told us the King's pleasure therein.  
Also they seem to have a very civil government amongst them, for at their meeting in the morning, they will shake hands each with other, and speak one to another, which to us seemed to be their kind and friendly salutations one to another. They are very modest, straight, big limmed, and very comely in gesture both men and women. Their Religion mahometical, and go almost naked, only their privities are covered with linen cloth, and Turbans on their heads.  
The women have a linen cloth, that covereth their breasts before and reacheth to the middle, and from the middle to the knee and somewhat lower, they are covered round about with linen, next to their skin, and sedges tied round about them like a roll at their waste, and hung down, which doth become them very well.  
They go all barefoot except the King, who hath a pair of soles on his feet: and for his apparel when I saw him, he had a white wrought network Cap., a Scarlet waistcoat loose about him, and open before, with sleeves and a linen cloth about his middle, and another which hanged down from his shoulders to his feet.  
Also at our being there at the Town, they brought us Coquo nuts to sell, as big as a man's head, and round, and some bigger and some lesser, with water in them according to the proportion or bigness of the shell, and as much meat in one shell as would suffice for a wans dinner.  
Also they brought us Goats, Hens, Chickens, Lemons, Rice, Milk, Fish, and such like, which we bought for Commodities, as two hens for a penny knife, Limmons, and Coquonuts for old Iron, as nails, broken picks, and such like. But for fresh water there is small store, and that they have is gotten out of the sands, viz. First, they make a hole in the sands and when the water cometh into the hole, they lad it out into their Coquo shells, and so drink it. They brought us of that water but none of our company would drink thereof it looked so thick and muddy.  
In this Island of Gomorrah we stayed from the 25. day of November until the 29. of the same, and then we weighed Anchor and departed.  
The tenth day of December about two or three of the Clock in the morning, and the Moon shining, we espied on a sudden a low land with high trees growing by the shore side, we being not a league from the shore, so that if we had not espied the trees, we should have thought the land to have been but the shadow of the Moon and so might have run ourselves on shore, and cast ourselves away with ship and goods: but it was Gods good providence thus to defend us from so great and imminent danger, whose name be blessed and praised now and evermore.  
This was the Island of Pemba, which we took to be Zinzabar, until by one of the people of the Country we found it to be Pemba. At the sight of this low Island, after we plainly perceived it, we presently tacked about and set from the shore till day, and then we tacked about again to the shore side, and neering alongst the shore side for a harbour to anchor in, we sent our Pinnace in the mean time, to the shore with the Gang only and master Elmore to seek for a convenient watering place, we keeping our course till our Pinnace came to the shore side. Then two or three of the people of the Island demanded in the Portugal language what we were, and one of our men made answer, that we were Englishmen. Then they demanded again what we had to do there, in regard the King of Portugal was King of that Island: we replied, that we knew not so much, neither came we thither for any evil intent whatsoever, but only to water, and would give them satisfaction, for any other thing that we should have of them. Then it drew towards night, and our men came aboard and acquainted the whole Company with this their parley on shore.  
The 11. day our boat went ashore to the same place, but found it void of people and returned, and presently we came to an anchor, about five or six of the Clock in the afternoon near unto two or three broken islands there, adjoining near to the main Island of Pemba. This place of our then ancoring standeth in the height of five Degrees and 20. minutes.  
The 12. day our Pinnace went on shore to the same place, with master jordan, one of our Merchants. At whose coming on shore, after some conference with some that could speak Portugal, but not with those (as it seemed) with whom we spoke the day before, for these told master jordan the King was a Mallaibar, and after some other conference, master jordan told them, that although our ship were an English ship, yet he was a Portugal Merchant, and the goods in the ship were Portugal's goods. Then they told us we should not want for any thing they had, and hereupon they sent a Moor into our boat to make search for a convenient watering ●lace, who after some small search, brought us to a little hole at the bottom of a hill, being hemmed in with the hill on the one side and a dich on the other side, there we filled our Barréecoes, and being ready to go aboard, we desired the Moor to go aboard with us, who willingly agreed thereto, and we used him very kindly, till the next morning that we went to water again, and carried him on shore with us, by whose report of his kind usage aboard, there came down with him, another that could speak a little Portugal●, who (as he said) was one of the King's Gentlemen, him we also brought aboard and used him very kindly, and set him a shore the next day. Who promised at his departure to bring us Hens▪ Coqu●nuts, and Oranges, which he did accordingly, and then our Master, with master Revet and myself went a shore with some others of the Company, where we dined, and after dinner came two Cavelliers, and a Moor being one of their slaves to the watering place, where our men were filling of the Cask, and asked whether there were any of the chief of our ship, or Company there, to whom Edward Churchman one of our Company made answer, & said there was our Master, and one of the Merchants, whom (if it pleased them) he would bring to parley with them: and at their meeting, they saluted each other after the Portugal manner. And after some Conference, demanding what we were, we told them we were Englishmen, and they replied that we were very welcome, and all that they had, or the Island could afford, was at our command and disposing; to whom we gave hearty thanks.  
But those sugared words of theirs, was only in outward show, to cloak their treacherous practices, as afterward we found it true.  
Then we demanded what they were, and it was answered, that one of them was the King's brother, who instantly showed us a silver ring, whereon was engraven the number of villages, and houses, or cottages in the Island, and said he was Ruler and Governor of all those places. Then we asked them, if there were any Portugals in the Island, they said no, for they had banished them all because they would have relief there perforce, and would make slaves of the people of the Island, (which being not able to endure) they made continual wars with them at their coming thither.  
In the mean time, our Pinnace came on shore, which had been at an other place of the Island for cattle, according to appointment, but were deferred of, till they might get fitter opportunity for their intended treachery.  
Then our men told us that they had heard of that side of the Island where they were for cattle that 15. sail of Hollanders had lately taken Mosemb●ge, and put all the Portugals to the sword, which news they had heard from Zinzibar to be true, whereat these Cavelliers seemed outwardly to rejoice, which was also another subtle train to bring us within compass of their intended treachery. And when night drew on, we entreated them to go aboard with us, which then, they refused to do, but promised to come aboard the next day being the seventeenth day of December, which the King's brother (as he named himself) did with two others, but before they came aboard, they craved pledges, which they had, viz. Thomas Cave, Gabriel Brooke, and Laurence Pigot our Surgeon. The other three being then aboard, we used them very kindly until they went on shore, on the eightéenth day in the morning: And our General gave the chief of them two Goats, a paper Cartridge of Gunpowder and some other small trifles to the other two, and so went on shore, and master Revet, master jordan, M. Glascot & myself went with them for our pledges, & at our coming on shore and fearing no treachery, we went six or eight unadvisedly up to the houses for our pledges, whom we found guarded with fifty or sixty men armed with several weapon, as Bows and Arrows, Swords and Bucklers, Darts, and Cu●ltleaxes, yet at our coming thither, we received our pledges and without longer stay, departed to the Sea side, accompanied with the King's brother, and immediately most of those Moors came also after us, and six or eight of them came to our Pinnace side and viewed her and so departed again to the rest of their fellows.  
And we instantly entered our boat, and entreated the King's brother to go aboard with us, which he willingly did, & we entertained him with all kindness that we could, until towards night that he was to depart, when our Master offered him a knife, with some other odd trifles, which he scornfully refused, and presently went ashore in our boat. Upon this, we mistrusted some treachery, intended against us, and therefore thought to be better armed at our next coming ashore.  
The 19 day our Longboat went a shore in the morning very early, to fill our Cask with water, and having filled the same, within a little, they espied our sails out, being let down to dry; but they imagined we were going away: where upon the companion to the King's brother came to our boatswain, and asked him if we were going away; The boatswain, as well as he could, both by signs and otherwise, told him, it was only to dry our sails. And as they were thus talking, they espied our Pinnace coming, being then very well armed, and left off making any further inquiry; which Pinnace had they not then espied, it was likely they had intended to have cut off our men, and taken our boat; for there was two of these Rogues at the least lying in ambush about the watering place, ready to have given the onset, if the watchword had been given. By this time our Pinnace was come to the shore, and our men standing on their guard upon the sands, not far from her, than our Master sent Nicholas White, one of our gang, to tell them of the Island that our Merchants were come on shore, who passing by one of their houses, might perceive the same to be full of people, & amongst the rest, six Portugals, in long branched damask Coats, lined with blue taffeta, and under the same, white calico breeches. This Nichol●s White, at his return, told us, and presently came down the companion to the King's brother, and told Master Revet, the Merchants were weary, and entreated them to go up to them to see the cattle, which was only one bullock which Nicholas White saw at his going up, and no more. But Master Revet craved pardon, desiring him to send down the Bullock, and their was commodities in the boat to make satisfaction for the same. With this answer, and seeing us better armed than we were wont to be, he went away. The King's brother being then on the sands, commanded a Negro to gather Coquonuts to send to our General, and made choice of Edward Churchman one of our men, to fetch the same, whom we never saw after, nor could ever know what became of him; But when they saw that none of us would come a shore, but stood upon our guard, they gave the watchword and sounded a horn, and presently set upon our men at the watering place and slew john Har●ington, the boat-swaines man, and wounded Robert Buckler, Master Ellanors man very sore, with 8. or 10. several wounds, and had killed him, but that we discharged a Musket or two, which (as it seemed) hurt some of them; for than they retired and cried out: and so (though weak and faint) he did at length recover our boat. Also two or three more of our men by creeping, and lying close in the ditch, until they espied our boat, got also safe aboard; and then counting our men, we only miss Edward Churchman, and john Harrington, that was slain: and so coming aboard, we certified the company of all our proceedings on shore; and our Surgeon dressed Robert Buckler, and after, did his best for his cure and recovery of his health.  
The twentieth day in the morning we went on shore with our Pinnace and Longboat, very well armed to fetch in our David, (which is a piece of wood or timber wherewith we hale up our Anchor) and a little beyond the same, we found john Harrington dead, and stark naked, whom we buried at another Island, hard by the main Island.  
The natural people of the Island P●mba, seem to be loving and kind: for they made signs to me and others, at our first coming, to beware of our throats cutting: which than we took no heed or notice of, until this their treachery put us in mind thereof again.  
The same day (being the 20. day) we weighed Anchor, and about 12. of the clock at night, our ship was on ground, on the shouldst of Meluidee, or Pemba, which we certainly knew not: Yet God of his mercy, (as formerly in the late pretended treachery, so in that extremity) did mightily defend and preserve us, whose name be praised and glorified now and evermore.  
The 21. day in the morning, we espied three sail being small boats, slightly wrought together, called Paugaias which we made after and took, which they on shore espying, they sent out an Aduisor being also a Paugaia, which perceived that we had taken the other and returned to the shore.  
Now of those which we had taken there were some 6. or 8. of the chiefest that were thought by our company to be Portugals, the rest being certainly known to be Moors, and were in all some forty and odd persons, and those six or eight were pale and white, much differing from the colour of the Moors, Yet being asked, what they were, they said, they were Moors, and showed us their backs all written with Characters; and when we affirmed them to be Portugals, they then told us the Portugals were not circumcised.  
But to conclude; our Company would not be persuaded but that they were Portugals: then some of our Company told them of all the intended treacheries with the loss of two of our men, and wounding of the the third, which made them fearful of our revenge, (as it seemed) and then they talked together in th●●r own language, which made us also suspect, some villainous and desperate attempt to be pretended by them, and therefore, I kept myself still upon the poop, and looked carefully to the swords which stood nakedly in the Master's cabin, which they also knew and noted, and marked Master Glaskock, and myself where we set our swords still expecting to have the place voided, which I perceiving, kept good watch, lest greater hurt should ensue thereby, and being thus alone on the poop they beckoned me three or four several times to come to them upon the spare D●ck, which I denied, lest they should so recover the swords, whereby far more harm might have been done, then afterwards was done.  
Then our Master came upon the spare deck and demanded, which was their Pilot, whom he took down into his cabin, and showed him his plat, which he at his coming down did very earnestly behold.  
But at his going from the rest with our Master, he spoke in the Moors language, warning them (as we thought) to look to themselves and do their best amongst us, and to give ear when he gave the watchword, and then to give the Onset.  
Also there were speeches used that the Pilot had a knife about him, and being searched for it, he nimbly conveyed the same from the one side to the other, and therewith suddenly stabbed the Master into the belly, & then cried out, which (belike) was the Watchword: For than they began the onset on the spare deck, where Master Glascocke, Master tindal, our General, and one or two more with them chanched to kill four or five of the white Rogues, and made such havoc among the rest, that at length they had slain almost forty of them, and brought the rest in subjection.  
Now, a little before our Master thus called the Pilot, he entreated our General, that if they had any garuances or peason (being their Country food) they would let us have some, which they should be paid for, & what was taken from them should be redelivered, with free liberty to go where they would, whereto the General consented, & hereupon our Master called the Pilot, to see if he had any skill in the Plate, and so to let him depart, and all the rest. But when thus treacherously they offered us the first abuse, we could do no less than we did, being in our own defence, and for the safeguard of our lives.  
Yet did some five or six of these villains, recover a Pangaia by their excellent swiftness in swimming, and escaped to the shore, they swimming to windward, faster than our Pinnace could row.  
In this skirmish were hurt but three of our Company, namely, Master Glascocke, with two wounds, whereof one was a deep wound in his back, Master tindal's was aimed at his breast, he having nothing in his hand to defend himself, yet by the assistance of the Almighty he turned himself about and received the stab in his arm, and our Masters was in his belly, as is formerly said, which (God be thanked) they all recovered and were well cured.  
The 19 day of january we espied many islands, which the Portugals call by the name of Almaisant, being to the number of nine islands, all unpeopled as the Portugals write and affirm.  
The 20. day we sent our Pinnace in the morning to one of those islands to seek fresh water, but could find none: yet they found there great store of Land Turtles, and brought some six aboard, than we sailed ●o an other Island, which seemed more likely for fresh water then the first, where we cast Anchor.  
The 21. day about ten of the Clock in the forenoon Riding there at twelve or thirteen fathom water, and a reasonable good harbour, we stayed there until the first day of February, and then weighed Anchor, and departed. Here we refreshed ourselves very well with fresh water, Coquonuts, fish, Palmitoes, and Doves, great plenty.  
The first day of February, we set sail, and sailed with a fair wind until the 19 day, that we passed the Equinoctial line, and on the fifteenth day in the morning betime, we came within ken of land, which was the coast of Melueidey upon the main.  
The 16. day we came to an Anchor, about nine of the Clock in the morning, at 12. fathom water, and some two leagues from the shore, and presently we sent our Pinnace to the shore to seek some refreshing, but they could by no means get on shore; nor would the people of the Country (being fearful) come within parley, which at their return they certified our Master of, and so in the afternoon we set sail again, and departed.  
Now about this time it pleased God, (by the confession of William Acton, one of our ship boys) to reveal a foul and detestable sin committed amongst us; which being approved against him by a jury, he was condemned to die, and was executed for the same on the third day of March (being Friday) in the morning.  
The 21. day betimes in the morning, we espied an Island standing in the height of 12. Degrees and 17. minutes, being barren and unpeopled, over against which Island, some three leagues distant, stood four hillocks or rocks, & for this Island we bore up a whole day, and a night, and finding it to be barren and unpeopled, by sending our skiff on shore, we passed by it, and the same day we espied three islands more about sun setting standing in the height of 12. Degrees and 29. minutes, to which islands we came the 29. day of March, 1609. two of which islands were within a league one of another, and the third we found to be Sacatora, and standeth in 12. Degrees and 24. minutes where we Ancored in a fine Bay the 30. day, in the morning about ten of the Clock.  
At sight of us, the Islanders made a fire, and we sent our skiff an shore, but the people fled with great fear and trembling, having (as it seemed) been formerly injured by some that had passed 〈…〉 our men looking about, found no likeliehood of any relief there, and so came aboard and certified the General thereof: so that about five of the clock in the afternoon, we weighed anchor, and sailed along to find out the chief harbour.  
The 31. day we stood of into the main Sea, where we met with a Guzarat ship, laden with Cotton wools, Calicoes, and Pentathoes, being bound for Adden, whether we kept her company, in regard they told us it was a Town of great trading, but we found it quite contrary: for it was only a Town of garrison, and many Soldiers in it: and at the very entering into the Town, is a Castle cut out of the main, and encompassed round with the Sea, wherein are thirty two pieces of Ordinance, and fifty pieces in the town.  
The 10. day of April we arrived there, and the Guzarat ship went into the Town, and told the Governor, there was an English Ship come to trade there. Who presently sent his Admiral to us, and our General unadvisedly went on shore, where he, and his fellows were received with 4. great Horses, and were carried before the Governor, in as great pomp and state, as the Town could yield. But the Governor finding him to be a plain and simple man, put him in a house with a Chowse or keeper, with many janyzaries or Soldiers to guard him, and so kept him prisoner six weeks, myself being prisoner with him.  
And then the Governor caused him to send aboard for Iron, Tin, and Cloth, to the value of 2500. Dollars, with promise to buy the same, which when he had on shore, he claimed and made stay thereof, for the Custom of the ship only: and when he saw he had gotten as much as he could, he sent him aboard the 27. day of May, and kept 2. of our Merchants for 2000 Dollars, which he said was for ancorage: but the general voice of the company was, that he should have none: whereupon he sent the Merchants up into the Country some 8. days journey, to a place called Siany where the Bashaw then lay.  
The 28. day, our Pinnace came to us, who told us their Master was dead, 
The master of the Pinnace murdered.  and enquiring where, and how, the company told us, he was knocked in the head with a Mallet hammer, by one Thomas Clarke, with the consent of Francis Driver his mate, Andrew Euans, and Edward Hills, being four murderous and bad minded men, who being asked why, and upon what occasion they did it, they could make no excuse, nor allege any cause, save only, that he had some small quantity of Aquavitae and Rosa solis, for his own store, and for the good of them, or any one aboard, that should stand in need thereof, and was provident to keep and preserve the same, till great need should be, and therefore out of mere malice, and chiefly by the instigation of Francis Driver his mate, they thus murdered an innocent man, who thought them no harm, nor suspected any such danger.  
The 31. day of May, a jury was called, and upon just and due proof, according to our English laws, they were convicted, and Francis Driver and Thomas Clarke were condemned and judged to die, and were hanged in the Pinnace, where they did the fact: and on the other two, God showed his just judgement afterwards. For Edward Hills was eaten with Caribs or Man-eaters, and the other died and rotten where he lay.  
The third day of june, we weighed anchor and sailed into the Red-sea, thorough the straits of Mockoo; which are some league over from shore to shore, and 18 fathom water, close aboard the Island shore, and about 3. leagues in length.  
When you are within the Straits, there lieth a great shoal, some two leagues of into the Sea, and to shun it you must take a good breadth off, and so you shall come in no danger, and then you have to Mockoo, some 6. leagues, 
Moha six leagues wihin the Straits  where is a good Road to anchor in, and fair ground, and you may ride at 14. fathom water. It is a place that is never without shipping, for it is a Town of great trade of merchandise, and hath Carravans or Convoys that come from Seena, from Mecha, from grand Cairo, and Alexandria, and all those places.  
It is a City of great trading for our Commodities: as Tin, Iron, Led, Cloth, Sword blades, and all English commodities. It hath a great Bussart or Market every day in the week. There is great store of fruit, as Apricocks, Quinces, Dates, Grapes abundance, Peaches, Limmons, and Plantins great store, which I much marveled at, in regard the people of the Country told us, they had no rain in seven years before, and yet there was very good Corn and good store, for eighteen pence a bushel.  
There are Oxen, Sheep, and Goat's abundance: as an Ox, for 3. Dollars, a Goat for half a Dollar, and a Sheep for half a Dollar: as much Fish for three pence, as will suffice ten men to a meal. As dolphins, More-fish, Basse, Mullets, and other good Fish.  
The Town is Arabian, and governed by the Turk, and if an Arabian offend, he is severely punished by their Law. For they have Galleys and Chains of purpose, which offenders are put into, else were they not able to keep them in awe and subjection.  
At Mockoo, we ●aied from the 13. of june till the 18. of julie, 
Their abode at Moha.  and then weighed anchor, and went out to the mouth of Mockoo, where we lost two anchors, and from thence we set sail to Sacatora: and about the 5. of August, we cast anchor over against the Towe●● 〈◊〉 Saiob, where the King lieth and one of our Merch●●●● went on shore and gave the King a present, and 〈◊〉 that we might buy Water, Goats, and other provision, which he would not grant, because the women of the Country were much afraid: yet he told him, if he would go to a Road some five leagues of, we should have any thing his Country would afford: where we bought Goats, Water, aloes Socotrina, Dragon's blood, and what else the Country would afford.  
Here at Sawb, we remain from the 5. day of August, till the 18. day, and set sail with an anchor and a half, for Cambaia. And on the 28. day of August, we came to Moa, where one of the Country people told us that for the value of 20. Dollars, we might have a Pilot to bring us to the bar of Surot. But our wilful Master refused it, and said he would have none.  
The 29. day we set sail from thence, thinking to hit the Channel to go to the bar, but we came out of 10. fathom water into 7. fathom, and into six fathom and a half. Then we tacked about to the Westward, and came into 15. fathom, and then we tacked about again to the Eastward, and came into 5. fathom water. Then some of the company asked whether the Master would go, who answered let her go over the height, and presently the ship struck, which I presently went up and told him of: who turning about asked who durst say she struck, then presently she struck again, and struck off her Rudder, and lost it in the Sea: then we came to an anchor, and road there two days, than our Skiffe split in pieces, and we had no more but our long boat to help ourselves withal: yet we made such shift, that we got the pieces of our skiff into the ship, and the Carpenter went so roundly to work, that they had bound her up together with woldings, so that when our greatest need was, she brought 16. men one shore.  
The second day of September about six of the clock ● night, 
The ship foundered▪  our ship struck and began to founder, and ●●uing ●●●ke twice, we had presently 24. inches of water in the Well, than we plied the pump, some four hours, viz. from seven of the Clock to eleven of the Clock at night, than the water increased so fast that we were able to keep her no longer, but were forced to take our boats.  
The Merchants had some 10000 l. lying between the main Mast and the Stearidge, whereof the General bid the Company take what they would, and I think they took amongst them some 3000. pounds some having 100 pounds, some 50. pounds, some 40. pounds, some more, and some less, and so we left the ship, and took neither meat nor drink with us. And between twelve and one of the Clock, we set sail to come ashore, which was at the least 20. leagues to the Eastward, and so we sailed all that night, and the next day, without any sustenance at all, till five or six of the Clock at night, being the third day of September, that we made the Land being a little Island, standing upon the bar, and then a gust came down upon us, and broke the midship thought of our long boat, wherein were 55. persons, yet it pleased God that we recovered our Mast, and (the gust ceasing) we went over the bar, 
●andeuee River.  and got into the River of Gandevee.  
But when the Country people saw so many men in two boats, they struck up their drums and were in Arms, taking us to be Portugals, and that we came to take some of their Towns, which we perceiving, and having by chance a Guzarat, aboard we sent him ashore to tell them truly what we were: and when they knew we were Englishmen, they directed us to the City of Gandevee, where was a great Governor, who at our coming thither (and understanding we were Englishmen) seemed to be very sorry for our misfortunes, and welcome us very kindly. And there ended our travels by Sea for that time.  

16●9.  The fourth day of September, 1609. we came to the City of Gandevee, which is a very fa●re haven, and great store of shipping built there, whereof some are of four or five hundredth Tun, it standeth in a good Soil, and is governed by the Gentiles.  
The 25. day of September, we took our journey towards Surrot, to a Town called Sabay, which is a Town, only consisting of Spinners and Weavers, and there is much Calico made, and from thence we came to Surrate, where we found one William Finch an English Merchant, and servant to Master johnson in Cheapside, who very courteously went to the Governor, and acquainted him with our distress, who (as hereafter we found it to be true) was bribed by the Portugals, which told him we were a kind of turbulent people that would make mutinies, and sow civil dissension in the Town, and so adventure to surprise the Town, whereupon we were put into a Monastery, where we lived three days, nor could this suffice, but we were removed to a great house, being a Gentiles house, where we lay 14. days; in which time, (by the good advise of the said William Finch) we made provision of Coaches, Horses, and other things to travel to the great mogul, & certify him of our great distress and misfortunes. This is a City of great fame & Antiquity, being walled about with free stone, and a strong Garrison lying therein, and a City of great trading for Merchandise, and great store of shipping, whereof some are of 500 Tun, which they cannot lad at the Town but carry them over the bar with their balance only, & there lad them, but for their smaller shipping they lad them at the Town, and so go over the bar, where at a high water, they have 16. foot water.  
The 22. of September, 
The taruell to Agra.  we took our journey from Sur●at to Agra, with our General and 52. men, with 21. Coaches of our own, and some others being hired, and 19 Horses to a great City called Brampoit, and the first two nights we lay in the fields.  
The 26. day we came to Nawbon where Sugar groweth in abundance, with Cotten and all manner of grain, as Rice, Wheat, beans, Pease, Chéecore Lanteechoes, Motte, etc. For the Country is so plentiful, that you may have a gallon of milk for a half penny, a Hen for three halfpence, & 16. Eggs for a penny.  
From Gandevee to Sabay is 12. course, & from Sabay to Surrot is 12▪ course and every two course is three English miles.  
The 27. day, we traveled 12. course and came to a City of the Bannions called Daytaotote, and there Master Revet one of our Merchants died.  
This City could never be conquored by the great mogul, but yielded upon composition, and still holdeth his title of King of the Bannians, and at this City we stai●d two days.  
This City yields great store of Drugs, fine Pentathose and Calico Lawns.  
The first of October we traveled 12. course, and lay in the fields.  
The second day we traveled 14. course to a great City of the Bannians called Netherberry, where is a great Basar or Market, and all manner of brazen wares to be sold, as Pots, Kettles, Candlesticks, and cauldrons of four foot long, Shirts of Male, Swords and Bucklers, Lances, Horses in Armour of Arrow proof, Camels, and all manner of beasts.  
There is also great store of Cotten wools, Cotten yarn, Pentathoes, calico Lawns, Sashes for Turbans for their heads, Limmons, Potatoes, three pound for a penny, and all manner of Drugs.  
And surely cloth would be a very vendible commodity there: for course felt is there extreme dear. Also Cold and Silver is there very plentiful, and these are very good people to deal withal.  
The third day we traveled ten course, to a small Town of Husbandry called Sailote▪ where is also great store of Sugar, and fruits of all sorts.  
The next day we traveled 18 course to a Garrison Town called Saddisee, and there is the River of Tyndee which runneth to Surrat, wherein is great store of Fish of all sorts, and this River divideth the confines, of the Bannians and the Guzarates.  
The Bannians are a strange people in their belief, and honour God in a strange fashion, viz. in pictures of stone, hanging their beads on the heads of the pictures, and then with their faces towards the sun do worship it, saying, that all their comforts proceeds from it. And yet I saw more than this, which was a Cow adorned with a vest of gold and many jewels, her head bedecked with garlands and flowers, and then being brought to a burial place, where they do use to make Sermons, they kiss her feet and teats, and worship her, that it grieved me to see their fond superstition, and abominable Idolatry. And ask why they did it, they answered, that she was the mother of beasts, and brought them, milk, butter, cheese, and the Ox to till the ground, and lastly, her hide did make leather to make them shoes. Moreover, they say, she is blest by the Mother of God, to be honoured above all beasts. And so leaving the Bannians, we crossed the River of Tindee into the Gentiles Country.  
Now at Saddisee, we being many, some in Coaches, some on Horseback, they thought we had come to take their Town, and did shut their gates, & bent their Ordinance upon us. But our General sent our Linguist or Interpreter to certify them, what we were, and then the Governor opened the Gates, and came himself to entertain us with great courtesy and state. Yet that night we lay by the River side, and the next day being the fifth of October, we came into the Town, where we lay that night: And the next day we traveled some 12. Course, and lay at a Monastery: And the seventh day we went to the great City of B●amport where the great General called the 〈◊〉 Canawe liveth, this being his Garrison or resting place when he is out of the wars, and on the twelfth of October, he came from the wars with 1500. Elephants, 30000. Horses, 10000 Camels, 3000. Drumdaries.  
The Elephant serveth in the Field with a small tower of wood or timber upon his back, whereon is placed 4. pieces of brass as big as ●abnets, and 10. men very artificially placed in the said Tower, with bows and arrows, and to discharge those pieces.  
The Elephant's skin is musket proof, unless it be on his face and belly, and he is a beast of so great understanding, that he is ruled and governed by word of mouth, understanding what his keeper commandeth him to do.  
This Country beareth towards the Northwest, in the height of 28. Degrees, or thereabouts: And here Muskets, Snaphances, Pistols, Petronels, and Swords, be good commodities, but no Firelocks in in any wise.  
Also Cloth is an excellent commodity to my knowledge, for I was offered three pound for an old cloak, which here, is not worth 20. shillings at the uttermost.  
And in Bramport we stayed from the seventh of October until the 11. of November following: Then I and john Frencham one of our Company went to crave the General's pass, to go to the great mogul, but he asked us if we would serve him in his wars, and he would give us what means we would desire: but we told him, we were poor distressed Merchants, that had been shipwrecked: and he again replied, that there was no Englishman, Merchant, nor other but he was a Soldier. But we told him that we had wives and children in our Country, to whom we must of necessity go, to which he said, it was very well spoken, and that it was against their Laws to keep any man against his will: Then he asked ●s if we had any jewels for his Ladies, I answered I had one stone and one jewel, which I sold him for forty pound sterling, and then h●e commanded his Secretary to make us a Pass, and seal it with his great S●ale, for our safe Conduct to Agra. Also for the nature & strength of the Elephant, I can say thus much of mine own knowledge because I saw it.  
An Elephant royal being brought to remove a piece of Ordinance of one and twenty foot long, which carried a shot of seven inches high, and lay upon the carriage on the side of a hill, and to carry the same some half furlong off; which he did as it seemed to the great dislike of his Keeper, who told him he was a lazy villain, and deserved not his meat. Now the nature of the Elephant is, not to be disparaged in any thing, and standeth much upon his reputation and valour: so that upon these speeches of his Keeper, he came to it again, and with main strength tore the carriage in pieces, and left the piece lying on the ground. Then were Carpenters set on work to make a new carriage, which being done, the same Elephant was brought, who clapped his Trunk about the wheels, and brought the Ordinance where his Keeper commanded him.  
This City is far bigger than London, and great trade of all sorts of merchandise therein: it is one of the most famous heathen Cities that ever I came in, and the Citizens are very good and kind people, and very many Gallants in the City. Also fine rivers, ponds, orchards, gardens, pleasant walks, and excellent fair prospects as ever I saw. here any Gentleman may have pastime to hunt or hawk: and if he will not go far, he may buy a Dear in the Busar or market for a Doller, being but four shillings sterling, and hunt him where and when he will.  
Now in my judgement, our English cloth of gold and silver, velvets, broadcloth, bays, and cottons, would be very vendable, in regard there are so many Gallants. And thus much for the great City of Bramport.  
The eleventh of November we took our journey towards Agroe, I and joseph Salebanck our Purser, and one Io. Frencham, with one of the Country people for our guide, taking leave of our General, who was extreme sick of an Ague, and no hope of any speedy recovery. Also we had thought to have gone along with a Carravand of four hundred and fifty strong, which were bound for Agro: but the Captain told us, that they were to stay seven days longer; but said, if we would travel some two days journey (which we might safely do without any danger of thieves) we should meet with a greater Carravand than they were.  
So on the twelfth day, we traveled to a Town called Caddor, some fifteen course from thence, where we lay that night.  
here the Governor hearing that we were strangers, or Christians, demanded what we would have, and whether we traveled? We answered, to Agro, to the King, and that we came from Surrot. Then he asked us what we would do with the King? And when I heard him so inquisitive, I peremptorily answered, that my business was too great for him to know: but he said, he would know it ere we went out of the Town: and I again replied, that my business was such, that I would go out ot the Town and ask him no leave: and so making us ready to depart, we said, we would see who would stay us, without a very lawful occasion: Then the Governor sent his Cotwall or the Mayor of the Town, who asked us why we used such peremptory speeches to the Governor? We told him, we answered him in no worse manner than his place and calling deserved, and that it was not for him to force us to acquaint him with our business to the King, and then we showed him she Can Canawes pass to the King. Whereupon the Governor came to us again with twenty Gentlemen of the Town, and by all means entreated us to stay all night, and whatsoever we wanted that the Country could afford, should be at our service; and withal told us, the way was dangerous, and very bad to travel.  
The next day we gave him half a pound of Tobacco for a present, which we brought out of England, which he accepted very thankfully.  
The thirteenth day we came to a Town called Sawbon, some 14 course from Caddor, but before we were half a course out of the Town, the Governor sent 12. Horsemen with Lances, Bows and Arrows, to conduct us some part of the way that was most dangerous, which was some 10. or 12. English miles.  
And when we came to Sawbon, we found the Carravand being 500 Camels bound for Agro. And were laden with Taffateis, wrought Silks, Cloth, Sugar, and other Commodities, some from Bramport, some from Bengalla, and some from Cambaia.  
The 14. day we set forwards with the Carravand▪ and traveled some 12. course to a Monastery called Tindey.  
The 15. day, we traveled some 10. course and lay in the woods.  
The next day, we came to a great City called , where is much trading for Cloth, Swords, Sashes, Pieces, and Armour tied on with strings, being but only Arrow proof.  
There is great store of fruit, and colours for Dyer's, of all sorts: and I think our English cloth would be an excellent commodity there: for it is very cold, esspecially in january February and March, for it beareth to the Northwards.  
The 16. day we traveled some 14 course to a great River, called the River of Andee, which is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and runneth into the Bay of Bengalla, and this is the utmost part or border of the Gentiles, and one the 17. day we passed over the River and went out of the Gentiles Country.  
The Gentiles will eat nothing that bleedeth, and the Sim is their great god, For, should they eat any thing that bleedeth, they believe that they may eat the souls of their Father, Mother, Sister, Brother, or friends, that are deceased? For, they say, that when any one dieth, their breath presently goeth into one beast or other, & so, in eating that beast, a man may eat the soul of some friend together with the flesh of that beast, such is their great blindness and ignorance. Nay more, they do make every living thing their Idols: as, the first living they meet in the morning is their god or saint for that day, to worship that, and so leaving the Gentiles, we come to the Bulloits, or pythagoreans.  
The 17. day we came to the City of Gorra, where are many Surroyes, or Inns, where travelers may set their Camels, Horses or Cattles, and cost nothing.  
Also there are four great Schools for learning like to an University: In this Country were two Brothers being Kings sons, who warred for this City, being eight miles in compass, and in the middle a great wall, and there they laid their Séedge, a long time. And at the last the King of the East part got the victory, and held the same for seven years, and then the great mogul Tamburlaine the sixth overcame the whole Country and took it into his hands.  
The 18. day, we went ten course to a great Tanck or pool of water, like unto the Bath, the water boiling out of the earth and is very warm.  
The 19 day, we traveled s●me 15. course to a Town called Sanday where is great store of W●ll, like Spanish Wool, here are made great ●●ore of Caps to cover Turbans, felt gowns to ride in, both fine and course, there are great store of sheep, and so much Sugar, that they feed horses therewith as we do with provender, also there are goodly Surroys or I●●es for horsemen and footmen.  
The 20. day, we traveled some fifteen course to a great Surroy, near unto a Monastery, where we had great store of fruit called Mangees being like an Apple, and have a stone as big as an Apricock, and in scent or taste, and is excellent good for the Flix, and are there much esteemed of.  
The 21. day we traveled twelve course to a small village, called Lee.  
The 22. day we traveled some 16. course to a City called Easman, where is a great Bussart or Market for the country people, for Wool, ●●tten, Cotten yearn, Swords, Iau●lins, and other weapons for the wars.  
The 23. day, we came to a little Town called Zingreene, some 14. course, where is great store of Oad, and abundance of Drugs for Dyer's.  
The 24. day, we traveled 16. course to a City called Barrandonn where are great store of Merchants of the Bannians and Mesulipatanians.  
It is a City where the great Caravans meet, and there is great trade of Merchandise, for Cloth, Sashes, Armour, for men and Horses, Coats of Male, Armour of Arrow proof, bombast Headpéeces, and Elephant's teeth, also many wild Elephants in the Country: here we stayed two days and lest our Carravant in the City.  
The 17. day we took our journey forwards, and by the way we met with a Conor Knight of that Country, with forty Horse being bound for Agro, and f●f●y shot, with whom we also kept company, being about 140. strong, and traveled in the Desert some six days, where are great store of wild Elephants, Lions, Tigers, Cat of Mountains, Porpentines and other wild beasts innumerable, but those we saw. These Deserts are 100 course long, where every night we made great fires round about our tents, to shun the dangers of the wild beasts: This Con or Knight told us the nature or wit of the Elephant, who knowing he is hunted to death for his teeth, will go to a tree and there by main force will wring or wrest his teeth out of his head, knowing that so he shall live secure and free from that danger, and this he protested to be true.  
The third of December, we passed those Deserts and came to a Town called Tranado.  
The fourth day, we traveled some 16. course to a Town called Zaioberdee, where is hay, corn, and grain, great plenty.  
The fifth day we traveled some 18. course to a City called Handee, where the King hath a Castle and house, cut out of the main Rock, and wrought with carved work round about. This Castle is invincible, and hath fifty pieces of Ordinance in it.  
There lay in this Castle, when we were there 200. Knights, Captains, and other Gallants, that had transgressed the Law, or the King's commandment, as in Treason, Rebellion, and such like matters. Also, in this City are two houses much like Saint jones, where Captains and Caviliers, that have been maimed, and hurt in the wars, do live, and have each one a Mammothée a day being nine pence English, and meat and drink at the King's allowance.  
The 6. day we came to the River of Tamluo, which runneth into the River Indus, which parteth the Countries of the Pythagoreans, and the Indestands.  
The pythagoreans in former times have been a vile and treacherous kind of people, and had a Law that when the husband died, the wife should be also burnt, which is holden till this day, though not in so strict a manner, for now she may refuse it, but then her head is shaven and she clad in a black vesture or garment, which among them is reputed most vile and hateful, that the basest slave in the Country will not succour nor relieve her though she should starve.  
Now, the cause why this Law was first made, was, for that the women there were so fickle and inconstant, that, upon any slight occasion of dislike or spleen, they would poison their husbands. Whereas now the establishing and executing of this Law, is the cause that moveth the wife to love and cherish her husband, and wisheth not to survive him.  
As for example, I saw a young woman the wife of a Doctor, whose husband being dead, she made choice to be carried in a Pageant, by four men, she being clothed in Lawn, and her head deacked with jewels and rich Ornaments, and before her went Music of all sorts that the Country afforded, as Hoeboys, Drums, mischiefs, and Trumpets, and next unto her all her kindred, and so she was brought to the place of Execution, where was a stake and a hole to set her feet in, and so being tied to the stake, all her kindred kneeling round about her, & praying to the sun and their other Idols, the fire was set to her, she having under each arm a bag of gunpowder, and a bag betwixt her legs, and so burnt to death, the fire being made of Benjamin, Storare, Lignomal l●es, and other sweet woods. Thus much for the Bulloits, and so to the Indestands, and the next day we traveled some ten course to a Town called Addar.  
The eight day, we traveled some 26. course, and came to the great City of Agro where the great Mogul keepeth his Court and residence.  
The ninth day Captain Hawkins came to us, and brought us before the King, as it is the custom and manner of the Country. For no stranger must stay above twenty four hours before he be brought before the King to know what he is, and wherefore he cometh Also every stranger must present the King with some present, be it never so small, which he will not refuse. And I gave him for a present, a small whistle of gold, weighing almost an ounce, set with sparks of Rubies, which he took and whistleled therewith almost an hour. Also I gave him the picture of Saint john's head cut in Amber and Gold, which he also received very graciously.  
The whistle he gave to one of his great women, and the picture to Sultan Caroone his youngest son. His eldest son rebelled, and is in prison with his eyes sealed up, and it is noised amongst the common people that his eyes are put out: But it was told me by a great man, that they are but sealed up. His name is Patteshaw Shelham, which in our language is heir apparent to the Crown: His second son liveth with him and is called Sultan Nawbree, and him he thinketh to make his heir apparent: His third son is called Sultan Lawlle, and is viceroy of Lihorne: His fourth son is called Sultan lil, and is viceroy of the Gentiles, and these are his five sons. Also he hath ten Uiceroys more under him, that govern ten several Provinces or Countries, viz. Can Canow viceroy of the Guzarats: Can john viceroy of the Bulloites: Michall Can viceroy of the Bannians: Howsover Can, viceroy of Cambaia: Hodge john, viceroy of Bengolla: Michael Can, viceroy of the Hendownes: Sawder Can viceroy of the Puttans, and he lieth in the City of Candahar: Allee Can viceroy of the Bullochies, and lieth in the City of Buckera: Sawber Can, viceroy of the Multans', and Can Bullard viceroy of the Indestands.  
These are the names of his ten Uiceroys, being all Heathens, but very worthy men, and expert in the wars. He hath a great number of Noble men to attend on him. An Earl is called a Nawbob, and they are the chief men that attend on him, when he go●eth abroad: for at home none attend him but evenuches or gelded men.  
His Lord chief justice is an Eunuch, and is cal●led, Awlee Nawbob: he is thought to be worth twenty English millions: He keepeth twenty Elephants, one hundredth and fifty Camels and Dromedaries, and five hundredth Horse to attend on him.  
The Lord Treasurer is a mighty man, called Sultan Carowdon: He hath forty Elephants to attend him, two hundredth Camels and Dromedaries, and one thousand Horse at his service. And when he cometh to sit in his place of justice, he is brought upon an Elephant clad in cloth of gold or silver, and sometimes in a Pollankan, carried by four slaves, he lying in it, as if he lay in a cradle, in as great pomp and ease as may be, and hath four maces of silver and gilt carried before him, and ten banners, and as great attendance, as if he were a King; yet on Twesdays and Thursdays the King himself sits in judgement of all causes: He custometh all strangers goods himself, the custom being but small at his pleasure, as sometimes, the value of ten shillings, custometh goods worth two hundredth pound. Also if a Merchant stranger, bring wares or merchandise from a far Country: as from Chyna, Bengalla, and thinketh he shall make a bad voyage, or lose thereby: if he acquaint the King therewith, and that the merchandise be fit for Kings, Princes, and Noble men, the King himself will take part thereof, and cause his Nobles to take the rest, at such rates as the Merchant, shall not only be a saver, but a great gainer thereby.  
The Mogul, liveth in as great state and pomp as may be devised, both for Majesty and princely pleasure; for he had brought before him every day during our abode there, 50. Elephant's royal, clad in cloth of gold and silver, with drums mischiefs and trumpets, whereof, some fight one with another, wounding one another very deadly, and cannot be parted but with Rackets of wild fire, made round like hoops, and so run the same in their faces, and some of them fight with wild horses, as one Elephant with 6. horses, whereof he hath killed 2. instantly by clasping his trunk about their necks, and so pulling them to him, with his teeth breaketh their necks.  
Also there are tame Elephants that will take the viceroys sons being the King's pages with their trunks, gaping as they would eat them, and yet very gently will set them upon his own head, and having sitten there a good space, will set them down again one their feet as tenderly as a mother would set down her own child, doing them no harm at all.  
The Elephant will not go out of the sight of his female, nor will he be ruled if he do, this I can speak by experience having seen trial made thereof, Also every he Elephant, hath 3. or 4. females, and I saw one that had 4. females and 12. young ones of his own begetting.  
There engendering together is strange, for the female lieth down on her back, and he cometh upon her, and so engender. But if he perceive any man to behold or see him thus engendering he will kill him if he can.  
Also the King hath Dear, Rams, Ueruathoes or Beazors, Lions, Leopards, and Wolves, that fight before him. Also if a Cavalier be condemned for any offence and judged to die, he may by the custom of the Country, Crave combat with a Lion for his life, (which the King denieth to none that crave it) as for example, I saw one, that at the first encounter struck the Lion with his fist that he felled him, but the Lion recovering, returned with great fury and violence, and caught such hold on him that he rend out his guts, with the heart and liver and so tore him in pieces, and this was performed before the King.  
Also there are horses that fight with Alligators or Crocodiles in Tancks or ponds of water where I also saw one Allegator kill 2. stone horses at one time. There is also a fair River called Indawe, running from thence to Mesopotamia, & carrieth boats or lighters of 40. tun, and is replenished with fish of all sorts.  
Also there are 4. basar's or markets every day in the week, and great store of all things to be bought and sold there, and at a very reasonable rate. As a hen for 2. pence, a Turkey for 6. pence, a live dear for a dollar, a sheep for 2. shillings, a goat for 2. shillings, a couple of oxen for 4. dollars▪ being 16. shillings sterling, a good hog for 2. shillings, but none buy them but Christians, and none sell them but the Bannyans, who breed them, and as much fish for 3. pence as will serve 5. reasonable men at a meal.  
Also great store of fruit, as Limmons, Oranges, Apricocks, Grapes, Pears, Apples and Plums; But with their grapes they make no wines because their laws forbid it: Also Raisins as great and fair as Raisins of Damasko, with great store of cloth of gold velvets and silks out of Persia, and silks and cloth of gold from Chyna, but those are course and low prized; but abundance are their vended; and Captain Hawkins thinketh that our Richer silks, velvets, and such like would be excellent good commodities there.  
But especially our Cloth of light colours. For there is no Cloth, but a kind of course Cloth like Cotton, which is made at Lyhore, and at a Town called Esmeere: and their finest and best, is a kind of course red cloth, like a Venice red, and this is the usual wearing for the chiefest Cavaliers; and these are all the places of clothing that I could by any means hear of in all that Country.  
The word Mogul, in their language is as much as to say, the great white King; for he is a white man and of the Race of the Tartars. He is King of many Kingdoms, and writeth himself in his scile▪ Patteshaw Shelham Sho●h, that is, the King of all the great coins. For there is a several coin at Lahore, another at Brampo●t, another at Surrot, another at Cambaia, another at Sabba●ton, and another at Awgru, And for his several Kingdoms, he is King, of the Guzarats, of the Bannians of the Bulloits of Callicot and Bengolla which are Gentiles, of the Inde●●ands of the Mogolles, of the Hendouns, of the Moltans, of the Puttans, of the Bullochies, and of the Alkeysors, with some others, which I cannot particularly name. Also he writeth himself the ninth King from Tamburlaine. And to this his great style he is also of as great power, wealth and command, yet will he urge none of what Nation soever to forsake their Religions, but esteemeth any man somuch the better, by how much the more he is firm and constant in his Religion, and of all other he maketh most account of Christians, and will allow them double the means that he giveth to any other nation, and keepeth continually two Christian's Friars, to converse with them in the Christian Religion and manners of Christendom. He hath also the picture of our Lady in the place of his prayer or Religious proceedings, and hath oftentimes said that he could find in his heart to be a Christian, if they had not so many Gods: There was at my being there an Armenian Christian that in hope of gain and preferment turned More, which being told the King, he said, if he thought to save his soul thereby, that was a sufficient Recompense for him, but he would rather have given him preferment if he had kept himself still a Chri●stian.  
The Mogul is also very bountiful, for to one that gave him a little dear he gave 1000 Ruckees, being 100 pound sterling, also to another that gave him a couple of land spannels, he gave the like reward, and to another that gave him two Cocks he gave 2000 Ruckées.  
Also there be excellent fair Hawks of all sorts from the goshawk to the sparrowhawk, and great store of game, as Pheasants, Partridges, Plovers, Quails, Mallard, and of all other sorts of fowl in great plenty.  
There are no great dogs but a kind of Mongrels, whereof two will hardly kill a dear in a whole day, and yet they are so choice over them, that they make them coats to keep them warm and clean. Nor have they any parks but Forests, and Commons, wherein any man may hunt that will, save only within 6. miles of Agra round about which is limited and reserved for the King's private pleasure only.  
The King hath there begun a goodly monument for his Father, which hath been already 9 years in building, and will hardly be finished in 5. years more, and yet there are continually 5000. workmen at work thereon.  
The substance thereof, is very fine marble, curiously wrought.  
It is in form 9 square, being 2. English miles about and 9 stories in height.  
Also, it was credibly reported unto me by a Christian Friar (who solemnly protested he heard the King himself speak it) that he intended to bestow a hundredth millions of Treasure on that monument.  
And having viewed and seen this great and rich City of Agra with the pleasures and Commodities thereof; on the 18. day of januarie, myself with joseph Salebancke and john Frencham, went to the King and craved his Pass for England, who very courteously demanded of us, if we would serve him in his wars, offering us what maintenance we would ask of him; which we humbly excused▪ both in regard of this our voyage, wherein divers others besides ourselves, were partners, as also, in regard we had Wives and Children in our own Country, to whom both by Law and Nature, we were bound to make return, if it were possible; whereupon most graciously ●e granted us his Pass, under his hand and great Seal, for our safe conduct thorough all his Kingdoms and Dominions. Then his chief Secretary, went with us to his third Queen (for it is said that he hath ten Queens, one thousand Concubines, and two hundredth evenuches.) And this Queen is keeper of his great ●eale, where it was sealed and delivered unto us. Then I also went to the chief Friar, and craved his letters, aswell to the Kings and Princes, whose Kingdoms and Dominions we were to pass thorough, as also to the Clergy and places of Religion, which he most willingly granted, being a man of great Credit there, and greatly esteemed and well known in other Kingdoms.  
Also he gave me his letters of commendations to one john Midnall an English Merchant or Factor, who had lain in Agroe three years: but before I came into England john Midnall was gone again for the East Indies, and I delivered his letter to Mr. GREENAWAY Deputy governor in London for the Company of the East Indian Merchants.  
The one and twentieth day, we took our leave of Captain Hawkins, whom we left therein great credit with the King, being allowed one hundredth Ruckées a day which is ten pound sterling, and is entitled by the name of a Can, which is a Knight, and keepeth company with the greatest Noble men belonging to the King: and he seemeth very willing to do his Country good. And this is as much as I can say concerning him.  
The 22. day we took our journey towards England, being 5. English men viz, myself, joseph Sal●hancke, john Frencham, Richard Martin, and Richard Fox, and Guilliam As●lee a More our guide, and traveled towards Ispahan in Persia, and so with 5. horses and 2. Camels, we took the way to Biany, because john Midwall had gone the way by La●or before, also this way was but two months journey, though very dangerous and that by La●or was 4. months journey and without danger, viz.  
From Agra we came to Fetterbarre being 12. course. And from thence to Bianic being 12. course more. And this is the chiefest place ●or Indigo in all the East Indies, where are 12. Indigo Milles.  
The Indigo groweth in small bushes like goosberry bushes and carrieth a seed like cabbage séed. And being cut down is laid on heaps for half a year to rot and then brought into a vault to be trodden with Oxen to tread the Indigo from the stalks, and so to the Milles to be ground very fine: and lastly, is boiled in Furnaces, and very well refined and sorted into several sorts.  
A sere of Indigo in Biany is worth ten pence, which sere doth contain twenty ounces at the least. This I know to be true and brought a sample of the Indigo home with me. And for this Indigo & the Anneele that is made thereof, there is much trading of Merchants, from Agro and Lahore.  
The 25. day, we came to Hendowne, being twenty five course, this is an ancient fair City, where is also good store of course Indigo.  
The 26. day, we came to Mogul being 14. course. This is a small market Town, where are also course Indigo and Calicoes.  
The 27. day we went some 12. course to a small village called Halstot.  
The 28. day, we traveled 12. course to a small village called Chatsoe, where are sheep and goats great store, and very cheap.  
The 29. day, we went 12. course to a small Town called Laddanna, and there are great store of Cotton Wools.  
The 30. day, we went eight course to a small town called Mosabad, where is great store of corn.  
The 31. day we went 12. course to Bandason a small village.  
The first day of February we came to a fair River called Paddar that runneth to Guzarat, and this River parteth the Dominions of the Indestands and Hendownes and falleth into the gulf of Persia. And from thence we went to the City of Esmeere, being twelve course from Bandason.  
Here the great mogul hath a stately house where are continually kept 600. Elephants, and 1000 Horses, for the wars to be ready at the King's command.  
There is great store of wools, and much clothing for course cloth and cottons, also javelins, Bows and Arrows, Armour, Swords, and other weapons for the Wars, and two basar's or Markets every week.  
The Indestands are very gallant people, and great Merchants into most parts of the world.  
The second day, we went into the Hendownes Country, some 12. course, and came to Richmall, where is great store of Game, and a pleasant place for hawking and hunting.  
The fourth day, we went 12. course, to Mearta, a fair City, where I saw three fair and ancient Tombs or Monuments of the Hendownes, there are three basar's or Markets every week. Also great store of Indigo, cotton wool, yarn, and cloth.  
This City in my judgement is as big as the City of Exeter.  
The sixth day we went some twelve course to Hursallo, a small village.  
The seventh day we went 14. course to Lavara, a small village, where is great store of Corn, cattle, and Sheep and very good cheap.  
The eight day, we went 12. course to Towry, a Town of Garrison of the Hendownes.  
The ninth day, we went 11. course to Chummo a small village.  
The tenth day, we went 13. course to Moulto a village.  
The 11. day, we went 10. course to Pucker a small village.  
The 12. day, we went 12. course to Senawra a little Town.  
The 13. day, we went but five course to Basonpee a small village.  
The 14. day, we went five course more to Gislemeere, a fa●re City, and hath in it a strong Castle, where lieth a grand Cavalier. Also there is great trading of Merchandise by Land, and in the Castle are thirty pieces of Ordinance.  
The 18. day, we went from thence some 14. course over the sands, that part the Hendownes and Multans, and lay in the fields.  
The Hendownes are naturally descended from the Gentiles, yet refuse no manner of meat, flesh, nor fish, and are many of them very notable thieves. They pray naked, dress and eat their meat naked, and where they dress and eat their meat, they make a circle, within which circled none must enter, during the time of their dressing and eating their meat.  
Their women are brought up of children with shackles, some of silver, some of brass, and some of Iron on their legs, and rings in their ears, all which are still increased or made bigger as they grow in years and bigness, so that in time they have holes in their ears so great that a man may thrust his hand thorough. Also they do wear bracelets of Elephant's teeth about their arms from the wrist to the elbow.  
The 19 day, we went eight course and lay in the Fields.  
The 20. day, we went 12. cour●e more, and lay in the fields.  
The twenty one day, we went 12. course and lay by a well some 60. fathom deep, where water was very scarce.  
The 22. day, we traveled 16. course, where we could get no better water than was almost half Cowp●sse.  
The 23. day we went some 15. course and lay in the fields.  
The 24. day, we went some five course and came to three Towns, viz. Roree, Buckar, and Sucker, where is a gallant fresh River, and small ships that may go to Armoose, as the Townsmen report. Now the shipping belongeth to Roree, being some fifty or sixty sail, and are of the burden of forty, fifty, and sixty t●●, whereby there is trade of Merchandise as far as the coast of Molindee, and as far as Mosembique, and this River falleth into the gulf of P●rsia.  
Buckar standeth in the middle of the River, which maketh it in form of an Island, and is beside very strongly built.  
The Indians call this River, the River of Damiadee. And in this Town of Bucker, lieth All●e Can the Mogols viceroy of the Bullochies, who are such a stubborn & rebellious people that he keepeth that strong hold of purpose to retire unto, and to gather a head and renew his forces, at all assays, to subdue and keep them in awe and obedience, which notwithstanding he can hardly do. Also this All●e Can is a very worthy and bountiful Prince, who gave us very gallant and kind entertainment, and commanded us to come daily to his Court, where we had both costly and plentiful diet at all times, and here we left Io. Frencham (one of our company) sick.  
Sucker is a Town consisting most of Weavers and Dyer's, and live by clothing, and serve the Country round about, and this is the first Town of the Bullochies. And Roree the last confine town of the Multans' who are good husbandmen and painful people, and deal much in Merchandise, as Cloth, Indigo, and other commodities, and are very good people to deal withal, yet their Religion is mahometical.  
At Sucker we stayed 24. days and more for a Cof●ilo or Conu●y, For the Captain of the Castle would not suffer us to go without one, because the way was dangerous and full of thieves, which afterwards we found true, for had we not (by the great providence of God) escaped their hands, it had cost us our lives, and yet it cost us some money beside.  
The 25. day of March, 1610. we came from Sucker and traveled over the plains some three course or thereabouts.  
The 26. day we traveled through the woods or Deserts some three course more.  
The 27. day, we went three course more through the Deserts, and there we took in water for two days, which was but bad water neither, but there was no better to be had, nor any town to come to, until we came to Gorra, some eight course distant from thence, which was on the 28. day at night, where we rested two days and were very well used, yet being a Town of the Bullochies and Rebels, we were in great fear, but we found no such cause, God be praised.  
The Bullochies are Man-eaters, being men of huge limbs and proportion even giantlike, nor are they of any Religion at all, save only that they worship the Sun.  
The 21. day, we came to Norry, being about 10. course, and this is the last Town, of the Bullochies; and so to the Puttans.  
The first day of April, we took our journey over the plains early in the morning, and about break of day we met with ten or twelve men playing on Fiddles, as if they had come in friendly manner to welcome us, but indeed they were no better than thieves that intended to rob and pillege us, for by the Sun rising we were beset round with them and their companions, whose certain number we could not discern nor know.  
And though we had a Caffeloe or Convoy of two hundred strong, yet we were glad to entreat the Captain of that unruly Crew to stand our friend, and both to bribe him privately, and to pay openly beside in the name of a custom, twenty Checkéenoes' in gold, nor would all this have served the turn, but for the Mogols Pass under his hand and great seal, which they much feared, but that all our throats had been cut, as other in greater number had formerly been; yet at last upon this friendly composition, they guarded and conducted us through their Country, until we were past all danger, and so departed, and that day we traveled some nine course over the plains, and ●ooke up our lodging in the plain Fields.  
The second day we traveled some eight course to a Town called Daddor, where we rested two days.  
The fifth day, we traveled eight course over the mountains.  
The sixth day, we went ten course over the mountains.  
The seventh day, we went eight course over the Mountains.  
The eight day, we went eight course to Vachesto, a Town of civil and quiet Government, where we rested that night.  
The ninth day we went three or four course over the mountains and lay in the fields.  
The tenth day we went some eight course in the mountains.  
The eleventh day, we went nine or ten course in the Mountains.  
The twelfth day we went some nine or ten course in the mountains.  
The thirteenth day we went nine or ten course in the mountains.  
The fourteenth day we went some fourteen course over  
The 15. day we came to Candahar being but two course from thence, where we stayed 20. or 21. days.  
This is a great and gallant City of the Puttans, where Sawdder Conuice●oy of the Puttans keepeth his Court and residence.  
There is great and continual traffic by land, from Persia, Indestand, Mesopotamia, and from all parts between that and China, with all sorts of merchandise and commodities which those Countries yield; For there are continually 7 or 8. thousand Camels about the City which trade to and fro with merchandise.  
Also the viceroy hath continually 40. 100LS. horses for the wars in readiness for fear of Rebellion, because the Puttans are a strong and warlike people, and inclined to rebellion, by reason they came under the Mogul's government and subjection by force and conquest, and therefore love him not in their hearts, but obey him for fear.  
The 6. day of May we took our journey for Ispahawne in Persia, and traveled some 8 course that day, and came to a gallant River where were two Towns on each side of the River one, and at one of these Towns called Langor we rested that night.  
The 7. day we went some 6. or 7. course over the plains.  
The 8. day we went in like manner some 7. course more and lay in the fields.  
The 9 day we went over the plains some 12. course, and came to a great River which divideth the land of the Puttans from Persia, and there we paid custom for our Owts or Camels and rested 2. days by the River side.  
The 12. day we were ferried over the River, which is called Sabbaa to a castle a course from thence, and near to a Town called Grease.  
This River divideth the confines of the great Mogul and the King.  
The Puttans are a warlike and goodly people, and were their beards long, which the Mogols do hate, also they worship the great God of heaven and despise Mahomet.  
Their Priests go in Sackcloth with great Chains about their middles; And do fall down and pray continually in Sackcloth and Ashes.  
And so passing out of the great Mogols kingdoms and dominions we came to the Town of Grease being the first Town of Persia, where we rested a day and a night.  

Grease the first Town of Persia.  The Town of Grease is a frontier Town, and therefore the King or (as they call him) the Shawbash of Persia keepeth here a garrison of ten thousand men, and a governor to command them.  
The 14. day we went over the plains 6. farsangs every forsong being a league, and every league 2. course, and rested in the fields.  
The 15. day we traveled over the plains some 6. farsangs more, and came to a Castle, where we refreshed ourselves and our cattle, and the●e we rested ourselves two days to stay for a Coffeloe or convoy which came to us the 14. day at night.  
The 18. day we went 5. farsangs over the fields or plains and lay in the fields.  
The 19 day at night we traveled some 4 farsangs to a Town called Doctorcham, where we stayed all the next day and night.  
The 21. day we traveled some 5 or 6 farsangs in the night to a Town called Sehawe, and thus for certain days we traveled all by night by reason of the extreme heat in the day time.  
The 22. day at night we traveled some 6 farsangs over the plains.  
The 23. day at night we went 5 farsangs to a Town called V●a. where are great store of Feltmakers which also make felt Carpets & weavers of Turkey Carpets, there are also great store of Dates, and all sorts of fruits.  
The 24. day we traveled some 6. farsangs to a fair City called Parra, where we stayed 22. days for a Coffeloe or Convoy, myself being also sick there, there is great trade of merchandise, and great store of raw silk which in the Persian tongue is called Auerisham.  
The 6. day we went some 2. farsangs over the mountains.  
The 7. day we went 4. or 5. farsangs over the mountains.  
The 8. day we went 7. farsangs.  
The 9 day we went some 5. farsangs.  
The 10. day we went 10. farsangs all in the mountains.  
The 11. day we traveled some 3. farsangs to a town called Banda being but a harbour or lodging place.  
The 12. day we went some 3. farsangs over the plains.  
The 13. day we traveled some 5. farsangs over the plains and rested till the 14. day at night, and then traveled some 7. farsangs and a half.  
The 15. day we came to a Town called Sunday where we rested that night and all the next day and night.  
The 17. day we traveled some 7. farsangs and a half over the plains.  
The 18. day we went in like manner some 9 farsangs.  
The 19 day we went 5. farsangs to a Town called Beast's.  
The 20. day we went some 4. farsangs.  
The 21. day we traveled some 6. farsangs to a town called Gusta, where we rested a day and a night.  
The 23. day we traveled 4. farsangs to a watering place.  
The 24. day we traveled 10. farsangs and rested in the fields.  
The 25. day we traveled 7. farsangs to a Town called Dattee, where was great store of Muskmillions and there we had good relief.  
The 26. day we traveled some 4. farsangs to a place where was a gallant vault with water.  
The 27. day we went some 7. farsangs to a Town called Yesday.  
The 28. day we went some 5. farsangs to a Town called Pahanavens where we rested 2. days and two nights.  
There is great store of raw silk, or Auerisham as they call it.  
The 2. day of july we went 5. farsangs over the plains.  
The third day we went 8. farsangs over the barren and wild plains where we had no water but salt water and the ground all covered over with salt.  
The 4. day we traveled 7. farsangs in salt ground and none but salt water.  
The 5. day we went 15. farsangs for want of water in a most barren and day Country and came to a town called Bibe, where we rested two days and two nights.  
The 8. day we truealled some 14. farsangs to a Town called Godanna: where we rested that night and the next day and night, and here is also great store of raw silk.  
The 10. day we traveled some 20. farsangs to a Town called Hemda, where are great store of Grapes and Muskmillions.  
The 12. day we traveled some 15. farsangs to a Town called Corneta.  
The 13. day we went 6. or 7. farsangs to a Town called Orrinkca, a lodging Town.  
The 14. day we went but 4. farsangs to a little village.  
The 15. day we went 5. farsangs to a Town called Gowra being a fair great Town, where is great store of raw silks, bed coverings, silk carpets, cotton Carpets, and such like commodities; and there we stayed that night, and the next day and night.  
The seventeenth day, we went nine farsangs before we could find any water.  
The eighteenth day, we traveled five farsangs to a little village.  
The nineteenth day, we went seven farsangs over the plains.  
The twentieth day, we went some five farsangs over the plains.  
The twenty one day, we traveled some six farsangs over the plains.  
The twenty two day, we went two farsangs and a half.  
The twenty three day, we came to Ispahawne.  
The twenty fourth day, we entered into the City where we stayed eleven or twelve days.  
This City of Ispahawne, is a gallant City, and one of the principal Cities of Persia, and aboundeth in traffic of all sorts of Merchandise. There are many great Surroys, where are houses made of purpose for the laying in and keeping of Merchant's goods, and to harbour and lodge themselves and their Camels Horses or other Cattle, and provision; the profits of which Surroies redound to the King only.  
The whole Country above a hundred miles round about, do wholly and generally trade to this City with their chiefest and best commodities. There is also a place in form like the Exchange, of an inestimable wealth, where is nothing to be sold but things of great value and worth. As Cloth of gold, silver and tissue, satins, velvets, jewels and pearls. In one end are nothing but raw silks, in another end are twisted and wrought silks. In another none but Merchanttailors, who sell, all sorts of apparel ready made, as it is in Birching lane, but far more rich, and all of the Persian fashion, as, suits of cloth of gold and silver, velvet, satin, taffeta, calico and none almost of any worse sorts.  
Also there is great score of Indigo and Anneele, and of all manner of Drugs, which are sold by jews and other strangers, that send them thither, and have continual trading there.  
Also there are Camels, the best and strongest that are to be found, with gallant Horses and Mules abundance. For whereas an ordinary Camel's load is five hundred weight, the Persian Camels load is usually 800. weight.  
The Shawbash ●or, as we call him, the King) hath there divers gallant and stately houses, and banqueting houses, with Orchards, Gardens, Springs, ponds of water, walks and Galleries, as pleasantly seated and artificially contrived, as can be thought or devised. But the King himself before my coming thither, was removed to a place called Tobrin, as it was told me by the Christian Friars.  
And at his chiefest house standing over against the great Basar or Market place, there are good store of brass Ordinance orderly planted before the gaze thereof, for defence if need be, as namely, two D●my Cannons, two whole culverins, two Cannon Pedrars, and thirty other field Pieces.  
Also here I made inquiry of Master Robert Shirley, thinking to have had some assistance, and better directions from him, or by his procurement, in my journey, but it was told me directly that he was departed some seven months before for England, and had his way by the Caspian Seas, being two months' journey from Ispahawn: That is to say, himself, and his wife, being a woman of great worth and esteem in that Country, with Camels and Horses to carry his treasure, stuff, and provision, and many attendants both men and women. And in his Company, one Captain and six or seven Englishmen more.  
Also there are great store of Grapes and Wines, and of all sorts of fruits: their stronger Wines like unto Canary Sack, their red Wines like high Country Claret, and their smaller Wines like to Island Wines. Also victuals good store and good cheap.  
And there lieth continually a Portugal Ambassador, 
A Portugal Ambassador Legier.  and five Portugal Friars, who have a Church, and a house to entertain Roman catholics, and other Christians at their pleasures, and have means sufficient to maintain the same.  
Also there are great store of Armenian Christians, and some Greeks, who live all at free liberty without restraint or control for their Religion. And so much for the great and rich City of Ispahawne.  
The sixth day of August, we departed from thence and traveled some six farsangs, and lay in the fields close by a river side.  
The seventh day, we traveled ten farsangs in the Deserts, and on the eight day six farsangs▪ more to the Town of Corronday.  
The ninth day to Miskerion, and so directly to Bugdad, or Babylon, being a months' journey: that is to say, six farsangs to Miskereon.  
The tenth day, we went ten farsangs in the Deserts.  
The eleventh day, eleventh farsangs in the Deserts.  
The twelve day, nine farsangs more in the Deserts.  
The thirteenth day, we went fourteen farsangs to a little village called Corryn.  
The fourteenth day, ten farsangs in the Deserts.  
The fifteenth day, nine farsangs in the Deserts.  
The sixteenth day, we traveled nine or ten farsangs to a little Town called Lackeree.  
The seventeenth day we traveled eight farsangs in the Deserts.  
The eighteenth day, we traveled twelve farsangs in the Deserts to a water Mill, where we lay all night.  
The nineteenth day, we went fourteen farsangs through the Deserts to a little Town called Corbet.  
That twentieth day, we traveled twelve farsangs, to a Cloth town: that is to say, where all the houses were made of hairy cloth like tents, and there we rested two days.  
The three and twentieth day, we traveled some eight farsangs in the Deserts.  
The four and twentieth day, we traveled some nine or ten farsangs over the Deserts, to another Cloth town.  
The twenty five day, we went through a mighty great Wood being fifteen farsangs in length, where we went down such an extreme steep hill, that we broke two of our Camels necks, and had much to do to go down the same ourselves without harm, and there were stead all night.  
The six and twentieth day, we went some two farsangs to an other Cloth town, where we rested three days and three nights, and there we paid Custom for our Camels to a great City being but a forsong from thence and is called Nezzeret, where, on the top of a mighty great mountain, was a monument of a great Sultan, or Gentleman: and when we asked, why he was buried there, it was directly answered, because he was so much the nearer to heaven.  
The thirtieth day, we traveled ten farsangs to the River of Synnee, which runneth into the River Euphrates, and divideth the confines of Persia and Ar●bia, and by the River side was remaining some old walls of a rumated Town of Persia, which was razed and destroyed by the Turks and Arabians.  
The one and thirtieth day, we traveled eight farsangs in a waste Country where we lay by a Well all night.  
Amongst the Persians the Sultan's or Gentlemen, and men of better sort, are gallant men, and of civil and courteous behaviour: but the base sort, are ●ullen, uncivil, and men of very bad conditions. And generally they do worship Mahomet, and are common Buggers, as the Turks are, yet they are people that labour extremely, as in digging, planting, and sowing, and in picking of Cotton wool, and other wool, in spinning and making Coats, and other things of Felt. Nor have they almost any rai●e there, but by extreme labour, let the water out of the Rivers, into their Pastures and Corn grounds.  
There are good sheep and goat's plenty, but ●ine and Oxen are very scarce. Also Turkeys and Hens and other sorts of fowls plenty.  
And there a man may travel without danger of robbing, for it is there a strange thing to hear of a thief. And somuch for Persia and the Persians.  
The first day of September, we traveled twelve farsangs to a great Town called Sabbercam, being the first town that we came to in Arabia, where are growing great store of pomegranates, which the Arabians do call Anarres. This is a Town of Garrison of the Arabians, and here we stayed a day and a night.  
The third day, we traveled ●ouretéene farsangs to a town called Buldad where we also paid custom, and here we stayed a day and a night. This is also a town of Garrison and full of thieves, and at our coming out of the town, joseph Salenbancke one 〈◊〉 my Companions staying but a little behind the Co●●s●l●e or Convoy, was by the Arabians rob, stripped and extremely beaten and hurt. So that if by chance I had not reserved some 100 Chickéen●es, we had 〈◊〉 been both quite destitute of money to bring us home into our Country.  
The sixth day we traveled eighteen farsangs to the great City of B●gdet, or Babylon, where we stayed until the twenty two day of October following.  
This City standeth upon the great River Euphrates, and is a great, rich, and strong City, with mighty strong walls, whereon are planted 100 and twenty pieces of brass ordinance.  
Also there are ships small and great to the number of 300. sail, belonging to this City, and great trade of merchandise both by water and land.  
It is not past 4. years since the Turk won this City from the Persians.  
Also there is a ●●oting bridge built upon 33. great lighters strongly chained and fastened together, from Bugdad over Euphrates to old Babylon standing over against Bugdad on the other side of the River. And within a league from thence standeth the Remainder of the ●●ynated Tower of Babel, being one of the wonders of the world.  
In Bugdad, lieth one of the Turks grand bashaws, called by the name of Mahomet Patteshogh who is esteemed as a viceroy, and is governor of the City under the great Turk.  
There are only two Venetian factors, who trade for inestimable wealth in merchandise of all sorts. Also some small number of Armenians, which are all the Christians that are there resident.  
The Turk is a valiant and resolute Soldier, as by their proceedings may appear, both in winning the City of Bugdad, and another City of as great strength as that, called Towras, and belonged also to the Persian, whereof the Mahomet Patteshogh had certain intelligence on the 12. day of October whilst we were there.  
And that the great Turk, or (as they call him) the Grand Gushell Bashe, assuredly thinketh and intendeth in short space to approach to the walls of Ispahawne being a great and gallant City and standeth far within the kingdom of Persia.  
The 10. day of October there came unto us an English man called john white, 
john White sent into the East India over land.  who said he was sent for a discovery to the East Indies and was bound for Ispahawne to meet with john Midnall, who we assured him not to be there, but at Armoose.  
Then did I and joseph Salebancke persuade him to travel to the red sea of Cambaia, whether he told us Sir Henry Midleton was bound from England with a good ship called the Trades increase of the burden of 1000 or 1100. tun, with another ship called the Clove, and a Pinnace called the Pepper Corn, and the cause, why we thus advised him was for that he, ha●uing the Turkish language might accompany my friend joseph Salebancke to Sir Henry Middleton to acquaint him with the true discourse of our whole voyage and travels, whereby he might beware of and avoid the like dangers that we sustained and were in: As also how and where to take his best opportunity for his lading as time and occasion should serve.  
And upon the 18. day joseph Salebancke and john White took their journey accordingly, to a great City called Balsara standing upon the River Euphrates▪ and is 18. days journey from Bugdad, or Babylon, where they were to meet with a Carranant or convoy, to conduct them to the City of judaia near unto the Red Sea.  
And although joseph Salebancke was then very poor, (having been formerly robbed) yet was he very willing to take this long and dangerous journey upon 〈◊〉 for the good of his Country.  
And all the good that I could do for him was to procure him a Camel, and to lend him some part of my small store being in all not above 6. pound ste●ling, and so I left them to the protection of the almighty.  
The 22. day of October we took our journey from Bugdad or Babylon to the City of Aleppo. And having traveled 60. leagues at the least all through the deserts, which we did in some 8. days, we came to a Town called Mussaw Cosam.  
The 31. day we traveled some 4. days journey thorough the deserts to the Town of Ruseele, being only a thorough fair or lodging place, & some 30 leagues from Mussaw Cosam.  
The 4. day of November we traveled some eight leagues to a small village called Deesh.  
The 5. day we set forwards towards Mussel other wise called Ninivy, being some 30. leagues or more from Deesh, and traveled thither in 5. days.  
This City is now much ruinated, and yet the Remainder thereof is as spacious and great, as most Cities that I have seen in all my travels, within the City is a great Bashaw or governor under the great Turk.  
Also without the City there standeth a fair & strong Castle upon the banks of the River Tigris, where is also another Bashaw or governor: for the Castle and Suburbs of the city.  
The●e is no trade of merchandise in this City, but it is only kept by the Turk as a Town of Garrison, yet there are Armenian Christians, who have their Churches and Friars, and do freely use their Religion without check or control.  
Also there are yet remaining, many ancient monuments which make relation and show, that it hath been a City of great antiquity and famous memory: and in this City we stayed 4. days.  
The 14. day we went 4. leagues to a Castle called N●ssebaw, and rested that night, and the next day we traveled 12. leagues more and at night came to Nuss●baw, where the Prophet jonas preached to all the Countries round about; and there remaineth his picture in stone though much defaced by the wars yet it is kept and maintained by the Christians, whereof there are many dispersed amongst the Turks, ever since the destruction or overthrow of Niniveh by the Turks: and are now called by the name of Curgees.  
From thence we traveled some 25. leagues in three days, and on the 18. day at night came to Hamadaine an ancient Town of the Armenians; but much ruinated by the Turks. Here we saw many ancient monuments, which showed that it had been a Town of great antiquity and worth, and at this Town we stayed, one day and a night.  
The 20. day we took our journey towards a town called Goubba being 25. leagues and 3. days journey, and came thither the 22. day at night, where we met with a Consul of Venice, and 5. Venetians more, traveling to Bugdad or Babylon, and there we stayed a day and a night.  
The 24. day we traveled towards the great City of Vlfawe being 25. leagues, and 3. days journey, and came thither the 26. day at night, and there all travelers pay great custom.  
This is a mighty strong City and a continual Garrison kept there by the Turk.  
Nor can any Carravant or Convoy, or any passenger be suffered to lodge within the City: But in the day time they may come into it to the Bassart or market, to b●y necessaries and so depart again: and here we s●●●ed 5. days.  
The 2. day of December we took our journey to Beer a great Town upon the river Euphrates, being ●. days 〈◊〉, and 25. leagues distant whither we came the fourth day at night, and stayed there one day.  
This is also a strong Town of Garrison.  
The 6. day we were ferried over the River and went 2. days journey being soul 15. leagues to the Town of Lumman, and came thither on the 7. day at night.  
The 8. day we traveled 10. leagues to the City of Aleppo, and came thither that night, and by the way, we traveled 2. leagues through the plains, where was nothing but figs, or as I may term it a forest of ●ig trees, and another place of as great length, being all v●ne trees, full of grapes.  
And being come to the great and worthy City of Aleppo, we went to the English house, where I found Ma●ter Paul Pinder to be Consul, a very worthy gentleman, and well deserving a place of so great credit and esteem, at whose hands we found very courteous and kind entertainment; for at my coming to him I was destitute both of money and clothes, and so was my companion Richard Martin.  
But he relieved us, first with meat, drink, and lodging during our abode there, being some 12. days, also he furnished us with apparel, and at our departure with money for our journey.  
Also there was one M. Spike who was both kind and bountiful unto us. And so were all the rest of the English Merchants, whom I cannot particularly name● both kind and curi●ous unto us, which was unto us a great refreshing and comfort in our journey.  
Aleppo is a City of wonderful great trading and as well known to England or at lest to our English Merchants▪ as Kingston upon Thames. And thus much I can say more of it, that within four days after our coming thither, there came above 20●0. Camels, laden with Silks and all sorts of merchandi●e all or most whereof I over went in my travels, being in several caravans, some from Mesopotamia, some from Agro, some from the 〈◊〉, and some from Persia, and so at other times continually they come from thence, and other places whence any trading can come by Land.  
The one and twentieth day, I take my leave of Master Paul Pindar, Master Spicke and the rest of the Merchants and took my journey, together with my Companion Richard Martin for Tripoli▪ and that da● we traveled s●me seven leagues over the Deserts, and rested tw● hours, and then traveled some 15. leagues farther, to an old Town called 〈◊〉, w●ere we rested half a day and ba●●●d, and then traveled some ten leagues more and baited, and rested ourselves in the fields s●me se●●e hours, and then traveled 〈…〉 town c●lled Hama●. And the reason why 〈…〉 thus h●rd, was to 〈◊〉 company will a Car●●●●nd or Co●n●●ey of 100L. strong, who were bound for 〈…〉 there great 〈◊〉 me was then resident: whereas also we should have traveled in great danger and h●●ard of our lives, by reason the Country is so full of thieves.  
In this town are many Weavers, that make great store of Dimatree, and scham●tree, and Cottons, also it is a great thorough fair, and there is a great O●●s●rie or Inn, which they call a Khan, and there we rested two days.  
The six and twentieth day, we traveled some eight leagues to a little town called Roma, where we lay all night.  
The seven and twentieth day, we traveled some eight leagues more to a Monastery called Huddrea●●ns, which was built by an Armenian Christian, who g●ue sufficient maintenance to provide, Olives, bread, and Oil for Lamps, for the harbour & relief of all Christian travelers▪ and there is the picture of Saint George on Horse back fight with the Dragon, and his picture on foot, and his Cross, and mention in old Roman print of his noble & memorable acts, which Relic is much honoured by many Christians as they travel by the same, and to that end there i● a Chapel and Lamps burning therein continually.  
The twenty eight day we went some ten leagues to a little Town called Hone, and lay there that night.  
The 29. day, we traveled to Tripoli, being ten leagues from thence, where we found the good ship, the Great Exchange of London, whereof Master Robert Bradshaw of Ratliffe was both Captain and Master; who not above ten days before, was in great danger of shipwreck breaking their Cables and anchors, so that the ship drove and was in great distress: So that they were fain to cut the main Mast overboard, being within twice the ships length of the rocks, yet by God's good providence, one Cable and Anchor held, and so both schip and men were saved, all the men having stripped themselves to save their lives by swimming, or otherwise, as it would please God to assist and permit them.  
In this storm there was a great Venetian ship of 1100. tun cast away, yet the ship was so set amongst the Rocks, that all her men were saved by the great and merciful providence of almighty God.  
Also there were Frenchmen in the Harbour, that cut their Masts overboard and were in great danger, yet all escaped thanks be given to God.  
Also afterwards by greawt good fortune the Excharges Mast was found by the company between two Rocks, and was got on shore, and having an excellent good Carpenter, he did workemanlike and strongly scarce the same with a piece of an other Mast, which the Master got from aboard a Fleming, that it borough her well home into England, God be praised.  
At our coming to Tripoli we went to the English house, where we stayed two days, and were by him very knidly used, and here we ended our long and teious Land travels.  
The first day of january being New years day, we took our leave of Master Lucas and went aboard, myself and Richard Martin, where Captain Bradshaw also used us very kindly, and in regard I was very weak, with long and extreme travel, he allowed me a good Cabin, and caused the Surgeon to deo me what good he could.  
Tripoli is a Town of no great traffic, but only a place whither ships do come to take in such trading as is brought from other places, and chiefly from Aleppo.  
The cause (I think) is by reason of the dangerous harbour there. For if there come Easterly winds that overblow, there is no safe riding for ships in that harbour. For that no reasonable ground takle will hold them.  
The third day of january, we set sail for England, and the one and twentieth day following we came to the Island of Zante, where they took in three months' victuals, which they left there, when there were outward bound.  
Also they took in Oils and Currants, being all the Commodities, which the Island affords. For of itself it is so poor and barren, that it yèeldeth not victuals to maintain itself, but is for the most part maintained from the Main.  
The four and twentieth day we set sail again, and about he four and twentieth day of February the wind took us short, and our Master thinking it not go dto beat the ship at Sea with a contrary wind, put into harbour at Malta, where is a gallant harbour, and many galleys and pretty fine shipping belonging to the same, which go out upon service 200. against the Turk.  
Malta is a goodly City of an invincible strength, with gallant walls being built upon a main Rock. And upon the walls of the old and new town, are pieces of excellent good brass Ordinance.  
And in this City the ancient order of the knights of Malta, have their continual residence, who are gallant soldiers, & have fair houses, not much unlike to our Inns of Court, they are all Christians, and so are all the inhabitants, viz.  
Armenians, Spaniards, Italians, Dutchmen, and very many Frenchmen, the Grand Master of the whole order being a Frenchman, but I could not hear of any English amongst them, yet do they all, show themselves very kind, and courteous to Englishmen.  
All the knights do wear white and black crosses on the shoulders of their cloaks: And any gentleman that cometh thither doth put in a stock of a 100 pound or thereabouts, for his maintenance, but is not allowed for a knight, until by service against the Turk or else where he shall deserve the same, and here we stayed 5. days.  

Somewhat is wanting.  The 10. day of March, we set sail again, and about the 22. day we came to a watch house where was 2. pieces of Ordinance, and came to an anchor, but because we came not presently ashore with our boat, they shot at us, whereupon our Captain sent our boat on shore with our Boatswain, who was very kindly used, when they knew what we were, and the Captain of the watch-house came aboard our ship, & gave our captain a live hog for a present, which he accepted very thankfully, and requited him with other things of 3. times the value.  
And so (as we thought) he rested very well contented.  
Then our purser and myself with a knight of Malta, being a passenger for France, were by our Boatswain and his gang set on shore, together with the Captain of the watch-house, we thinking to go to the Town of Callar, to buy such provision as we wanted: But the Captain took our Purser and the knight of Malta prisoners, and kept them there: So that our Master not knowing how to come by the Purser, weighed anchor and brought the ship up to Callar, 
Calari a port Town in Sardinia.  anwent himself, and made complaint to the Grand Seniors, who presently granted a discharge for them both, and withal promised that the Captain should be punished for so abusing of his place, and so after four days imprisonment the Purser and knight were both set at liberty and came aboard.  
Calarie is a great Town, 
Callari a Town of Sardinia.  where a number of Caviliers do live, and hath some small shipping belonging to it.  
It standeth in the Island of Sardinia, which is a great and fruitful Island of corns and fruit, where we lay some six days, and 5. or 6. days more of and on, about the Island: In which tune we described two small men of war, which we imagined to be some of Captain Wards crew, who at the first chased us, and then we had them in chase, but when they perceived we were not for their turn, they made away, as fast as they could, and so we left them.  
Then it pleased God to send us a wind, that brought us thorough the Levant, and put us out to the mouth of the Straits of Gebraltar, 
The Straight of Gibraltar.  from whence we also had a fair wind that carried us to the height of the Burlans, which is off the Rock going to Lisbon in Portugal, where the wind took us short: So that our Captain thought it best to put into Cast Cales, 
Berelengas.  for beating the ship in the sea, which he did for 23. or 4 days, until it pleased God to send us a fair wind, and so putting to sea again we arrived safe in England at the Town and port of Dover in Kent, 
Dover.  about the latter end of April, 
1611.  1611.  
For which I gave God thanks, and setting my foot on English ground, I thought all my miseries to be at an end.  
For to me, all the Nations and kingdoms, that in this my travels I passed by and saw, both by sea and land, seemed nothing comparable to it.  
But that in respect of them all, it may be called the only Paradise and blessed Country of the world.  
And so desiring God of his mercy to bless every good man from so great miseries as we endured by the follies and oversight of a lewd and indiscreet Master, being both unfit and unworthy to be employed in so great affairs, and for so worshipful and worthy men as were Masters, Owners, and Adventurers therein.  
For, Philip de Grove our Master being a Fleming, and an Arch-villain, who was not only accused, but it was (by the boy with whom he committed the fact) confessed to myself, that he was a detestable buggerer: So that had not God's mercy been the greater, it was a wonder that in regard thereof, and of others being offenders in the like, that ourship had not s●nck in the Ocean.  
Lastly, praying to the Almighty, for the long and prosperous reign of our most Gracious Sovereign, King JAMES, with the health and prosperity of the queens most Excellent Majesty, and all their Royal Issue, As also for the Lords of of his most Honourable Privy Council, and for all the Honourable, Worshipful, and others, the Masters, Owners and Adventurers, of the Company of the East Indian Merchants, their Factors, Friends, and well-willers. I cease, and humbly commit myself and this small Relation of my Travels, to their kind and favourable Censures.  
FINIS.   

Printed at London, for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer. 1612.