A BRIEF DISCOVERY OF DOCTOR ALlens seditious drifts, contrived in a Pamphlet written by him, Concerning the yielding up of the town of Deventer, (in Ouerrissel) unto the king of Spain, by Sir William Stanley. The contents whereof are particularly set down in the page following.  Revelation Cap. 17. ver. 3. And I saw a woman sit upon a skarlet-coloured beast, full of names of blasphemy, which had seiren heads, and ten horns. and ver. 9 The seven heads are seven mountains, whereon the woman sitteth. Matth. Chap. 15. ver. 6. Thus have ye made the commandment of God of no authority by your traditions. and Chap. 23. ver. 13. Woe therefore be unto you Scribes and Pharisees, Hypocrites, because ye shutup the kingdom of heaven before men, for ye yourselves go not in, neither suffer ye them that would enter, to come in. Matth. Chap. 7. ver. 15. Beware of false prophets, which come to you in sheeps clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves. 
LONDON Imprinted by I. W. for Francis Coldock. 1588.   

A summary collection of the particular contents of this discourse.  

FIrst, all the arguments brought by D. Allen in his said pamphlet, for the justification of the delivering up of Deventer, are particularly discussed, and fully answered: & her majesties actions in the relief and defence of the low Countries, against the king of Spain, by D. Allens own arguments and assertions, & by the authorities of his own authors, proved most just and lawful.  
Secondly, his malicious mind and purposes against her Majesty and the state, are openly displayed together with his cunning order, method, & means which he useth to accomplish the same: his sclandrous defamations also of her majesties most honourable and princely actions, and of her Ministers & country, in like sort answered, and retorted: and the Pope's authority to depose princes utterly confuted and overthrown by D. Allens own arguments, and examples of Scripture, which he himself produceth.  
Thirdly, his seditious persuasions to her majesties liege people, are by the defeating of his arguments and examples (cited to that effect) most forcibly encountered: and some gross errors & oversights in policy, escaped him in his panflet, manifestly detected.  
Lastly, the Subjects are by example of the Romanists double and irreligious dealing, dissuaded from the credit of their doctrine and persuasions, and by the due consideration of their own duty, weal, and tranquillity, exhorted to the due obedience of her Majesty, maintenance of their own safety, and defence of their dear Country.    

To the Reader.  
THis pamphlet of Doctor Allens, which hath ministered the occasion of this discovery, is pretended to be written by him in manner of a letter, dated at Rome the 20. of April, 1587. to satisfy the consciences of those English soldiers, which had in januarie before delivered up the City of Deventer unto the King of Spain, and revolted from her Majesty (their liege Sovereign) unto his service, that their action therein was both lawful, honourable, and necessary, and that all others, especially those of the English nation, that detain any Towns or other places in the low countries from the King of Spain, are bound upon pain of damnation to do the like: for occasion whereof, there is also prefixed before it, another very short letter, only of three pages, pretended in like sort to be written to Doctor Allen from Brussels, the 20. day of March next fore past, by an English Gentleman, (whom Doctor Allen termeth honourable, under the name of R. A) 
There is another print of this pamphlet extant (without mention of place) which differeth much and in sunday places, from the copy printed at Deventer. For in that, the gentleman's letter is dated the 20. day of May. 1587. and subscribed with the letters N. R. & D. Allens answer dated the 20. of july following, besides divers other differences in the substance of the pamphlet.  demanding his opinion and resolution touching the aforesaid action. This question and answer being thus compiled in one pamphlet, is supposed to be imprinted at Deventer in the Summer following, of likelihood by the appointment or procurement of Sir William Stanley, as should seem. Which coming by hap unto my hands, and upon diligent perusing thereof, finding nothing in it but mere malice & mischief, no one jot of sound doctrine or substance, answerable to the gravity and learning of such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the author thereof is esteemed to be: I did at the first utterly contemn and reject it, as a thing of no account, thinking it neither wholesome to stir so foul and stinking a puddle, nor glorious to overthrow so slender and superficial a defence. Yet considering better of the most seditious drifts and devilish persuasions cunningly conveyed in the argument of this pamphlet, under the cloak and shadow of Religion, by means of which title it might haply obtain the more credit, if the fraud were not detected, I thought it a thing very necessary, to discover and lay open to the world, the sly & subtle dealings of D. Allen in this pamphlet, together with the most absurd, profane, and impious shifts used by him therein, to th'end that no man might either by simplicity and ignorance, or for affection to him & his faction, or through overmuch credulity of his doctrine, be seduced by his deceitful abuses & impostures, to their own utter ruin & destruction. As for the more apposite and particular answering of this pamphlet from point to point throughout, the chief questions therein being matters of Divinity, not of policy, I leave therefore to the further disquisition of the learned Divines, of whom some perhaps when this pamphlet shall happen to be more public, and come to their hands, will for the quarrels sake, being good & just (though not for the worth or weight of the thing itself) vouchsafe to bestow a little pains in that argument. For mine own part, being neither of that profession, and having also another purpose, it sufficeth me to confute only those arguments, which lie in my way, to hinder the scope of mine intent, which is only in the behalf of our country, to discover his policies, and encounter his persuasions, which tend wholly to the hurt and overthrow of our country. The safety, peace, and prosperity whereof, whosoever respecteth, loveth, and wisheth to continue, as (no doubt) all good, honest, and well affected subjects do; let him with judgement read this small treatise ensuing, and with reason, and conscience weigh the abuses therein discovered, and then I doubt not but he shallbe thereby stirred up, to a better Religion towards God, a more faithful obedience towards her Majesty, and a more natural love of his country.  
G. D.   

A brief discovery of Doctor Allens seditious drifts, contrived in a Pamphlet written by him, Concerning the yielding up of the Town of Deventer (in Ouerissel) unto the King of Spain, by Sir W. Stanley.  
SInon the subtle Greek, (in whose 
Aeneid. lib. 2.  person the learned Poet pourtraieth out the lively pattern of a crafty companion) being caught by the Trojan shepherds, albeit he came of his own accord, and put himself voluntarily in their way to be taken, upon purpose to deceive them with a counterfeit tale, and thereby to betray them into their enemy's hands: yet (the better to colour his intent, and to move the Troyans' to give the more credit to his talk) neither would he utter any thing unto them, but what they by their demands first urged him unto: & having both occasion and encouragement given him to speak, yet (the more cunningly to disguise his principal drift) not without a preamble of many solemn Protestations, he still deferred that to the very last end of his discourse, which was indeed the first and only purposed end of his coming.  
Whose precedent Doctor Allen seeming very rightly to have imitated, as well in the matter, as in the method of this his politic Pamphlet, first because he will have it seem to proceed of an occasion offered, and not of his own voluntary motion, lest his intent therein might be suspected, and 
A trick of D. Allens cunning,, to write a letter to himself in another man's name, demanding his resolution, only to give himself some probability of occasion to enter into the treaty of this argument.  his work thereby discredited, frameth a letter to himself, in the name of two letters of the Alphabet (his supposed honourable friend) whom he feigneth thereby very instantly to demand his opinion, touching the lawfulness of S. W. Stanleys' and Captain York's action, in rendering up the Town of Deventer and Forts of Zutphen unto the Duke of Parma: and thereupon taketh occasion in his answer thereunto, to fall (as it were by the way) into a further matter, whereto in truth the whole purpose of his treaty was from the beginning intended.  
A sorry shift of so cunning a Clerk, in an Ape's skin to cover a Fox, whom even his very tail may bewray. As though men were so simple, or of so slender judgement, as that they could not discern by the style, the letter and answer to be both 
A far further purpose in D. Allens Pamphlet, then that which is pretended by the title.  of one stamp. And, for the chief purpose of this Pamphlet, that it tendeth to a far further end, then to the satisfying of the consciences of S. William Stanley and Capt. York, and other like Roman Catholics, touching the lawfulness of the yielding up of Deventer and Zutphen Forts, if this were not a sufficient argument thereof, that the parties themselves never made conscience or question of the matter, either before the yielding of them, or since, and therefore needed no such resolution as D. Allen will needs entreat himself to offer them, which were and are still as resolute as himself in disobedience: the very plain dealing of D. Allen himself generally throughout the whole Pamphlet, but particularly in the latter and greater half of it, maketh the thing more than manifest, as shallbe laid open unto you more at large, when we come to the particular handling of that point.  
I am sorry that I should have such occasion given me, even in the very first entrance to use a 
An unseemly thing for a man of D. Allens profession or calling, to use shifting and dissimulation.  comparison so odious and unbeseeming the name, profession, and calling of such a man as D. Allen is, or should be, as to liken him to one, in whom the very Prince of Poets employed his best wit and skill, in liveliest colours, to express the true shape and substance of a most subtle and malicious dissembler: for in truth I do naturally and inwardly hate all immodesty, bitterness, and violence of speech, generally in all actions of life and conversation, and especially in these of controversy and confutation, where the truth is to be defended, not our own passions displayed, the adversary with reason convinced, not with railing defaced, his sinister and lewd dealings orderly reproved, not his person in any wise undecently outraged. But 
D. Allens dealings in this Painphlet, both for the manner, matter, and meaning, do in all points most evidently resemble the dealings of Sinon.  if D. Allen have in this Pamphlet both in manner and matter so rightly resembled Sinon, as that he hath not left me the choice of any man to whom I may so rightly resemble him, as to Sinon, it is he himself (and not I) that hath made himself comparable to Sinon. Nay, if it appear further by this Pamphlet, that he hath the very mind, meaning, intent, and counsel of Sinon, by like solemn protestations and subtle persuasions, under colour of Religion to entice you (I mean such as are wholly devoted to his Religion, or have been affected to his doctrine, or can be alured by his enchantments) to prostrate and lay open your Country, by your arms and assistance, to bring in the Spanish and other foreign forces, to the certain ruin, destruction, and overthrow both of yourselves and your Country: I think I may lawfully without just touch of malice or immodesty, be bold to show you his shadow in a glass, that hideth his body from you under a gloss, and by the example of his doings whom this man so lively resembleth, lay before your eyes the very mark, which he so cunningly aimeth at: to the end that being once warned, you may be ever armed against his pernicious practices.  
But I know it will be a matter of great labour and difficulty for me to persuade you that are of D. Allens religion, to see or acknowledge any error, falsehood, or malicious intent in him, because you are already settled in persuasion of his learning, sincerity, and goodness of his cause, and carry the contrary opinion of me, because you esteem me to be of a contrary Religion both to him and yourselves.  
Albeit my purpose is not particularly either to draw him into discredit with you, or to withdraw you from the Religion you profess (though I could be content (nay most willing and desirous) to hazard mine own life in traveling to win you to the true way of eternal life:) but only to lay open his errors and abuses to the world indifferently, that such as have 
Matth. 13. 9  ears to heart, may hear, and such as are not wilfully blind may see, and satisfy themselves accordingly: yet if either by example or persuasions, I may stir you up to the straighter examination of your consciences, and better consideration of the grounds of your religion, together with more advised deliberation, how you give credit to men's counsels, or enter into their confederacies, and consequently into your own destructions, I shall think myself, of all things that ever happened or can happen to me, most happy in this, that it hath pleased God to make me the means of so happy an effect to you. Of whom I will therefore think it no scorn to crave 
A prejudicate opinion ought not to make men so obstinate, as to condemn a thing before they know, or have seen it, & so utterly to reject, reason.  even upon the knees of my heart, only that which you ought yourselves to yield me of your own accord, being a thing no way possibly hurtful, but likely many ways beneficial unto you, that is, that you will only be content for a time to lay aside all affection, partiality, and prejudicate opinion, and to read with indifferency, weigh with advisement, and with uprightness to judge of that little which shall be most faithfully delivered unto you.  
I will not in truth (neither can I if I would) deny myself to be of that religion, wherein I have been bred and brought up even from mine infancy, that is, the true ancient, Catholic, and Apostolic religion professed in the Church of England, which the Romanists do so much impugn, and so earnestly endeavour to supplant. But as I do confess myself most steadfastly to hold that Religion, and therein to stand fully resolved: so do I unfeignedly protest, that since I came to the years of reason and discretion to conceive what Religion was, I never held any opinion obstinately, as one that being in an error should hate to 
Psal. 50.  be reform, but came first to the reading and consideration of those things which it behoved 
How humbly, circumspectly, and uprightly men ought to behave themselves in matters of religion.  a Christian to know, even with a bare and naked mind, void of all foredeeming, and apt to receive any impression, only humble and desirous to be instructed in the truth: and whatsoever I read or heard expounded out of the holy Scriptures, neither did I esteem it by the credit of the person that taught it, but by the authority of the doctrine itself, neither was I led unto any opinion by the voice or opinion of multitude, but by the testimony of mine own conscience consenting thereunto, neither did I attribute the more credit to it, for that it was first taught me, but for that daily instruction and reason confirmed 
Every man ought to examine his own conscience, and sift his religion, and endeavour still to be rightly informed of the truth, not to rely wholly upon the example, authority, or persuasions of other men (especially in matters of controversy) stopping their ears against reason: for every vessel shall stand upon his own bottom.  it unto me: never variable, yet ever willing to yield unto reason and the truth. For I am not of their mind that make Religion as a matter of inheritance, to be taken of their ancestors or their parents, or that think it sufficient to say, I believe as the Queen believes: But I think it the duty of a Christian still to endeavour to inform himself how he ought to serve God, and not to pin his soul on another man's sleeve. Such a reverend regard have I always had, and ever will have of Religion, as a matter of salvation, not as every common action of man's life, as a thing to be measured not by opinion, but by truth, to be chosen not by example, but by judgement, to be holden not for company, but for conscience. If you also have the same measure, choice, and ground of your Religion, as in reason you ought to have: it may happy fall out, that the discovery of the weakness of D. Allens arguments, and of his deceitful and malicious dealing in this his Pamphlet, as it hath confirmed in me the Religion I hold, so it may alter in you the opinion you have hitherto persisted in: and not without great cause, knowing that the naked truth seeketh neither cloak nor corner, nor a simple and good cause, any subtle, or bad conveyance.  
Let not then any prejudicate opinion of my Religion differing from yours, withdraw you from the patiented reading and considering of my simple discourse, no more than the like opinion of D. Allens Religion hath withdrawn me from the diligent perusing and perpending of his subtle pamphlet, a greater learned and far more cunning allurer than myself: especially seeing, that it is no part of my meaning herein, either to impugn your Religion, which is nothing at all fortified by this pamphlet: or to strengthen mine own, which is as little weakened thereby: for those points I leave to Divines, if there be any that think it worth the reading, or answering. For mine own part I find nothing in it, for which I would have cast away so much paper and ink, saving only a cunning conveyance of pernicious drifts, tending to the practice of sedition & mischief, which I thought fit to be displayed and laid open to the world, that the simple and such as give too much credit to his doctrine, might not be therewith deceived, and thereby drawn to their own utter destruction: and on the other side, that such as are of more capacity, and judgement, either better affected in religion, or men indifferent, seeing the monstrous shifts used by such a principal Roman Catholic, as D. Allen is, might thereby take a Caveat, to be the more wary, how they yield themselves to be seduced by such catholics persuasions.  
But let us now come to the examination of this pamphlet, and see what it is that master Doctor undertaketh therein, and how well he performeth his task.  
He pretendeth upon occasion of the former counterfeit letter (which I mentioned to you before) to resolve the consciences of those English men which were the yielders up of Deventer and Zutphen forts to the Duke of Parma, touching the lawfulness of their action: Whereof though he had already by his letters to Sir William Stanley, given his opinion, as he saith, yet he will, for better clearing of the cause, set here down his mind more largely and distinctly.  

BEfore I run into the particulars, I must note unto you a thing in general, which is not to be omitted. I assure you though I be far from the profession of Divinity, yet can I not but blush to see a thing written by way of a Resolution for the satisfying of men's consciences (being a matter of Divinity) a treatise of 60. pages, and not so much in all as half 6. texts of Scripture cited for confirmation of the matter proposed, either directly or indirectly: especially being done by an ancient D. of Divinity, by estimation singularly well read and learned, and the only man of name among all the English Catholics. 
It is a shame for D. Allen (so great a Divine) to handle a matter of salvation or damnation so profanely, using altogether arguments and authorities drawn from philosophers, but none from the holy Scriptures.  What is there to be presumed of it, that so learned a man, so great a Divine, now a Cardinal and chief pillar of the Church of Rome, should undertake to resolve men's consciences in a matter of Christian duty (yea whereon he pretendeth salvation or damnation to depend) only with a Chaos of words, a confusion of arguments, drawn from moral philosophy, the law of Nature, and heathen constitutions, and with definitions, distinctions, and authorities fet from Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, &c: leaving utterly all proofs, arguments, and authorities of holy Scripture, yea scarce so much as alleging one text by way of exhortation? In mine opinion men are in common sense to judge, that either the matter is very bad, and not justifiable by God's word, which yieldeth not sufficient argument or authority (nay none at all) for the defence of it: or that such 
His profane handling, & neglect of Scripture proof, is a great argument either of weakness in his cause, or hypocrisy in himself, or of both.  Divines show themselves to have very little zeal or religion in them, when they measure matters of conscience, salvation, or damnation, by the line of profane Doctrine, and not of the holy Scriptures. Whereupon must necessarily be inferred, that they are either impostors and deceivers, in seeking to persuade men by a show of natural reason (varnished over with a gloss of gay words, and superficial colours of philosophy) that which they are not able to prove by Divinity; or else plain Atheists & Hypocrites, in carrying only the bare name of Religion on their backs, for a cloak to their disguised practices, and neglecting wholly the ground and substance thereof, in their cogitations, doctrine, and persuasions. But the less M. D. hath used the proofs of Scripture and Divinity in this argument, though it be nothing the more for his own commendation, or for the credit of his Doctrine, yet have I the less cause to be displeased with it, considering that he hath thereby made it the fit for so mean a scholar as myself (no Divine at all) to deal with, and the easier for any man to overthrow.  
Albeit my purpose is not (in truth) so much to enter into the particular confutation of his arguments (which are indeed none at all, or not 
D. Allen neither frameth nor followeth any one argument in due form, & orderly, but shuffleth out single propositions at random & confusedly.  worth the standing upon) as to decipher unto you his drifts and policies, which are founded even upon as weak grounds: yet to th'end you may perceive how lose, imperfect, and quite void of force his reasons are, I will not grudge to cast away a little time and labour in repeating, and reducing them to a kind of form, which are so disorderly, confusedly, and dissolutely shuffled out by him.  
The main proposition and ground of his first 
The main proposition and ground of his first argument.  argument is this, That every thing wrongfully obtained, and unjustly detained from the true owners, whether they be by fraud or violence come by, according to all Divine, and human laws, & by the very rule of nature, aught to be restored to them to whom they duly pertain.  
M. Doctor would seem by speech to draw his argument from Divinity, and yet not so entirely from Divinity, but that he can be content with Divine laws, to mingle both human laws, and the rule of Nature: how be it his manner of prosecuting it, together with his authorities which he allegeth, do argue it rather to be derived principally from the rule of Moral justice, which 
Drawn from the rule of moral justice, whose peculiar office is, suum cuique tribuere.  giveth unto every man his own: But let him take his choice from which he will draw it, for all is to one effect, that is, to none effect at all for his purpose, for (to cut off this proposition short) see, I pray you, how sophistically he dealeth. He 
D. Allens sophistry.  setteth first his proposition indefinite: That every thing wrongfully obtained, and unjustly detained, aught to be restored to the true owners, without adding by whom it ought be restored, and concludeth (as he must needs, if he conclude to his purpose) definitely, that is, That it ought to be restored by Sir William Stanley etc. Whereby he maketh his argument consist of four termini (as the Logicians term it) which is a foul fault in logic, 
His argument being laid together, consisteth of 4. termini.  as every wrangling sophister of half a years standing in the University can tell you. Therefore good M. D. set down your proposition certain, and reason ad idem, and then we will yield it to be true: that is, That every thing wrongfully obtained, and unjustly detained, from the true owners ought to be restored to them again, that is, by them that wrongfully obtained, and unjustly detained it: (for there is no man bound to satisfaction, neither by Divine nor human laws, nor by the rule of Nature, but he only that hath done the wrong:) and so will I agree with you, that, whatsoever Sir William Stanley and the rest had wrongfully obtained, and did unjustly detain from the king of Spain, aught to be by them restored unto him again. But you know well enough, and all men know that Deventer, & Zutphen forts were neither obtained, nor detained wrongfully by Sir William Stanley and his complices, but quietly, peaceably, justly and by lawful authority delivered unto them in charge and custody, under her Majesty, by my L. of Leicester her Lieutenant there: and therefore were not they any way bound to the restitution of them (saving only unto those of whom they had received them) being neither obtainers, nor deteiners of them, but only ministers of their Prince's commandment. For howsoever the town and forts were obtained, yet the subject being tied to his Prince by allegiance and oath, and having upon that oath received from his Prince, or her lawful deputy, any place of charge to keep and hold to her use, is not to 
Every private subject is not to examine his princes public actions, be they right, or wrong, but to look to his own peculiar charge, duty, and oath.  inquire into her right, how justly or unjustly she hath gotten or keepeth it, but to look into his own charge and oath, whereof he is bound to give account. Yea suppose the Queen's Majesty had by violence, fraud, or injustice entered upon those places, and so detained them from the k. of Spain: yet the same justice, which giveth unto every man his own, and in such case tieth her to restitution of whatsoever she wrongfully 
Much less may any private subject make himself judge, corrector, and executioner of justice against his Prince, upon his own authority, and at his own pleasure. Offic. lib. 1. D. Allen showeth no authority of Scripture, whereby the Pope's Bull may dispense with this breach▪ of their oath.  witholdeth, yet the same justice (I say) giveth her subjects no such authority over her, as to be judges of her just or unjust dealing, much less to make themselves correctors, or executors of justice against her upon their own judgement, and at their own pleasure. Nay, the same justice, whose foundation, (as your own Author Cicero affirmeth) is Faith, tieth them to the performance of their faith and oath given unto their Prince: which oath how little authority your Pope's Bull hath to dispense withal, as learned men as yourself M. Doctor (without offence of comparison) have already discussed. And therefore let them, whose consciences you undertake to satisfy, examine their consciences better touching the lawfulness of this their action.  
Thus you see M. Doctors subtle Sophistication, and how little his principal Basis, whereon he buildeth his whole argument, serveth his purpose. But, that you may see the weakness of the rest of his consequences, as well as of this foundation, let us for good fellowship grant him this proposition even in such sort as he putteth it (that we may have more of his custom) and suffer him to proceed, that we may see how he will conclude.  
Every thing (saith he) wrongfully obtained, 
His argument.  and unjustly detained from the true owners, whether it be by fraud or violence come by, aught to be restored to them, to whom it duly pertaineth. What inferreth he hereupon?  
But the Town of Deventer & the Forts of Zutphen were both wrongfully obtained, and unjustly detained from the true owner (viz. the King of Spain) being by fraud or violence come by, by the Queen of England.  
Ergo, The Town of Deventer and the Forts of 
Here now appeareth manifestly the fault of his argument, being drawn to a form of Syllogism.  Zutphen ought to be restored (and therefore were lawfully and justly restored) to the King of Spain, by S. W. Stanley and Capt. York, who had the charge and keeping of them for and under the Q. of England.  
Here may you now (by the way) more plainly discern the fault of his argument, whereof I told you before, which he himself hath not so laid together nor reduced into straight form, in his pamphlet, lest the fault should too easily be espied, but to colour his fallacy, hath gone about the bush with a circumstance of words, creeping slily by degrees to the top of his intent, thinking by that means to steal it away undescried, as in truth he might easily from plain simple men, and such as are no scholars, which might well have sufficed his turn, for he seeketh no more: But let a man of any mean judgement mark it, and lay it together, and it is presently discovered. For the argument is evident enough, and cannot be otherwise framed to his purpose, as any man of reason may plainly perceive, and he himself (I am sure) will not deny. Now to examine his Minor, mark, I pray you, of how many parts it consisteth.  

1. First: that the town of Deventer, and Zutphen 
All these three points are contained in his Minor, which he is to prove.  forts were both wrongfully obtained and unjustly detained from the k. of Spain by the Q. of England.  
2. That the k. of Spain is the true owner of them.  
3. That they were by fraud, or violence come by, by the Queen of England.   
All these three several points ought D. Allen to prove, or else he proveth not his argument: & yet of the two latter hath he not spoken a word, more than a bare affirmation: of the first he hath spoken much, and proved just nothing. But because his manner of reasoning is not close and well knit together, but in a declamatory kind, which is fit for his purpose to persuade, though not so forcible in reason to prove, I will endeavour to sever his Logic from his Rhetoric, and gather his arguments apart, that we may see what, and how directly he proveth.  
Whatsoever (saith he) is obtained by unlawful 
His argument for the proof of his Minor.  wars, and so detained, is both wrongfully obtained, and unjustly detained.  
But the Queen of England's wars in the low countries, whereby she obtained Deventer and Zutphen forts, and so detained them, are altogether unlawful.  
Ergo, The town of Deventer & Zutphen forts were both wrongfully obtained, and unjustly detained by the Q. of England (from the true owner, the k. of Spain.)  
For this must also be added to his conclusion, otherwise doth he not fully prove the Minor, of his former argument, which he is to prove: Wherein if a man would stand with him upon every strict point, he might justly say this argument is even as good as the former, for there is 
This argument is even as good as the former.  more in the Conclusion, then is contained in both the Praemisses.  
But let that go, and let us grant him also his Mayor, and come directly to his Minor, viz.  
That the Queen of England's wars in the low 
The Minor of this second argument, which he is to prove.  countries, whereby she obtained Deventer and Zutphen forts, and so detained them, are altogether unlawful.  
What if we should deny, first that the Queen's 
Two points of this Minor to be denied, whereof D. Allen proveth neither.  Majesty held any wars at all in the low countries?  
Secondly, and if she did, yet that she obtained not Deventer by wars?  
D. Allen is able to prove neither of them, and 
The causes why they may both, justly be denied.  we might justly deny both: For no man can say (and say truly) that ever her Majesty took the war upon herself, but only sent some forces for gods cause to relieve the poor distressed countries, craving her assistance. And for Deventer, neither did her Majesty obtain it by wars (for the town did voluntarily of itself receive, nay, they earnestly desired our garrison:) neither did her Majesty obtain it at all, for it was never hers, neither did she ever claim it, or accept it as her own, but only was content at the request of the better sort of the town, for their safety, to put her soldiers into it, to defend it. So is M. 
These two points being denied (as appeareth they may be with good reason) D. Allens argument is utterly avoided, without further answer or proceeding: for he proveth neither.  Doctor's argument clean avoided.  
But I know he will say these are but cavils, for trial whereof, I refer them to the judgement of any man of reason and indifferency, which hath been rightly informed therein: howbeit, because, if I will stand upon them, he is able to go no further, I am therefore content to overpass them and suffer him to proceed.  
I pray you let us see how he proveth The English wars in the low countries (seeing so it pleaseth him to term them wars) to be altogether unlawful.  
His rule whereby he measureth the lawfulness of wars, is fet from Cicero, who saith in his books De Republica, as Isidorus citeth it: The war is just, which is denounced for recompense or revenge of injuries, and annoyance, or for defence against enemies.  
This position being laid, because the Queens Marshal not justify her doings upon any title she hath to the low countries (which is without the compass of his division) he presupposeth that all the world knoweth that she can make no just claim to Holland, Zealand, or any other of those parts which she hath (as he saith) by arms seized on: all 
There was never any such confession heard of, as D, Allen here imposeth upon us, but the contrary is both affirmed, and absolutely maintained at this day.  those provinces being confessed to 〈◊〉 his Catholic Majesties ancient and undoubtful inheritance.  
These matters concerning Princes titles are fit for other men then M. D. & me to decide: therefore I will not take upon me to say any thing touching her majesties right to the low countries, or any part of them, howsoever D. Allen dares affirm them all to be the king of Spain's ancient and undoubtful inheritance, by what authority I know not: but how ancient and undoubted soever he maketh it, I am sure men better acquainted with those causes than he, do not only doubt of the king's title to sundry of the provinces, but are flatly resolved the contrary. But it is beside my purpose, and therefore I leave it. Now let us see how he proveth the English wars (as he termeth them) in the low countries to be neither for recompense or revenge of injuries and annoyance, nor for defence against enemies, & therefore not just, according 
D. Allens assertion to prove the English wars in the low countries not to be for defence against enemies.  to this former position out of Cicero.  
The defence (saith he) of the king's rebels against their most just Lord & Sovereign is no lawful nor honourable quarrel of war; neither have the said Traitors and rebels any authority to yield up their sovereign's towns, and ports into his enemies hands, or themselves to the English protection or subjection. All this is but a bare affirmation, which being 
All D. Allens proofs depend upon th'authority of his own word: for he doth but barely affirm what it pleaseth him, without adding any reason to confirm his assertions.  denied, his argument is at an end, for he proveth no one part of it. Besides it is a 
1 Besides, in this assertion he doth petere principium, assume that which is all the matter in question.  plain petitio principij, which is a gross error in Logic, whe●…e groundeth his argument upon that which is itself in question. For he presumeth the people of all the low countries to be the k. of Spain's rebels, & him their most just Lord and Sovereign: which is the whole matter in controversy. So you see this argument is clean cut off by the root.  

2 The English wars in the low countries justified by several reasons drawn from D. Allen himself.  And since he hath nothing disproved her majesties dealings in this point by the reason he hath brought, give me leave now to justify them by an argument or two drawn from himself.  

3 Pag. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46.  In the latter part of this pamphlet, where he goeth about to persuade her majesties subjects to revolt from her, he doubteth not to affirm, that it is lawful for the subjects for religions sake not only to revolt from their sovereign, and to deliver up his cities & countries into other men's hands, but also to bear arms against him, being in such case clearly discharged from all bond of oath and fidelity to him.  
Whereupon I infer, first, that those of the 
The first argument drawn from D. Allen.  low countries, though they were (as he supposeth) the lawful subjects of the k. of Spain, yet might they for Religion (if there were no other cause) lawfully revolt from the k. and yield up his cities, and countries to the Queen's Majesty, or any other.  
Secondly, that if it be lawful for the subject, for religion to bear arms against his sovereign: then is it much more lawful for an absolute Prince, for Religion also to yield succours to her distressed neighbours, against a Stranger. The argument followeth very well, à fortiori.  
I am content M. Doctor to use your own arguments against yourself, albeit I do neither allow of them, nor think them in truth to be sound; yet since you thought it no injury to us, to make unlawful weapons for your own advantage against us, you must think it no injury to yourself to be beaten with your own rod.  
Yet must I be so bold as to borrow another argument from you, for the justifying of her majesties dealings in the low countries to be lawful by your own rule, as being for defence against enemies.  
In your invective against our unjust dealings, 
Pag. 23. Another argument drawn from D. Allens own words, to justify the English wars in any sort against the K. of Spain, as being for defence against enemies.  you say, that we think it cause of war good enough to hinder our neighbour's greatness, and to disturb other men's quietness, to procure our own peace and safety. Let us see what English is to be picked out of this. Why should we seek to hinder our neighbour's greatness? are we any thing the less, by his being greater? no: unless he make himself greater, by making us less: what need we then to fear his greatness? Belike it is to be feared, that, if he be greater, he will make us less. What need I, nodum in in scirpo quaerere? what need I so to hunt out the cause why we should seek to hinder his greatness, when D. Allen himself hath set it down in plain terms, to procure our own peace, and safety? Whereby he giveth us a good caveat to provide for both, giving us to understand, that if 
D. Allen giveth us to understand, that if the K. of Spain were once quietly possessed of the low Countries, we were not likely long to enjoy either peace or safety.  the King of Spain should once grow great, as D. Allen thinketh he should in deed, if he were once quietly possessed of the Low Countries, than should not we long enjoy either peace, or safety. Which in truth hath been upon good cause long suspected by us, but may now better be believed, when D. Allen (though I think in truth unadvisedly, and against his will) doth so plainly assure us of it.  
Now where he saith, that We think it cause of war good enough to hinder our neighbour's greatness, and to disturb other men's quietness, to procure our own peace & safety, Let us see whether no man else thinketh so, besides ourselves. What say you if his own Author Cicero think so as well as we?  
Suscipienda quidem bella sunt (saith he) ob eam 
Lib. 1. de office.  causam, ut sine iniuria in pace vivatur▪ Wars are to be taken in hand, that is, may & must be taken in hand for that cause, & to that intent, that men may live in peace without injury, that is all one as if he should say, in peace and safety. Whereupon I frame my argument thus:  
Those wars which are taken in hand, to the 
The Argument gathered into a Syllogism.  end that the undertakers thereof may live in peace and safety, are taken in hand upon just cause, & consequently lawful.  
But our wars against the K. of Spain (if we hold any wars against him) are taken in hand, to the end that we may live in peace and safety.  
Ergo, Our wars against the King of Spain are taken in hand upon just cause, & consequently lawful.  
The Mayor I take out of Cicero: the Minor out of D. Allens own words: the Argument cannot be denied, for it is a good and true Syllogism, and the consequence necessary. Whereby you may evidently perceive, that not only our wars in the low countries, but those also by Sea, which D. Allen so defameth (if we did maintain any such wars) or any other wars which we should undertake against the K. of Spain, are both just and lawful, even by his own allowance, being for our own defence, and the procurement of our own peace and safety.  
Further, because D. Allen shall have no show of 
Another Argument drawn from D. Allen himself also, to prove the King of Spain our enemy.  reason left him, whereby he may cavil upon the word, saying that we cannot justify our wars to be for defence against enemies, the K. of Spain being (as he termeth him) our neighbour, ally, and confederate: albeit it is a thing not needful to be proved, nor doth any way concern my argument, (which is most strong & infallible without it) neither will I take upon me of myself to affirm the K. of Spain to be our enemy, or touch him in any wise with breach of his league & confederacy with us; yet to stop M. Allens mouth with his own words, that he may (I say) have nothing to cavil upon, I will only set himself to answer himself in this behalf.  
The defence (saith he) of the king's rebels against their most just Lord, & Sovereign, is no lawful, nor honourable quarrel of wars: neither have the said traitors and rebels any authority to yield up their Sovereign's Towns and Ports into his enemy's hands, or themselves to the English protection, or subjection.  
Here D. Allen termeth us the K. of Spain's enemies, 
The Argument a Relativis.  and if we be his enemies (as D. Allen affirmeth) then must he necessarily be our enemy in like sort, for it is a word of Relation, which being rightly pronounced of the one, must also necessarily be pronounced of the other. For a Prince can not be said to be the confederate of him that is his enemy: but they must be both as the one is, either both Socij, or both hosts, both Confederates, or both enemies. This a very mean scholar, nay every man of any reason or common sense may perceive to be true. And I do not doubt but D. Allen himself, when he termed us the K. of Spain's enemies, knew him well enough to be our enemy.  
Thus you see not only that D. Allen hath failed in the proof of the one part of his division, that is: That our wars are not for defence against enemies, and therefore unlawful: but also that we have proved the contrary against him, both according to his own division, that is: That our wars are for defence against enemies, & therefore lawful: & also by other reasons of our own, that is: That our wars are for the procurement of our own peace and safety, and therefore most just, and lawful. Wherein our proofs & arguments (though they be strong enough of themselves against any man) yet are they strongest against him of all men, being drawn even from his own Allegations, reasons, and assertions: and therefore the more to be credited.  
Now come we to the other part, and let us see 
The other part which D. Allen is to prove, of his division drawn from Cicero. D. Allens assertion, that the King of Spain hath done unto her Majesty no injury. etc.  how he proveth The English wars in the low Countries not to be moved for revenge of injuries or annoyance.  
The King's Majesty (saith he) hath done to the Queen or her Realm no such injuries, for redress or revenge whereof she should by hostility enter into his Dominions, and surprise his Towns and Castles, and bring his people into her subjection.  
This is a point wherein I am loath to meddle in uttering what I think, or have heard, yea scarcely would I touch that which is commonly bruited abroad in the mouths of all men, considering that the matter concerneth Princes, & is not fit for private men to deal in: therefore would I rather refer the judgement thereof to every man's own particular knowledge, opinion, & conscience. Yet because it is a part of D. Allens argument, which he must not so clearly carry away, lest it should seem to be yielded unto him, as true: I will crave pardon and leave, only to remember some particulars either known, or commonly believed and reported.  
And first I know men of judgement think it no great kindness in a Prince to harbour (much less to entertain & maintain) within his Dominions the fugitive Rebels or Traitors of another Prince, his confederate, understanding how undutifully (nay how lewdly and impiously) they have dealt with their natural Sovereign. But these (you will say) are but actions of unkindness, not such heinous injuries. Well: I would they were less, offences I am sure they are at the least, & such as fall within one of the kinds of Injustice and Injury. For greater, it is not fit for me to speak of.  

a A touch only of some parts offered the Q. Majesty by the K. of Spain, which may well be deemed Injuries, yea in the highest degree.  Yet I doubt not but D. Allen himself (whatsoever he saith here) and a great number of Romish Catholics more besides him, know somewhat touching the Invasion made by the K. of Spain's subjects in 
b The Invasion in Ireland, Anno. 1580.  Ireland, in the year 1580. & of the practices of his Ambassador 
c The practices of Mendoza, his Ambassador here, with our English Traitors.  Mendoza since that time, and of others her majesties most unnatural, subjects shall I say? nay most bloody, abominable, & butcherly minded traitors, both before & since. The very bowels and secrets whereof although they have been happily kept from our knowledge, (I mean from the knowledge of the meaner sort:) yet their own confessions have discovered more than is meet for me to rehearse: and so much as hath bred a general opinion & rumour yea even in the very common people of England, that the K. of Spain hath been not only privy to them, but a principal Author & Actor in them all. I will not speak of the secret practices conspired for the deposing of her Majesty, and advancing 
The practices for the deposing of her Majesty, and advancing of the Q. of Scots to the crown.  of the Q. of Scots to the crown of England: which whether, or how justly they may touch the K. of Spain, it is no part of my duty to deal with. I am sorry to have had occasion to say so much, in a thing so little appertaining to me: but I am the more to be pardoned, in that the argument hath enforced me thereunto, & in that I have mentioned nothing more than is known & common to the multitude, and I could not have said less, unless I should have said nothing at al. But I hope this that hath been said, 
For this point I appeal to the conscience and knowledge of the Papists themselves which know any thing.  may be sufficient to S. W. Stanley, Capt. York, & to all the English Romanists, to whom D. Allen doth especially direct his Pamphlet. For I know there is not any of that sort of any account, but is so well acquainted with the privities of these actions, as that he can pick out of these enough to assure him, that D. Allen hath but dissembled with them in this point. Which being so, they must also know & confess, and all men else may plainly perceive, that this other part of his division serveth not his turn, no more than the former, to prove her majesties dealings in the low Countries unlawful, being grounded upon a false supposition, that is, That the K. of Spain hath done unto her Majesty no such injury, whereof she should seek revenge. 
All D. Allens arguments end in single affirmations, which also are neither confirmed with any authority, or reason by him, nor carry any truth, or probability in themselves.   
Thus have you heard his argument brought to an end, for here he resteth even in simple affirmations, which I hope have been sufficiently convicted both by substantial reasons and instances: so that there remaineth not now any thing to be further answered, his whole argument and every part thereof, being confuted in order from the first proposition to the last. And, besides this which you have heard, hath he not any argument in his whole Pamphlet, either to justify the rendering of Deventer and Zutphen Forts, or to disprove her majesties doings against the K. of Spain any way; which I have here both by the authorities of his own Authors, and by reasons derived even from himself, most evidently declared to be justifiable every way, if they were greater than they are: which I could with further & more infallible reasons also confirm, if it were requisite, or appertaining to my purpose.  
But I must now bestow a word or two in noting unto you some errors or oversights (at the 
Some gross errors or oversights, escaped D. Allen, in the handling of this argument.  least) escaped from D. Allen, even in the very entry almost of his argument: where in the circumstance he useth, to induce a probability and credit of his first proposition, he setteth down a general Thesis' flat contrary to that which he goeth about to prove. For after many speeches touching the necessity of Restitution, how things wrongfully gotten and detained, aught to be restored, in the end he concludeth with these very words: Yet whatsoever is done against 
A general Thesis pronounced by himself, flatly condemning the action which he laboureth so much to justify, and commend.  military discipline and justice, is sin and punishable by God's laws. What can there be said more directly against the action of S. W. Stanley, and the rest? For there is none of them, nor any soldier else of any knowledge or experience, but knoweth, that to yield a Town, Fort, or hold, wherewith a man is put in trust, to the enemy (yea besieging it) so long as there is within it sufficient strength and means to defend it, yea though it were not defensible, yet to yield it before due summons, is death by the law of Arms: much more to render a Town freely, without either force or demand; or rather corruptly and traitorously to sell it for money: but the law of Arms doth not punish any fact with death, which is not done against the 
The rendering of Deventer proved by D. Allens own position, to be sin, and punishable by God's laws.  same law and discipline: therefore it must needs follow that the rendering up of Deventer and Zutphen Forts is against military discipline, and consequently (by D. Allens own position) sin, and punishable by God's laws. What a resolution call you this for the satisfying of men's consciences touching the lawfulness of their action, to lead them about with a circumstance of other meaning, and in conclusion to tell them in plain terms, that that which they have done is sin, & punishable by God's laws?  
Yet are there two other errors, though not so evident, 
Two other oversights, (or rather gross absurdities) more sentence.  yet as worthy the noting, even in the next sentence immediately going before: where, after, he hath taught, that restitution is to be made of all things unjustly taken & withholden, upon pain of damnation, he addeth these words: And this I say even in lawful wars, or such as to the common people may be upon their Prince's credit so deemed. Where though they may offend th'enemy in life, goods, liberty, & otherwise: etc.  
Wherein first he maketh no difference between 
The first of the two oversights.  lawful wars, & unlawful wars, which may upon their Prince's credit be by the common people deemed lawful: as though things were just or unjust either upon the Prince's credit, or according to the people's opinion of them, not of their own nature, and according to the grounds and causes of them. By this reason there should no wars be unlawful: for there is no war undertaken, but that both the Prince which moveth it, is able, and doth pretend some reason (or colour of reason) to make it seem just, and the common people also, by the Prince's declaration and persuasions, may easily be induced to esteem it to be lawful. Wherein by the way I must note some simplicity, or great dissimulation in D. Allen, which would admit the lawfulness, or unlawfulness of wars, to be measured by the opinion of the common people, who (God wots) are furthest from the knowledge of State matters, and the secret dealings which pass between Princes, and from the consideration of the injuries and occasions of war, and therefore the unmeetest of all men to be judges of the lawfulness thereof.  
But howsoever it be deemed lawful, whether by the common people, or by the better and wiser sort, and such as are most privy to the secrets of the State, upon the Prince's credit, or otherwise, if it be in truth unjust; neither can the 
No comparison between things simply just, and things only deemed just.  war itself be in any sort equalled with that war, which is indeed lawful, neither can th'executions thereof be allowed and justified as th'executions of a lawful war. For the one is simply just, and th'other simply unjust. And howsoever the subject presuming a thing to be just upon the Prince's credit, persuadeth himself that he doth no injustice, because he knoweth not that which he doth, to be unjust: yet is his action in itself never the less unjust: for, ignorantia non excusat peccatum.  
You see what a foul error in Divinity this is; yet is there as bad even in the next words following: 
The second absurdity.  viz. where though they may offend th'enemy in life, goods, liberty, etc.  
Having showed before that restitution ought to be made of all things unjustly gotten and detained, upon pain of damnation, and that even in lawful wars, or such as to the common people may upon the Prince's credit be so deemed, he now maketh it lawful notwithstanding, even in the same wars, to offend th'enemy in life, goods, and liberty. As though it were not as great an offence, unjustly to take away 
uno absurdo dato, infinita consequuntur.  a man's goods, as to withhold them: or not a greater offence to take away life or liberty, then to take away goods: Nay, as though to take away both goods, liberty, and life, were no offence at all (for he maketh them all lawful) where, in the same case, to withhold the same goods, is an offence damnable. What gross absurdities are these, and how contrary to all Divinity, human reason, and laws politic, yea even unto themselves? For what can be more contrary to itself, than first to say that restitution of things wrongfully obtained and unjustly detained, is to be made, under pain of mortal sin and damnation (wherein is plainly implied by himself that both wrongful obtaining, and unjust detaining, 
D. Allen first maketh both wrongful obtaining and detaining of goods, sins mortal and damnable, & afterward maketh the obtaining lawful, and the detaining damnable.  is mortal & damnable sin,) & now after to say that the obtaining is lawful, and the detaining damnable? A thing being justly & lawfully gotten, how can the possession of it be unjust & unlawful?  
For better distinction of the actions, let us suppose them to be in distinct and several persons. Is not he that robbeth a man, and taketh away his goods, in as great fault, both by Divine and human laws, as he that receiveth and possesseth 
The wrongful taking away of goods as as great, or rather a greater sin, than the wrongful withholding of the same goods.  them? Nay rather in greater: for we account him principal, the other but accessary: and by great reason. For if the goods had not been first wrongfully taken, they could never have been wrongfully detained. So the unjust taking was the thing that made the detaining unjust: & (even by the rules of Philosophy) Quicquid efficit tale, id ipsum est magis tale.  
Now if the taking away of goods be a greater offence, or but as great, as the detaining of them, what is then the taking away of liberty, yea of life? Undoubtedly, unless we will hold with Illyricus the opinion of the Stoics, omnia peccata esse aequalia, which opinion the holy church hath condemned, and Illyricus himself for an heretic 
The wrongful taking away of liberty, and life, a greater sin than the wrongful taking away of goods only.  in holding it, we must needs confess the offence to be far greater, as the things themselves which are taken away, are of greater account, and dearer unto men. Being then a greater offence in reason, laws politic, and especially in Divinity, to take away life, goods, and liberty, 
Ergo the wrongful taking away both of goods, liberty and life (all which D. Allen maketh no sin, but a thing lawful) are far greater sins, than the wrongful detaining of goods only, which D. Allen pronounceth to be a sin mortal and damnable, even in the same case.  then to detain only goods so taken, it must needs appear to be a great error for a man to affirm, that the wrongful detaining of goods (which is the less sin) is a mortal and damnable sin, and the wrongful taking away both of goods, liberty, and life (which is proved to be the far greater sin) even in the same case, is no sin at all, but a thing lawful.  
What man then, that is of any judgement, reason, or sense, will give credit to his doctrine, or think him to be an honestman, 
* Note the honest and Sincere dealing of D. Allen.  which having expressly taught, that the greater sin is no sin at all, goeth about to persuade him that the less sin is a sin mortal and damnable, and thereupon groundeth his whole argument? It is an old rule for such as will practise the trade of lying, that Mendacem oportet esse memorem, A liar must have a good memory, lest he be entrapped in his own tale: but it seemeth D. Allen presumed so much upon his continual exercise in the art, and thought himself so much his crasies master, as that he never minded the precept made for Scholars. But so it fareth ever with a bad cause, which have it never so stout a patron and 
A bad cause betrayeth itself.  defender, yet will it by one means or other betray itself: such is the force of the naked, simple, and undisguised truth, which confoundeth falsehood, 
1. Esdr. 4. 41.  even in her own colours. For, Magna est veritas, & praevalet: Great is the truth, and prevaileth: yea it breaketh out unwares, even out of the mouths of those that labour most to obscure and suppress it, that God (the author of Truth, yea the very truth itself) may be glorified even by his enemies.  
divers other things could I note unto you out of this pamphlet, even as gross, and absurd, and as directly against D. Allens purpose, as any thing may be: But it were vain to spend time in the further confuting of that, which is scarce worth the looking on: and beside, it is not my special purpose, as I told you before, neither would I have said so much concerning this part of his pamphlet, but only to th'intent to make my way plainer to the rest, by laying first even with the ground this dead rotten hedgerow of his disordered, dissolute, and scattered argument: wherein you see not only every part thereof, in order (as well as it might be gathered & put together) clean dissolved, answered, & confuted, with substantial reasons & authorities produced thereupon at large, so far forth as the matter required; but also sundry oversights & errors (committed in the handling thereof) so manifestly discovered, and retorted upon him, as most effectual against himself: In somuch as I do not a little marvel how he durst adventure to write so slender & superficial a thing unto them, & so patched together & stuffed up with so many & so apparent contrarieties, & falsehoods, unless he either presumed of their ignorance (which is the virtue that he, & the cunning clerks, & learned sort of his sect, do somuch commend 
D. Allen presumeth either upon the ignorance of them to whom he writeth, that they are not able to discern his abuses: or else upon their credulity, that they account all Gospel that he speaketh: otherwise would he be more wary how he published such evident absurdities, and falsehoods.  unto their scholars, as the mother of Devotion) or else assured himself of as much credit & authority with them, as Pythagoras had with his followers, that would believe whatsoever he said, without any reason or further inquiry of the matter, & thought it a sufficient cause to allege also unto others, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he said so. If D. Allen have brought his Catholics so much to the bent of his bow, he may be bold to tell them that the soul which was in the cobblers cock, after many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is crept at the length into his body.  
But in matters of conscience, salvation, or damnation (as he saith these are) let such as have a conscience, look to their consciences, & not hazard their salvation, or damnation upon his word, but lean unto reason & seek to inform themselves rightly of the truth. For if it be true (as it is most true) that Christ saith, If the blind lead the 
Math. 15. 14.  blind, they fall both into the pit, which he meaneth of those that are blind indeed of ignorance; much more shall it be true, being meant of them that are wilfully blind, of obstinacy, and desire not to see, that both the leader, & the follower shall fall into the bottomless pit of everlasting destruction.   

BBut let us now come to the very point and 
Now to the very purpose of D. Allens pamphlet.  purpose, whereunto this cunning pamphlet of D. Allens appeareth wholly to tend: for he were very simple & of a shallow reach, that would think that D. Allen had not a further meaning herein, then to satisfy the consciences of Sir William Stanley and his complices, touching the lawfulness of their giving up of Deventer, especially when he had before (as he saith himself) delivered his opinion by his letters to Sir W. Stanley thereupon, (and therefore needed the less to go about to resolve them again, which were never unresolved in that point:) & beside, even in this pamphlet which he pretendeth to write only for their resolution, spendeth least part of his time, 
D. Allen spendeth the least part of his labour in the justification of the action which he pretendeth to be the occasion of his pamphlet: & beside leaveth it in the end more indefensible then in the beginning.  labour, or cunning in that argument, neither justifieth their action in any sort, but only with bare words void of weight or substance (as hath been sufficiently showed) but rather by his own reasons disalloweth & reproveth it, & leaveth it in the midst more doubtful & indefensible then before: leaping into an other argument invective against her Majesty; her doings, of her excommunication, & deposition by the Pope, & from thence to a persuasion of her liege people to revolt from their obedience and allegiance unto her. Whereby he plainly bewrayeth (even more clear and manifest then the light of the Sun) to all men of any mean understanding, yea to him that hath but half an eye, that his very direct end and purpose was wholly to prepare 
What his direct purpose is.  the minds of the Romish Recusants (such as are apt hearers, & ready followers of his doctrine) for the furtherance and assistance of all seditious practices, that may be moved and attempted against her Majesty by the malicious Associates of that wicked confederacy, and especially of the most injurious invasion, long since conspired, and complotted, and now presently provided to be put in execution against her Majesty and her Realm, by the K. of Spain, the Pope, and their Adherents. And to this purpose wholly was this Pamphlet of D. Allens intended, and the other Theme (touching the rendering of Deventer) entertained only for an introduction thereunto. Wherein 
Whether D. Allen have had any wrong offered him in resembling him to Sinon, let all men judge.  whether he have had any wrong offered him in resembling him to Sinon, whom he hath so truly represented herein, I refer to the judgement of the Romish Catholics themselves, that hold him in greatest reverence. Who, how soever they are affected towards him for Religion's sake, yet if there be any spark of true honour, English valour, or love of their Country in them (as I trust and assure myself there is) I doubt not but looking into, and well foreseeing the end of his purposes, they will utterly abhor his unnatural practices.  
But mark I pray you the order he observeth 
The order which D Allen observeth to attain unto his purpose.  to attain unto his intent.  
First to draw her Majesty into discredit and disliking with all men, and consequently with her subjects, whereby they may be the more easily incited against her: he defameth all her most noble, 
First, he defameth her majesties most noble and Princely actions.  princely, and Religious actions, undertaken for the relief of her poor oppressed neighbours, by the name of public robberies, and sacrilegious wars against God and his Church.  
Secondly, to give them some encouragement 
Secondly, he giveth the Subject a warrant to disobey and revolt from her Majesty.  and warrant (as it were) whereby they may be the bolder to disobey, and to renounce their due allegiance and service unto her Majesty: he teacheth them that since her Excommunication and Deposition by the Pope, she hath no just title or interest unto her Crown and Kingdom, nor any power or authority over them, to command them, but that they are ever since that time, freely discharged from all duty and allegiance unto her Majesty: nay further, that no act done by her authority, since the publication of that Excommunication & Deposition, hath been, or can be lawful by the law of God, or man: and therefore that no man may lawfully serve her in any action, be it otherwise never so just.  
Whereupon he runneth into an earnest persuasion 
Thirdly, He persuadeth them flatly to disobedience, and plain rebellion.  of revolt, to withdraw her Subjects from her service, and exhort them to the service of the Romish Catholic party, and her enemies.  
What blasphemous slanders, prodigious affirmations, impudent lies, and devilish persuasions are these? and how far unbeseeming the name, profession and calling of a Divine? But what is there so honest and godly, that D. Allen will not defame? what so false and incredible, that he will not affirm? what so wicked and abominable, that he will not persuade? It had been far fit 
The names and doings of Princes, are not to be called in question by such companions.  for D. Allen to have dealt with his Portis, and let alone the names and doings of Princes. If he had been as busy in his book, and as careful of those things which belong to his vocation, he might have sought out more Divinity to satisfy the Consciences of his Catholic Soldiers, and with more credit (or probability at the least) defended their action, than he hath done.  
And as unfit as it was for him, to call in question the names and doings of Princes, so unmeet were it for me, and repugnant to all good discretion, to presume to enter into their defence, of whose actions I am neither able, nor worthy to speak, sufficiently for their worthiness: whose sacred Majesty and authority derived from the high Governor of the world, is as the brightness of the Sun shining in his greatest perfection, not to be gazed on by our dazzled eyes, & aught to be a shield of protection to all their doings, against the curious scanning, and venomous detraction of malicious monsters. Wherefore I will not dare to meddle, so much as with the mention of their names 
Princes represent the power and Majesty of God on earth.  or actions, whom God hath ordained to represent his own power, and authority over us here on earth, without former craving of pardon with all humility, that I may be licensed only to examine the truth, (nay the detestable falsehood) of these most injurious calumniations. Whereof also, that I may not seem to make a question of that which is past all question, & not to be brought into question by such companions, I will be as spare of speech, and use as much brevity, as the cause and case will permit.  
Now than I pray you M. Allen (for to you will I now address my speech, to you, which are the defamer of virtue itself, and the detractor of all godliness) what public robberies are those you object unto us (for her majesties name is not fit to be defiled by your impure lips)? what sacrilegious wars against God and his Church? If you mean the defence or relief of the low Countries, which is the only thing that galleth you, in respect of the K. of Spain your chief Patron, and the only matter that ministered you the argument 
Her majesties dealings in the low countries already justified by D. Allens own arguments.  of this your pamphlet, her majesties dealings in that cause (which it pleaseth you to term wars) have been sufficiently justified already against your objections, in this former discourse, as well by the overthrow of your arguments, as also by better and more forcible arguments brought against you, drawn even from your own Authors, nay from your own manifest affirmations. Therefore have you small cause, and less reason to run on, upon a headlong conclusion of your own false assumptions, to defame those actions, which you could not disprove, nay which your own assertions have proved most lawful. This only should be sufficient to stop your mouth, though there were nothing more to be said in that behalf.  
But because I think it more expedient to satisfy other men (such as will with reason be satisfied) then necessary to answer your slanders, I will not stand wholly upon those advantages. Wherefore if any man doubt either of the reason, intent, or justice 
The declaration of the causes that moved her Majesty to relieve the distressed people of the low Countries: published, Anno. 1585.  of that action; first, for the former points I refer him to the declaration published by authority, at the time when her Majesty first sent her forces over into the low Countries, Anno. 1585. wherein are declared the causes that moved her Majesty to give aid and succour unto those afflicted Countries, so fully and plainly, as I doubt not but may satisfy any reasonable man, touching her reason, and intent therein.  
As for the justice and lawfulness of the action, albeit the reason and intent thereof being before declared, and allowed, must needs make the action also justifiable, unto such as shall allow of the causes, yet because D. Allen shall not run clear away with an opinion of his conceit, I 
Her majesties actions in the low Countries by further reasons proved lawful. Offic. lib. 1.  will think it no great labour to justify also the action, by arguments drawn from his own authors.  
Iniustitiae duo sunt genera, (saith Cicero): unum eorum qui inferunt: alterum eorum, qui ab ijs, quibus infertur, si possint, non propulsant iniuriam. There are two kinds of injustice: the one, in them that do wrong, themselves: the other in them that do 
It is one of the kinds of Injury, or Injustice, not to defend the injuried.  not rescue and defend other men, from the injuries offered them, if they be able.  
Now of these two kinds of Injustice, the one was exercised by the K. of Spain upon the people of the low Countries (as they say themselves, for I, for my part, will not imitate the example of D. Allen in charging Princes with Injustice): whereupon the said people craving her majesties aid and assistance, the other kind (saith Cicero) should have been offered them by her, if she should have denied them her help and succours, to defend them 
Ibidem.  from injury. Qui autem non defendit (saith he) nec obsistit, si potest, iniuriae, tàm est in vitio, quàm si parents, aut patriam, aut socios deserat. But he that doth not defend, nor withstand, if he can, the wrong done to others, is as much in fault, as if he should forsake his parents, Country, or friends: which is the most unnatural injustice.  
Now if it be a principal point of Injustice for a man not to defend and secure them that are injuried, if he be able, and so far forth as he is able to do it: than it followeth a contrarijs, 
A principal part of justice, to defend the injuried.  that it is a principal part of justice, to assist and defend them that are wronged. By which argument her majesties most gracious and Princely action, in yielding aid and defence unto the poor oppressed people of the low Countries, is effectually proved to be most just, lawful, and honourable, and he a liar, a slanderer, and an abuser of men, that hath wickedly sought to dishonour it.  
I will not (though well and justly I might) justify the action upon Religion, (as being for the defence of the true Catholic and Apostolic Religion, which we profess) because I will not run into the same fault, which I reprehend in him, that is, Petere principium, to ground mine argument upon that which is in question between him and me: no more than I will allow him to impeach it upon the authority of his former assumption, That all the Provinces (of the low Countries) are confessed to be his Catholic Majesties ancient and undoubtful inheritance: which is in question of arms even at this day, and therefore not necessary to be disproved by me: neither might I do it, unless I would offend in the same fault, which I also reprove in D. Allen, that is, in dealing with Prince's titles, which is no part of his duty and mine. 
How falsely D. Allen chargeth her Majesty with entering by hostility into the K. of Spain's Dominions, etc.   
Now how unjustly and falsely he chargeth her Majesty with entering by hostility into the King of Spain's Dominions, surprising his Towns and Castles, and bringing his people into her subjection: let all men judge, that have in them either reason, discretion, or indifferency.  
First, it is (as hath been already said) a thing in question & controversy, whether those parts of the low countries, where her majesties forces have been, be the K. of Spain's Dominions, or no: and if they be not, then is this a most evident and manifest slander, even before the face of the whole world.  
But suppose them to be the K. of Spain's Dominions, as he presumeth; yet is it not unknown to any private mean man in this Realm, that knoweth any thing of the affairs of those Countries, that her Majesty hath been offered, yea, with humble and earnest suit of the people of those parts, entreated, to take both them and their Countries into her absolute protection, rule and government, which, though there 
Her Majesty being offered and entreated to take the low Countries into her absolute government, hath refused them.  were no great doubt, but that she might lawfully have done, yet hath her Majesty ever hitherto utterly refused them: which she needed not, neither by all likelihood would have done, if she had had any such great thirst after those Towns, Castles, Countries or people's Dominion.  
No, her Majesty is content with her own 
Her Majesty content with her own kingdom. Her just and merciful government.  kingdom, and governeth her subjects by lawful authority, with justice and Clemency, not by tyranny, with rigour, and oppression: neither seeketh she, either by the Pope's pretended authority and assistance to depose, or by violent arms to deprive, other Princes of their kingdoms. She cleaveth not to the Pope, to make his supreme power a warrant for her will, though she might have many advantages and privileges thereby, to take & leave 
It is a great benefit for him that seeketh worldly pleasure or profit, to be friends with the Pope, who by his special prerogative can dispense with any sin, be it never so abominable and make all things lawful that he lusteth, howsoever God forbidden them.  what, where, when, & how she liketh, to confound all laws, both of God and man, and to make all lawful that she lusteth: but she hath care of her ownesoule, and conscience, and of the charge committed unto her by him, to whom only she is to give account thereof: she respecteth not her own profit or pleasure, but the purity and sincerity of religion, and the true worship of God: & therefore she rejecteth all friendship, favour, and countenance of the Pope. She thinketh not kingdoms to be rightly theirs that can catch them, nor practiseth by machiavellian shifts (as you term them) to dispossess Princes of their lives, to the intent to possess herself of their kingdoms. 
For this which D. Allen objecteth to us, let him look to his own party.  She thrusteth not her neighbours out of their rightful inheritance, to enlarge her own dominions, but diminisheth her own forces, to secure and relieve her distressed neighbours. And shall these her most virtuous, godly, and religious actions be defamed by a most vicious, ungodly, and malicious detractor?  
But the Palm tree, which resembleth virtue, the more it is burdened, the more it riseth again, and the pure gold the more it is rubbed, the more it glistereth; and her virtuous, pure, and 
D. Allens tongue is no slander.  golden deeds, the more they are blasphemed by such an one, whose tongue (as they say) is no slander, but his reproach rather a credit, the brighter shall they shine in glory to the everlasting memory of her unspotted renown.  
And since I am in hand with D. Allens malicious and slanderous inveighing against her Majesty, and her ministers, I may not by the way omit this proper quip given my L of Leicester (wherein he seemeth wonderfully to have pleased his own quaint conceit) by offering a comparison between the D. of Parma's glorious exploits, and his Lordship's famous 
D. Allens Scosses at the Earl of Leicester.  facts (as it pleaseth him scornfully to term them) with a scilicet.  
O le pidum caput, O lusty Cardinal: so well it becometh a man of your coat and calling, to play Davus, to take upon you the part and person of a scoffer? And I pray you what great 
1. Psal. 1. and hath not sit in the seat of scorners.  dishonour have you done the noble Earl therein? As though his virtues were so far inferior, to the others. I speak not any way to the derogation of the Duke's honour, for I know him to be a worthy a Prince, and a famous soldier: neither by way of comparison, for I am not so il nurtured, as to make comparisons between Princes. But I hope your Catholic soldiers Sir W. Stanley, and Rowland York, & the rest will confess, that for the small time he was in those countries, & the little means he had there, considering also the great crosses he had both there and elsewhere, he was 
The Earl of Leicester's managing of the low country affairs during his abode there.  neither idle, nor spent his time & travel in vain: he showed sufficiency enough both in his temperate, prudent, and politic government of the State, and managing of the military affairs: neither was he backward for his own person (if he were not too forward) at any service in the field, where either his counsel, presence, or help of hand was required. They all know this to be 
Grave betrayed.  true. And, howsoever Grave was cowardly (and by evident proof also traitorously) delivered by Hemert the Governor, Venlo sold by the Burghers, 
Venlo sold.  before th'enemy ever prepared to march towards it, Nuys (after the wounding of the Governor) 
Nuys badly lost.  with little force obtained, but not without some treachery, & lastly Berke two months 
Berke two months besieged and then abandoned for fear of our army marching towards it.  besieged, & in the end abandoned for fe●…e of the Earl of Leicester with his army, being at Elten onward in his march thither, to levy the siege: yet my L. of Leicester (with a very small power, not above 5000. men, of all sorts) encamped before Duisburgh on tuesday, entrenched it on wednesday, planted 
Duisburgh yielded to the Earl of Leicester on Friday the second of Septembre 1586.  his ordinance on Thursday, battered it on Friday, and had it yielded to his mercy the same day by noon: and within a fortnight after, removed with the same power to Zutphen, abode the Duke of Parma's coming (who was reported 
This encounter was the 22. of Sept. 1586, wherein the most worthy, noble, and valiant knight Sir Philip Sidney received his deth● wound.  to come with almost four times so many) encountered his vanguard one to six at the least, besieged the fort, and within three weeks 
* The Earl of Leicester won the sort, the 6. day of October following, the Prince being with his whole army within two mile of the place.  won it, even in the Duke of Parma's sight, which had before that time endured ten months siege of more than twice so great an army, & yet held good Neither did the Earl of Leicester raise his siege from either of these pieces, till he had gotten them: neither bought he either of them, but with the 
Here are not mentioned all the services which were done under the Earl of Leicester's conduct in the low countries, as the overthrow of the Spaniards at Grave, the winning of Axle, and divers forts and Castles in those parts, but only those parts, but only those services whereat he himself was present in person, & a principal director and actor in them all.  price of his own labour & industry (being present in person and giving both direction & assistance in all these services) and with the blood of his soldiers, and those very few. All this your Catholic soldiers also know to be most true. And are these exploits, none at all, or to be contemned and derided?  
But in truth M. Doctor you know not what they be, and therefore you make light of them. 
* If D. Allen had been there, I believe he would have been in an other humour, scarce so pleasant, though happily more ridiculous.  I would you had been present yourself either in the town of Duisburgh, or in one of the forts of Zutphen, to have seen them: then might you better have judged of them, at the least I am persuaded you would not so have scorned them.  
And if you think the infortunate success of Sluys the year following, an impeachment to the credit gotten by these exploits: you do greatly abuse yourself. 
* The fault of the loss of Sluys, not to be imputed to the Earl of Leicester, which was in other men's negligence, or  For it is very▪ well known to all men (especially of those countries) where and in whom the fault of that default lay. For if those preparations which my L. of Leicester commanded, and made sure account of, had been duly accomplished, as they were certainly promised and assured by them that had the charge thereof: the town had (with God's help) undoubtedly been relieved. But howsoever the matter fell out either by the negligent or treacherous dealings of other men, that were put in trust therein: I say with Ovid: careat successibus opto, Quisquis ab eventu facta notanda put at: Ill may he 
Epist. 2.  chieve, that measureth the fact by the event: and little reason hath he, that will impute another man's fault, as a dishonour to my L. of Leicester.  
But herein may you plainly see the intemperancy of D. Allen, and how he dealeth by affection, that when he hath nothing that he can justly object in particular to so honourable and worthy a noble man, yet he will in a general sort glance at him, only to bring his name in question with the multitude. But all the world may easily know the cause why the Earl of Leicester 
The cause why the Earl of Leicester is most odious to D. Allen.  is above all men the most odious to D. Allen, that is, only because he is one of the greatest, & principal patrons of true religion, which D. Allen so much hateth.  
And for this cause also have there been sundry 
Sundry libels heretofore cast forth by Papists particularly against the Earl of Leicester.  other infamous libels heretofore secretly cast out and spread abroad, against this most noble gentleman, likely enough by Allen himself, or by Persons, or at least some one of that viperous backbiting generation. Wherein, the authors (as if Belzebub himself, the master of that malicious sect, had sat by, & given them instructions) have not only raked their own brains to the 
The Papists cankered malice to the Earl of Leicester  bare skull, but (I am sure) have not left any one corner within the whole compass of Hell itself unransacked, to seek and find out some new & strange kinds of rancour and venom (more than all the Poets from the beginning of the world could ever invent for the description of Envy, & the Furies themselves) wherewith to exasperate and empoison their most outrageous slanders, breathed out against him. Which even upon the very first view have appeared unto all men so manifestly false, monstrous, and far from all colour of truth, credit, or likelihood, as his very enemies themselves, and such as 
Their libels discredited even by the notorious falsehoods contained in them.  hate him in their hearts, have not only been ashamed of the slanders, but openly condemned the authors of that most barbarous villainy, and shameless immanity. In which respect being with all men generally so much discredited, detested and abhorred for their abominable untruth, they have not hitherto been 
And therefore thought not fit to be answered.  thought worthy, fit, or seemly to be answered by any man, and therefore shall not presently be further stirred by me, but returned to the filthy sink, from whence they proceeded.  
And for the authors thereof, as, thinking by 
The mischief which the authors thereof meant unto the Earl, is fallen upon their own heads.  this means to make his Lordship odious amongst men, they have not only failed of their purpose, but have thereby also made themselves hateful unto God, and infamous to the world, and fallen themselves into the pit which they digged for him: So have they contrary to their 
Psal. 7. 15.  own minds, and against their wills) heaped on his head the heavenly blessings which Christ himself with his own mouth pronounceth upon those which are reviled, persecuted, & falsely 
Matth. 5. 11.  slandered for his sake. Which may be, and (no doubt) is a singular comfort to the most honourable, zealous, and godly minded Earl, not only to despise and contemn their despiteful slanders, but so much the more heartily to rejoice and triumph over their malice, as he seethe himself the more impudently, and furiously assailed with their injurious reproaches.  
It were too much labour, and too ill bestowed, either to reply upon, or to repeat all the railing and slanderous speeches, which D. Allen belcheth out against his Sovereign, her ministers, and country: for therein only (in mine opinion) he seemeth to himself to have best grace. But he that will defile his own nest (as they say) the country wherein he was borne and bred, calling it the Buckler of all rebellion and injustice, 
D. Allens unnatural impiety towards his country.  and an enemy of lawful Dominion and Superiority, yea, he that will not stick to rip up the womb, and to tear and take out the bowels of his own mother, he that will endeavour to bring in an invasion, to the utter spoil, ruin, and depopulation of his dear country: what injury, what wickedness, what impiety, will he leave unattempted?  
But now will I come to the second step of his 
The second step of D Allens ladder.  ladder, wherein (having already sought, by defaming her majesties most just & honourable actions, to withdraw the hearts & love of her subjects 
To give the subject a warrant for his disobedience.  from her) he now goeth about to embolden them to disobey her, by giving them a warrant for their disobedience, teaching that since her Majesty was excommunicate and deposed by the Pope's authority, there is no subject that need or aught, or may lawfully serve her in any case, be it otherwise never so lawful.  
A very good doctrine (no doubt) and well agreeing with the word of God.  
The holy Ghost saith, Let every soul be subject 
Obedience & subjection both to the Prince and his ministers, commanded.  to the higher power: and whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselves judgement. And further: Submit yourselves, whether it be to the king, 
Rom. 13. 1, & 2. ●. Pet. 2. 13. 14. & 15. ver.  as unto the superior, or unto Governors, as sent by him: for so is the will of God. etc.  
But these are matters out of my profession, and meeter to be argued by Divines, and so is all this whole question touching the excommunication and deposition of Princes. Yet because I see little Divinity used by D. Allen for the proof of 
Little Divinity or rather none at all used by D. Allen to warrant the subjects disobedience.  his part, but such as may easily be answered by a man of small reading, I may be the bolder in brief manner to examine his handling of this point, that you may see what he hath to say for manteinance of this seditious doctrine. Wherein if I proceed ultra crepidam (as D. Allen hath done in dealing with Prince's titles and State matters) or step a little out of square, I humbly crave pardon of the learned Divines, for entering into their profession, which D. Allen doth not of Princes, for entering into their possession. But the less marvel is it that he is so bold with Princes in that point, when he toucheth their 
D. Allen is very bold with Princes, which maketh them all subject to a Priest.  freeholds so much nearer, in making both them, their persons, and kingdoms subject to the Commandment, and disposing of a man of as mean quality (in a manner) as himself.  
But we see God hath given unto Prince's authority and commandment over their Subjects, and hath willed all sorts of people, as well Ecclesiastical, as Temporal (and consequently both D. Allen and the Pope himself) to submit themselves unto Princes, to be subject unto them, to obey, and not to resist them, under pain of judgement: let us see then by what authority D. Allen can release and discharge the Subject from his obedience, duty, and allegiance unto his Prince.  
His first authority is taken from Hildebrand 
D. Allens first authority to warrant disobedience to the Prince▪ Hildebrand a Pope of Rome, otherwise called Gregory the seventh.  (whom he calleth Gregory the seventh) who taking upon him more like a king of kings, or lord of the whole world, then like a true scholar and follower of Christ, pronounceth his decree with a great Majesty in the plural number, We (saith he) according to our predecessors Decrees, do assoil & discharge all them that by obligation of oath, or fidelity, are bound to persons excommunicate: and that they do not obey such, we do expressly forbid.  
His second authority (which is even the like) he 
D. Allens second authority to warrant disobedience. Pope Vrban the second.  fetcheth from Vrbanus the second, who useth this inhibition: forbidden (saith he) the sworn soldiers of Conte Hugh, that they serve him not so long as he standeth Excommunicate: And if they pretend their former oath made unto him: admonish them that God is to be served before men, and that the oath which they made to him when he was a Christian Prince, is not now to be kept towards him, being an enemy to God and his Saints, and a breaker and contemner of their commandments.  
A fair pair of authorities, drawn from a couple 
A good warrant from a pair of Popes.  of Popes, who had even as good authority to give these discharges and inhibitions, as D. Allen himself.  
Is this the best warrant you have to release the 
Pope Hildebrand took upon him to Excommunicate the Emperor Henry the fourth, & to make wars against him, and erect another Emperor in his place: But God (to punish the pride of the Pope, & disobedience of his Adherents) giving the victory unto the true Emperor Henry the fourth, against the usurping Pope and Emperor, the said Henry caused Hildebrand himself by a Synod in Italy to be deposed, as Pope john, Sylvester, Benet, and Gregory the sixth, were also by other Emperors, four Popes within a few years deposed.  subject of his oath and obedience to his Prince, because two Popes of your own pack (whose whole practice hath been for these four or five hundredth years, to bring the heads of Princes under their girdles) have, to that intent, pronounced it to be lawful for the subject, to renounce his allegiance to his Prince, whensoever it should please his holiness (forsooth) upon any displeasure or private occasion (under pretence of some heinous crime) to Excommunicate him?  
What if we should deny that these Popes, or any other Pope ever had, or hath any authority to Excommunicate a foreign Prince, no way subject to his charge? D. Allen hath not proved it in his Pamphlet, nor any where else, neither is he able to prove it with the help of all the Cardinals in Rome (yea and of the Pope himself too) while he liveth.  
But such as are Romanists, are of another mind, and will happily believe D. Allens bare affirmation in this behalf, and so may be persuaded, not only that the Pope hath authority to Excommunicate and depose Princes at his pleasure, but also that the subjects of Princes so Excommunicate and deposed by the Pope, may lawfully, and aught in duty to disobey and revolt from their service.  
How they may be seduced by erroneous doctrine, I know not: but for other men, that are either of sounder Religion, or men indifferent, or not so thoroughly, and obstinately (as upon a mere 
Neither D. Allens affirmation, nor the authority of any Pope, aught to have any credit, being directly contradictory to the express word of God.  self-will) addicted to that faction, I doubt not but they will be better advised, then to give credit unto the affirmation of any man, or the authority of any Pope (though he make himself more than a man) being directly contradictory to the express word, and will of God, as hath been showed by the places of Scripture above rehearsed, and by many more may be.  
But because they also shall not have any colour of defence left them, whereby to excuse themselves so much as upon ignorance in this behalf, I will (since I am entered into it) lay before them, in as few words as I can, the abuses of D. Allen whereby he goeth about to deceive them in this point, and prove directly and manifestly unto them, that neither the Pope hath any authority to depose Princes from their thrones, which is the ground whereon he buildeth his warrant of revolt: and further that it is utterly unlawful for the Subject, for any such occasion to deny the Prince the obedience, subjection, and service due unto him, much more in traitorous manner to rebel against him; which D. Allen so alloweth and commendeth.  
First therefore, as concerning the Pope's authority 
That the Pope hath no authority to depose Princes.  to depose Princes, I demand from whom he hath that authority, whether of himself, or from God? Of himself I know he will not say, for that were as great arrogancy, as absurdity in him to say. And if he would (as perhaps he could be content to take it upon himself, if he thought it might go for currant) yet can he not yield any colour or show of reason to maintain it, being 
Rom. 13. There is no power, but of God, Ergo, the Pope can have no power of himself to depose Princes.  contrary to the express word of God. For There is no power (saith the Apostle) but of God, and the powers that be, are ordained of God. Then can the Pope have no power or authority of himself, unless he will affirm himself to be God. 
a Again, No man hath power of himself to frustrate the ordinance of God, Ergo the Pope hath no power of himself to depose Princes, which are ordained of God.  And the Prince being a power, and consequently ordained of God, it were great presumption in him to affirm, and greater blindness in men to believe, that the authority of man can frustrate or take away the ordinance of God.  
It resteth therefore, that the Pope, if he have any 
If the Pope have any authority to depose Princes, he must have it from God.  authority to depose Princes, he must have it from God. 
a If he have it from God, he must have it by some warrant out of his word.  And if he have it from God, them is there some warrant in his word to authorize the Pope thereunto: 
b But no place of Scripture giveth him warrant to depose Princes.  But there is not any place of Scripture that giveth the Pope any express power to depose Princes: 
c Ergo, he hath no authority from God.  and therefore hath he no such authority from God.  
For the proof of my Minor: First it is likely, that 
d If any place of Scripture had warranted the Pope to depose Princes, it is likely D. Allen would have alleged it: but he allegeth none.  if there were any such place of Scripture, as giveth the Pope express power to depose Princes, D. Allen would undoubtedly have alleged it, for the more credit of the cause, and not have passed it over with a bare affirmation, being a matter heretofore by many and manifest arguments and proofs of Scripture, clearly disproved, and convinced against him.  
Secondly, for further confirmation thereof, I reason thus: Besides the obedience and subjection which God hath commanded in the Scripture to be done unto Princes, he hath further forbidden all men 
e Exod. 22. 28. Ecclesiastes, 10. 20.  to speak evil of the ruler of the people, or to curse the King, yea so much as in thought. Whereupon I frame this argument.  

f God forbiddeth all men to speak evil of Princes, so much as in thought: Ergo much more to hurt them in deed, and to deprive them of their kingdoms, and lives too, which the Pope seeketh to do, and D Allen maintaineth, may lawfully be done.  God forbiddeth all men to curse the King, yea so much as in thought, Ergo: he forbiddeth the Pope to curse the King, so much as in thought; And he that forbiddeth to do the less, much more forbiddeth to do the greater: But it is far greater to curse the K. indeed, & openly, and to deprive him of his kingdom, then to curse him in thought only, or to speak evil of him: Ergo, God forbidding the Pope to speak evil of the King, or to curse him in his thought, much more forbiddeth him to curse the King openly, or to deprive him of his kingdom: whereupon it followeth by good consequence, that God doth not in any place of Scripture authorize the Pope to depose Princes: for so should he allow and warrant that in one place, which he hath forbidden in another: whereof you see what inconvenience should follow, that God should command contraries, and the Scriptures should be repugnant to themselves, which were plain Atheism to affirm. Whereby it may be clear and manifest unto every man, that hath any sense of Christianity in him, that God having in these former places of Scripture expressly forbidden all men to curse in thought, or to speak evil of the King, much more to curse him openly or to bereave him of his kingdom, doth not therefore in any place of Scripture admit or authorize any man (contrary to this inhibition) to curse, excommunicate, and depose Princes 
What God commandeth in one place of Scripture, he doth not countermand in another: neither are the Scriptures contrary one to another.  out of their kingdoms. For that were to countermand his own commandments, and to show himself variable, inconstant, & repugnant to himself, which were high impiety for any man to imagine.  
Thus you see (beside the presumption, which is to be gathered out of D. Allens own dealing, in that he allegeth no place of Scripture to warrant the Pope's depriving of Princes, that it is therefore likely that no place of Scripture doth authorize him thereunto) you see it (I say) directly proved by sound and substantial argument, (as by many more also might be very abundantly, if either the cause required proof, or if it were my purpose to stand upon the confirmation of that, which is of itself so manifest) that the Pope neither hath, nor can have any express authority, given him directly by the word of God to depose Princes: which is the thing that God reserveth wholly to himself: for it is he (not the Pope) that deposeth the mighty from their seat, & exalteth 
Luke. 1. Dan. 2. 20. & cap. 4. 14. & 22.  them that are low: it is he (not the Pope) that putteth down kings, & setteth up kings, and giveth kingdoms to whomsoever he will. For God hath ordained 
God (not the Pope) putteth down and setteth up Kings.  Princes to rule his people, and to represent his own Majesty amongst them, which cannot be subject to any earthly creature: & as he hath put all men in subjection under them (as his own Vicegerents on Earth) so hath he subjecteth them unto none, but only and immediately to himself. Which supreme 
The ancient Fathers and Doctors of the Church, confirm the supreme authority of Princes next immediately under God. Tertul. ad Scapulam.  authority of Princes next under God, howsoever D. Allen doth maliciously and wickedly impugn, yet the Church of Christ hath ever confessed & confirmed it, as appeareth by the sentences of the holy Fathers and Doctors of the Church touching that point. Colimus imperatorem (saith Tertullian) ut hominem a Deo secundum, & solo Deo minorem: we worship the Emperor, as a man next unto God, & inferior to God only. And again, Deum esse 
Idem in Apologetico.  solum, in cuius solius potestate sunt, à quo sunt secundi, post quem primi, ante omnes & super omnes Deos & homines: That it is God only, in whose power alone Princes are, to whom they are second, and after whom they are first, before all, and over all both Gods and men. Optatus in like 
Optat. contra Parmenian. lib. 3.  sort saith: Super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus qui fecit Imperatorem: There is none above the Emperor but only God, who made the Emperor. 
Chrysostom ad populum Antioch. hom. 2. Greg. epist. lib. 3. cap. 100 & cap. 103.  And chrysostom saith: Parem ullum super terram non habet: The Emperor hath no equal on earth. And Gregory affirmeth further, That power is given to Princes from heaven over all men, not only soldiers, but Priests.  
If Princes then (by the judgement of the old learned Fathers and Doctors of the Church, whose names D. Allen doth more boast of, then allege their testimonies) be in authority next unto God, inferior to him only, & superiors to all men; and if there be none above the Prince, but only God 
The Pope must necessarily presume himself to be God, else can he not be above Princes.  who made the Prince: the Pope must of necessity either presume himself to be God, else can he not be above the Prince, or at the least make himself no man, but a monster, otherwise must he needs be inferior to the Prince.  
And if the Prince have no equal on earth: the 
The Pope must either acknowledge himself to be no man, and not to be at all, or else must he necessarily be inferior to Princes.  Pope must either acknowledge himself to be under the Prince, or else not to be at all.  

* The Pope, whatsoever he be, Ecclesiastical or temporal person, must needs be subject to the power of Princes.  And if power be given unto Princes from heaven over all men, not only soldiers, but Priests also: then cannot the Pope (whether he be soldier, or Priest, or whatsoever he be, so he be a man) exempt himself from that power, which God hath given unto the Prince over him: much les can he take away from Princes that power, which 
The power to set up, and put down Princes, peculiar to God alone.  God hath given unto them. For the power of setting up and putting down Princes (being in Majesty the greatest on earth, and proper to God himself alone) hath he not imparted unto any earthly creature, either absolutely from himself, or jointly with himself, but hath reserved it wholly to himself.  
But because D. Allen is so much more devoted 
D. Allen more devoted to the Pope then to God.  unto the Pope then to God, as that he can be content to pull out of God's hand his peculiar authority and prerogative, to draw the same wholly unto the Pope, by what means he careth not, 
A notable impiety added to sacrilege  right, or wrong, and (the more to augment the injury) will needs make Gods own word a warrant to rob himself of his honour, and right: having already showed that he cannot by any means directly draw from God unto the Pope, the authority of deposing Princes, I will lay before you also the indirect means he useth in this pamphlet, to accomplish his intent, and how little 
What D. Allen cannot prove directly by sentence of Scripture, he endeavoureth indirectly to induce by example. Athalia. Ahab. jesabel.  they also serve his turn.  
What he cannot prove by sentence of Scripture, he laboureth (by the way) to induce by example: as namely by the mention of the usurping Queen Athalia, the wicked King Ahab, and cursed jesabel, who were all (as he seemeth to intend) deposed from their kingdoms and slain: because the Priests and Prophets of God did therein give assistance, counsel, or direction, he would hereupon feign infer, that the Pope may by these examples take away both the crowns and lives of princes.  
An argument far fet, in truth, and savouring 
An argument savouring more of malice, then of substance.  more of malice then of substance. For, the comparison of her Majesty unto an usurper, or to wicked Idolaters, is as odious and unproper, as the resemblance of the Pope to the holy Prophets, is unfit and unequal. Wherein I must note unto you by the way an evil spirit in D. Allen, that seeketh (or rather snatcheth) 
D. Allens cankered mind.  all opportunities to spit forth his venom against so gracious a princess. But let us leave his vice upon himself, and look in to the virtue of his argument.  
Athalia, was lawfully deposed from the kingdom, 
D. Allens argument drawn from the example of Athalia.  and slain, by the authority of joiada the high priest: Ergo the Pope hath authority both to depose, and procure the death of the Queen's Majesty: (For that is it, that D. Allen doth as earnestly labour to justify, as the Pope doth diligently endeavour to achieve:) but I trust the Pope shall fail as much of his wicked intent, as the Doctor faileth in his weak argument.  
Whereof, to speak first of the whole, I do 
The consequent denied  utterly deny his consequent. For neither is it to be granted him, that the Pope's authority is 
The reason why.  as great against the Queen's Majesty, as joiada's was against Athalia: neither is her majesties case like to athalia's: of both which I will make plain demonstration.  
First concerning joiada, as he was high priest, 
The Demonstration showing the difference between both the persons▪ and cases.  so was he also the Priace of his tribe, and thereby had more authority to deal in the state of that kingdom, than the Pope can have to deal in a foreign kingdom. And for Athalia, she was an usurper, who came to the crown by killing the kings children, all saving one, whom joiada kept secret and saved from her fury, until he had the means to restore him to his kingdom, by suppressing the usurper. But it is very well known, that the Queen's Majesty is no usurper, but a lawful 
The Queen's Majesty known to be a lawful prince, no usurper.  Prince, neither came to the crown by any such wicked means, but by due right of inheritance: So is there as great odds betwixt her case and Athaliaes, as between the authority of joiada, and of the Pope: And the cases being unlike, the consequent cannot be good. For though an usurper may lawfully be deposed, and slain, yet it followeth not therefore that a rightful Prince may: and though the chief Princes and States of a country united together, may aid and assist the lawful King to place him in his throne, and to put down the usurper: yet doth it not follow, that a priest, which is a mere stranger to the country, may therefore thrust a lawful Prince out of his kingdom.  
And as little reason as there is in his consequent, 
D. Allens Antecedent also false.  so little truth is there in the antecedent. For neither was Athalia deposed and slain by joiada himself, neither by his authority (much less by the authority of his priesthood:) For he did not in any sort take the matter, or the authority upon himself, but what he did, he did by the common consent of the Nobles and Captains, whom (as the text saith) before he would attempt any thing, he caused to come unto him into the house of the Lord, and made a covenant with them, 
2. Kings. 11.  and took an oath of them in the house of the Lord, & showed them the kings son, After which consent and covenant accorded amongst them, having disposed an order for the proclaiming and 
joash was restored not by joiada alone, but by the whole Nobility and State.  establishing of joash (the young & rightful king) whom he had so saved from the massacre, he brought him forth (as the text saith) and put the Crown upon him, and gave him the testimony, and têhy made him king: And when Athalia hearing 
Athalia deposed and slain by the Nobles and State, not by joiada alone, nor by his authority.  the noise of the running of the people, came in, and cried treason, treason: the text saith, thêy laid hands on her and she went by the way, by which the horses go to the house of the king, and there was she slain.  
So it appeareth by the very text itself, that Athalia was neither deposed nor slain by joiada, nor by his authority, but by the Nobles & whole state of the country, and by the authority of the rightful king, whom they firstcrowned, anointed, and proclaimed: neither did joiada any thing in the matter, more than duty, nature, and conscience moved him unto, to present unto the nobles and fathers of Israel, the kings son whom he had saved, and to further the restoring of him to his right, being the king his masters son, and nearest allied unto him, and (especially) right heir to the kingdom: None authority did he take upon himself therein, especially in respect of his priesthood. Thus you see how little this example of of the usurping Queen Athalia serveth D. Allens turn to prove the Pope's authority to depose Princes.  
And for the other of Ahab, & jesabel, they 
Ahab and jesabel.  prove even as much. For if D. Allen mean Ahab himself, touching his own person: he was neither 
Ahab himself was never deposed.  deprived of his kingdom nor slain by any priest or prophet, but died king of Israel, and was slain in the field fight against the king of Aram, about Ramoth Gilead. But if he 
1. King. 22.  mean the sons and whole house of Ahab, which were destroyed by jehu, D. Allen abuseth both himself and you very much, to tell you that they were deposed and destroyed either 
Neither priest nor prophet but jehu (king of Israel, deposed, and smote the whole house of Ahab. 2. Kings 9  by Priest or Prophet: for it was jehu (the king of Israel) that slew jehoram, and smote the house of Ahab, and caused jesabel to be cast out of the window.  
But (saith D. Allen) jehu received authority and commission so to do, from Eliseus the prophet: & therefore the Pope may give (and consequently hath himself) authority to depose and kill Princes.  
I deny your antecedent (M. Doctor:) For it is most false that jehu received authority from Eliseus (as you seem to intend he did from Elias, mistaking either the man, or the matter, in your defence of the English Catholic) to put down the son and whole house of Ahab: for the Prophet which was sent by Eliseus unto jehu to anoint him, never spoke word of Eliseus to him, much less delivered him any authority from Eliseus, but delivered his message expressly from God, beginning with, Thus saith the Lord God of Israel, 
2. Kings. 9 6.  &c: not, Thus saith Eliseus.  
So was it the authority of God (and not of a 
The house of Ahab, and jesabel, deposed and slain by the authority and express commandment of God, not of a priest, or prophet.  Prophet) whereby the house of Ahab, and jesabel were put down & slain; neither was priest or prophet the doer, but jehu the king of Israel, whom God had by special commandment appointed to depose and smite them, being himself before anointed king in their place by the same commandment. Now if D. Allen will hereupon gather any argument to maintain the same authority in the Pope, to depose & destroy princes, he nust needs make him equal in authority with God: which neither Christian, jew, nor Pagan, will in reason allow unto any mortal creature.  
Now for his other example of k. Saul, whereby 
D. Allens example of k. Saul deposed.  he goeth about to infer, that as Samuel deposed Saul, so the Pope may depose Princes: it doth not only make nothing at all for his purpose, but is also most forcible against himself, as shall be most plainly declared unto you. For whereas first he assumeth it as a thing most true and certain, that Samuel deposed Saul, he utterly 
Saul not deposed by Samuel.  mistaketh, or rather most wickedly belieth the holy history in this, as he hath done in the others: For the Scripture saith, that God rebuked 
1. Sam. 16.  Samuel for mourning for Saul, that God had rejected him from reigning over Israel. Whereby it appeareth manifestly, that although Samuel in this place (as the rest of the prophets in other places) did by God's express commandment denounce the sentence of deposition; yet was it not Samuel but God himself, that deposed 
Saul deposed by God himself to the great grief of Samuel.  Saul from his kingdom, to the great grief of Samuel. So is D. Allens argument clean overthrown in this example aswell as in the former, unless he will conclude, that the Pope 
D. Allens argument overthrown, unless he will conclude that the Pope's authority is equal to Gods.  hath in himself as much authority, as God himself; which I think he would not greatly stick to affirm, if he thought he might be believed: for he maketh it not dainty to dub that which is as false, in saying that the prophets deposed Princes. So little regard hath he either of God, or man, so that he may bring his purpose to effect.  
But let us look further into this example, and 
This example further prosecuted against D. Allen.  we shall see how far it setteth him beside the saddle. Albeit Saul was thus deposed by God himself, and David anointed king in his place by Gods own precise commandment, yet did Samuel thereupon ever go about to deprive him of his kingdom, or encourage the people to revolt from him, and disobey him? Or did the people themselves stir against him so long as he lived? Or did David which was the anointed king in his place, ever offer to thrust him out of the kingdom, or seek his life? No: Saul reigned many years after that, and the people both obeyed and served him. Yea and David himself when he might have slain him in the Cave, and so have gotten also the present possession of the kingdom to himself, yet he would not, nay he thought it a sin for 
1 Though Saul were deposed by God himself, yet neither did Samuel encourage the people to revolt from him, neither did David (the anointed king) seek to put him out of the kingdom, neither did the people disobey him so long as he lived, which was many years after.  him to have done it: For who (said he) can lay his hand on the Lords anointed, 
2 David when he might have slain Saul, would not: nay, he thought it sin to have done it: and calleth him the Lords anointed, after his deposition.  and be guiltless? Yea, 
a 1. Sam. 26.  percusso cord trepidavit (saith S. Augustine.) he was strooken, and trembled at the heart, because he had cut but the lap of saul's coat. And in th'end when word was brought him of saul's death, how rewarded he the messenger, I pray you, for his tidings, and for the Crown and Bracelet of Saule●, which he brought him? 
Aug. contradit Petihan. lib. 2. cap. 48.  Forsooth he caused him to be slain forthwith in his presence, saying: How wast thou not afraid to put forth thine hand to destroy the Lords anointed? Thy blood be upon thine own head, for thine own mouth hath witnessed against 
3 David caused him that brought news of saul's death, to be forthwith slain. 2. Sam. 1.  thee, saying, I have slain the Lords anointed.  
Thus you see Saul a wicked King deposed, not by a Pope, nor by a Priest, nor by a Prophet, but by 
Mark how direct this example is against D. Allen.  God himself, and David chosen and appointed by God, and anointed in his place: and yet neither the Prophet ever counseled or moved the people to disobey Saul, being so deposed, nor the people ever offered to revolt or to deny him their obedience & service, nor David (the true and rightful king appointed by God in his place) ever sought or consented to deprive him of the kingdom, though due unto himself, but (notwithstanding he knew him to be his deadly enemy and to hunt after his life) yet having him twice in his hands, where he might safely have slain him, and thereby invested himself of the kingdom, nevertheless would he neither touch him himself, nor suffer any other to touch him, calling him the Lords anointed, and esteeming it a high sin to lay his hand on him, though he were deposed by God himself: 
a Howsoever D. Allen intendeth Saul to have been deposed by Samuel: yet the learneder Divines take the sentence of God pronounced by Samuel touching his rejecting of Saul, not to extend to the present deposing of Saul himself  and (which is yet most notable) caused the messenger, that brought him the first news of his death, to be forthwith slain for his labour. And all this notwithstanding, yet is not D. Allen ashamed to wrest this example quite contrary to the truth, for a precedent to prove that the Pope hath authority to depose and deprive Princes both of their kingdoms and lives, and to release & discharge the subjects of their allegiance: and further, that it is lawful for subjects to revolt from their sovereign's, to yield up their holds treacherously unto their enemies, and to bear arms 
No example in the whole scripture more directly against D. Allens doctrine and purpose, than this.  against them. To which doctrine he could not have found in all the whole Scriptures (though all be flat against it) any one example more directly contrary than this: the judgement whereof I refer to the reason, consideration, and conscience of all men that have any spark of Christianity, moral virtue, or natural reason in them.  
Now then, if none of all these examples of Scripture, 
The Conclusion.  which D. Allen hath cited to prove the Pope's authority to depose Princes, do show that any of those Princes, whom he mentioneth, was deposed either by Priest or Prophet (as he falsely assumeth) but by God himself: how can he then infer upon these examples, that the Pope hath any such authority, unless he attribute (as I said before) as much authority unto him, as to God himself?  
And if (Saul being deposed by God himself) yet neither the Prophet did thereupon dissuade the people from obeying him, nor the people once offered to revolt from him, but continued in all duty and obedience towards him as long as he lived, which was many years after his deposition: and if David, being the lawful anointed King in his place, yet neither sought to put him out of the kingdom, but yielded him obedience and service (calling him Lord & master) during his life, & thought it sin to lay his hand on him, notwithstanding he was deposed: & lastly, in token of the misliking and displeasure he took at the death of Saul, caused the messenger that brought him the tidings thereof, to be slain: how can D. Allen by this example induce men of any reason or sense to believe, that either the Pope may lawfully authorize, encourage, or exhort subjects to disobey, or to lay hands on the Lords anointed, or that any subject may lawfully renounce his allegiance, revolt, from, and bear arms against his Sovereign, being a lawful Prince, only upon a colourable warrant of deposition, by a man, a Priest, a stranger, who hath no authority in the world to depose any Prince from his kingdom (no, though he were an Infidel) but is himself even by God's ordinance a subject to Princes? With what face can he utter such manifest untruths? with what confidence can he persuade himself to be believed, when his lies are so monstrous, and his impostures so evident? But most of all, with what conscience can he presume to force the word of God to his purpose, which is so directly against him? But hereby may all men plainly perceive how small regard that sect hath unto religion, but only to serve their turns, which are not ashamed to make such impudent and ungodly shifts, to maintain their usurped authority. Call you this holiness, M. D. to abuse the people with false doctrine, to bely the scriptures, & to pervert the most sacred word of God, & to rob him of his own peculiar authority and prerogative, for the defence and furtherance of your own rebellious practices? In truth it resembleth 
As much conscience in D. Allens holy thief, whom he mentioneth in his Pamphlet, as in himself.  much the holiness of your holy thief, whom it pleaseth you somewhat merrily in your Pamphlet to compare unto us, but in truth a righter pattern of your own profession: which (to speak truly what I think in my conscience) is much discredited by your own double dealing.  
You yourself, to further your own purpose (as you supposed) could prefix before your Pamphlet even in the first page, as a sentence under the title thereof, the resolution given by Christ, upon 
Matth. 22.  the tempting demand of the Pharisees, Reddite quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari: wherein Christ himself commandeth 
D. Allen prefixeth before his Pamphlet the sentence of Christ, which notwithstanding in the same Pamphlet he doth wholly courtermand in his doctrine.  all men to give unto Caesar (that is to the King and Civil Magistrate) whatsoever is due unto him, that is fear, honour, subjection, and tribute: And how dare you then, even in the same Pamphlet countermand this commandment of our Saviour, bending all your forces, craft, and cunning to persuade the subject to resist his Sovereign, and thereby to break this high and peremptory commandment?  
But you say the Pope hath authority to discharge the subject of this duty and obedience, which is here commanded. Show me then, I pray you, some Text of Scripture, that giveth the Pope so large Commission as you speak of: nay, show me any dispensation out of God's word, that may exempt you, or the Pope himself out of the compass of this commandment. For the precept is general, and therefore extendeth to all men, and beside, was expressly given by Christ unto his Disciples, to whom he spoke in presence. And if the Pope and you be the Disciples of Christ, as you would seem to be, then must you also (as well, or rather than others) yield obedience and subjection to your Civil governors, or else fall into the breach of Christ's commandment. And if you be subject to the civil Magistrate, as you are by this rule of Christ: how can you take that authority from them, which Christ hath given them over you?  
If you say there is no subjection due unto them, longer than they continue in the truth of Religion: 
The Pope and his followers will be both parties, judges, and executioners of their own doom, in their own cause. Princes, whether they be Heretics, Turks, or Heathens, yet is there subjection due unto them. Rom. 13.  I pray you tell me first, how prove you them to be heretics, unless you yourselves may be judges? Will you then both condemn and punish them, before they be convicted of crime? and will you that are parties, be both judges, and executors of your own will and pleasure?  
Secondly, suppose they were (as you unjustly condemn them to be) heretics,) yea suppose they were jews, Turks, Heathens: yet is there nevertheless obedience and subjection due unto them. For what was Caesar himself, but a Heathen? what were the Princes in the Apostles' times (of whom it is said, Let every soul be subject unto them: and whosoever resisteth them, resisteth the ordinance of God) what were they all, but Heathens? If Christ himself then hath confirmed the authority and power even of Heathen Princes: how can the Pope dissolve and take away the authority, power, kingdom, yea & life too, of Christian Princes?  
And yet he claimeth his authority from Christ, 
The Pope claimeth his authority from Christ, as his Vicar.  as his Disciple, and Vicar here on earth: by which title he maketh all Prince's subject unto his authority. In truth so is the greatest Prince living, subject unto the meanest Preacher and Minister of God, to 
The greatest Prince living, subject to the admonition and reproof of the meanest Minister, but not to his correction.  obey the doctrine and word, which he delivereth out of the Scriptures, and to receive his instruction, exhortation, admonition, and reproof: yet is he not (though he should reject his instructions) to be therefore deposed from his kingdom, or resisted and disobeyed by him. And greater authority hath not the Pope himself over any Prince, than the meanest Minister and messenger of God.  
I find not in all the Scripture that ever Christ gave unto his Disciples any Commission to depose Princes, although they should disobey his word: but I find that he gave them Commission 
Matth. 10. The punishment for disobedience of God's word, and contempt of the Minister, is reserved unto God.  to Preach: And whosoever should not receive them, nor hear their words, he bade them, that when they should departed out of that house or City, they should shake the dust of their feet, reserving the punishment of them unto God.  
As for the superiority which the Pope challengeth over Princes, as the Successor of Peter, & disciple 
Peter, from whom the Pope claimeth authority, as his successor, was commanded by Christ to feed his sheep, but expressly forbidden to use the sword.  of Christ: I find no such Commission given unto Peter himself, to authorize him in such sort over Princes: but I find that Christ said unto him three times, 
a joh. 21.  Feed my sheep. As for the sword (whereby is signified the Civil Authority) Christ expressly forbade Peter to use it, commanding him to 
b Matth. 26. 53. joh. 18. 11.  put it up into the sheath. To the same effect also spoke he not only to Peter, but to all the rest of his fellows the Apostles, when there was some contention risen amongst them about superiority: Ye know (saith he) that the Lords of the Gentiles have 
Matth. 20.  domination over them, and they that are great, exercise authority over them: But it shall not be so among you: But whosoever will be great among you, let him be your servant.  
And if the Pope be Christ's Disciple, he must learn this lesson of his Master, to be a servant to his fellows, not a Commander of Kings.  

* Christ, from whom the Pope deriveth his authority, never took upon him the authothoritie to depose Princes. But the Pope doth.  Christ himself, from whom the Pope deriveth his supreme authority, as his Vicar on Earth, never took upon him the authority to deprive Princes of their kingdoms, nor to discharge the subjects of their duty & obedience: 
1 Christ not only commanded others, to obey, but did himself also obey Princes:  but contrariwise confirmed the power of Princes both by his doctrine (teaching that Fear, Honour, Obedience, & Subjection 
The Pope not only refuseth himself, but also forbiddeth others to obey Princes.  is due even to Heathen Princes) and also by his own example, yielding tribute, with all duty and obedience unto them, and submitting himself, his body, and life to their authority, judgement & correction: 
2 Christ professed himself not to be a king of this world, but a subject to kings, and a servant.  And for himself professed that 
a joh. 18. 36. Matth. 20. ●●.  his king done was not of this world, & that he came not to be served, but to serve. And if Christ acknowledged himself not to have any kingly authority in this world, but to be a subject unto kings & to their inferior officers and a servant: how can the Pope derive unto himself 
The Pope pres●●neth himself not to be a subject to Kings but a superior and Lord over all Kings of this world.  from Christ not only a kingly authority, but a predominant authority over all kings? 
3 The Scholar above his Master.  Can the scholar be greater than his Master? 
4 The Vicar's authority greater than his, from whom he taketh all his authority.  will the Vicar take upon him more authority, than he, from whom he taketh all his authority? Nay, will he of himself presume to give warrant 
5 Phe Pope in all points opposite to Christ.  directly contrary to the commandment of Christ? Let every man than judge, both what he is, 
6 What is this, but Antichrist?  that so opposeth himself against Christ, & what D. Allen is, that justifieth his so doing, & (for justification thereof, pretendeth warrant of Scriptures against God himself: 
a D. Allen a wrester, perverter, & belier of the Scriptures.  which how shamefully he hath therein wrested, perverted, and belied, hath been (I hope) already sufficiently declared unto you, so far forth as his pamphlet gave occasion, and farther should have been, but that this question is handled at large, and all that D. Allen can say therein, abundantly confuted by a learned 
b M. Bilson, Warden of Winchester, in a book published Anno. 1586. whereof it seems D. Allen will take no knowledge.  Divine, a man of as great sufficiency, and of more sincerity than himself, in the answer to his Defense of English Catholics.  
Now to come to the matter, and to the prosecuting of D. Allens purpose, you see that he hath not only failed in the proof of the Pope's authority to depose Princes, and consequently of his warrant for the subjects revolt: but also his own examples and arguments retorted against himself, and the contrary part proved both by them, and by divers other reasons, and authorities of Scriptures: out of which Doctor Allen bringeth not so much as one Text (in truth, I must confess, because he cannot, unless he should coin it himself) to prove directly his profane assertions. So that no man can be so blind, but he must needs perceive and acknowledge, that the Pope hath neither power of himself, nor authority from God, to depose Princes from their kingdoms: neither can give to the subject any commission, or licence (saving only that licence which 
All this hath been directly proved, both by express authority of Scripture and by arguments drawn from D. Allens own examples.  he hath himself, that is, that licence qua sumus omnes deteriores) so much as to disobey their sovereign's, much less to revolt from them to their enemies, to lay hands on them, & to bear arms against them. Whereby it cannot but be most apparent that D. Allen respected wholly herein the subtlety of his drift, not the soundness of his doctrine, and for the obtainment of credit, 
D. Allen respecteth the cunning conveyance of his purpose, not the sound teaching of the truth.  and attainment of his purpose thereby, affied himself altogether upon the smoothness of his persuasions, and the affectionate minds and inclinations of his adherents.   

ANd sithence we have already discovered the 
An entrance into th'examination of D. Allens persuasions.  foundation of his persuasions to be weak, false, and rotten: it shall not be amiss to bestow a little labour, to try if a small wind will not overthrow the building itself, which I doubt not but we shall find to be patched together of as rotten stuff, and of as slender substance as the foundation is, and to have nothing in it to withstand the weather, but only the bare outside and colour of religion.  
The end whereunto this persuasion of 
The end of his persuasions, already declared.  disobedience, and revolt from her Majesty, tendeth, hath been already declared; namely the furtherance of all traitorous and rebellious designments that may be by any person, or in any wise attempted against her Majesty, and particularly the assistance of the k. of Spain, and the other foreign forces invasion, now presently intended, and prepared against our country. Let us then next see to what persons 
To what persons his persuasions are intended.  D. Allen principally purposeth and addresseth his persuasions.  
First for Protestants, and such as are of sound Religion (as I trust the greatest part of England, 
Not to Protestants.  by great odds, is) D. Allen cannot be so mad as to hope, that his persuasions can have any authority, or work any effect with them, but to confirm them rather in her majesties service and obedience, for the better maintenance of their Religion, and defence of themselves and their goods: which they know, if the contrary faction should prevail (which God I trust will never suffer) not only th'estate of Religion were clean overthrown, but themselves also, and all theirs prostrate to the sword, rapine and spoil, which it sitteth them nearest, with all their force, might, & main, to defend. 
Nor (likely by any great reason) to neuter, or men indifferent.   
As for such as are neither Protestants, nor Papists, but men indifferent, or of no religion at all, and (as D. Allen termeth them) plain Atheists, into which estate he most slanderously in his pamphlet reporteth our country to be 
He slanderously reporteth our whole country to be fallen into Atheism.  fallen, but I trust, and do fully assure myself, that he shall find fewer of that sort in England than in Rome, though the scope be far larger: his persuasion (in mine opinion) should do but little good (or harm) with them: First, by his own reason, being drawn from Religion, how can it work with them that are of no religion, and therefore regard not Religion? And if they be men indifferent, and such as may by reading, instruction, and exhortation be drawn alike to the embracing of either religion: 
Why should men indifferent be lead rather by D. Allens lurking persuasions, to a blind and superstitious religion, then by our public and continual preaching to a clear and perspicuous religion?  what reason hath D. Allen to think, that his persuasions should rather draw them to his religion, than the continual preaching & teaching of a great number of our godly ministers (men as learned and more zealous then D. Allen) should win them to ours? Or why should he imagine, that they should more easily bend unto a blind and superstitious religion grounded upon ignorance, then to a clear and perspicuous religion, grounded upon knowledge of the truth, unless he presume upon the corruption of men's nature, which is more inclined to evil, than to good? But neither of these sorts of men are the persons, unto whom D. Allen purposely intended his persuasions: for the matter requireth hearers more affected and assured to his faction: howsoever he might happily put it in adventure to seduce others, such as were apt to be defiled with his pitch, being all but one labour to him. But I hope this shall not be the last labour that such brokers of mischief shall spend in vain. 
It resteth that D. Allens persuasions must needs be chief or wholly intended to the papists.   
They must needs be therefore of your own fraternity (M. Doctor) men sworn to the Pope's pantofle, with whom your wholesome persuasions must prevail: who (I trust) when they come to the tale, will not be so many by two parts of the three, as you presume. But such and so many as they are, do you think them so simple 
The papists in England not so many, as D. Allen presumeth.  or sottish, as to be bewitched by your enchantments, to respect more your trumpery, than their own oath, allegiance and duty? But the Pope hath discharged them of all duty, you say: But they see the contrary proved against you. But whatsoever they see, you do happily 
There are none so blind but will see when a man giveth them counsel against themselves.  assure yourself, they will see nothing against you: But good M. Doctor charm them not so blind, but that you give them leave to see, what counsel you give them against themselves. Your words are weighty and forcible with them in other cases, but their own weal and safety is much dearer unto them in this case. They see the 
The D. of G. and those of the holy league in France, though they pretend the patronage of the popish Religion, they spare no papist more than protestant, from the spoil, and sword.  dealings of the Duke of G. and the rest of the holy league in France: who, though they pretend the quarrel and patronage of the pretended Catholic Religion, yet spare they neither Catholic person, nor place, but use all violence, spoil, and sackage of such towns as are mere Catholic, and of Catholics goods, without favour or difference: Wherein as they have showed themselves (conformably to your doctrine) very observant of civil justice, in using little partiality, or respect of persons: so have they bewrayed their intent (answerable to your policy) to be the wreak of private malice, the disturbance of the public peace, 
The very quarrel and intent of the D. of G.  and the ambition of a kingdom, shadowed only with the colour of their Catholic Religion. In so much as some of the greatest and best Catholics 
Some of the greatest and best affected papists have abandoned that party.  of that sort, which of zeal were entered into that confederacy: besides many others most earnestly and sincerely affected to that religion, finding at length their disguised purposes, have already clean abandoned that party, and revolted to the contrary.  
And do you imagine, our English Romanists so besotted with your Siren songs, as that they will take no heed to themselves by th'examples of others their neighbours? Yes, doubt you not, they will forecast all events that may happen, & consider what is most likely to happen, and seek 
What danger the English papists run into, if they should but offer to stir against her Majesty, to take part with a foreign power.  their own safety whatsoever happen. They know, if they should but offer to stir towards a foreign enemies party, against their own country, if we get the upper hand (as we faithfully assure ourselves, God being on our side) they lose all they have, both goods, lands, and lives too, like traitors, as they well deserve. On the otherside, if th'enemy should prevail (which we 
The Pretended Catholic armies in France, spare not their fellow Catholics, being their own countrymen: how then will a foreign army spare our English Catholics, being strangers to them.  little doubt, and God, I trust, will never permit) what protection shall they have by their Catholic Religion? They see the pretended Catholic armies in France, spare not the like Catholics being their own countrymen; what favour can English Catholics then expect of a foreign army? especially of the Spanish soldier, who in the opinion and report of those nations which have felt his fury, and endured his yoke, is very hardly thought of, and almost infamous for his pride, insolence, cruelty, ravishments, and such like kinds of violence, without regard of estate, religion, 
The Spanish soldier very hardly thought and reported of, for his insolence, cruelty, and vicious dealings, where he subdueth.  decree, or calling, wheresoever he getteth the mastery? And if these be his natural properties generally to all men, how much more will malice augment his fury towards our nation, to whom the very name of an English man is no less odious for the envy of our virtue, and valour, than the the name of a Spaniard is unto us, for the report of his vice, and insolency? Small favour or 
The Spaniard malicious to the English nation.  courtesy (God wots) is an Englishman to hope for at a Spaniards hand, be he never so Catholic. The Spanish soldier, where he is lord, never useth 
The Spanish soldier maketh little conscience in his choice.  to ask (or to hear) whose wife is this? whose daughter, whose sister, whose house or goods these are: A Catholics wife, daughter, house, & goods, are as sweet to him, as another man's. And what 
It would be an intolerable despite to an English man, to see his wife, sister, or daughter forced before his face.  pleasure would this be to an English man, whatsoever his religion be, to see his wife forced, his sisters ravished, his daughters deflowered, his house sacked, his goods peeled and spoiled by a stranger before his face? yea, and his own throat cut, if he but offer to make defence? Such is the fury and violence of the soldier, especially of the Spaniard. What availeth him then the name of a Catholic, if it please the lion in his ravening mood, to take the hare for an ass, because he hath long ears? To whom shall his headless body complain for redress?  
And is this the goodwill you bear to your 
D. Allens kindness to his Catholic countrymen.  brethren and Catholic countrymen (M. Doctor) that you would allure them to the bringing in of their own assured calamity, & utter overthrow? They love yôu better, I am persuaded, yet not so well, as to cast away themselves, and all theirs, at your request & counsel. They are professors of your religion, but will be no partakers of your rebellion. They like to be of your fraternity, but not of your conspiracy. They can be content to hear your doctrine: but you must be content to let them prefer their own safety. They see Religion is not the quarrel, that can stir up foreign forces to an 
Religion is not the Spaniards quarrel to England.  invasion, with such terrible threatenings of utter rasing and depopulation of themselves and their country, but mere malice and revenge of private grudges, with a greedy thirst after the spoil and sacking of a rich and plentiful country. They could wish with all their hearts that the Catholic Religion might prevail and flourish in their country: but they will strive with heart and hand both to defend their own 
All our lives and liberties and the weal and freedom of our country depend upon this quarrel.  lives, and liberties, and the weal & freedom of their country, which they see are all assaulted, all in peril, & all likely to be lost, if foreign powers should get the conquest of their country.  
Is this then so easy a matter think you, M. Doctor, to persuade your Catholic countrymen unto? For mine own part, I am of another mind, & so shall you find them also, I doubt not, if ever the matter come to trial. For, admit they bore so malicious minds towards her Majesty, as you give good cause to suspect, yet they are English men, and if they bear English hearts in their bodies, they will never endure a stranger, much less an enemy, especially so insolent, cruel, and intolerable an enemy, to tyrannize over their country. And if they were so void of all duty, piety, humanity, good nature, & manhood, as to betray their liege Sovereign, abandon the defence of their dear country, & to abject their minds, honour, & reputation, & subject their names to everlasting infamy: yet that inward working of natural love, affection, & care of themselves, their wives, their children, their parents, and kindred, yea of their own lives, & liberties, (which lie all upon the stake) will be continually knocking at their bosoms, at their heads, & at their hearts, to stir them up to the withstanding of their own calamities.  
But as we have considered somewhat of the 
To the force of D. Allens Persuasions.  persons, whom D. Allen chiefly goeth about to persuade by this pamphlet: so let us now examine a little the force and weight of his persuasions.  
After a long dehortation of the Q. majesties liege subjects from her service in these wars, (which it pleaseth him to term unjust) and persuasion to them to revolt unto the other side, for Religion's sake, with divers circumstances tending wholly to that purpose, wherein he useth only his own authority for reason: amongst the rest, to move them thereunto the rather by examples, he citeth out of Eusebius, How for refusing to commit Idolatry 
D. Allens examples cited out of Eusebius, to persuade the Papists to revolt for Religion.  by sacrificing unto Idols, and in particular for disobeying the Emperor Maximinus his commandment therein, the famous Colonel S. Maurice with the whole legion of Thebes, sustained most glorious martyrdom. As divers others did under julian the Apostata, and the like: And many noble soldiers, for that they could not exercise their Christian usages, partly were driven to abandon their profession in displeasure of their Princes, and partly were licensed to departed: etc.  
Mark, I pray you, the force of these examples, 
Some abandoned their profession, some their Countries, & some suffered death for Religion's sake, but none revolted, no not from Heathen Princes, nor from julian the Apostate himself.  and how well they serve the purpose, for which D. Allen citeth them. We see not by them, that any of all these valiant Christian Soldiers, whom he mentioneth, did ever revolt from the Princes whom they served, or take arms against them; which is the purpose whereunto they are cited: but rather, that to avoid superstition, and the abominable service of Idols, they forsook their profession, their Countries, yea and their lives also, before they would offer to revolt to their Prince's enemies.  
Yet see the odds between the persons & cases. They were Soldiers, and were urged to forsake the true God & to commit Idolatry, yet rather endured death than they would offer to revolt from a Heathen Prince, notwithstanding he would have enforced them to renounce Christ: And yet M. Allen goeth about by these examples, to persuade subjects, to Rebel against their natural Prince, being 
The Queen's Majesty doth not drive any from the service of God, but endeavoureth to draw all men from Idolatry to the true knowledge & worship of God.  a Christian, neither compelling, nor commanding them to forsake God, but endeavouring by all good & godly means to draw them to the true knowledge and worship of God, from the blindness of superstition and Idolatry. Is not this a strange thing, to see a man so learned, as he is esteemed to be, so much to overshoot himself, in offering such evident abuses, to seduce those with whom his credit may prevail?  
Yet hath he another argument as fit for his purpose 
Another trim argument of D. Allens, to encourage the Papists to revolt.  as this, wherein he encourageth the English Catholics, and such as are pliable to his persuasions, to revolt from her majesties service unto the pretended Catholic party, by mention of the great victories and happy success, which God giveth unto those, that with their arms uphold 
That God fighteth himself, for the defence of his own cause, and of the right.  and maintain the true Religion, declaring also that God fighteth himself for the defence of his own cause and of the right, which (in mine opinion) can be no encouragement, but ought rather to be a great terror to the English Romanists, for enterprising to take arms against their gracious Sovereign.  
For first looking into home examples of the 
The rebellion in the North by the Earls of Northumberland, and Westmoreland:  like sort, within their own memory, they know what befell unto the two late Earls of Northumberland, and Westmoreland, and the rest of that rebellious faction: who having entered into the like conspiracy, and for the like cause that D. Allen now so much recommendeth unto his Catholic Countrymen, and having made 
For the same cause that D. Allen here so much commendeth. The Rebels by God's power and assistance overthrown.  a very strong party, in several parts of the Realm, and suddenly raised a great power of the greatest strength of the North of England, were notwithstanding by the providence and assistance of God (for it is he only that giveth victory, not the strength of man, or of Horse) within very short time overthrown, dispersed, and scattered, the most and principallest of the Ringleaders taken, and executed according to their desert, and the rest driven to abandon their Country, and to live abroad like outcasts and vagabonds.  
They remember likewise since that time what 
The Invasion in Ireland, Anno. 1580. upon the same cause & quarrel.  became of the Romish Catholic Forces (whom I before mentioned) which landed in Ireland in the year 1580: who as they came in defence of the same cause, and of the same Religion, so found they even the same encounter, in so much as few of them (I think) returned home, to boast or make report of their victory.  
If then this position of D. Allens persuasion be 
The success of these Rebels and Invaders doth) by D. Allens own argument) both show the cause to be nought, and warneth our English Papists, for the like cause not to enter into the like action.  true (as it is most true) that God fighteth for the defence of true Religion, and of the right: the English Catholics, and all men else, may see by these examples, that the cause was nought and unjust, and the Religion corrupt and false, in the defence whereof these armies were so discomfited: & may likewise be warned by their success, to take heed how for the like cause they enter into the like action.  
Secondly, the examples which D. Allen reciteth of the overthrows, which have happened unto the K. of Spain's Rebels (as he termeth them) in the 
The overthrows which have lighted upon the K. of Spain's Rebels (as D. Allen saith) ought to terrify all men from Rebellion.  low Countries: what do they else but admonish all English men to beware, how they rebel or stir in arms against their lawful Sovereign; seeing overthrow and confusion threatened as a just recompense of rebellion? And if our English Romanists, or any other whosoever, her majesties natural subjects, will but duly and uprightly consider of these arguments, though brought by D. Allen to a contrary purpose: I doubt not but they may be thereby sufficiently dissuaded and discouraged, from all such wicked and unnatural attempts.  
But, because this Pamphlet of D. Allens (is as we 
A note of certain oversights in policy escaped this great politicien in this Pamphlet, which is mere politic.  have showed you) altogether politic, tending not so much to the defence of the action which he pretendeth, as to a further purpose, which I have also discovered herein: it shall be no great labour to me, but some reproof to him, to note in a word or two, before I make an end, some oversights even in policy, escaped this great politicien, even in this small Pamphlet, which is nothing else but a packet of politic drifts, composed for a preparative unto mischief.  
And first to begin with the whole argument of his persuasion, affirming it to be lawful 
His whole argument of revolt for Religion, a warrant for the revolt of the low Countrymen, and consequently for all that assist them, against the K. of Spain  for the subject in cause of Religion to revolt from his Sovereign: what doth it else but give warrant and defence to the people of the low Countries in resisting the King of Spain, (though he were, as D. Allen supposeth him to be) their lawful and undoubted Sovereign, and consequently to the actions of all such, as hitherto have, or hereafter shall yield them any succours or assistance against him? For it is well known, that the first and principal matter, wherewith they found themselves aggrieved, was the restraint 
Their first discontentment for Religion.  of Religion, for that they might not freely use and enjoy the liberty of their consciences under him. Which being the true ancient Catholic, and Apostolic Religion, cleansed from the dregs and superstition of the Romish Church, it was and is lawful for the people of those Countries (by Doctor Allens position) for defence of that Religion to take arms against the King of Spain, though he were their rightful king, and consequently for us, or any other, in that lawful quarrel to assist them. Thus the policy which D. Allen contriveth to impeach us one way, is not only a defence unto us in the principal cause, which he impugneth, but as great an impeachment to his own Patron.  
Another oversight in policy, which I note 
D. Allens words may be prejudicial to the K. of Spain, his Patron.  in Doctor Allens Pamphlet, is, that in the whole discourse throughout, wheresoever he speaketh of the people of the low Countries, he termeth them Rebels and Heretics: which terms, as they cannot but be very scandalous to the people, so may they be very prejudicial to the K. of Spain, whose party he so much favoureth.  
For where the Duke of Parma hath long endeavoured, and still doth, by such factors and secret practisers, as he hath among the States of the countries, to win them by fair means and enticements to the obedience & subjection of the K. of Spain: what a hindrance may this be to that practice, when the people shall see themselves reputed & published Rebels & Heretics by so great a man as D. Allen, a Cardinal, & professed Advocate to the K. of Spain, whom they may imagine, for his credit, calling, and adherency with the King, to know better than themselves, what opinion is held of them, & what mind towards them, by the King, and not to cast 
What construction the low Countrymen may make of it, that D. Allen openly termeth them Heretics and Rebels.  out such words at random, of his own mere intemperancy? What may they gather of it? or what construction may any man in reason make of it?  
This only may they well think with themselves. All is not gold that glistereth, and within a fair bait, may be hidden a foul hook. And howsoever the Duke of Parma in the behalf of the King (his Master) allureth us with courtesy and fair promises (as it standeth with good policy for him to do) if he may by that means draw us home to his obedience, yet having once gotten us under his hand, it is doubtful how he will entreat us. For the wound which we have made him by these long wars and infinite troubles, charges, and expenses, is so great, as it can never be so clean healed, but there will still remain a foul scar, which will put him always in remembrance of the hurt he hath received by us: so that though it be for the present in show forgiven, yet we may well assure ourselves, it can not in heart be for ever forgotten: neither is it wisdom to trust a reconciled friend, much less a scarce reconciled Lord, that hath our lives and all at commandment. Besides, this may also be a caveat unto us to be the more circumspect how we trust him, that we see even whilst he is yet seeking to win us, his devote favourers, & such as for their credit with him, are privy to the estate of his dealings, & opinion of us, do not stick openly to call us Rebels & Heretics: how much more than may we assure ourselves, that we are in inward account so esteemed by him? And if he 
A Maxim of the Papists, That there is no faith to be kept with Heretics.  hold us for Heretics, what faith or promise will he keep with us, when we are once fast in hand? If Rebels, what other thing are we to expect at his hands, than the flat reward of Rebels? Thus may D. Allens terms (and not without great reason) kindle, or at the least increase such a suspicion, in a subtle, jealous, and wavering people, already doubtful of their security, as may frustrate all the Duke of Parma's earnest endeavours, and secret practices for the reclaiming of those countries, and greatly endamage the King of Spain, his own Patron. For in truth, that people is very apt, and hath good cause upon former experience to be suspicious in this case, by how much the more likely it is, these very terms may draw them into a further jealousy of the kings meaning towards them: which occasion Doctor Allen should not in policy have ministered, to the prejudice of this Catholic Protector.  
3 Now for the whole latter part of his Pamphlet containing the persuasion of revolt, judge, I pray you, what policy it was for him to enter into that argument, in such open sort, and in so dangerous a season. For where his purpose and whole intent therein is, to stir up his Catholic countrymen against her Majesty, to the aid and assistance of those foreign forces, which are prepared for the invasion 
The means which D. Allen useth to effect his purpose, is a most likely occasion to prevent and defeat his purpose.  of her & her Realm: see if the very means which he useth to attain unto his purpose, do not give sufficient occasion to prevent and clean cut off the accomplishment and end of his purpose, for which he useth them. For when her Majesty shall see an open persuasion used publicly unto her subjects (especially those that are of the Romish Religion) inciting them to revolt from her obedience, to join with her enemies against her, and to employ their uttermost forces to the bereaving of her both of kingdom, and of life, with a justification of the action, drawn from the authority of their holy Father the Pope (which their ignorant and superstitious devotion hath by all likelihood persuaded them, that it were damnable for them to disobey:) and published by a principal pillar of their Church, the credit of whose Cardinalship, is likely enough to prevail with them, even against their own knowledge, nature, and spirit: when her Majesty (I say) shall in so perilous a time and expectation of invasion, see so great a danger 
His pamphlet a good occasion to her Majesty to look straightly to the Papists.  imminent over her, by her Romish Catholic subjects, and (as it were) a plain denunciation and threatening of the utter ruin & overthrow, both of herself and her whole state, to be doubted (or rather certainly expected) at their hands, will it not make her look better to herself, and straighter to those Catholics? Nay, being thus 
D. Allens dealing might well and justly provoke her Majesty to take a severe course with the papists, & not for Religion, but for the better establishment and assurance of herself and her estate, especially considering her great dangers past, and seeing the perils imminent, and daily threatened unto her by them: but Clemency hath ever prevailed with her, which God continue till, so that it may be with her safety.  warned, as she may well be, by this persuasion of D. Allens, what can she do less (if she will do but that, which in reason & in all good policy she may, and is by this pamphlet admonished and whetted on to do, for the preservation of herself and her kingdom) then provide speedily to cut such catholics clean of, and to root them out of her country, and not to nourish any longer so many and so venomous serpents, yea such pestilent hydra's in her bosom, by whom such assured danger and mischief is portended and threatened towards her? At the least, if her princely nature and clemency, which hath ever hitherto but too much prevailed with her in the like cases, will not suffer her to use that means, which in reason were most fit and necessary for her best assurance: yet the natural and due care of her own safety, and the weal public, must of necessity enforce her, at the least to disarm, and utterly disable them from doing harm. By which means D. Allen (I trust) shall at the least be disappointed of his purpose (for any assistance his Catholic brethren here, shall be able to yield unto his Catholic king, against their liege Sovereign) 
The papists are much beholding to D. Allen for provoking her Majesty by his pamphlet, to deal hardlier with them, than any protestant would wish.  even by occasion of his Religious persuasions: which, if her majesties mercy were not greater than his wisdom and foresight in this point, might be a mean of more displeasure and harm unto the English Romanists, then either D. Allens counsel, or the king of Spain's forces, or the Pope's blessing, will ever be able to repair. And for this might they thank D. Allen, whose profane policies turn to the confusion of his own friends and followers. 
A brief recapitulation of the premises.   
Now, to grow towards an end, and to give you a brief remembrance of that which hath been already spoken: you have herein seen,  
1 First, all D. Allens arguments, brought in his pamphlet for the justification of the delivering up of Deventer, particularly answered and confuted, the fact of Sir William Stanley and York (by his own position) proved plain treason, and all her majesties actions in the low Countries (or otherwise) towards the k. of Spain (by D. Allens own arguments, assertions, and authors) proved most lawful, just, and honourable:  
2 Secondly, his most wicked and malicious mind and practise, against her most Excellent Majesty, and the whole State and Country, most plainly and evidently discovered; together with his cunning order, method, and means he useth to attain unto his treacherous purpose: his slanderous defamations of her majesties most princely and godly actions, and of her ministers and country, most truly and justly refuted, and rebanded upon himself and his party: and his holy father's authority to depose Princes, together with his warrant for the subjects disobedience, utterly disproved & overthrown, not only by sundry authorities, both of the holy Scriptures, and of the ancient fathers and Doctors of the Church, but also by those very examples, which D. Allen himself produceth, for his best confirmation thereof:  
Thirdly, his seditious and ungodly persuasions unto her majesties natural borne subjects, showed to be most deceitful, corrupt, malicious, and such as ought to have no force, being grounded upon such examples and arguments, as do rather enforce the contrary: and his policies so profane, absurd, and unadvised, as (being measured by the line of right consideration) they turn wholly to the advantage of them, against whom they are intended, and to the great prejudice of himself, and his associates.  
Wherein, that you may the better perceive by 
Notes to be considered both in the whole, and in every particular.  the whole course of his dealings, and every particular point thereof, the honest and religious mind and disposition of this Cardinal, you are in the first to consider the laudable and high renowned 
In the first what facts, & persons D. Allen defendeth.  fact, which he taketh upon him in this pamphlet to defend and extol, and the worthy and famous persons, for whom he offereth himself an Advocate▪ and broacheth his best vessels of Rhetoric, with his ruinous and decayed eloquence to solemnize, & proclaim their veluetheaded virtue and devotion.  
Touching the fact, I need not by bitterness 
The fact, treason.  of words to augment the infamy thereof, being not only most apparent of itself, but by D. Allens own assertions also proved, most traitorous, dishonourable, and infamous. 
The persons discontented, disloyal, and ingrate.   
For the persons, I rather remember them with pity, then pursue them with malice: that the one of them being of an ancient & noble house, a man well friended and greatly favoured, and 
Sir W. Stanley.  then even in the ready way of advancement, should (of a mere discontented mind) deceive the expectation and good opinion of his gracious Sovereign and honourable friends, and prevent his own good haps: the other 
R. York.  having in former times lead a lose and dissolute life, and played some slippery parts, to the touch of the best joint in his body, and 
In the low countries.  yet having afterwards found extraordinary friendship for the saving of his life, and salving of his former trespasses, and being now received into some favour, and credit above his demerits, should (of a vagrant humour, and vicious disposition) return with the dog to his vomit, and with the swine to his former filth and wickedness: and lastly, and especially, that both of them should unto the foul attaint of Treason, add the most odious and shameful guilt of Ingratitude, 
Ingratitude. Sir W. Stanley sometime servant to the E. of Leicester.  the one of them in betraying his L. and Master, by whom, and through whom he had received all his honour and preferment, and greater was to receive, if his disloyalty had not prevented it: the 
a R. York.  other in betraying his most honourable 
b The E. of Leicester.  benefactor, of whom he had received sundry favours and great benefits, and by whose special means he had received his life: both of them in betraying their General, which had trusted them both, above their desert: both of them in preferring the present gain of some few crowns, before the respect of their own consciences and reputation, their duty & allegiance unto their most gracious Sovereign, and the honour of their country.  
But it were but a small glory, to insult upon the miserable, and less pleasure it is to me, to oppress them with reproaches, whom their own doings have already cast down to the lowest dungeon of discredit. I will therefore only bewail their want of grace, not afflict their persons, by rubbing over the raw scars of their fresh wounds, not yet fully skinned.  
And these (forsooth) are the famous facts, which D. Allen so highly commendeth: these the honourable persons, whose Orator he maketh himself, to declaim of their praises. And no marvel if an Archtraytor defend Treason: for if Treason 
An Archtraytor must needs defend Treason.  should have no defence, his own fact were the more infamous: and if the inferior Traitors be so highly extolled, how much the greater is his own glory?  
In the second, you are to observe the actions, 
In the second, what actions and persons he inveigheth against.  which he setteth himself to impugn and discommend, and the persons against whom he opposeth himself, and shooteth out the most venomous sting of his slanderous and blasphemous 
The actions already proved godly, virtuous and honourable.  tongue. The actions, such as by the adversaries own arguments, affirmations, and authorities, have been already sufficiently justified against his false calumniations, and are in themselves most apparent godly, virtuous, and honourable:  
The persons so sacred, so religious, so unspotted, so far above all blemish of detraction, as Malice 
The persons, sacred, religious, and unstained with reproach.  itself cannot name without reverence, nor think on without trembling; and such, as D. Allen is by Gods own word expressly forbidden, not only to speak, but so much as 
Exod. 22. 28. Ecclesiastes. 10. 20.  to imagine evil of, in thought. Yet such is the corruption of his mind, the disobedience of his heart, the neglect and contempt he hath of God's commandment, as no regard of virtue, no respect of civility, no fear of God or man, can restrain his outrageous intemperancy. But herein hath he observed Decorum, and showed himself in all points like himself: for he that 
He that is a professed patron of vice, must needs be an open enemy to virtue.  hath professed himself an open patron of vice and treachery, and a cannoniser of disloyal traitors, it fitteth best his person and quality, to object himself as a sworn adversary to all honourable, godly and religious actions, and a malicious and slanderous defamer of all true noble, virtuous, and renowned personages. 
In the third, what it is, that he persuadeth you to.   
In the third, you are to note the nature of the thing, whereunto he goeth about to persuade you, that is, to revolt from the due obedience and service of your Sovereign, to rebel and to take arms against her, & your country: a thing first, in itself, 
A thing unlawful, and repugnant to God's word.  unlawful, displeasing to God, and repugnant unto his word, as hath been by sundry arguments, and express authorities of Scripture, manifestly declared unto you: secondly, for the effects, unnatural, odious, and infamous throughout the 
Unnatural and odious to the world.  whole world, as being the most pestilent disease of the body politic, the greatest enemy to civil government, and the dissolver of all human society: thirdly, for the intent, most damageable, 
Most hurtful and pernicious to yourselves.  and utterly pernicious to yourselves, as tending directly to the very ruin and overthrow of your peace, liberty, wealth, prosperity, and finally in a word, to the extreme misery, calamity, and destruction of yourselves and your country.  
A fit persuasion for such an author, wherein 
Fit for such a persuader.  he hath showed himself hitherto no changeling, that he might at the least purchase unto himself the commendation of constancy, though it be but in mere lewdness, and shameless impiety.  
Lastly, for a full consummation and accomplishment of his praises, you are in all and every 
In all, you are to consider his fraudulent dealings and impostures.  particular of this his pamphlet throughout, to consider (that which hath been heretofore in sundry places noted unto you) his fraudulent and indirect dealing, not only in the fallacies and Sophistications of his arguments, but also in the open falsehood of his affirmations, and especially in his perverting and wresting of the holy histories, and examples of Scripture, to his seditious and wicked purposes. Which if any (upon the good opinion they have conceived of D. Allens integrity & zeal in religion) do think not to be intended by him to the deceiving of them, they do 
He that maketh it no conscience to abuse God's word, will not make it dainty to abuse men's credulity.  therein utterly deceive themselves. For it standeth not with reason or common sense, for any man to believe, that he will make it nice or dainty, to abuse the ignorance or credulity of men, which maketh it no conscience to abuse the most sacred and holy word of the eternal God.  
But herein hath he (I say) duly and orderly accomplished his course, with such equality, proportion, and uniformity in all points, as the middle 
D. Allens uniformity in all points of his Pamphlet.  appeareth in each respect answerable to the beginning, and the end unto both: insomuch as the Author hath effectually showed himself not to have degenerated in any point, from his first humour & disposition: but that you may rightly say of him (forsomuch as he hath declared in this pamphlet,) that if there be one good zeal, motion, or affection in him, there is never a bad.  
If any man think me to have been more earnest and bitter in speeches against the man, than I 
No hard speech used against D. Allen, but against his malicious & wicked dealings.  heretofore promised and professed, let him impute it to the bitterness of the argument and occasion, for I protest I have not in any thing inveighed against the person, but against his wicked, malicious, and pestilent practices: which I know no subject well affected could with patience endure to think upon, and I myself have been enforced to command myself temperancy, in repeating and answering them, labouring in no wise to discredit him, but endeavouring wholly to discover his double and deceitful dealings, his irreligious and profane policies, and his evident abuses and impostures: 
Deceits and impostures, the only means to establish their Antichristian Monarchy.  which hath been ever hitherto the only means, that not he alone, but all the rest of the same sect have used, to seduce men from the Truth to the following of their faction, for the setting up of their Antichristian Monarchy. For that is the very mark they shoot at, to make themselves Lords, and Rulers of the world, and to draw as well the authority of the sword, as the custody of the keys, into their own hands, and to bring all Kings, Princes, Emperors, and all Civil powers, under their subjection and obedience.  
Which knowing at the first that they could not by any means bring to pass, if the word of God, (which is directly against their purposes, and beateth down their intolerable pride, and ambitious desire of Sovereignty) should once be made public and common to the people, whereby they might be able to discern their doctrine, and find out their errors and abuses: to keep and restrain men from that knowledge, they endeavoured first to 
The restraint of the Scriptures from the people, to hold them in ignorance.  suppress the holy Scriptures, by prohibiting them to be published in those languages, wherein the people might read and understand them: teaching the people, that it was not convenient for them to meddle with the Scriptures, but that it was sufficient for them to rely wholly upon their doctrine, and necessary for their salvation to believe what they taught, and to fulfil what they commanded. So by this means might they teach whatsoever they would, for who could control them? and whatsoever they taught, the people were bound to believe, upon pain of damnation; for who durst offend his Ghostly Father?  
If any true member of the Church of Christ, stirred up by the spirit of God, and an earnest zeal of his word, to encounter their wicked proceed, and to hinder the kingdom of Antichrist, did put himself forward to reprove their errors, rebuke their abuses, and sincerely to teach the word of God, and due administration of the Sacraments, according to the true institution 
Whosoever taught the liberty of the Gospel, & free use of the Scriptures, was proclaimed by the Papists for an Heretic.  of Christ, and the doctrine of the Apostles and the Primitive Church, endeavouring to communicate unto all men the knowledge of the truth: they forthwith condemned him for an Author of new doctrine, a sour of sedition, and (to make him the more odious unto the world) proclaimed him for an Heretic, thundering out their Bulls, excommunications, and curses against him, and all to the end that men might not incline to him, nor give any credit or regard to his teaching, whereby 
All to cover their abuses.  they might come to the knowledge of the Scriptures, and to the discovering of their Popish abuses, and impostures.  
Now, when they see these policies no longer avail them, but that mighty Princes & whole Nations, moved by the inward working of the holy Spirit, have caught hold of, and embraced the light of the Gospel, and thereby have begun to descry their juggling and trumpery, and to fall away from their 
The Papists proceed from policy to plain force.  obedience; they fly now from policy to plain force, and join the one with the other, and fall to inciting not only of natural borne subjects, but of foreign Princes and nations, to join in arms against the defenders of the true, ancient, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith, only to the intent to reduce them to their former subjection and obedience, and to establish their own Antichristian 
Deceit, their only means to persuade men to their purpose.  Monarchy. And what other means use they to draw them to the accomplishment of their ungodly, and worse than barbarous designments, but even their ancient and accustomed policy and practice of deceit, seducing them with false doctrine, and persuading them, those things to be most lawful, honourable and necessary to be done, upon pain of damnation, which are expressly forbidden by the word of God?  
And can any man than be so senseless as to be moved by their persuasions, seeing how first they have noozled them in ignorance, and barred them the means, whereby they might have come 
The Papists restrain the knowledge of the Scriptures, only to bind men (by ignorance) to the believing of their traditions.  to the knowledge, to be able to discern of truth, and falsehood, only to the intent to bind them wholly to the believing of their traditions: and now (having so Captived their understandings and judgements with blindness, as either they have not the knowledge to descry their abuses, or at the least have it wholly restrained to the credit of their doctrine,) forbear not to impose upon them any falsehood, that may further their ambitious purposes?  
There is no man but knoweth that the plain 
The Truth beggeth no credit, nor feareth sifting.  and simple Truth, which is ever able to justify itself, craveth no credit, nor feareth to be sifted to the uttermost: but it is falsehood, that seeketh corners, and useth policy to creep into credit, and refuseth to come to open trial. And why should then the Romish Church recommend ignorance unto the people, and lead them on in blindness with their own traditions, restraining from them the reading and knowledge of the Scriptures, which is the true touchstone of Religion, if their doctrine were pure and sound, and able to abide the touch? Christ biddeth all men search the Scriptures; why should they then forbidden or hinder any man to read the Scriptures, but that they know the Scriptures condemn both their doctrine and doings, and therefore fear to have their falsehood and wickedness discovered? Wherein they do most of all, and most 
The Papists own doings condemn them.  evidently condemn themselves (to the judgement of all men, in whom there is any jot of judgement or common sense) bewraying themselves to be the children of darkness, not of the 
Matth. 15. 14. Matth. 7. 15.  light, The blind, leaders of the blind, Wolves in sheeps clothing: And what better mark seek ye to know them by, than the same very mark, whereby Christ himself hath notified them unto you, that is, by their fruits? their pride, their 
Ibidem.  ambition, their malice, their deceit, their imposture, their falsehood, their profaneness, to conclude, their plain Atheism? And can you (notwithstanding all these notes of them (given you by Christ) believe them, or suffer yourselves to be seduced by them?  
But me thinks I do even see D. Allen himself proceeding on with the rest of Davus his part, 
D. Allen is never weighed of an ill work.  and saying to the Pope (his Master) Deceptus sum, at non defatigatus: Hac non successit, alia aggrediamur via: I am disappointed of my purpose, but not 
Teren. Andri.  weary of my work: Since this trick hath not served our turn, let us try another.  
In truth I doubt nothing of his good will, nor of his endeavour, neither yet of the readiness of the rest of that crew, to pursue this argument: for neither is this the first assault, that D. Allen hath given to the subjects fidelity and obedience, neither is D. Allen the first and only Champion, that hath stricken the first blow in so bad a quarrel, though none of them ever yet answered the encounter. But the best hope is, let him, or any other give the assay again, when, and as often as they lust, I trust they shall be still disappointed, and in the end weighed, or clean worn out: and when they have attempted all the ways they can, they shall be as wise, as they were in the beginning, and in the beginning, midst, and ending, nearer to their own end, then to the end of their purpose. For God will never give success to so godless an enterprise.  
As for this slender push of D. Allens Pamphlet, I hope there is not the holowest heart of all her majesties subjects, in whom there is either fear of God, sense of reason, or regard of his own safety, but that having seen his weak forces, his brittle weapons, his false fires, and counterfeit engines, is sufficiently armed in himself with his own honesty, faith, and loyalty, to abide and withstand and this feeble and forceless battery.  
But what shall I now say to M. Allen, and the rest of our fugitive Countrymen, that have left their Sovereign, their Country, and their duty altogether, especially such as have not only left them, but do maliciously stir up all the means they can to overthrow, destroy, and utterly 
The English Fugitives seditious dealings deserve more then to be inveighed against, of every true subject.  deface them? Shall I whet myself wholly to inveigh against them? I know their deeds have not only deserved it, but do justly provoke me and every good subject unto it. But I will use Charity, even where it is not to be showed. Shall I then in Charity reprove them? I would they were as willing to hear reproof, and as ready to be reform, as they have been charitably, friendly, and brotherly admonished. Shall I labour to exhort and persuade them to the 
Small hope of converting them by persuasion.  consideration of their duty, the repentance of their grievous offences committed against their Sovereign and Country, and restoration of their due obedience and fidelity? I fear I shall but lose my labour, to cry to them Resipiscite 
Psal. 2. 10.  & convertimini, Be wise and turn, their ears are so close stopped, their hearts so overhardened, their minds so maliciously bend against her Majesty, their Country, and us all. What shall I then say further to them? Alas, in so desperate a case, I can say no more, than Doctor Allen in his Pamphlet saith to his Country (but with a better mind and meaning towards them, than he doth towards us,) Alas for them, and thrice Alas for them: for I do even from the bottom of my heart pity their error, I envy not their Religion: I do even from the bottom of my heart bewail their obstinacy, I hate not their persons▪ I do even from the bottom of my heart lament their their miserable estate, I malice not the men: I wish better to them, than they do unto us: I desire neither the spilling of their blood, nor the spoiling of their substance, but I pray, & pray heartily for them, God amend them, God lighten their eyes, if they be blind and do not see, open their ears, if they be deaf and cannot hear, turn their hearts, if they be obstinate and will neither see, nor hear. God (if it be his will) give them grace to know his will, to acknowledge his will, and to conform themselves to his will, that they may be heirs of his everlasting Will.  
And to you (my brethren, countrymen, & 
An exhortation to all her majesties liege subjects.  fellow-subiects) what shall I say more than hath been said? Shall I endeavour to exhort you to obedience, and to the love of your prince, and defence of your country? Why should I seem so much to suspect your obedience, your love to your Prince, or your zeal and care of your country? Because D. Allen hath attempted by his persuasions to corrupt you, & withdraw you from them? Why, you see his persuasions are of little force, grounded upon falsehood, and contrary to the word of God. But were they never so forcible, why should you be corrupted by them? An honest faithful mind may well be assaulted, but 
Virtue most showed in withstanding the strongest assaults of vice.  will river be overcome with the corruption of wicked persuasions: Nay, thêre is virtue most showed, where against the hottest assault is made the strongest resistance.  
But why should you disobey, and revolt from your prince's service, and take arms against her and your country, as D. Allen exhorteth you to do? Whether upon just cause, or upon discontentment? If upon discontentment, you show yourselves rebels▪ not to your Sovereign only, but to God himself, in that you are not contented with his ordinance, but will strive to put it down, and set up a new ordinance of your own. This motion cannot proceed but of the devil himself, the rebellious spirit, and mover of all sedition.  
If you say upon just cause, you deceive your 
There is no just cause, to commit an unjust act.  selves: for there can be no just cause, to commit an unjust fact. If there might any cause be just, who shall be judge of the justice thereof? Yourselves? that were not fit: you are parties, and therefore partial, and no competent judges. Again you are private men, and subjects, and therefore can have no lawful authority (in this case) to judge? Who then shall be judge to determine this cause? There is no lawful power in this Realm, but your Sovereign, and her ministers: then if there be any cause, you must open it unto her, and submit both yourselves and the cause to her judgement, and reformation, and in the mean time continue in your due obedience, till the cause be decided.  
But (you will say) your Sovereign is a party also, aswell as you, in the cause. So may she be, & yet a judge. But to whose judgement then will you appeal? there is none to be judge over her, but God. Will you then be judged by him? Indeed he is the highest judge, and by him the whole world is to be judged. And will ye be content to stand to his judgement? I know you will not call him out of heaven, in person to judge betwixt you: for you need not: because he hath left his laws and judgements amongst you, here on earth, recorded in his own books of the old & new testament, which may be sufficient to determine this cause, without any further assistance, seeing that by them the whole world is to be judged. Look then into his book for his judgement in this case, and you shall find that he forbiddeth you absolutely (without exception of any cause) to lay your hands upon the Lords anointed: and commandeth you as absolutely (without all manner exception) to submit yourselves aswell to your Prince, as to her ministers and inferior governors, 
1. Peter 2. Rom. 13.  to obey her, and not to resist her, for if ye resist her, he telleth you that ye resist his ordinance, and shall thereby receive to yourselves judgement.  
You hear now, how God in his holy Scriptures 
You may not resist your▪ Sovereign.  determineth this case directly against you, that you may not (for any cause) offer to lay your hands upon your Sovereign, but that you must submit yourselves unto her, obey, and not resist her, upon pain of judgement. How then will you dare to lift up your hands, and to take arms against her?  
But, if it were lawful for you (as it is not) for any cause, to rise in arms against the Queen's Majesty, your liege & dread Sovereign, what cause (I pray you) would you pretend for your so doing? will you say Religion? Indeed Religion is the cause, for which D. Allen teacheth you, that it is lawful & honourable for you to take arms against your prince, & laboureth earnestly to persuade you thereunto, such as are of his religion. But what kind of Religion call you that, that stirreth you up 
A good Religion, that stirreth up subjects to Rebellion.  to Rebellion? You have received no such religion from Christ, nor from his Apostles: for they teach you the contrary, both by their doctrine, and examples. They tell you that you must submit yourselves to your Sovereign, obey, and not resist her. They, when they were imprisoned, tossed, and 
Christ and his Apostles suffered persecution without either resistance or moving of sedition.  turmoiled from place to place, reviled, & stricken, yet never offered resistance against the Magistrates, neither moved, or attempted any sedition, nor entered into any conspiracy against them, but endured all with patience, as constant witnesses of the Truth: which is clean contrary to this Religion, which you profess. From whom then receive you your Religion? from your holy father the Bishop of Rome? It may very well be; for it showeth itself from whence it cometh. And is this the Religion, for which you will take arms against your Prince? Why, you see it is a Religion taken from man, and not from God, and therefore cannot stand. You see it is a Religion contrary to the doctrine and Religion of Christ, and the Apostles, and therefore not the true Religion. Will you then take arms against your Prince in the quarrel and defence of a false Religion? you know not what you do, and that is also the fault of your Religion. For if you had given yourselves to the reading of the Scriptures, and study of knowledge, whereby you might have been able to give an account of your faith, and known the ground of your Religion, and not leaned so much, nor given so great trust unto men's traditions: you might (with God's grace and assistance) have found out a sounder Religion. But than should you have fallen from the precepts of your Popish teachers▪ But yet should you have followed the commandment of Christ, who biddeth you Search the Scriptures.  
What fault find you with our Religion? We teach nothing, but what we learn out of the 
The Protestants Religion.  Scriptures: we hold constantly the doctrine of our Saviour Christ, and of the holy Apostles in all points unchanged, and by them we offer ourselves to be tried, and our Religion. And do you condemn the Scriptures, the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles? If you do, the whole world will condemn you: if you do not, how can you then condemn our Religion? Compare it with your own, and, if you be not over partial, senseless, or shameless, be judges yourselves, whether of the two is the sounder.  
We ground our Religion wholly on the word 
The comparison of the Protestants Religion with the Papists.  of God, you, more upon the traditions of men: we recommend unto all men the knowledge of the Scriptures, for the direction of their life, and assurance of their salvation; your teachers restrain from you the knowledge of the Scriptures, delivering you their own traditions, both for your instruction of life, and assurance of your salvation: we commend unto subjects obedience, and fidelity, to their Princes, they command subjects disobedience, and rebellion against their Princes. Deny any part hereof, if you can: examine your own consciences, if this be not all true, and then judge yourselves by the true cognisance of Religion, whether of the two is the true Religion. We fly not to arms to maintain our Religion, for the truth is able to uphold itself, and hath God for her protector: Your Religion had need to be advanced by arms, else must it soon decay, having neither God, nor the Truth, nor reason to maintain it And will you then take arms against your Prince for defence 
They that take arms for the Romish religion, take arms against religion.  of this Religion? No, no, if you do, you deceive yourselves, you take arms against both your Prince and Religion, and (in defence of men's traditions and trumperies, under pretence of Religion) you seek to overthrow the true Religion: wherein you rebel not only against your Prince, but against God himself, who is the author and defender of this Religion.  
Christ teacheth you not to take arms, though 
Christ teacheth subjects to fly, or suffer for Religion, not to rebel.  ye were persecuted for Religion, but to fly: and if ye will abide and stand in the Truth, he willeth you to suffer, like Martyrs, not to resist, like Rebels. But you have no such cause given you, either to resist, or to fly; for ye are not persecuted, but instructed: and if ye refuse to come to hear, ye are punished for your disorder 
The Papists punished for disobedience, not for Religion.  and disobedience, not for Religion: for what Religion teacheth you to refuse, to hear the word of God preached? Christ saith, My sheep hear my voice: whose sheep are you then? for you are none 
Papists refuse to hear the word preached: Ergo they are not of Christ's flock.  of Christ's. If ye will be of Christ's flock, you must renounce that Religion, which withdraweth you from the hearing of his voice: for till then you cannot be his sheep.  
Do you call th'execution of justice against your jesuits and Seminaries, persecution for Religion? You do either ignorantly mistake it, or slanderously misreport it. For none was ever executed 
The jesuits and Seminaries executed for Treason, not persecuted for Religion.  for Religion, but for express Treason against her majesties person, as hath been sufficiently declared and published to all men. But (you will say) they did nothing but what Religion moved and bound them in conscience to do. I believe it, and affirm as much as you say: & this is the fault, I warned you of before, in your Religion. A good Religion (iwis) that moveth and bindeth men to the committing of Treason against their Christian Rulers. Can you confess so much yourselves, and yet are ye so blind, that you will not see the impiety of your Religion? Yet see your own danger, how in professing that Religion, you condemn 
Papistry and Treason inseparably united together.  yourselves of treason. If your Religion tie them necessarily to treason, that hold it, as in truth it doth, (for they must either disobey her Majesty, or not obey the Pope:) how can you acknowledge yourselves professors of that Religion, and not condemn yourselves for traitors to your sovereign?  
Leave, leave therefore that erroneous and ungodly profession, and term it not by the holy name of Catholic Religion, but mere blindness and Superstition, being grounded upon the vain inventions and traditions of men, so directly opposite unto the word of God, so contrary to the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles, and so inseparably combined and linked with Treason, as you cannot be either true catholics, Christians, or loyal subjects, so long as you persist in it. Pretend not the quarrel of Religion, against your Prince and Religion: for (assure yourselves) if you will admit (as you ought) that only to be the true Religion which is founded upon Christ, the head Corner stone, there is no Religion, that alloweth so rebellious an action.  
If you give any heed unto outward and Civil respects, consider with yourselves the long, peaceable and prosperous reign of your Sovereign, the like whereof your forefathers have not seen, nor any age doth record. If long peace, 
Peace, wealth, and prosperity, the blessings of God, and assured tokens of his special favour.  wealth, and prosperity, be the outward blessings of God (as undoubtedly they be) whereby he declareth his special favour unto that Prince & kingdom, which fear him▪ & worship him sincerely, and with whom he is well pleased, according to his word and promises in the Scriptures, all these may be to you an assured argument, both of the singular favour of God, unto your Prince and Country, and of the true sincere Religion professed by them, wherewith he is well pleased.  
But look yet further into the exceeding favour 
The singular favour of God unto her Majesty, particularly.  of God showed particularly unto her Majesty (I speak not of her rare and singular gifts of wisdom, learning, virtue, and other her excellent, and Princely qualities and perfections, both of body and mind, with all other Compliments of nature, so abundantly bestowed upon her, as few ages have ever known her equal, all which we must yet acknowledge to be the special graces of God) look, I say, into his gracious goodness towards her, in protecting her from the manifold 
In protecting her from the malicious attempts of Traitors.  dangers and mischiefs attempted against her own person.  
I know there is none of you ignorant, how often & sundry times her dear life hath been sought, and how near the bloody tortures have been to the very execution of their devilish designment, some of them (more than once or twice) in nearest 
Her majesties life sundry times sought by Traitors, and miraculously preserved by God.  and private place, with their murderous weapons in their hands, even ready to strike the deadly and cursed stroke of our calamity, and their own utter confusion and damnation; had not God prevented it, by striking them with a sudden trembling of heart, and astonishment of mind, for the preservation of his anointed servant and handmaid. This you know to have been attempted not once, nor twice, nor thrice, but oftener than either memory serveth me to repeat, or horror of the villainy will suffer me to remember: and will you not acknowledge the Divine providence, and the fatherly and loving kindness of God unto her Majesty, in so miraculously delivering her, even out of the bloody hands of the cruel Butchers, for the advancement of his glorious Gospel, and propagation of true Religion, by her faithful and zealous ministery: & on the other side, his just judgement 
God's just judgement upon the Traitors.  and vengeance upon the traitorous Parricides, in not only defeating, but discovering most wonderfully (even by some of their own mouths) their accursed and damnable purposes, and bringing them to a shameful end, for an example to all others of that sort, to take heed how they enter into such wicked conspiracies?  
And who have been the actors in all these tragical 
The murderous Traitors, all Papists, & set on by the Pope and his Adherents.  attempts, but only such as you term Catholics, professors of the Romish Religion, and such as the Pope and his adherents have inveigled, and set on to execute their most impious and detestable devices, and (to conclude) such as Doctor Allen enticeth, and exhorteth you now to be? But what Atheist is he so irreligious, what monster of nature so barbarous, what Tiger so fierce and cruel, as can find in his heart to lay his hand upon the Lords anointed, to imbrue his murderous blade in the blood of a Prince, of a Maiden Prince, in whom is nothing but mildness, clemency, virtue, modesty, Religion, all kind of Princely nature and excellency? Whose royal Majesty ought to be a terror to all traitorous thoughts, whose tender sex ought to be a safeguard against all violent assaults, whose sacred virtue, a protection against all villainous attempts.  
Let Gods especial favours therefore miraculously showed unto her Majesty, and his exceeding blessings abundantly powered out by him upon her Country, be unto you (as it is indeed) an assured argument, that her Religion is the true Religion acceptable unto God, and conformable to his word: and let the ungodly and 
The ungodly practices of the Romish Church, the very badges of Antichristian Religion.  irreligious practices of the Church of Rome, to murder Princes, and maintain Rebellion (contrary to the word and will of God) be unto you (as they ought to be) infallible tokens of a false and counterfeit Religion: and let the grievous judgement, and just vengeance of God, inflicted upon those abominable Traitors, be unto you (as to your best behoof it may be) a terror from assenting unto any such traitorous, or rebellious enterprise.  
Look into the Histories of ages past, either of foreign Nations, or your own Chronicles, and tell me where you ever read, or heard, or found written, that Rebels did ever prevail against their lawful sovereign's. Look nearer into the examples of your own Country and within your own memory, and namely the Insurrections in the time of the late most virtuous Prince of famous memory, Edward the sixth, against whom a rabble of rebellious subjects in sundry parts assembled themselves, some pretending the quarrel of Religion, some of a Common wealth, and gathered mighty forces of many thousands, to the great amazement of the whole Country, and the Prince a Child, yet what (I pray you) was the end of their Rebellion, but 
Rebels ever overthrown.  speedy discomfiture, and confusion?  
The histories are full of the like examples of all ages for what age hath not brought forth of both sorts, as well disobedient Rebels and miscreants, as honest and dutiful subjects? but how different soever the causes and quarrels have been (as there was never any such action so bad, but had the pretence and colour of some good intent) for which the Rebels 
Rebellion ever coloured with a good pretence.  have entered into Arms against their lawful Princes, yet the end hath ever (for the most part) been alike. For they that resist their Rulers, resist God, Whose ordinance they are, and those that resist God, God will confound them, & (which is most wretched and miserable) their infamy shall remain upon perpetual record, for a spectacle to all posterity. What hope have you then left, to encourage you to so godless an action, to take arms against your gracious Sovereign? Do you expect redemption (as you pretend Religion) through the means and assistance of foreign Forces? Nay rather assure yourselves of certain Captivity or destruction. For, if foreign powers should prevail over your country, do you hope for advancement at their hands in your country? No, no, your foreign Lords will 
A stranger will never trust him, which hath not been true to his own Prince and Country.  stand too much in doubt of your fidelity towards them, which have not been faithful to your own natural Prince, & Country, and therefore will keep you low enough for their own security: for though they love your treason, yet they will not trust your traitorous minds. So shall you be feign with your Country to endure the loss of your liberty, and in your Country become vassals & bondmend unto Strangers: A just reward for your unjust rebellion: And this is the best issue you are to expect of so bad an action.  
For, if your foreign auxiliary forces go to the ground, as I trust they shall, if ever they give the attempt against her Majesty and this Realm, look you to go with them also for company (as you are well worthy) if you go not before them; even when soever you shall first offer to stir. For (I know) 
Englishmen naturally faithful to their Prince and Country, especially against a foreign Enemy.  English men, how soever some few of the scum and dregs of them (as of other Nations) may either of a discontented mind, or desire of alteration for havoc and spoils sake, or through the lewd enticements of others, be stirred up to sedition, yet they are all generally by nature most faithful unto their Prince and Country, and especially against foreign enemies, in a case of Invasion, whereupon they shall see, lieth the hazard of the universal overthrow of themselves and their Country. And therefore whatsoever you be, that bear a Rebellious mind against your Prince and Country, and an unnatural affection to the partaking and furtherance of a foreign enemy, make sure account of 
A good Caveat for Papists.  this, that there shall not so soon be five Rebels gathered in a cluster to run to their confederates, but there will be fifty true hearted Subjects round about them ready to cut their throats. And doubt you not but the Magistrates are circumspect, provident, and careful enough, to set a good order and caution, for the timely preventing of all such your pernicious purposes.  
Seeing then the assured issue of your rebellious attempts (if any of you should be so wickedly inclined) and the present danger and destruction hanging over your heads, me thinks you should have but little courage, or comfort to stir in such a cause against your Prince & Country. But let not terror in these outward respects either only, or principally, drive you from disobeying or resisting of your Sovereign, whom you are expressly commanded by God to obey, not for fear, but for conscience: but if 
Rom. 13. 5.  there be in you Religion (as you pretend) show your religion in obeying his word, and fear his everlasting judgements, if you disobey him. So shall your obedience to your Prince be a willing, a hearty, a cheerful, a loving, & a faithful obedience, acceptable to God, comfortable to your Prince, and healthful to your own souls.   

NOw to such as are faithful & true hearted subjects to her Majesty (as I trust all are) I shall not need to use any exhortation at all, because I know you are already so well affected in heart towards your gracious Sovereign, and so throughlie confirmed in your obedience and duty, as there cannot be more added thereunto by any man's persuasions.  
Therefore will I only give you in a word such 
An encouragement to all true faithful Subjects.  comfort & encouragement, as I have received myself from mine own conscience, to persever constantly in that obedience, & in the defence of God's truth, our Prince's safety, & the weal & liberty of our Country.  
You have plainly understood by this discourse, the malicious mind & purpose of D. Allen and his party, against our Queen & country, & the seditious practices, and persuasions used by him in his Pamphlet, to the furtherance thereof: which though (I know) they can take no hold of any of you, yet let us take this benefit of our enemies, to make their doings our warnings, to arm ourselves against their malice.  
That they wish ill to us, we need not doubt: their own writings bewray it. That they intent ill towards us, we must needs suppose: their practices have declared it. That they mean to attempt ill against us, we may well assure ourselves: their preparations do certainly confirm it. How then? shall we be dismayed at it? that were not manlike. Shall Romish and Spanish forces appall us? That were dishonourable for English men. Shall we be daunted with the fear of a foreign enemy? Then should we degenerate from the courage of our forefathers.  
Their forces are great: ours greater. Their threatenings are terrible: our valour is tried. Their pride unmatched: our courage unmated. Their malice deadly: our minds undaunted. Their fury 
The odds of the quarrel.  vehement: our quarrel just, godly, honourable. They fight for revenge, we for defence: they for the spoil, we for our lives, and liberties: they for the Pope, we for God, and our Prince. And what is he, nay, what is she, that will not take arms, that will not fight, that will not die in this quarrel?  
Our fathers have vanquished foreign Princes: 
The examples of our ancestors virtue.  and shall not we fight for our own Prince? Our fathers have conquered other Realms: and shall not we defend our own Realm? Our fathers have been Lords of other Countries: and shall we be slaves in our own Country? What an alteration (or rather degeneration) would this be in us? how dishonourable to the English name and Nation? How justly might all other Nations reproach us, and all succeeding ages record us, for unworthy Subjects of so worthy a Prince, degenerate Children of so generous Parents, and infamous Inhabitants of so famous a Country? Let us therefore all of us (seeing the quarrel is general and common to us all, for the defence of true Religion, our Prince, and our Country,) let us all prepare ourselves cheerfully to th'encounter, let us not respect the cry of wife, or child, let us respect their defence: let us pluck up our hearts, take up our arms, and march hardily to meet with our enemy; let us fight with him, let us die upon him, yea let us seek him, if he seek not us.  
We do all owe God a death: how shall we better pay it, then in his quarrel? Our lives are all at our Prince's commandment: how can they be better spent, then in hêr service? We are all borne for our country: why should we then refuse to die for our country? If we die in God's quarrel, we shall live in his kingdom: If we die in our Prince's service, we shall live in the memory of all posterity: If we die in defence of our country, our renown shall live for ever. A Heathen Poet could say to his heathen countrymen in his age, Dulce & decorum est pro patria mori:  

It is a sweet and honourable death,  
In countries cause to spend our vital breath:   
And shall not we Christians think it most dishonourable for us, to fear to die in the common cause of our God, our Prince, and our country? 
D. Allens own encouragement.   
Why, D. Allen himself, in his pamphlet, where he goeth about to discourage us, by admonishing us not to be emboldened by the Memory of our old English notorious battles and victories, which in old time were comparable to what provinces or peoples were most famous, nor by th'esteem or opinion (either true, or partial) of our present strength and courage in England: what doth he but add comfort and courage unto us, in stirring us up aswell by the examples of our forefathers victories, to imitate their virtues, as by the knowledge of our own strength and courage, to take heart and courage unto us?  
Let us then not cast away that encouragement which he giveth us, rather let us augment it by our own constancy of mind, and resolution. If the strength of our Realm were great in our 
Our Realm never of greater strength than now.  forefather's times, it is now far greater: Nay, it was never so great in any Prince's age, as it is now, God be thanked. And when our realm was not so strong, yet hath it conquered other Nations, and was never conquered by any, so long as it was true within itself. And now, when our forces are greatest, shall our faith be least? when our state is most prosperous, shall we be most miserable? when our quarrel is most glorious, shall we be most infamous? No, no, let us link together in one mind, in one faith, in one force, let us stick together, fight together, die together, like men, like Englishmen, like true-harted Englishmen. Let us all and every one of us show ourselves forward in advancing this service of the common cause, with our substance, with our forces, and with our bodies also to the uttermost, as a great number of our faithful countrymen in divers parts of the realm, yea, whole counties, cities, and towns, and 
The dutiful, and honourable forwardness of the Londoners  namely the honourable city of London, have done most dutifully, lovingly, and honourably. Which I do the more willingly remember, not only for the comfort of myself, and them▪ and every good subject, and to their great honour and commendation, but also for an incitement unto others by their example to be stirred up unto the like duty and forwardness. Wherein if we join all, our hearts, arms, and forces together, like true and faithful subjects, I am fully persuaded our, foreign invaders, whensoever they come, shall find England the hottest country that ever they set foot in: We are likely enough to measure their Spanish Cassocks with our English bows, and their shoulders with our brown bills, before they measure our broad cloth with their long pikes. And before it come to that, I doubt not but some thousands of them (God being our guide) shall carry their last message unto their great grandfathers, the next way by water.  
But what do I use encouragement to them, that 
The assurance of God's assistance, our greatest comfort.  are of themselves most courageous, valiant, and even eaguer to fight? Yet let me add this to your greatest comfort, If God be with us, who can be against us: And that God is with us in this quarrel, let us steadfastly assure ourselves, howsoever D. Allen persuade the contrary: and let him and his partakers know that God is against them, and will be, so long as they oppose themselves against the obedience of his word, the knowlddge of his Truth, & the light of his glorious Gospel. And that God may be with us still, and continue with us for ever▪ let us humble ourselves unto him daily and duly, with earnest▪ and hearty prayer and repentance, let us serve him continually with a zealous fear and obedience, let us glorify him incessantly with a lively faith and constancy: lastly, let us give ourselves wholly to him, that we may win him wholly unto us.  
So we being his, and he ours, let us all, and every one of us, comfort ourselves upon his assurance, let us fortify our minds upon his assistance, and add our endeavour to his encouragement: assuring ourselves, that fight in so godly, so just, so honourable a quarrel, the success cannot be but most happy, most prosperous, most glorious: that, if we defend our country, we shall remain free and safe; if we overthrow our Enemies, we shall abide victorious: if we die in this quarrel, we shall live eternally. To which assurance of freedom, safety, victory, & life, what comfort can be comparable?   
FINIS.