A SURVEY OF THE GREAT DUKE'S STATE of Tuscany. In the year of our Lord 1596.  
AT LONDON Printed for Edward Blount. 1605.   

To my worshipful good friend Master Robert Dalington.  
Sir:  
BEing well assured that this your work (out of your own protection) would in the end present itself to the general view; and likely enough some one that loves you not so much, nor knows you at all, might have the passing of it: I have put myself in the way of your reproof; and am become a these of this nature, to steal no more from you then I will again give to you. If I could persuade you there were a fault in modesty, you would bid me publish the virtue which you tie up in too strait bonds. My fault is, I have done that which would have been done; and the offer is so full of love, that it looks for a punishment accordingly.  
Edw: Blount.   

The Analysis of this discourse.  
In Tuscanie I observe the 

Country here the 

Seite here the 

cosmography. Here of the Clime, the Degree, the Planet that rules the disposition of the air, etc.  
chorography. Here, of the length, breadth, circuit, how situate, confined, limited, what, Rivers, Ports, etc.    
Parts these either 

Indiulduall. here of each City in particular how many, how peopled, built, etc.  
General these either 

Mountains here of the commodities, as Marble, Nuts, Olives, etc.  
Valleys here of their Herbage, fruit, grain, harvest, soil etc.        
Government here of the 

Governor this either 

Prince here of his name, family, descent, issue, parentage, arms, style, title, Court, order, riches, forces, entrate, expenses.  
Law: here the 

Minister: here of them of the Crown and of the body Politic.  
Ministration: either civil, or criminal.      
Governed here: of the people's nature, wi●● aptness, diet, apparel, language, jealousy.       

THE SURVEY OF THE great Duke's State of Tuscany.  
TVscany, anciently called Hetruria, 
The Clime.  lieth under the Regiment of Sol, in the fifth Climate, between the Degrees forty one, and forty four: a Country almost equally distant from the Equinoctial and North-pole, and therefore by consequent of an air temperate, were it not that the Montaines cause some little excess of both the passable qualities, heat and cold. Of this in winter, by reason they be mantled with snow, whereby the wind vireth with a more piercing sharpness: of that in summer, by the repercussive force of the Sunbeams from the sides of those Hills, at the foot whereof are most their cities seated. Not having any valleys so large but that the situation of the Town therein, makes it communicate in the passion of both these extremes. For as writers well affirm that the hills Appennines are one fourth part of Italy: so is it also determined that they & their Spurs, are three fourth parts of Tuscany.  
It is in length, if you measure along the Sea-coast, 
The length.  two thousand five hundred furlongs, which make three hundred and twelve miles: but if you measure by the Diameter, according to Ptolomey, assigning it three Degrees, and forty seven miles to a Degree, than it is some hundred forty and odd miles: if according as the ordinary Road lies, which is neither somuch about as by the coast, nor so direct as by the Diameter, it is one hundred and seventy miles. And thus doth Leander Alberti the latest and exactest Surveyor of Italy, reconcile the authorities of Strabe, Plyny, and Ptolomey. But allowing sixty miles to a Degree, it is in length one hundred and ninety miles, which is now the received opinion.  
It is in breadth, one hundred where least, 
The breadth.  and in Circuit six hundred and twenty, or as faccio uberei saith, seven hundred.  

Il giro suo per quel che si ragiona,  
E' misuratu settecentu miglia,  
E Roma qui, l'honor che l'incorona.   
It is limited, 
The limits.  West, with the River Magra, and Mountains of Lyguria, East, with Tiber: North, with the Mountains Appennines and South, with the Sea.  

The confines.  It confineth South with the Terra di Roma Southeast with the Duchy of Spoletu, East with the State of Urbine, north-east with Romagna, North with the state of Bologna, Northwest with Lyguria, West and south-west with the Sea.  
These are the limits set down by Polybius, 
The antitiquity.  Plyny, Pomponius, Mela, Solynus, Ptolomey, and all other ancient writers: neither are we to enlarge this country so far, as they that affirm the Tuscans possessed all between the Adriatic and Mediterranean Seas, from Nola in the kingdom of Naples, to the Mountains Rhesy, which is now the Grisons Country, and they say are come of the old Tuscans. True it is that these Tuscans were a mighty and powerful people, such as oftentimes forced the romans to create a Dictator (which but in great extremities they might not do) to defend themselves from them: until the four hundred and seventh year after the foundation of Rome, when they were utterly overthrown at the Lake of Vadi●one, as Lyvie in his ninth book affirmeth. Nor did the romans bring home only glory, triumph and spoils, from the conquered Tuscans, which argued the greatness of this nation: but they brought with them also (which argueth their antiquity) the habit of their youth, called Pratexta, the robe of their elder age called Toga, the twelve Bundles of Rods and Axes carried before the Consuls, called fasces: the seat of their Praetors and other judges carried upon wheels, called Sedes curulis the rob of the chief Magistrate, triumphal ornaments, and many other such ensigns of ancient greatness and Majesty; all which were brought thence to Rome by Tarqvinius Priscus: whereof Silvius Italicus in his 8 book reporteth, confirmed by Dionysius Alicarnosseus. From this Nation likewise whom the greeks called Tirrheni of Firsos their poor kind of Cottage, and the romans first called Hetrusci of their religious worshipping the Gods, did the romans also bring many of those rites and ceremonies which they afterward used in their religion.  
As Delphos is called by Ptolomey Vmbelicus Mundi, 
The Srite.  the Navile of the world, so may we say of Tuscani, that it is Vmbelicus Italia: howbeit in a Geometrical proportion, that is, in the midst of the forces of Italy: having on th'one side the state Ecclesiastic, the kingdom of Naples, and Duchy of Frbyne: and on the other counterpeasable to these, the States of Venice, Milan and Genoa, the Dukedoms of Ferrara, Manto●a, and Parma, and this State in the midst of the balance, on which side socuer it inclineth, overweighing the other.  
This is that which Guiccardine saith in the very entrance of his History, that the wisdom of Lorenzo Medici, and the situation of the state of Florence, Mantennero le cose ● Italia bilanciate, upheld th'affairs of Italy in equal Balance. On which ground also Lodovico Zforza Duke of Milan layeth his foundation, for the reason he useth in the third book of the said history: who very jealous of the Venetians greatness, having now undertaken the protection of Pisa, and fearful withal of the Frenches return into Italy: he laboureth the Pope and King of Arragon, to enter into a confederation with the Florentines, and to re-inuest them of Pisa, inferring, that by this means the French forces might be diverted, which otherwise with the help of this state (being seated in the midst of Italy▪ might effect matters of prejudicial consequent to all three: so fitly stands it either to dispeople the enemies forces, or to reinforce their own. And therefore Guiccardine very judicially determineth, that it was a powerful estate, rather per l'opportunità del cito, che per la grandezza del Dominio, by the fitness of the situation, then by the greatness of the Dominion.  
But if we define the midst of Italy in an Arithmetical proportion, that is, the centre equally distant from both extremes, it will appear to be true which Pliny and Varro report, confirmed also by Leander Albert●, concerning Lago di p●e del luco, which Taci●us in his first book calleth Lacus Velnius, in Sabina which they hold to be the midst of Italy.  
Concerning the Rivers of worth there be few, 
The Rivers.  of name many: for the Italian hath a name for every ditch, whereof if we allow them not Tiber, Arno is their chief: This River was so named by Hercule Lybicus whose surnames were Libarno, that is, the Lion of Lybia: and Musarno that is, the learned and valiant, for Are in the Arabian tongue signifies a Lyon. He was the son of Osiris and Isis, called jupiter and juno by the greeks, and grandchild of janus called by the greeks Ogyger, and by the Chaldeans and Hebrews Noah: whereupon stand the Cities of Florence and Pisa, Serchio which runneth by Lucca: Ombrone by Pistoia, Bisentio by Prato, Chiana which passeth by the vale of Arezzo, and falleth into the Arno: Mogn●ne which runneth near Civita vecchia into the Sea, Fiero which divideth the great Duke's state and the Popes towards the Tuscan sea, & Paglia which divides those two states towards the Apennines, over which we pass by a bridge built by Gregory the 13. in our journey from Florence to Rome between Rodicofany and Aquapendente: that, belonging to the great Duke: this, to the Pope. True it is, that Guicciardini in the 4. book of his History, and namely in that part of the book which by order of th'inquisition is left out of all allowed copies, (because in this place, though himself were the Pope's creature, and had great charge under him,) yet he fully, learnedly, and truly showeth how by little and little, and by bad means the Church grew to her greatness, how she came not only to quit her obedience to the empire, but to have also a power and stroke in the election of the Emperor himself, not only to make the Pope governor of Rome, but to encroach also upon the Territories and Cities of Romagna, the Marquisate of Ancina, the Duchy of Spoletum and Beneventum the superiority over the kingdom of Naples▪ and the possession of that part of Tuscany (now called the Patrimony of S. Peter) he I say, divideth the Pope's state in this Country from the rest of Tuscany, thus. Eterminata dal torrent di Pescia & dal Castello di San Luirico nel Con●ado di Sienna da una banda: & dal altra dal Mare di sotto, & dal fuime di Teuere: that is: it is limited on the one side with the River Pescia, and the Castle Saint Luirick in the territories of Sienna, and on the other, with the River Tiber, and the Tyrrhene Sea. But, I rather tie myself to the former limits, for that the Paglia is far beyond Saint Luirick, whether the great Duke's state now reacheth. There is also C●cina which riseth a little above the City of Massa, and so passing along the Country of Volterra falleth into the Sea, with many such other, which in England we rather call Brooks or Riverets; for of all these there are few sit either for burden or Boat in Summer, except the Arno, yet here often times scarce water for a Mill, as by their devices at Florence to pen it up appeareth. The reasons that the waters of this State are so small, be two: the former is, the violence of their downfall from the hills, the better is because their heads are so near to the Sea as they cannot have space to be enlarged by the receipt of other lesser Brooks; by which means only all Rivers grow great, as namely the Rhine and Danowe, whereof this last hath from his head, which is in the Forest Nera to the Mare Maggiore, where he payeth his tribute above two thousand miles, and receiveth into his bed by the way three score navigable Rivers.  
The Lakes in this State, are neither many nor great, nothing so fair or fruitful as those of Lombardy namely Lago di Garda, 
The Lakes  Lago d Ise●, Lago d Como, and Lago Maggiore: the chief in Tuscany are these, Lago di Trasimen● under the Pope, who letteth it out to divers Farmers for ten thousand Ducats the year, which have the fishing, whereof it is very fruitful and yieldeth them also no little gain. The profit which the Duke of Ferrara raised by the Lake of Comacchi●, who they say in Venice made thereof yearly fourscore thousand Ducats, makes this more probable. But this Lake of Trasimene now called Lago di Perugia is much more renowned for the notable overthrow given there by Hannibal to the romans, near whereunto is that fair plain called Ossaia of the bones of the dead there slain by the rashness of C. Flaminius the Consul, as Polybius in his third book, Liny in his two and twentieth, and Plutarcke in the life of Hannibal avow. The other memorable blow given them (if it be not here impertinent to remember) was that at Can in Puglia, called by Liu●e in his twenty and one book Ca●nusium, where was slain P. Emilius, the Consul L▪ Acilius, and L Furuis Biba●ulus the Quaestors, one and twenty Tribunes of Soldiers, fourscore Senators, forty thousand foot, two thousand and seven hundred horse, all romans, and as many Anuiliaries▪ as Plutarch in the lives of Hannibal and Scipio, and Solinus Italicus in his ninth book confess: There are divers Lakes between Pisa and Liuorne, but small and of no name: There are more not far from the City Colle, Laego di Bolsena, called by ancient writers Lacus Vulsiniensium, L●go di Bassanello anciently called Lacus Vade●onius, where the romans utterly subdued the Tuscans, Lago di Bracciane, called formerly Lacus Sabbatinus: Lago di Vicco, called by Virgil in his seventh Aenead, and Silvius Italicus in his eight book L●cus Cimini, of the Mountain so called, standing between this Lake and the City of Viterbo, Lago di Mont● Rosa, not large but deep near Rome, with few others.  
The Plains are also few, (for they before are allowed but one fourth part) the chief are these. 
The plains.  That of Florence wherein live above two hundred thousand persons: that near Arezzo called Vald' Arno, because the River passeth by it the most fruitful: that of Pisa the most low and therefore subject to the overflowing of Arno, whereof it hath tasted this present Winter to the Country's great loss: That of Lucca environed with Hills, and the City in the midst like a centre in a circle: That of Carsigniana under the Dukedom of Ferrara. And lastly the Plains of Maremma in the State of Sienna, the most large, and whither for the Wintering of their Cattle they are sent in October from the Mountains. It hath the name of Mare the Sea; and therefore we ●ay well English it the Marshes of Sienna, it runneth along the Sea-coast almost seventy miles in length, between the two Rivers Gornia and Pesua, not much inhabited with people through the badness of the air.  
The Ports are, Civita Vecchia in the Pope's State, 
The ports.  for Ottia is on the other side of Tiber, Orbitello, Port-ercole, Telamone, Castiglione in the Maremma, howbeit under the King of Spain, as is also the Monte Argentaro and the Port of Piombine. The only port of worth under the great Duke's State, is that of Liuorne, capable of any Fleet whatsoever.  
It is rather to be called a Road then a harbour, 
Livorno or Ligorno.  and to be observed that this Sea neither ebbeth nor floweth. Here his Highness daily buildeth, meaning to make it a City, the walls and fortifications being almost finished. It is in form six square, in circuit a mile three quarters, the length of the Curtain is two hundred and sixteen paces, the face of the Bulwark, is one hundred thirty and eight. From the Spur which is fifteen paces thick, to the Flanker which is so many broad, are eighteen paces. The Diameter of the Piazza is four hundred and fifty. This proportion no doubt swerveth from the strict rules of fortification, neither can I warrant the relation true by the line; I was forced to pass it in haste, and sanquam aliud agens, to avoid all jealousy; whereof I thought fit to advertise the curious Reader, and to prevent the envious detractor. Here is bestowed great cost, being indeed the only Key by which all commodities are transported and brought in, not only for the use of Tuscany, but even for the most places of Italy so that it bringeth in a very great enrate to the great Duke's coffers, as I must more particularly and more fitly advertise hereafter.  
The Princes and States interessed in Tuscany are these. The Pope, 
Princes interessed in Tuscany.  who possesseth all from Tiber to Fiore and so right up from the Sea to the ridge of the Apennine, which is some fourth part of the whole. The Spanish King hath the coast of Maremma, and the Ports thereof as is above said, wherein he keepeth garrison, besides Pontremoly, and one other Fort or two on the side of Liguria. The Dukedom of Ferrara hath the valley of Carsigniana. The State of Genoa, Serezzana. The state of Lucca hath all her possessions herein. The Dukes of V●b●●, Parma, and Brauian● have also each of them a Piece (howbeit most of this is in the church part which is called the Patrimony of Saint Peter.) There is also the signor di Pcombi●e, the marquess di Massa, and other inferior Princes interessed in this Country of an other fourth part. So that there remaineth a Moiety under the great Duke's government, whereof I have undertaken to give this superficial survey which followeth.  
This State, 
The great Duke's state.  besides that it is enclosed with the Mountains as with a wall on three-sides, and with the Sea on the fourth, and so consequently by situation passing strong: it hath also many Castles and Fortresses, as Rodicofany, Monte-falcon, Pelegrine, 
Castles.  Charole, Sansubastians', Lusignano, Monterisine, Empoli, Castrecaro, Saffa, and divers others, to the number of thirty, wherein is garrison more or less: But of others which stand rather to show the manner of fortifications in elder ages, and the force of time by which they are ruined, then for any use of the time present, there are above three hundred. By which number may very probably be conjectured their many and divers States in this small circuit in former times: for as it appeareth by History, not only Florence, Sienna and Pisa (which of late years were reduced into one government) but also Pistoia, Arezzo, Volterra, and almost all the Cities now under the great Duke, had every one their several and distinct state. Whereupon it was necessary, each State should have her Castles and Forts to affront those that confined upon them. As for those former wherein is garrison, the most of them in the judgement of men experienced, have their defect either in their form and manner of fortification which is All' Antica, or in their Piazza which are very little, and so thought uncapale of sufficient number to defend them. But besides these he hath in each city a Citadel, and therein a garrison, which are all very modern and strong: the use of which Pieces are not so much for defence of the Towns where they be, as to keep in awful terms the cities themselves; as by the citadel at Florence and Fortress of Siene appear.  
Of Cities there be sixteen, 
Cities.  the one half in the state of Florence, the other in that of Sienna: of the fonner state these be the names. Florence whereof is an Archbishopric, his name that now is Alexander Medici: Pisa an Archbishopric also, his name Carolus Antonius ●uteus: Pistoia, Arezzo, Volterra, Certu●i●, Burgo san Sepolchro, and Monte Pulciano. Of the other state are these: Sienna an Archbishopric, his name Ascanius Piceothuomineus, Motalcino, Grossetto, Chiusi, Soana, Pienza, Massa and Cell christened a city five years since. Many of these I saw not, and therefore presume not to speak of at large: in the four chiefest, Florence, Pisa, Sienna and Pistoia. I spent some time, and hold them worthy of some little remembrance in this discourse, before I come to speak of the general parts of this state.  
Florence is seated at the head of a very fair valley, 
Florence.  and environed with high Mountains, especially towards Bologna, it hath the streets very long, straight, large, and fair, paved with a broad stone which they call Lastra, so as no weather makes them foul: it is beautified with many stately Palaces, which have more del Real then del Cittadinesco, as that of the Signora, that of the Pitti, where is always the great Duke's court: that of the Medici that of the Strozzi and many others: it is graced with many large Piazze●, and in them many Statues, some of Brass, as that of Cosme, the first great Duke, and others very many and very curious; some of Marble, some of Alabaster: it is divided with the River Arno, and upon this four fair Bridges of Stone to pass from one part of the city to the other. It is adorned with many fair Monasteries and churches, but above all with the most magnificent and admirable Fabric of the Duome, the workmanship of that excellent Architeck Brunelleschi dedicated to Santa Maria del ●iore, and is (they say) the true Model of the church of Santa Sofia in Constantinople. The body of this church from the West to the Cupula, is one hundred paces, the breadth forty six: the Cupula is in circuit three hundred paces; with a guilt Ball of Brass on the top, wherein twenty men may stand upright. of the Church of San Lorenzo is a very fair and beautiful Library, built and furnished with Books by the family of Medici: the roof is of Cedar very curiously wrought with knots and flowers, and right under each knot is the same wrought with no less Art in the pavement. In this Library I told three thousand nine hundred books very fairly bound in Leather, after one sort, all bound to their seats, which were in number sixty eight: and, which is the greatest grace and cost also, very many of the books were written with the Authors own hands. There is also ●t the farther end of this Library one other of prohibited books, which I could not see.  
The great Seal of Florence is the Lion and Hercules: their Arms were in former times a Flower de Lise argent in a field gules, but upon the banishment of the Ghibelline faction, they are altered to the contrary; the Field to the colour of the flower, and the flower to the colour of the field. Within these hundred years have been of this City three Popes, john and ●●lius Medici, L●● the tenth, and Clement the seventh, and Hippolisus Aldebrandivi called Clement the eight that yet liveth. Here have also flourished many famous men in matter of learning, as Francisco Guicciardini for a judicial Historiographer: Nicolas Machianelli for a worldly Politician; Michael Angelo for an excellent Painter; Petrache and Dante for singular Poets; and Boccace for his pleasant garb and refining their language, and many others.  
Having gazed your fill upon the beauties of this Town, if for variety's sake, and your better recreation, you will walk abroad into the Villa per spasso, as the Italian saith; you shall have there in view, so many, and such goodly Palaces, for the space of six or seven miles' compass, as (they say) would make one other Florence. But above all, the great Duke's Palace of Pratolino, built by his brother Francisco, is the most admirable, not for the Palace itself, or manner of the building; for there are many can match it, if not excel it. But for the exquisite and rare invention of waterworks, wherein it is excellent, and thought to exceed Tivoli by Rome, so much in this kind commended. The house itself is built in form of a Roman T, the head of the letter which is the front of the house, being in length seventy paces, & the other part fifty four: the rooms for offices of Court, and lodgings are seventy, whereof these are all of one bigness, form, and furniture: with three goodly halls richly furnished, running along the midst of the Palace, from the one end to the other, and the one opening into the other, so as according to the wind or sun, he may give his entertainment for the best ease of them he feasteth: It is seated between two high Hills, upon a third lower than they, from which hills ye descend some quarter of a mile, by a way set with quickset, & kept after our English fashion: ye mount up to the Terreno of the Front by twelve stairs, very fair of Stone, directly whereupon, at the head of a Garden set round with Statues of the Muses in a ground sensibly ascending, is seen a huge Giant cut out of the main Rock, with all his parts, as arms, hands, legs, and feet, symmetrical to his head, wherein may stand a dozen men: In it are kept Pigeons; the lovers whereat they come in and out, are his ears; the windows which give light to the room, are his eyes. Out of his mouth falleth into a very fine pool, all the water that serves the work on the other side the Palace, among▪ which are many sights yielding very great content, as noah's Ark with all kinds of beasts, Hercules fight with a Dragon, Birds artificially singing, Organs musically playing, showers of Rain plentifully down pouring, and infinite sort of such devise, more delightsome to be seen then pleasant to be discoursed of. To conclude, the devise so good, the workmanship so rare, and the charge so great, as it is said constantly that it cost Duke Francisco three hundred thousand Crowns.  
The great Duke hath another Palace, two miles from Florence, called Castello, only for pleasure, but not so beautified nor full of waterworks as this of Pratolino: an other distant 10. miles off, called Il Poggio Imperiale, more profitable than they both, in form quadrangular, fifty six paces square; Where besides the pleasure it yields of hunting, it yieldeth also summering and Hay for his Horses, and keepeth the great Duchess a dairy of three hundred Kine: a commodity worth the remembering in this state, where in threescore miles are not seen threescore head of Cattle; nor so much good pasture ground (that I saw) in the whole country.  
I am now before I proceed to the other chief Cities, to remember in a word, how and when the Florentines came impatronized of divers other states of Tuscany, and what form of government they had in former times, until Leo and Clement, for I must there needs begin, when I shall come to speak of the great Duke's title.  
This City of Florence, after many conflicts with the old City of Fesulae, (whereof now almost remaineth no memory, but the hills whereon it stood) getting the upper hand, and many of that old town following the fortune of the winner, coming hither to dwell, it grew to bear the name of a great and rich City: which till then (ever since the time of Sylla, by whom they say it was first founded and made a Colony of the romans) bore rather the name of a Bourough, then otherwise. And after a combination of these two Cities into one Commonalty, they quartered the Arms of Fesulae, which were a Moon Azure in a field Argent, with those of Florence, being a Flower de Lise Argent in a field Gules. It was afterward subject to divers sackings and subversions by the Goths, Gauls, and Lomgobards, partaking with other Cities of Italy in those miseries which these Nations inflicted. Insomuch as there was nothing remaining of their ancient glory, but ruins and desolation, & what the barbarous cruelty of such an enemy could not tyranise upon. In these terms Charles the great found it, who caused it to be re-edified, appointing for the government thereof two Consuls, and a Senate of an hundred. After this, they altered the government, conferring it upon ten called Antiani Aldermen, (as I take it) in the year 1254. Shortly after in the year 1287. they won the City of Pistoia, 
〈◊〉.  and about the same time they purchased their liberty of the Emperor Rodolphe for threescore thousand Ducats: And again changed their form of government, to eight Priori, and a Gonfalonier of justice, who was to hold his place for 2. months only. Presently after they bought Arezzo of Mastino della sala, for forty thousand Ducats. And in the year 1471. they won by force Volterra, one of the 12. first Cities of Tuscany and honoured with the birth of the Poet Persius. They got also Pysa & the whole State thereof, of whose revolt, and recovery, what parts taking there was, & what time was spent, and how many Millions it cost them to be repossessed thereof, Guicciardine very fully discourseth, and were here too tedious to be particularly related. The government of a Gonfalonier was altered by Gualteri Francese Duke of Athens, who at the cities request requiring aid, was sent thither by Robert king of Sicily, and at his first coming deposed the Gonfalonier and Priory, & usurped himself; but he was quickly expulsed, and the former officer reinvested: till the time of Pope Alexander the sixth, whose son Caesar Borgia duke Valentinois sought to bring in the three banished Medici, Piero, Giovanni, and Guiliano; whereupon the Florentines made Piero Sederini their Gonfalonier perpetual, as Buonacorsi an approved Italian writer, & Guicciardine in his fist book doth testify. These alterations have been since the restoration of the city by Charles, (which notwithstanding) Guicciardine lib. 1. car. 17. saith, was openions inneterata bench falsa, che Carlo l'hauesse reidificat●, an old but false conjecture, that Charles did re-edify it: besides those also which it suffered afterwards, which shall more fitly be remembered hereafter.  
From Florence I must pass to the City Pistoia, seated at the other end of this valley, 20. miles off. But the Castle of Pratu being in the way, and commanding the passage, I dare not but salute it; the rather for that I spent four months in that Town.  
There are in Italy among I know not how many thousands, 
Prato.  four principal Castles above the rest reputed, as Leander Albert's in his view of Italy discourseth: Barletta in Puglia in the kingdom of Naples; Fabriana in Marca Anconitana, under the state of the Church; Crema in Lombardia, under the Venetians, and Prato in Tuscana under the great Duke. It is here to be observed; that these are called Castles, not that they be only Fortresses and places of strength, but that they be large towns fortified with wall and Bulwark, and have their Territories; they only want Bishop's Seas, wherein they differ from Cities. It standeth in the midst of this Valley upon the river Bisentio; it is in form sex-angular, at each corner a Bulwark alla Moderna very defensible; the walls in circuit two miles, with an old piece at the East built (they say) by Frederico Barbarossa. The Contado (the Territory) of this Town is in length eight miles, in breadth four, in circuit four and twenty, within which compass (with those within the Town) are fifty nine Churches, eight and thirty Monasteries, and other religious houses, and of all sorts of people sixteen thousand, whereof two thousand are religious. Here is (they say) the Girdle of our Lady brought thither by a Merchant from the Indies, whether it was first carried by S. Thomas the Apostle, a Relic which they hold in high esteem, keep with very great care, come to see with great devotion, and is showed to the people with great reverence once in a year; that is, on our Lady's day in September, in the time of their Fair, and when is most concourse of strangers. There came that day in devotion (to see me, not the Girdle) two English Gentlemen my friends; we observed (if it be not impertinent here to remember) that there were in view upon the Market place of people at the showing of this Relic, about eighteen or twenty thousand, whereof we judged one half to have Hats of Straw, and one fourth part to be bare legged; that we know all is not gold in Italy: though many travelers gazing only on the beauty of their Cities, and the painted surface of their houses, think it the only Paradise of Europe. But if they would with me, — fordida rura Atque humiles intrare casas & visere gentem: they would surely grant, that poverty and famine had not a greater kingdom in those countries where Crassus' starved his Army, than they have here. But no marvel though Prato be poor being so unlustly and cruelly sacked in the year 1512. 
●468.  by the Spaniards under the conduct of Raymondo Cardona, for want of pay which the Florentines ought him and his Soldiers: who most vilely gave the sacking of this pretty (and then rich) town, to the barbarous insolency of the proud Spaniard, and came themselves with bags of Crowns to purchase the lands of the poor harmless Pratesi, wherewith they were forced to redeem their liberty, after the ravishing of their wives, killing of their children, robbing their shops and houses, and other such insolent outrages; whereof Guicciardine lib. 11. complaineth, that from their avarice, lust, and cruelty, nothing was safe. And Buonacorsi saith, that they spared neither virgin, infant, nor church, & Paulus jonius affirmeth, that the Spanish cruelty in this sack of Prato, did far exceed that of the Dutch and French, at the sack of Brescia so much detested. Hence is it that at this day the name of Spaniard is there most odious, for among all other names of infamy and reproach, when they have called one Poltrone, Furfante, Manigoldo, Traditore, and all that nought is, they end always in this Spagnaolo intending (it should seem) that there is not a worse name under the sun.  
But leaving them expostulating this injury of the Florentines, and bewailing their own miseries, I will proceed to the City of Pistoia.  
It is seated at the West end of the Valley, 
Pistoia.  in circuit two miles and a half, the walls old and weak, built by Desiderius king of the Lombard's: Howbeit the Bulwarkos are very modern and strong, with a Citadel built by Duke Francisco, and manned with a sufficient garrison to keep the town in awe. This Town is called of Cato and Pliny, Pistorium; and of Ptolomey, Pistoria quasi Pestoria (saith one) of the pestilence that there reigned among the soldiers, which remained of Catelines Camp after he was overthrown, who (they say) was the first builder thereof. Others will have it called of ●isis and ópos, that is the faithful Territory. Others because it is the door of the Mountains which the word also signifietl●, for from hence is away to pass through the apennines into Frame ● by which the French forces passed into Tuscany, and so to Naples, in the time of Charles the eight, as by the history appeareth. All which are either false conjectures and carry no correspondency of truth with history, or at least are idle suppositions, and carry with them no matter of import. For what reason is there that the Grecians should give names to towns in Tuscany, who never came over the River Tener? or that they should christian this and no other? or that a Roman should be the Father, and a Greeks the Godfather: but were it so, it little importeth, and therefore I have purposely avoided these fruitless etymologies: else could I have said before, that Florence was called either (Fluentia) because it stands between the two waters Mognone and Arno, or (Fiorentia) of Fiore a flower, because it is the flower and beauty of Italy: or (Firenze) which Giambolare one of their writers derives from a Caldey word, and signifies (he saith) a valiant Soldier; as who would say the Florentines were such: which I have not yet read, and I am sure they of Sienna will not confess: who will not let to brag how often they have beaten them in the field. Indeed I well remember, that writers give them th' attribute of (Ingenious and wise) as namely Macciavelly in his Florentine history, and Guicciardine in the very beginning of his book Cart. 2. Howbeit I could easily condescend to the opinion of Imbalt a French commander, who upon good experience Guicciardine lib. 5. cart. 144. Non saptua dove consistesse, lingegne tantu celebratu de Fiorentini could not find where that great wit of theirs lay. So likewise these word-founders will have their City Arezzo to be so old as that it was built when for want of a fit name they were fain to call it (Earth) for so in the Hebrew tongue it signifieth. But seeing that Tully and Varro call it (Aretium) and not (Arezium) me thinks they might better derine it from Mars (which the word well beareth) for I am well assured, that history makes the Arrettines and their neighbours the Perugians, far better Soldiers than the Florentines.  
But I will not overcharge this short discourse with derivations, I had rather leave them with the capricious Antiquaries of Tuscany, and returning to Pistoia, say: that though it be very little, it is very rich, as having a Contado full of oil and wine: insomuch as it is said, they press yearly one hundred thousand Barrels of Wine, whereof they send the one half to Florence, of which the great Duke hath (gabelle) a custom one Guilio, (sixpence sterling) for every Barrel, at the entry into every City gate, besides the tenth levied upon it before, and an imposition after upon every tavern, as shall more fitly in the discourse of his entrate be advertised.  
This Town is famous, or rather in famous, for the two factions of the Bianchi and Nery, which ruined themselves, and troubled the peace of Florence also: it began thus. Two young Gentlemen of the town falling out, and so proceeding from words to blows, it chanced one of them received a light hurt, The father of the other (because he would kill all motions to a farther quarrel) sends his Son to ask pardon of the Father and Parentage of the other whom he had hurt: but he causing his servants to lay hold on him, commanded his right hand to be cut off, and sent him away with this answer, Va dal tuo Padre & digli, che le ferite non si curano con parole ma colferro; Go to thy father and tell him, hurts are not cured with words, but with the sword. Hereupon grew that great and bloody enmity between those two houses, which drew into it all the great families of Pistoia, as also them of Florence, where the Donati banded with the Neri, and the Circhi with the Bianchi. Since which faction, there hath also another risen no less dangerous than the former, between the Cancellieri and the Panzadici, scarce yet so composed, but that upon every small occasion it is ready to break out.  
This Town pretendeth to be much privileged above all other Cities under the great Duke, for at the time when they yielded to the State of Florence, it was among other Capitulacons concluded; that in any Bando (Proclamation) whatsoever except the City and Contado of Pistoia were expressly named, it was to be understood exempt & freed from the same, which indeed is still observed, howbeit a course is taken never to leave that clause out: so that I see small reason they have to brag so much thereof. The people in and without the City are supposed sixty four thousand: the Religious are much about the the rate of them in Prato an eight part.  
I cannot pass the direct way from hence to Pisa, whether the course of this discourse directs me, unless I pass under the walls of Lucca: which being no part of this State, I know not how I may speak of; that have undertaken to write of nothing else: and yet passing so near, I know not how to avoid some mention thereof, that am likewise to advertise of what I have seen. Wherefore between a doubt which is less fault, to digress in my narration, or be diverted out of my way, I will speak so little, as if it be a fault to digress, it may be excused, because this little is nothing, & if it be a fault to write so little, it may be answered I durst not digress.  

Lucca.  The City of Lucca was anciently called Fredia, and afterwards being the first of the twelve old Cities of Tuscany that received the Christian faith, & light of the Gospel, it changed the name of Lucca, a Luce, herewith acordeth Fuccio Uberti; 
Ma perch alluminata della fede  
Furio pria, ch altra Cittade di Tuscana,  
Cangio il suo nome, e Lucca le si died.  It is seated (as is before said) like a Centre in a Circumference, in the midst of a fair and pleasant valley, environed with waist and huge Mountains: The walls in circuit two miles, are of Brick very new, strengthened with a very thick Rampart, and fortified alla moderna, with very many and defensible Bulwarks. Insomuch as it is thought, that when the Bulwark that is now in the making at the Northwest of the town is finished, with one other at the East which is already purposed, and the Terra-pieno (Rampart) of this East side made answerable to the rest, which is also intended, it shall then have in all, eleven Bulwarks, and will without exception be one of the best fortified towns in Italy. They keep in the town a garrison continually of three hundred Soldiers, and are able (they say) to draw into their City at two days warning out of their own territory, thirty thousand able men for service; for which number they have provision of arms, victuals, and all things necessary upon occasion. I was in their Granaries, where I saw, as they credibly rated it of Wheat, Rye, beans, and Chestnut Mealn the quantity of six hundred thousand Stays, which of our measure maketh about fifty thousand quarters, beside so much more kept in divers convents and Monasteries of the town which they call their Provisione d' Abondanza (store). All which provision is able (in case of a Siege) to maintain the City for two years, at the number of threescore thousand people, allowing twelve Stays a man the year; a proportion in those parts, and such cases very large. The reasons of these fortifications, garrisons, and provisions which they make, is the jealous fear they have of the great Duke, of whom all their State which is someways fifty miles in length is every way environed, whose greatness is nothing pleasing to the Lucchesi neither can they well digest that his title (di Toscana) and therefore the Signoria of this State, sending letters of congratulation (they say) but it is more probable about some other their affairs to Cosmo Medici, presently after his creation of great Duke, they styled their letters thus. All' Ilsmo e Ec●smo principi Cosmo Medici gran Duca (m) Tuscana. To which garbro of theirs the Italia ●rime also alludeth, which saith thus; 
SH' il Duca havesse Lucca è Serezzana,  
Saretbe il gran Duca (di) Tuscana.  Implying that it is no reason he should be entitled great Duke of the whole, having no more but the one half, But how sooner this town stand provista as it braggeth, and are able to keep him out of themselves two or three years together, more than probable it is, that the fear of the Spanish King, to whose protection it is recommended, doth curb his desire in attempting the action, watching over this pretty State with an ambitious and covetous eye, come Lo sparuicre alla quaglia, as the Hawk over the Quail, hoping one day for an opportunity.  
I am now by order-leaving Lucca to look to herself, 
Pisa.  to pass the Monte Saint julian, and arrive at Pisa: a City in former times very populous as any in Tuscany, now so dispeopled as there are not judged above fourteteene thousand persons, though in circuit it be little less than Florence: the Walls for the most part are of Brick, but in some places of square Stone, the Ramparts convenient, the Bulwarks not many nor correspondent: the piece of chiefest import is the Castle upon the south-west of the town, wherein is a garrison of fifty, with munition and other necessaries, for the use as is abovesaid of keeping the City in awe. The scite hereof is in a Plain upon the River Arno, which passeth through the midst thereof with one bridge only, and falleth into the Sea some six miles below; whereby it appeareth that the land hath lately gotten much upon the Sea on this coast, as we find in divers places upon our coast in England, for that in the time of Strabo he reporteth, it was but twenty furlongs off, which is two miles and a half distant from the Sea.  
Out of this River is cut a Ditch from this Town to Linorno, fifteen miles long, for the more convenient carriage of such wares as arrive in that Road, and are thence conveyed by water from Pisa up to Florence; and so by land into other places of Tuscany, Romagna, Lombardia, and Rome also. The Boats wherein these wares are carried are but small, in number between six and seven hundred, which our English Merchants Burlando (gibing) call the great Duke's fleet. The nature of this plain is for the most part marish, though in times past it was fit either for pasture or tillage, as by the commodity thereout reaped for the maintenance of the city appeareth by Guicciard. But since that the City being conquered by the Florentines, and most of the ancient Pisani departed, some into Sicilia, other into Sardegna, Corsica, and other places, preferring a voluntary banishment, before a forced subjection: the Town hath been so desolate as there have not been people sufficient to maintain this plain against the fury of Arno, whereby it hath been much wasted, as hath partly been said.  
There are, besides the commodity of the seat, lying between Florence and Lyvorno, three other causes, that this City is frequented, otherwise it would be very desolate. The first is the especially favour of the Prince himself, who because he was here borne, beareth an extraordinary affection to the place, as by his often coming and long tarrying appeareth. Another is, for that it is the place where properly the order of S. Stephen is resident, where the Knights of this order have their Palace, Officers, and other dependences. The last, for that there is a study as they call it in Italy (a University) erected by Cosmo, and is reasonably frequented.  
In this Town among many other Churches and Monasteries, is that excellent Fabric of the Battisterio, built (they say) in fourteen days: It standeth hard at the West-end of the Duomo, which for the beauty thereof might have compared with that of Sienna so much commended, had it not by mishap been burned in the year 1595. in October; it is now in the repairing at the great Duke's charges: Howbeit in lieu hereof, he hath raised the price of his Salt five. Quatrini in the pound, throughout this State for the space of ten years: and it is to be thought (by examples too many of like nature in other places) that being once grauted, it shall not then be ended. On the North of this Church is the Campo Santu, as they call it, their Golgetha or place of burial, the earth whereof was brought in ships from the Terrasanta, as their Histories record: & as they affirm, the dead consume there in four and twenty house's. Not far from this place is an old ruinous Tower, called by them (Torre di fame) in memory of the merciless cruelty of Ruggiero the Archbishop, who upon suspicion of treason immured therein Conte Hugolino a Noble Pisano, and his four children, causing them to be starved: of whom Dante the Poet in his 33. chapter dell'inferno, very elegantly discourseth, feigning, that there for a torment due to such a fact, the Conte li●eth upon the Bishops-head with a never satisfied greediness. Here is also an Arsenal wherein the Duke hath two or three of his Galleys in mending, but no new in the making, neither Artillery or any thing else worth the remembrance. here the great Duke hath a Palace, but so ill contrived, and so unworthy the presence of so great a Prince, as it is said, the deviser thereof looking for great praise at the Duke's hands for his rare plot, and finding after that it disliked his Highness, in a melancholy discontent threw himself into the Arno: he hath also another lesser house lately built, wherein are many small Statues of Marble and metal, many Medalles and Pictures, some painted, others of Feathers very exquisitely artificial. Besides pieces of Vre untried both of gold & silver, Coral unpollished, whereof ye shall see some grow upon the Skulls of deadmen, with infinite such like, more delightful to be seen, then needful to be related of. Unto this building is adjoining a Garden of Simples, not much inferior to that of Padua: But the thing of best use and greatest cost, and therefore unfittest to be forgotten, is a Conduct of water upon Arches into the Town from Valdeculci five mile off, where with the better part of the City is served. Other buildings I remember not, worth the remembering; except the Campanile, which Architecture hath this variety, that the top thereof by a line perpendicularly downe-falling to the ground, and showeth that it is prominent or hanging over the Basis ten or twelve foot by the square. As for the City itself, it is the greater half void, wherein is nothing but Gardens of herbs and roots; the houses that there be, are for the most part so old and ruinous, as that the great Duke hath lately given commandment, that every one according to his ability should either build new, or at the least repair and trim them on the outsides for the better grace of the town. So unlike is Pisa to itself; which in former times was able to wage battle at land with the Florentines, at Sea with the Genoese; yea and with Venice also: And before that, to conquer Sardigna, to overcome the King of Carthage, and bring him prisoner to Rome, to recover Palermo in Sicilia from the Saracens, to assist the French with a mighty Navy in their voyage to the holy land, to send forty ships to the recovery of Alexandria for Almerick King of jerusalem, to aid th'emperor Frederick Barbarossa against the state of Milan; besides many other their famous and victorious conquests; whereupon one saith: Erat Pisa, altera Roma fuim●● Troes, f●● Ilium, nunc seges ubi Trola fuit.  
To speak of the divers governments of this Town and the many alterations it hath suffered, were a discourse, though not altogether needless or impertinent, yet so large or rather tedious, as would be altogether disproportionate to my former brevity: I will leave it therefore altogether untouched, and go forward my journey to Sienna.  
This City challengeth the title of much Antiquity, 
Sienna.  being built by Sanesius the son of Remus, Romulus his brother, which may seem to carry some matter of truth, for that the Arms of the City is a Wolf, with two Infants sucking upon her: which Arms are to be seen in divers places of the Town both in Marble and metal. It is called by Pliny, Colonia Senensis, and by Tacitus in the 20. book of his History, but whether it was built by Sanesius, or the Galli Senones that went with Brennus into Italy, I leave indifferent to the Reader: this last is alleged out of Ptolemy's Fables, though I rather subscribe to the former. It is seated upon the tops of divers small hills, very nearly meeting together, which with their declinings makes the Situation very uneven, and such as I have not elsewhere seen: by reason whereof it is judged infinitely strong, as not having any commanding hill near, whereby it might be prejudiced, nor any way by which forces may be brought before it; save only at the two gates towards Rome and Florence: & yet there so narrow, as there cannot possibly come above ten Soldiers alla filata in rank. So that as Livorno is the key by which all forces must pass that by Sea would approach Florence, so is Sienna the port or gate by which they must enter, that either from Naples or the Church's state would come to annoy it. For from the way of Romagna or Bologna, there is very hard passage for an Army, so sharp and inaccessible are the mountains, which being well considered by Cosmo (than Duke) of Florence, no marvel though he never rested till he had got the town and whole state of Sienna into his hands.  
The means thus; The City about forty five years since, being besieged by the forces of the Pope, Charles the fifth, and Cosmo Duke of Florence, rendered itself at length to the Emperor, and received a garrison of Spaniards, but keeping still their manner of government which they before used. The Emperor by earnest solicitation of the D. d'Alua, in whom the Duke of Florence his purse (they say) had got him great interest, was content to render it into the Duke of Florence his possession, for certain sums of money to be paid, besides a yearly rent, with a recognition that it was holden of him, and certain other covenants which some say were never performed, as also that this contract was made without the consent of Philip king of Spain that now is, whereof were not his hands full of actions in other places, it is thought some stir might arise. So that Cosmo de' Medici the second Duke of Florence united that state with this of Sienna, which is by estimation bigger than the state of Milan, and the most fruitful part of all Tuscany. Whereupon he altered his Style which before was Dux Florentiae, and entitled himself Dux Florentiae & Senarum.  
The ornaments of special note in this town are three: The first is the Duomo, no great but a fair and rich Fabric, all the outside of Marble, so is the Pavement, the roof guilt; & at the foot thereof, are very curiously cut in stone and guilded, also all the Popes from the first till within these eighty years. The second is the Cittern, a place, whereout of the Rock floweth abundance of waters, and have their Cittern and Pools very well cut of Stone to receive the same. The last is the Piazza, one hundred and sixty paces in length, and one hundred and ten in breadth, very steepely descending. At the head hereof is a very fair Fountain, and at the foot is the Palace of the Signoria. round about it are very fair and high houses. I have not seen a Market-steede, excepting that of Sancto Marco in Venice, so beautiful. The fairest Palace of this City, not excepting the great Dukes, is that of the Piccol huomini, begun by Pius Secundus, and ended by Pius Tertius, both of this family; which needs not much envy the most stately of those in Florence. The walls of this City, as also the houses and streets are all of Brick.  
They have here (they say) the arm of S. john Baptist, 
The arm of S. john Baptist.  which they very religiously and with much reverence hold as a relic; It was sent by the Turk to Aeneas Siluim Piccol huomini, being Pope, by the name of Pius Secundus, in lieu whereof, this Pope sent him the half Moon for a Crest.  
There is a Fortress at the Northwest of this town, 
The Fortress.  reputed strong: howbeit the form being Quadrangular and therefore the angles not so obtuse as in those of five or more; it is judged of modern Engineers, as namely of Maggi, a late Italian writer in the subject of fortifications, not to answer the reputation it hath●n general. The Artillery herein (they say, 
The Artillery.  for we may not enter it) much and good: the garrison but five and twenty at this present, the end, is to command the town upon any occasion.  
This City like that of Pisa, 
People decayed.  is noted to be much decayed since their subjection to the family Medici, there not being now above two and twenty thousand persons, where in times past were always above fifty. 
The Gentry.  The Gentlemen of this City are noted to be generally more civil, affable, & courteous to strangers than they are in other places. 
Their course of living.  They live altogether upon their revenues, without exercising any trade of Merchandise or exchange upon the Bank, which course notwithstanding, all the Nobility of Florence and Pisa, even to the great Duke himself do take: as likewise they of Venice, Genoa, Rome, and generally all places and states of Italy, except Naples.  
Having in brief discoursed of three chief Cities of Tuscany, 
The three chief cities, and why?  Florence, Sienna and Pisa, which deserve so to be called, either for that each of them hath in times past had her several State, or for that they be the Seats of three Archbishoprics: it now remaineth I advertise of the commodities of this country, beginning with the Mountains and their fruits, 
Commodities out of Mountains.  which because they bofor the most part craggy and barren, as they allow those that possess them but little profit; so they yield me that write of them but little matter: no marvel then though the discourse be like the hills themselves, barren.  
There is digged out of these hills a kind of Freestone, 
Freestone.  passing hard, 
divers colours.  of colour according to the nature of the place whereout it is taken, white, red, and black, or to say more properly, inclining to these colours: of all which sorts there be in Florence and elsewhere, very gallant and stately Palaces builded. 
Marble divers colours.  They have also in many places, pits of Marble, white, blue, and particoloured excellent good: namely in the Territory of Massa, but especially in the Mountains of Carrara and Lunigiana: hence daily they dig for the building of their Churches and Palaces of Genoa, Florence, Bologna, Rome, and France also, whereout might be digged enough to serve a world of building, if the transporting it into other places were not so chargeable, or rather the impossibility to bring it from the pits where it is digged, to the Port where they should load it, by reason of the cragginess of the Rocks. Of these Marble Pits junenal seems to make mention, where he saith: Procubuit veluti qui saxaligustica portat Axis.  
And Uberti in his sixth Canto saith thus: 
E vedimmo Carrara, oue la gente,  
Trova il candido Marmo in tanta copia,  
Che n' assai haurebbe tutta l'oriente.   

The building of Italy fairer than ours, and why.  This is the reason the buildings of Italy so far exceed ours, especially their Churches: as for any other thing in that land, the truth is they can no way compare with us, nor make good the great opinion the world hath thereof.  
The other fruits of these Mountains which are indeed useful and necessary for the sustenance of the inhabitants, are Acorns, 
Acorns.  Olives, and Chestnuts: of Acorns especially in the state of Sienna are very great store, wherewith, over and beside those they eat themselves, they feed their Swine, not having of Beans or Pease to spare for this purpose; The great Duke maketh yearly of certain woods he hath in this State above a thousand Ducats.  

Olives.  They have also Olives, but not in such plentiful manner as to be able to send any Oil into other parts: for they want hereof to serve their own turns; being a commodity so necessary, as without it, it were not possible they should live, feeding as they do upon nothing else but cold fruits and raw herbs; 
Their scarcity and necessity.  insomuch as the Villano and poorer sort feedeth not upon flesh once a month, and than most sparingly; as for Butter and Cheese, were it not for Lombardie they should scarce know what it meant.  
The third benefit of the hills is the Chestnut, 
Chestnuts.  the countrymen bread, as water is his drink, who (except he be sick) which we then refuse, drinketh no Wine, 
Their use.  and except very seldom eateth nothing but those Nuts; the sterility of the country being such as not to afford bread of corn for one fourth part of the year. 
Corn scarce.  Such is the wretched penury of this Nation, abounding in nothing but in acquaint terms, which discover their humour, but satisfy not their hunger; whereof shall be more fitly discoursed hereafter. It may here suffice to infer that the greater part of this State being hills, and the most of those barren, & much of these other nothing but Stone: no marvel then, though they build like the Agrigenti●es and live like the Scythians, though they dwell like Princes, & feed like Peasants, though their houses be great and their tables small, though the women have in one day more riches on their back then they spend in three ages on the sustenance of their body. And yet that glory and wealth there is, is in the City, and in the hands of few, to whom all the fruits of the country are conveyed: as for the Artificer he can do no more but live, whereof scarce one in a city ever groweth rich, and the poor Contadines' life is such, as if naturally he were not proud in this extreme misery, it would move any stranger to pity his estate.  
I have stood in my lodging on a market-day, when the country hath come in, and when commonly they attire themselves in their best robes: yet have I observed seven or eight bare legged, for one otherwise, and in this proportion have they passed for two or three hours, the rest of their apparel holding suitable conformity therewithal; yet cannot this people talk but with his hat on his head, and with his hands by his sides, with action also and words, either beseeming none at all, or at least one in better clothes.  
But to leave the high minds & low fortunes of the Tuscans, the great hills and small commodities of their country, upon which we may well turn the Proverb, Par●uriunt Montes, exit Must; I will descend into their valleys, which indeed (not to defraud them of their right) are like Gardens, whether you respect the small quantity of each man's several, or their diligence in their keeping, or to say truth, the variety of the fruits thereof.  
For the first I can avow, that going up with another English Gentleman to the top of a steep hill, some two miles high right over Prato, to give our eye the view of that pleasant valley, we could not discern any one piece of ground above one Acre and a half in our opinions, (except the great Duke's pastures about his Palace of Poggio) all which ground being bare and the hedges green with the Vines, gave a very pleasant and delightful prospect, resembling very fitly a chequer table. Now if the good Stars raise one of them to the fortune to be possessed of one of these garden-plots, and a Cappanuccia (a silly shelter covered with Reeds) thereupon ye shall never get him from the discourse of his Villa, his Podere, and his Entrata, his farms, his lands, and his rents; that one would think him Lord of some goodly Palace, and as much land at the least as a Nag might well place about in a day; when, if we come to see it, it proves not God knows above the Giornata (a days journey) of a Snail, and she poor beast is taken damage faisant in danger to be seized upon to the Lords use of the soil; for Snails, Frogs, Hedgehogs, and such like, are accounted among the Delicatezze, the delicates of Italy.  
As for their diligence in digging, setting, sowing, manuring and weeding of their ground, it is such as therewith the Dutch diligence in their Root grounds may not compare. And lastly for the variety of those commodities which these Valleys yield, it shall suffice to comprehend them under these three heads; Fruit, Herbage, and Grain, with particular mention of such as I remember, howbeit in Italian names, because many of them grow not, nor are yet Christened in England.  
Fruit. Herbage. Graine. Une. Finocchio. Formento. Fichi. Lattuga. Orzo. Aranci. invidia. Segala. Albicocchi. Cicerbita. Miglio. Pesche. Borragine. Sagina. Mele. Fiorancio. Panico. Limoni. Aneto. Fane. Cedri. Bietola. Ceci. Manderle. Cavolo. Faginoli. Noci. Spinacci. Piselli. Albatre. Basilico. Riso. Cotogne. Radici. Farro. Poponi. Porri. Gioglio. Cedrioli. Carotte. Mochi. Cocomeri. Rape. Vena. Zucchi. Fior di Velluto. Spelta. meal granate Nepitella.  Ceriegi. Menta.  Pere. Cardi.  Nespole. Gobbi.  Susine. Selerii.  Cypolli. Pastinacchi.  Agli.   Mori.    
These are the fruits of the earth whereof they feed, for of others I speak not: and to give these their due, many of them be very delicate and pleasant; as their una Moscutella, and Rimaldesca, their Figs, Apricocks, Musk-melons, and such like: howbeit considering either the little time they last, or the small quantity they have thereof, the benefit is not so great as is imagined; for none of these last named lasteth above two months, except it be the grape, whereof some few are hanged up in the Palco roof, to serve the richer sort in Lent. As for the poorer, their chiefest food is Herbage all the year through. Indeed for the months of August and September, while Grapes be ripe, he keepeth a continual feast, making them his only food.  

The Vine.  The Vine which without comparison is the greatest commodity of Tuscany, if not of Italy; hath these uses. Of the Grape they feed, of the juice they make Wine; of the shreeding they make small bundles, like our Faggots of gall in Cambridge, & sell them for two quatrini a piece for firing: of their leaves they feed their Oxen, or else dung their land; & lastly of the stones they feed their Pigeons, which after the Vintage they riddle out of the Grap: being dried, and these they sell at 20. soldi the Staio.  
There are divers sorts of Grapes, the names of such as I remember are these; una Canaiola, good either to eat or for Wine; Passerina a small Grape, whereof Sparrows feed, good only for Wine; Trebbiana the best sort of white Grapes for Wine, whereof they make their Vincentio Trebbiano, Zibibbo; these are dried for Lent: Moscatella with a taste like Musk, not for Wine, but to eat; una grossa not to eat, but for Wine; Raverutta, of itself neither to eat, nor for Wine, but a few of these put among a great vessel of Wine, giveth it a colour, for which use it only serveth; San Columbana and Rimaldesca a very delicate Grape, either for Wine or to eat; Luglisla which hath his name of the month of july wherein it is ripe, better to eat then for Wine; and lastly Cerisiana, named for the taste it hath like a Cherry, better for Wine then to eat.  
They have also as many names for their Figs, the best are the Brugiotti, which being needless to recount, as also to stand thus particularly upon all the rest, I will omit to speak: only in a word I will speak of the Mulberry, for that the mention thereof draweth consequently therewithal the discourse of the silk-worm, which being another of the greatest commodities of Tuscany I may not forget.  
In the two months of May and june this worm laboureth, 
Silkworms.  the rest of the year they be only seeds kept in some warm & close places, where they may neither be endangered by cold nor thunder, for either of these destroyeth them. When she hath wrought herself into a bottom, they put it into warm water to find the end thereof, but if they would preserve the worm for seed, than they find the end without putting the bottom into water (for this killeth the worm) which being found, and wound upon a Cane, they suffer the worm to lie upon a woollen cloth, till growing to a Fly it engender with another, whereof come infinite seeds, which are as is said, kept close all the year till the beginning of May, when they are laid in the Sun and so hatched, but for want of heat, and to have of them betimes, the women will hatch them in their bosoms. 
Mulberry.  So soon as they be worms they have of Mulberry leaves given them, whereof they only feed, to which purpose are daily great store of trees planted: the leaf is sold at four quattrini the pound. Of this sort of trees the great Duke hath planted such plenty along the banks of Ar●o, and about the Ditches of towns and other public places, as it is probably judged they will within these few years be annually worth thirty thousand Ducats. And whereas heretofore the Silke-workers of Florence, besides their own, were usually wont to buy from Naples, Lombardie, and Greece, so much silk as yearly amounted to three hundred thousand Ducats, it is now thought that shortly they shall have enough of their own; for ye shall observe, that they of Sienna are richer in lands than they of Florence, and therefore trade less in all Mechanical professions: I saulsi ricchi d● entrada, i fiorentini ricchi per industria: which is the reason that the Florentines exceed the other so far herein: insomuch as it is thought here are yearly made of Florence Rash's to the worth of two Millions of Ducats, & of Silket and clothes of gold and silver, to the value of three Millions; hence grew this Axiom of Aristotle; The more barren the soil, the more rich the City: as he observed by Athens in Greece, and we find by Norremburge in Germany. Good reason they of Florence have to increase this commodity, by all possible means, without the which I see not how they should be able (not exhausting in few years their estate) to be relieved with the necessary commodities of other countries: a● Corn from Sicilia, Leather from Barbaria, Tin, Led, Hearing, Chaviar, and other such provision from England, & from divers other places other things as needful: their State not having any Merchandise to spare, 
Alum.  except a little Alum to counternaile this great charge withal. So that their helpers an industrious paine-taking in the making of these silks, 
Silks.  their clothes of gold and silver, 
Clothes of gold and silver, etc.  their Rash's, and painting of Leather for Hangings (a trade much used among them) howbeit the matter itself coming from Spain and other countries, whereupon they work, and only the workmanship their own, the advantage can be but small.  
Another help is their egregious & incredible Parsimony in feeding, as also their frugality from extraordinary spending, for should they either fare, or exceed in other charges, as we do in this country, it were impossible but their state should be ruined.  
Concerning Herbage, 
Herbs & Roots.  I shall not need to speak, but that it is the most general food of the Tuscan, at whose table a Salad is as ordinary, as Salt at ours; for being eaten of all sorts of persons, & at all times of the year: of the rich because they love to spare; of the poor, because they cannot choose; of many Religious, because of their vow, of most others because of their want: it remaineth to believe that which themselves confess; namely, 
Flesh.  that for every horseload of flesh eaten, there is ten cart loads of herbs and roots, which also their open Markets and private tables do witness, and whereof if one talk with them fasting, he shall have sensible feeling.  
But for the better proof of the little flesh here spent, it shall not be amiss to remember what the Chancellor of Prato told me concerning this matter, who seemed by his discourse a man of good understanding, & who ought by his office to have the knowledge hereof very familiar; upon some conference with him had about the great Duke's impositions and Gabell which he had in that state, he told me among divers other matters, which shallbe remembered hereafter, that he had out of Prato & the precincts thereof, a thousand Ducats communibm annis for the flesh there eaten, at the rate of five denari the pound, for so much he hath. Now if we reduce Ducats to denari (which are the fourth part of a Quattrino) & divide that number by five, we shall find the number of pounds of flesh eaten there, after the rate of twelve ounces to the pounds (for so is their weight of all things whatsoever) which sum by the rule of three we may reduce to pounds English of sixteen ounces, and then dividing by fourteen, know how many Stone is there eaten in a year. According to which computation we shall find 18000 Stone: the people there being, as is already said 16000 persons, so that there is little more than a Stone a piece for the year: a proportion which in Newgate market, and S. Nicholas-shambles will hardly be believed.  
Pythagoras' found by the dimension of the foot the perfect Rieratte of Hercules & Phidias of Athens, found by the paw of the Lion, the true proportion of the whole body: so by this small store of flesh spent in Prato, may well be conceived what proportion is spent in the whole state of Tuscany. It may here not impertinently be remembered (speaking of flesh) of a kind of meat which the Italian hath out of Barbaria, howbeit in no great quantity, which they call Micista, 
Micista.  it is a powder made of Beef dried & sold in their shops; for the nature of the flesh of afric being such not to take Salt, (the alarba's of that country) dwelling in tents, which they always remove when their cattle have eaten up the pasture, to some other place, do bake their flesh in Ovens so dry, till it may be beaten to powder, which done, they barrel it up, & carry with them for a kind of very good food. And I have heard also that the Tartars bring of this into the wars, whereof they feed, and wherewith putting about two handfuls of it into water, they give their ●ors●s, which without any other provender keepeth them fat & ●isty.  
As concerning their grain in Tuscany, 
Graine.  it is very much in kind & very little in quantity: whereof most years they have too sensible feeling, & are supplied out of other places, as Sicilia; Sardigna, & sometimes England & the East-countries: they have of Wheat more than either Rye or Barley, yet of neither sufficient: as for their Sagina, Panico, Miglio, Surgo Turco, and such like, they are fine names, but make but course meal and bread only for the poorer sort, who, (might they not want thereof) would think their market much amended.  
Their harvest is in june, 
Harvest.  they mow their Wheat and Rye, & reap their Barley, quite contrary to the common course in England: they cut their corn while it is somewhat green, I take it, lest it should shill: they suffer it afterwards to stand in shocks ●ill it be well withered and dried, then making a store on the ground where it grew, they presently thrash it; & stack up the Straw for their necessary uses: the same ground which hath carried this crop, if it be in heart is again presently tilled, and sowed with Miglio, Panico, Sagina, or some pulse or other, which again they reap in September. They measure their corn by the Staio, as we ours by the Strike or Bushel, it containeth in weight fifty five pounds, at twelve ounces the pound. And as we measure our land by the Acre, so they theirs by the Staioro, which taketh his name of the Staio: because one of these parcels of land, if it be on the hills, will ask a Staio of corn to feed it, otherwise in the valleys every measure will ordinarily feed four Straiora, I suppose that six of these make one of our Acres. The countryman will stir of them (as we call it) eighteen with his two yoke of Oxen; the one yoke feeding while the other laboureth in one day. He hath for his labour four Crazy a piece, which is threepences starling; so that he and his beasts earn some four shillings sixpence sterling the day: how this agreeth with our rate in England, I cannot say, I went not out so good a husband. The staioro doth ordinarily yield seven and eight staia crop, which is little short of the proportion of four quarters an Acre.  
The nature of the soil is generally light and sandy, 
Soil.  laid in small ridges like the fields of Norfolk, which as I take it, argueth the lightness. But by reason of the Cities & great towns near, and the number of people, it is much forced, and made more fruitful. For there are those who all their life time do nothing but with their Ass go up and down the cities, gathering up the dung in the streets, and carrying it to the land of those with whom they have bargained, paying out of every Ass' burden one quattrino to the Duke before they pass the gates, but this is a discourse for another place.  
It remaineth to speak of the Salt, 
Salt.  another commodity which they have here in Tuscany in some reasonable manner. It is very white and good, much better than that of the Church's Salt, which hath almost the colour of Sawdust, or that of Liguria which is little better. The two places from whence they have this commodity, is the City of Grossetta in the Maremma, and the pits not far from the City of Volterra: howbeit they make of it at these pits in greater measure; where it is reported are daily made throughout the year twenty four Moggie, every of these measures being four and twenty Staia, that is of our measure some sixteen Strike a piece: so that there are daily made 48. quarters. They know when it is sufficiently boiled by the throwing in of an Egg, for if it sink, then is it not yet perfect, 
Sulphurius waters effect.  but if it swimmeth (a galla) than they boil it no longer. There are not far hence (may I digress so far) waters of such a scalding and sulphureous nature, as if a Dog or such like creature be tied to a rope and thrown therein for the space of a quarter of an hour, ye pull out nothing but the bare bones. And true it is, that the air here about sometimes of the year is so contagious, as the inhabitants abandon their homes. The place being so dangerous, I will dwell no longer upon the discourse thereof, but return to the Salt-pits, out of which the great Duke maketh no small benefit, considering he buyeth it at one quattrini the pound, and selleth it again at twelve, and in some parts of his State at fifteen, which being bought at this rate cometh to two Ducats the Staio: Howbeit, it is said of some, that it costeth him five quattrini the pound, which I rather believe, and so his gain is but two third parts. Sure I am that there is a Bando upon a great penalty, that none presume to buy but of his officers only. And seeing here is mention made of the great Duke's impositions upon Salt● I will also annex his gain raised by Wheat, though I must confess their place more proper when I shall speak of his Revenue.  
After the Raccolta, 
Wheat engrossed.  (harvest) when wheat is at the cheapest, a note is taken of every man's particular crop, how much he hath, what will seed his ground; and serve his house; the rest the officers will buy at the price of the Market; he is not (as I take it (directly forced to sell it: but a Bando is sent forth, that no man shall buy, and so by consequent, because he must needs have money, with an unwilling willingness he is content they shall have it. This is bought under pretence to have the Cities well stored, whether it is carried into the great Duke's Granaries, in which places for any accident either of dearth or of war, (though for the one the country is well secured) here is very good store to be found: It was reported in the Magizini (Storehouses) at Pisa when I was there, there was no less than one hundred and fifty thousand Staia. And it was likewise holden for certain, that some years of plenty, he buyeth eight or nine hundredth thousand, at the rate commonly of four or five Livers the Staio; (a Liver is ninepences sterling) and selleth it again as this year he did for above ten. Now by buying such an infinite Mass, and selling it at such a rate, the gain is easily computed to be almost as many Ducats as were Staia bought: His subjects will tell us of a Million gain some year, but that were infinite. Now lest when the new Corn comes into his Granaries, he should not vent the old, as being sustie, or having some other fault, a Bando is sent out, that the Bakers shall bake no other. There is another inconvenience stranger than this, a case wherein a man may not serve himself of his own, which had it not been told me by a Gentleman Sanese of good credit, I should hardly have believed, much less have adventured to advertise thereof. If a Gentleman of Sienna have a Villa in the Territory of Mont Alcina, near by; and therein good store of Wheat to serve his turn for the maintenance of his house in Sienna, and whether, it may be with little cost brought, as not being far off, and where perhaps he cannot well spare money to buy of others: notwithstanding he cannot be suffered to bring of his own to his house, but must there take of the great Duke to make his provision. How hurtful these Monopolies and engrossings are, the laws made against them in well governed states do witness, and the people where they be practised do feel.  
Of their Pastures and feeding for cattle, 
Pastures.  I shall not need to speak, for they be not herewith acquainted, as not being able to spare one Staiora from tillage, except in the Maremma and allows of Pisa, which being little and soon spoken of, and not having whereof to be spoken, but that it is little, I will leave: as also all other things to be observed in the Country itself, and proceed to the government.  
The Government (to speak in one word, 
The government.  and not to use a harder term) is merely despotical. The Prince himself is of stature mean, of colour by complexion brown, 
The prince  by age grisled, of body corpulent, of age somewhat above fifty, his name Ferdinando, who (till his brother's death) was Cardinal, 
His name.  which dignity he hath since renounced, having attained this Sceptre, whereof he had not been capaple, if he had before entered the order of Priesthood. He is of the family Medici, 
His family.  a noble house of Florence, the first raiser whereof was Lippo, not three hundred years since (whose Father, though a Collier) yet he by his virtues and his posterity also succeeding from time to time, advanced the reputation of this name to the greatness wherein now it is: whereof hath been many Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, and other personages of great place; besides two Popes, two and twenty Gonfaloniers, and four Dukes: of these, three have had the title of (Great) as elsewhere is showed.  
The descent of this Prince might be derived from Lippo, 
His descent.  but for brevities sake I will omit four or five, and begin at Giovanni the Father of the first Cosmo, because from him come the two houses that have had the Signiory of this State, as in this table following appeareth.  

The line Masculine of the family Medici.  
Giovanni. 

Cosmo: Contessina Bardi. 

Piero: Lucretia Turna buoni. 

Lorenzo Clarice orsina. 

Piero Alfonsa orsina, 

Lorenzo Maddalcha di Bologna. 

Alexandro D. di Fioe Mar● d'Austria.  
Caterina Regina di Francia.      
Giovanni Leo 10.  
Guigliano D. di Nemors filiberta di Savoia. 

Hippolito Cardinale. 

Asdrubal Cavall: Gierusalemme.        
Guigliano. 

Guiglio Clem. 7      
Giovanni Gineva Alessandris. 

Cosimino    
Carlo    
Lorenzo Gineura cavalcanti. 

Pierfrancesco Laudomia Acciaioli. 

Lorenzo Semiramus Appiana. 

Pierfrancisco Maria Soderini. 

Lorenzo This is he that murdered Alexander first D. of Florence, in detestation of which fact, the house where it was committed, stands ruined as in the Via Larga there appeareth. 

Francisco gran D. Giovanni d'Austria. 

Don Philippo Prencipe di Tuscana morto.  
Don Antonio D. di Capistrano bastard. alive.    
Giovanni Cardinale.  
Don Piero morto.  
Don Garzia morto.  
Ferdinando gran D. Christina di Lorena. 

Don Cosmo Prencipe di Tuscana.  
Don Francisco.  
D●●.      
Guigliano Vescovo.    
Auerardo    
Giovanni Caterina Zforza. 

Giovanni Maria Salviati. 

Cosmo Gran duca di Tuscana Leonora di Toledo. 

Don Piero Leonora di Toledo. 

Don Cosmo.    
Don Gouanti● baste. alive.               
The descent and issue of the great duke appearing in this table, 
His Parentage.  it remaineth that I speak of his parentage. His Highness matched in the house of Lorraine, with Madama Christina that Duke's daughter Don Caesare d' Estê, base son to Alphonso the second, the Duke of Fexrara, that now is married to his Sister. Don Virginio Orsin● Duke di Bracciano that now with the Duchess his wife, sister to the Cardinal Mont' Alto is in Court, is son of another of his Sisters. The Duke of Montona married Madama Leonora of this house; he hath also near alliance with the family Zforza: And it was said in the Court at my coming from Livorno, that Rannuio Farnese Duke of Parma, should marry Maria sister to Leonora, both daughters to Francisco his brother: Howbeit it was afterwards reported that he should marry the sister of Cardinal Mont' Alto, niece to Sixtus Quintus, (whom find he hath married: and Maria is wife to Henry the 4. King of France.  
His Arms are six Apples or Balls of gold in a field Azure, 
His arms.  unto which some say is added since his obtaining the Sceptre, the Arms of Florence the Flower de Lise, But having the authority of one so approved as is Guicciardine to the contrary, I rather say with him, that this addition was given of special favour to the family Medici by the house of France; by whom in his first book page 16. it is plain, that when Charles the eight intended his voyage for Naples, he sought (as a league much importing that action) the friendship of the Florentine State, and that as he there saith, if they would not join with him in the service, yet at least they would grant him passage for his army, and victuals for his money: whereto he laboured by letters both the State in general, and Piero Medici in particular, in which his letters to Medici he putteth him in mind of the ma●ie favours and honours done by Lewes the eleventh to Lorenzo his father, and to his ancestors: that they had given molte dimostrazioni per conservation della grandezza d'essi. Many proofs of willingness to preserve the Medicies' greatness: and that they had honoured in testimonio de benevolenza, l'insegne●ora con l'insegne proprie della casa di Francia, in show of their love, their arms with theirs of France.  

His style.  Concerning his Style, it is to be observed, that since the government came to the hands of this family, it hath altered four times: for first, when by Clement the 7. his means, who was a Medici, Alexandro had obtained the signory of Florence, he was entitled Prior perpetual: after that matching in the house of Austria, he was created Duke of Florence. The title yet changed twice more in the person of Cosmo, father to this great duke now living, for having united the States of Florence and Sienna, he was entitled, Dux Florentiae et Senarum: And after by Pius Quintus he was created Magnus Dux Hetruriae for some special service done to the Church.  
This title of Duke is not of any great antiquity in Italy; for although Titus Livius speaketh of Deuces, yet he meaneth Captains of Soldiers, or rather such as had the leading of an Army by the Senate's appointment, and not such as have absolute authority over Cities and Countries. The first bringer in of this name into Italy, was Longinus King of the lombards, one hundred sixty six years after the declination of the Roman Empire. By him at the first were created four, which bore their title of these places; Beneventum, Turine, Fruily, and Spoleto: At which time also were instituted the two Marquesarts of Ancona and Treviso, which still live in the names, though dead in the persons that should have them: and it should seem in some sort, this title of marquess was better than that of Duke. For in their language (saith Biondo) it signifieth Perpetuum Magistratum, because they might leave their title and Signory to their heirs, which the Dukes could not do, but by the leaves of the Kings of Lombardie. Some say this word of Marquis is derived from the French (mark) which signifieth a Province; as that a Marquis should signify the Precedent of a Province. Others think it is derived of the Dutch word (Marchk) among whom this title is in great honour, & signifieth a Signior over a Country to some limit or mark, for so Altimeri in his Scholia upon Cornelius Tacitus interpreteth. As for this title of great Duke, there never was any before in Italy, nor I think in Europe, but he of Musconia: Of Dukes there be divers in this Country of Italy, as the Dukes of Ferrara, Muntova, Parma, Vrbino; besides four and twenty in the kingdom of Naples.  
Concerning his claim and right to the Crown, 
His title.  it is beyond the compass of a bare relation, (as this is) to dispute how good it is but rather to discourse what it is, neither to determine how justly his Predecessors got it, but how lineally it is devolved from them to him. The means how this house rose to such superiority in a commonwealth, where was always maintained such equality, is by the Florence history easily discerned to be their popularity & insinuative stealing into the people's good opinions; over whom they oftentimes in cases of insolencies & oppressions by the nobler sort, undertook the Patronage, & became as it were the Tribunes of the people in Rome, or the Auogadori del Commune in Venice, who (as I take it) are Advocates & Intercessors for the citizens', preferring their suits to the Courts. Howbeit there is a difference, for this is an office instituted, that was a favour enchroched upon, this is by law limited, that was by man's nature so infinite, as it stayed not running on this plausible race till the wished goal was gotten. Venice hath been wise in this case, where it hath been danger for a great man to deserve too well, and be loved too much; for which cause only (as in their Annals appeareth) some of them have lost their lives, fearing what this popularity of theirs might effect, if it were put to the trial: & holding belike that principle good in a commonwealth, which is a ground in matters of the Church, which saith; Melius est pevire unum quam vnionem) It is better one perish then unity: factions being as dangerous in the one, as schisms in the other. To which purpose Athens and Rome can afford many fit examples, & indeed so many, as it were needless to recount, either that of Scylla and Marius, Caesar and Pompeius, Octavius and Antonius: or any other particulars, either of the one state or the other. And but that the (colours Noble and Popular) were in seventy six in good time united in the City of Genoa; there had not wanted at this day an example in that City also, either of the family, Doria, Spinoli, Grimaldi, or Fieschi, as by Oberto Foglietta, a very judicial writer of these times is proved.  
But to return to the history of the family Medici, it is to be understood, that Lorenzo grandchild to the first Cosmo, who for his well deserving of the Commonwealth was surnamed Pater Patriae, & uncle to Clement the 7. who for deserts clean contrary merited the title of Ruina Reipub: He I say, after the death of his brother Guigliano, who was slain by the families Salviati and Pazzi governed the State of Florence with all wisdom gravity and moderation, without respect of any particular advancement of his house, but only of the weal public. To him had all the States and Princes of Italy recourse in all their matters of controversy to be ended, and of counsel to be guided: insomuch, as in his days, Florence seemed another Delphos and he another Oracle: as he would, were all officers chosen, all families preferred, and all common actions of the State carried. So that as in Genoa the Adorni and Fregosi were by the people exalted, to curb the unbridled insolencies of the Colore Nobile: as in Sienna the Petrucci were made great to restrain the disordered humours of some aspiring Citizens: as in Perugia the Baglioni were advanced to impeach the proud designs of the Raspanti, of whose proceedings the City grew jealous; and as in Bologna the Bentivogli were preferred to extraordinary honours & authority, through the hate they bore their Nobles: So likewise the first raising of this family Medici, was their plausible carriage towards the meaner and base● rank of Citizens, by whom they were chosen for a head against the greater and more powerful sort. And not contented with this prehemenencie, their desires rested not: until (as in the person of Alexander shall appear) one of their house came to be Duke of so great a State, brother to a King of France, and son in law to an Emperor. So ordinary and natural a thing it is in the mind of man, in matter of ambition and greatness, to keep no mediocrity, that when ye give him the authority and command over few, and in small matters, he cannot list his vast thoughts within the limits prescribed, but is so carried beyond himself with a desire to rule, as without consideration either of virtue by which, or of friends by whom, he was advanced; he is violently driven with the stream of that his ambitious passion, to oppress aswell those by whose means, as those for whose cause he was at first advanced. Which ambitious humour of reigning (though it reigned not in this good Lorenzo who with the reputation of a great wise man, and no less good Citizen died in the year 1492. with whom saith Guicciardine died the glory and peace of Italy:) yet it made the way to those garboils and troubles which his children's greatness (by his desert) and aspiring minds (by their own corruption) d●d afterwards cause in Florence. For leaving behind him three sons, Piero, Giovanni, and Guigliano; the first succeeded his father, but not with like moderation in that authority wherein his father's virtues left him in: but asserting a lordly superiority and sole government; and as my Author saith; Con consiglio dirittamehie contrario à consigli paterni ne communicato ●o cittadini principali, with a counsel quite contrary to that of his father, and kept still secret from the chief Citizens; he sought to carry all matters after the unbridled sway of his own affections, so greatly to the dislike of the Citizens, and to the prejudice of their liberty, as ●e with his brothers were worthily banished; who after many attempts to be reimpatriate, yet still repulsed, were notwithstanding at the last by the means of Ferdinando King of Arragon and Naples restored (I mean the two younger brothers, for Piero was now dead) ripigliando quell antica grandezza de Medicima gouuernandola pu● imperiosament, e con arbit●io pui assoluto di quello che'st soleva: taking upon them again the former greatness of the Medici, & carrying it more lordly, and with a more peremptory swinge than they were wont, Guicciard. lib. 11. car. 318. This restoring of the Medici & subjection of the City, was in the year 1512. after they had been eighteen years banished, in which lordly course of carrying themselves, they continued fifteen years, till 1527. when Clement the Pope being in dangerat Rome, & fled into the Castle S. Angelo, the Florentines taking advantage of the time, attempted the recovering of their liberty. Howbeit at the Pope's instance, the Emperor Charles the fifth made Alexander Medici's Prior perpetual. And after in 35. (as hath been before said, speaking of his Style) having matched in the house of Austria, he created him duke, causing an emblematical statue to be made of Brasle in the chief Piazza of the town, with this inscription in the name of the Emperor, Te filsi si qu●● Leserat, ultor ero. My Son I will revenge thee, if any dare to hurt thee, as a threat to the City if they offered to recover their liberty. This Alexander first Duke of Florence, being murdered by his cozen Lorenzo, and having no issue, the government fell to Cosmo son to Giovanni de Medici & Maria Salviati, heir in the next line, & Father to this great duke that now liveth, to whom by the death of his elder brother Francisco, this state is devolved.  

His Court.  Concerning his Court, it is the general opinion, that it is greater than of a Duke, less than of a King; which compared with other Dukes of Italy is true: howbeit if it be considered either what number of persons are therein, or what provision there is made, I think it may hardly compare with the houses of the Nobility of England, comprehending in this number none but such as live and have their diet in Court, whereof there be very few. For this Court doth yield two sorts of courtiers: della bocca, & della Casa, (of the mouth and of the house) that is, of such as feed there, and of such as retain only. Of the first sort is the great Duke himself, the Duke Bracciano, their duchesses, their children, and some few servants beside to the number as I have creadibly heard not above four and twenty: of the other sort are other officers of Court, which notwithstanding live at their own private tables, as Monsignior Puteo Archbishop of Pisa, and thereto his Highness, by whose counsel he is especially advised, Il signor Piero Vsimbaldi, il signor Cavalliere Conci●o, il signor Beliario Vinta, il signor Cavalliere Serguidi, il signor Piero Conti his Secretaries, & divers others his officers. To these if we add Don Giovanni & Don Antonio, both Medici, the one his brother, the other his Nephew illegitimate, Il signor Camillo del Monte, general of the foot, Il signor Conte Gherardesca Colonel of the horse, Il signor Francisco Montauti general of his galleys, besides the L●arant' Otto, & divers others Countess and Nobles of Florence, you shall see a very honourable and noble presence.  
The order of this discourse requireth that in this place I briefly advertise of the order of San Stephano, 
His order of S. Stephen.  whereof his highness is grandmaster, which was first instituted by Cosmo his father, and confirmed by Pius Quintus. But because the ordinances & statutes thereof be very many, aswell concerning the investiture as degradation, & for that there is a book written thereof entitled della Religione di san Stephano: I will only remember that the Gran Maestro conferreth divers other offices belonging to this order, and of chief account, upon persons of principal quality in his state: as the office of Gran Comandator, Gran Contestabile, and Gran Priore. There be three degrees of this order; the first is of Cavallieri querrieri, the second are Ecclesiastichi; the last Seruienti. Of the first sort have been made (as in their Palace at Pisa appeareth) about one thousand and twenty. The second are Priests & persons of the church, not so honourable as the former. The last are such as have base offices either about the Palace, or about their lands, and receive annual wages for their pains. The Cognisance or badge of this order, is a cross, in form like that of the knights of Malta, but differing in colour, for that of Malta is white, this is red. They are bound to wear it always upon their upper garment, which the great duke himself also observeth. They are bound also to serve at Sea in the Grand masters wars for six years (as I take it) if need be whereas they of Malta are bound to serve against the Turk all the days of their life. The Knights of this order may marry, and hold temporal possessions, which they of Malta may not. This order is lineally to descend from the father to the eldest son, without any more creation, like the Titles of honours in England, unless his father upon demerit be formerly degraded. What other privileges they have, in the book thereof written appeareth, & what use the grandmaster hath of their service in all his occasions, is as easily conjectured.  
It followeth to speak somewhat of his riches: 
Riches.  a matter whereof one may discourse by probabilities, but can determine nothing of certain: for if they which marry our rich widows in England be many times deceived in the reckoning, finding the account fall far short of that the world judged & they themselves hoped: how easy a th●ng is it to err in the valuing of so great a Prince as the great duke of Tuscany? Besides if one should undertake to write of every thing he hath seen, & give it the Italians valuation (who in matters of their own, ever speak alla larga) I assure myself he should be very much deceived, and gain the imputation of a notable Gull for his credulity, & a notorious Bugiarde for his delivery, against which, note his far travail neither gives him warrant nor supersedeas. I was in a Florentines gallery, who hath sometimes been in our Country, where besides one table of Touch, and three other of Serpentine, Agate, and such like, very curiously wrought and bordered with flowers of their natural colours (which might be painted for aught I knew): howbeit he protested they were all the natural colours of the stone, and of the infinite charge it cost to cut so many, before they could find such as should give the true lustre of the flower, which surely is there done most lively: and besides many Statues of Marble, Alabaster & Brass, he showed us a Cupboard of Boxes yet unfinished (which he said) hath already cost four and twenty thousand crowns: we see also divers Medalles, at the least five hundred, which he valued some at twenty and thirty crowns the ●eece: for the value of his Cupboard I know not, but for his Medalles I am sure that in Venice a man may buy as good and as antic of a Montibanck for two gazettes a piece, which is not two pence sterling. Now if one had swallowed this Gudgeon of one hundred and twenty thousand Crowns (for so much he said these toys in this Gallery did cost) he must needs either have surfeited of a fullness, or else have discovered his infirmity by venting it to others.  
But to return to the great Duke's riches; in the Gallery at Florence where is his Guarda-roba his Wardrobe, and Armoury, there is very much and massy Plate, with one Cupboard of pure gold, the value I cannot estimate. There is also one Table in making for the Emperor, which hath already cost (they say) twenty two thousand ducats set with very many & very fair Stones. There is one Desk worth (as they dare affirm) one Million. There are likewise Rapiers with hilts of gold, and in their Pomels' either the Spheres or Clocks very curiously wrought. There be swords so artificially made, that they may be thrown out the length of three, and being at the full length, it dischargeth a Pistol: there is the Sword of Charlemagne greatly prized. There be Targets which with a Pin turned make Daggers fly out of all sides. There are beside the divers weapons of most Nations, with many other things for the richness and rareness worth the remembering, as also the great Duke's chain of Diamonds, and the great Duchess' chain of Pearl which they wear daily, two jewels no doubt of exceeding value: besides all other their jewels & treasures not seen. But the thing which most argueth his Riches, and whereof he and other Princes have their daily uses, and whereby they be valued, is ready Money and Coin; which the world (and no doubt upon good reason) judgeth to be very great: insomuch as the Neapolitan calleth him the King of coin: for in their play at Primero (their four suits of cards being denari, Coppe, Spade, Picche, Coin, Cups, Swords, Pikes) when (as the manner is) ye ask him for what Card he pulleth, if he pull for a Denaro he answereth; I pull for the great Duke of Tuscany. And truly I am of opinion (submitting myself to better judgements) that as in France there be four great Rivers far excelling the rest of that country in general, and yet one another in some one particular: Loire the greatest, Rhone the swiftest, Sayne the richest, and Sun the sweetest. So in Italy there are four great States, above all the other without exception, which notwithstanding in some one particular compared together, exceed one another. The Pope greatest in authority, the kingdom of Naples greatest in land-forces; the Venetians mightiest at Sea; and this great Duke mightiest in purse. Of whose present money some let not to say that he hath thirty millions of Ducats, others talk of five and twenty, none under twenty; but how truly, must be left to every man's pleasure to judge, as a thing utterly unknown, except we may guide our conjectures by this inference, which may thus be collected.  
Duke Francisco in the year 1576. reported to the Venetian Ambassador, that his father Cosmo dying, left him in debt eight hundred thousand Ducats: for the payment whereof he was forced to take up great sums of the Genoeses, at unreasonable interest. Notwithstanding it appeareth by the relation of the said Ambassador, that within ten years after he was cleared of that debt, and had imbursed to his coffers five Millions. It may then be probably argued, that if in ten years there were six millions increase, in twenty years more, there be at least twelve more added. But if it be objected that Duke Francisco in the term of those ten years had many hundred thousand ducats confiscate to his coffers by the treason of Pucci, who with his complices had plotted to invite the Duke, the Cardinal, and Don Piero to a feast, and there to murder them all, and so to recover their liberty; It may hereto be answered that he was likewise a Prince of very great expenses, and that for instance in that very time, he built the Palace and waterworks of Pratolino, which cost him at the least three hundred thousand ducats. As for this great Duke now living, his expenses are small for so great a Prince, as by the small number of them which live in Court may appear. And yet every Carnevale time he retireth himself from Florence, where is much to be spent, to Pisa where is somewhat to be gained: he saith he doth it for the affection he beareth that town; his people say, for the love he hath to spare; our English Merchants there say, it is for love of their commodities, which about that time arrive, and are brought up by his officers.  
It is likewise known he hath great sums of money in bank, which must needs bring in their yearly gain, besides threescore thousand ducats entrate, which he yearly detaineth from his brother Don Pier, who liveth in Spain, & the gain of Wheat before remembered; all which with his yearly revenue may make one strongly persuaded, that his ready money is little less than that which is judged of them which rate it at the highest. I should surely think it an incredible mass, but that I have read for certain, that in the year 1592., the ready money of Amurath, father to Mahomet the third, the great Turk now living, was at the least fifty millions. And although the disproportion of their Entrates may seem much to weaken the force of this comparison: yet I see not, considering on the other side as great difference in their expenses, but that it may carry some good show of likelihood. To conclude this point, it appeareth, that the great Duke hath two Revenues whereby he groweth rich; that is, great impositions, and great sparing (for sparing is a great revenue.) There yet remaineth two other means to make him absolutely rich, the love of his subjects, and their private wealth (for the wealth of the Subject is the wealth of the king, and where the people is rich, the Prince is not poor. But sure it is that he hath neither the one, nor they the other.  

His forces.  It is to be thought that he which hath money such store wanteth no forces (for money is called the sinews of war) I will therefore to this short discourse of his Riches, add in a word what is thought of his forces. His strength at Sea is not great, for he hath not above six Galleys, neither hath had since the overthrow that the Turks gave him at the little islands Formiche, where he lost two of his best Galleys and one Galleon. In these that remain he hath beside Munition ordinary, (that is eight or ten a piece,) about two hundred Soldiers and eight hundred slaves. He hath also much good Munition, and a competent number of Soldiers in his Forts of the Porto Ferrario, 
Potto Ferario  in the Island of Elba: of which place his Father was impatronized by the Lord thereof, the Signior di Piombino, with the consent of Charles the fifth: both because the Patron thereof was not able to defend it against the Corsari which daily robbed and spoiled it: as also, because for the small defence it had, it might have fallen into the hands of the Turks, and so by reason of the Scite (standing very fitly for such a purpose) it might have prejudiced the whole country of Italy. Notwithstanding all the revenue of the Isle is left free to the Lord of Piombino, & under his command are all other the towns & unfortified places. In this Port which is capable of what fleet soever, do all ships that trade from the Le●a● westward & chose touch, as in a place as necessary, fit, and secure, as are the Terseres to the Spaniards failing to the West-Indies: so that if he with this Isle had also a good number of Galleys and a purpose to offend, he might very easily infest all the Seas upon the coast of Barbary, upon Pronence, Lyguria, Tuscania, and all that side of Italy, and in a manner make himself Lord of those Midland Seas. He hath also (as is reported) one hundred Soldiers, & good Artillery in a Fort he holdeth at Marseilles called Castle dite; by the sufferance of which piece the Genoeses ship was in january last taken, (whereof the parties grieved complained lately to the great Duke) where besides four hundred Spaniards put to the Galleys, was also found four hundred thousand crowns, sent thither from Spain. He hath also in those thirty Castles and Forts before spoken of (wherein are garrisons but very small, as in some fifty, and in others five and twenty, in others not above fifteen & in some fewer by reason of the good terms he standeth in with his neighbour's Princes, or at least by the good favour of the time, for that they be otherwise diverted, that would be busy, to the number of six hundred in all. He hath likewise in all his sixteen Cities, garrisons of Soldiers more or less, as in the Cyttadell S. Miniato, and the new Fortress at Florence one hundred & twenty, in Pisa fifty, in Sienna twenty five, in Livorno two hundred and twenty, etc. In all which places he is said to be very well provided of Munition, Armour, weapons, Powder, shot, and such like military provision; the certain quantity whereof I cannot certainly inform, because, but upon especial favour, and by commandment, they dare not let one come into their Forts. And to write what others say, were to err himself and seduce others. I was by good means in the Castle at Livorno, where I told of field pieces threescore and four, whereof (they told me) that twelve were canon, and demi-canon; by which proportion it is to be conjectured that he is very well furnished.  
These Soldiers of whom is already spoken, are all in pay; he hath also a Rassegna, his trained Soldier (as we in England call them) about the number whereof there is great difference, between that which is written by way of relation, & that which is by way of conference reported. Relations (then which nothing is more false) write that there be thirty six thousand: but I talked with a Captain, who hath the mustering & charge of three hundred within the precincts of Prato (than whom no man should know better) and he told me but of fifteen thousand. In this diversity of report I have no other guide to direct me, to whether of these I should give credit, then by a rateable proportion of the part with the whole, to infer whether of these two cometh nearer to the truth, in this manner. It is now certainly holden, that the number of people in the States of Florence and Sienna united together, are about eight hundred thousand, and that they which reckon six in the one & five in the other, and so make one million and one hundred thousand, do somewhat overshoot the true number, much more they that reckon 800000. in the state of Florence, and 600000. in that of Sienna, not considering that the people of Sienna and Pisa with their precincts are much decayed, as hath already been partly said. Now than if sixteen thousand people (the number of them within the distretto (the precincts) of Prato) do allow the great Duke a Rassegna of three hundred, which I have seen four times trained (for they muster and are exercised once a month throughout his state) then eight hundred thousand will allow fifteen thousand after that rate. But if it be answered that upon the frontiers of the church and in the Maremma, there is a greater Rassegna than in other places, and so the proportion not to hold, I reply, to answer this with sufficient recompense, there is no mustering of Soldiers nor any Rassegna in the city of Florence, which is a good part of the whole. So that of this I am sure, that in Florence, Prato, Pistoia, Pisa, & their territories, there are not in all above two thousand two hundred▪ I should therefore think it strange and very disproportionate, that there should be above twenty thousand in all. It may be demanded why they of Florence are not trained aswell as the rest; the reason is, manet alta mente reposta tyrannis Papae, & consensus Imperatoris, Pope Clement's usurping, and Charles the fifts consent, sticks still in their stomachs. For they have not yet forgot that their fathers were free & commanders over others) & therefore they are not only prevented of this means which peradventure at sometime or other they might take, but they be also debarred the having of any Arms in their houses, or of wearing any weapon by their sides, except he be a knight of the order, or a trained Soldier, or an officer, or one that hath especial licence for the same, whereof there be many Gentlemen in Florence, according to the favour they have with the Prince, and as he is secured of them. The like is through the whole state, insomuch as many will sue to be trained Soldiers (a thing which with us they would gladly avoid) because they might be privileged to wear weapon, but especially (which is also a freedom granted to men of this profession) because they might not be arrested for debt.  
His forces at Sea and land are these already remembered, beside one hundred Lances which he keepeth in Sienna, & some fifty light horse in his own stables at Florence, besides four hundred more in other places of his state.  
His Entrate, 
His entrate  is by diverse men diversly estimated, some say one Million and a half, others one Million and a hundred thousand, and some there be that say it is as much as both these sums. Howsoever it may be thought that the least of these is a great matter for so small a State, whether we call it small in regard of the circuit, the number of the People; or lastly the barrenness of the soil, out of which the subjects wealth and Princes Taxes should be raised. This may well be proved by comparing this state with that of the Duke of Ferrara, which is not much less in continent then this of the great Duke, and the soil generally much more fruitful, yet is the revenue of this great Duke almost thrice as much as that other. An apparent argument of the overcharging of his people by Taxations & impositions more than their neighbours: yet are the subjects of the state of Venice less charged than these, & they under the Duke of Parma lest of all; only they of the kingdom of Naples have as much cause to complain as the Tuscans, or any other subjects in Italy whatsoever. As for the truth of those three opinions, which of them hath best interest therein I dare not determine; I will only add to these generalities such particulars as are commonly known, & of all confessed, with some other specialties which are of most men either purposely (because uncertain) omitted, or else negligently related.  
The opinion of them that rate his Revenue at 1100. thousand Ducats is directed by this particular: He hath say they, out of the Gabell or Toll of the Gates of Florence 100 thousand Ducats. Dogana or Customhouse at Florence 100 Gabel upon Salt through that State 120. Upon Corn through that State 120. Upon flesh through that State 80. Upon Dowers and Bargains 70. Upon condemnations and Suits in law 65. Pisa and Livorno yield yearly 70. Pistoia yieldeth yearly 60. Arezzo yearly 20. Volterra yearly yieldeth 15. Cortona yieldeth 20. Monte Pulciano yieldeth yearly 10. Fiesole a desolate City yieldeth 2. Colle a City of five years old yieldeth 3. The City and State of Sienna 240.  
All which together make the sum of 1095000. which within five thousand Ducats agreeth with the said sum.  
This account ●hall appear not to serve much, if we examine each particular. First for the Toll of the gates of Florence and custom out of the Dogana, it is apparently known that the great Duke lets it out at two hundred thousand Ducats the year at the least, reckoning withal of all other impositions one fourth part of that whole State, which is probably supposed to be gathered hereout. There is paid also throughout the whole state, eight ●n the hundred for marriages, as if the woman's portion be a thousand ducats, the Prince hath thereout eighty. The like proportion is paid for buying & selling of houses or land. But the letting of houses or land payeth the tenth: for cattle bought and sold, he hath also a guiglio, that is sixpence Sterling in every two Ducats, and though the Beasts be bought and sold twice in one hour, he hath still after the same rate. Furthermore, besides his impositions upon the Banks, he hath at every alienation eight in the hundred▪ that is, when the father or possessor dieth, the son or next heirs payeth after this rate for his patrimony left him. He hath also an entrate out of the Bordello stews, 
Bordello.  which is thought at the least thirty thousand crowns a year in Florence only there being some eight thousand Courtesans in the town, these pay every month a liver ninepences sterling to the great Duke, because here the market is somewhat quick, though in Sienna they pay but a guiglio monthly, they pay also a Liver a month not to wear the yellow list the badge of their trade, if they stand out of the Bordello, if they be privileged to go to any man's lodging, or if they wear man's apparel, for each of these privileges they pay Gabell also. The jews here also from fifteen years upward, pay two Ducats the year.  
Concerning the Gabell upon bread, 
Bread.  true it is, that he hath upon every Stay that is ground two Crazy, three halfpences of ours, so that by this rate he hath of every quarter of our measure, the sum of eighteene-pences of our money. If then it be supposed that every one in the state of Florence eat twelve Staia a year, which is as before a proportion ordinary, the sum will not much differ from the rate of one hundred and twenty thousand Ducats.  
Concerning the flesh, 
Flesh.  it is to be understood, that the great duke hath for every pound that is eaten five denari, whereof 20. make a Crazia, so that he hath of every Stone that is eaten of our weight, the value of threepences of our money.  
He hath upon every pound of Salt spent, ten quattrini gain, that is three halfpences of our money: so that after the rate of four and twenty Moggia the day, for three hundred days in a year, allowing the other sixty five for holly-dayes, he gains two hundred and sixteen thousand, seven hundred sixty one Ducats, whereof allowing almost one half for the state of Sienna, because there he hath no imposition upon Salt, the sum will accord very nearly with the particular abovesaid.  
As for the Dogana of Lyvorno, 
Dogana of Lyvorno.  being the Gate as it were through which all merchandise pass into those parts of Italy: and for Sienna, being the road from Venice and Florence to Rome, it is to be credibly supposed, that both the one and the other yield no less benefit to the Prince than is above rated; the like is to be thought of the other Cities.  
But over and beside all this, it is to be considered, 
Gabel by Pole.  that in the whole state of Sienna he hath a Gabell by the Pole as we call it in England, that is upon every head a certain rate, (I think eighteene-pences) besides an allowance for feeding of their cattle, whereof in this State is reasonable good store, much more than in that of Florence, whose wants it supplieth, especially of Swine, by reason of their grea● store of Mast, for which they pay half a ducat the Swine, whereas in times past they paid but one guiglio: they pay also for the kill eighteene-pences, and other such like impositions. Insomuch as talking with two Gentlemen of Sienna concerning these matters, men of good quality and experience, they avowed that the great Duke had as good as a Ducat upon every masted Swine before he come to the owner's table. They farther alleged, that howsoever they were exempt from the Gabell of the Macina as they call it, that is of paying for their Meal, Salt, and Flesh, yet notwithstanding all things considered▪ their burden was no whit lighter than their neighbours of the other State, that paid all these. To which purpose they protested, that of their Villa which they let to half to the Contadmo (the labourer) there fell not in the reckoning, (all taxes, tallages, and impositions defalked) above one third to themselves, another to the Fermar, and the rest to the Pr●nce. A strange proportion we may think, that live in such blessed happiness, and far beyond all Taxes, Subsidies and Privy-seales whatsoever. But what compare I the heavy Dinasty of small Tuscany, with the flourishing Monarchy, and happy government of great Britain.  

Camere Lo●ande, and Innkeepers.  He hath also no small matter of the Camere Locande lodgings for strangers, and the Inns in the State; of some forty, of others fifty, & of some fourscore Ducats, every third year: he hath also in some places his Bake-houses, where the Innkeepers are enjoined to take their bread of him. Though this exaction be so great upon the Inns at Florence, and in the road way to Rome, notwithstanding in Pisa the yoke is not so heavy, there the manner of raising the Gabell is thus. At every three years end, all the Innkeepers in the City are to appear at a Court in the Dogana kept for that purpose. There it is cried by the Officer, that such, and such an Inn, paid these last three years so many Ducats to the Prince, who biddeth more? There is a Candle set up light and while that lasteth, it is lawful to lone and bid for the same, and he that biddeth most shall have it. Wherein this one thing may seem more strange, then that which hath been already informed concerning a man's Corn, that in some cases he cannot make his provision of his own; for here if another will give more for the Inn than I, though the house be mine own, he shall have it, paying me only my rent, and I shall be forced to seek another. I have only this privilege above another, that I offering as much as he, I shallbe first served. The Innkeeper of Pisa where lie our English Merchants, avowed this to be most true; he payeth for these three years forty Ducats. His Highness hath also upon all things sold in shops, 
Matricula.  a Matricula (as they call it) which is not to be paid every year, but only once, when the shop keeper setteth up; which in some shops cometh at least to an hundred ducats. One that selleth stockings, trusses, shirts, socks & such trash, told me that at his first beginning he paid his Matricula for woollen cloth twenty Florins; for Linen clothe as much, and for Buttons Silk and Thread as much, which in all cometh to thirty gold crowns. To conclude this point, there is not that trade, nor that man or woman whatsoever, but of them this Prince hath his Tribute, more or less, not so much but the poor silly widow, which the whole year Spinneth, payeth seventeen sol, that is about eightpences Sterling.  

Lazaretto.  I have not heard of any that are free but the Lazaretton or Hospidall, & the beggar that goeth from door to door only; for (which hath partly been said) there is not that poor Ass' burden of dung that goeth out the gat●s, nor that Radish root that cometh in, that payeth not his Gabell; except they have the cunning to deceive them that keep the gates, men whose eyes will pierce what Veligia or basket soever: and if it chance they be detected, they lose the thing hidden without redemption. I saw a poor Contadina Countrywoman, who coming to the gate to pay her tolle for a Basket of Lettuce she brought in: one of the foxes who I think could smell a goose, for he could no● possible see any, searched under the herbs, and finding one dead without feathers, sent the poor woman away ha'fe dead for sorrow, without her goose. And they told me, that if a Gentleman of Sienna should come out at Florence gates, with a chain of gold new bought about his neck, howbeit worn between his doublet and jerkin that it might not be seen to save the gabelle, that being discovered he should not lose his Chain only, but his horse also.  
Concerning all the taxes and impositions, certain it is, 
Imposions and Taxes ordinary.  that they which rate the great Duke's Entrate at eleven hundred thousand Ducats, comprehend only such as are ordinary & certain but of the rest which stand on casualty, 
Casualty.  and are uncertain they cannot determine. And sure I am of this, that besides many particulars here remembered, as also the Rents and Revenues of his proper lands belonging by many descents to him, of others not accounted in this valuation of his yearly Entrate, there is yet one thing behind untouched or thought of by others, which will appear no small matter, and is this.  
In every City and town corporate (as I may say) in Tuscanie 
Communita  there was before their subjection to the family Medici a Communità that is, an Entrate in common of the City, by which all public charges were defrayed, all officers maintained, and many other good and charitable works performed. This Entrate arose upon the Tenths & Tithes of every man's crop or fruit: (for in Tuscany the parish Priest hath them not, he hath only his offering & Church-rights, with a house and some certain ground thereto belonging; as ye would say Glebe-land.) It grew also upon the bread and flesh, thus; every file of bread as they term it, cost a quatrino the signing, every Bullock cost four Livers the kill, every Swine two, every Wether cost two guigly, There were also in times past people of charitable disposition, who dying without children made the Communità their he●re to their goods and land, which they call the Entrate of the Geppo, that is, the Stock, and is a member of the Communist. Now that which did yearly remain of the Entrate, all charges deducted, was put to the common Treasury for to help in time of dearth or war, or such like public necessity. An example hereof I will take the town of Prato. Here the Entrate of the Communità is twenty six thousand Ducats the year, 
Ceppo.  the Entrate of the Ceppo is eight thousand, in all thirty four; hereout they allow the P●desta one thousand, the Captain of the trained Soldiers, six hundred, the Chancellor five hundred, they allow for a feast every two months among the eight Pricori at the choosing of their Gonfalioniere twenty ducats. They allow their judge, who is a Doctor of the Civil law, five hundred, 
Catchpoles.  also the wages of the Bargello and Sbirri (as one would say the Vnder-shiriffe and his Sergeants) the wages of the Trumpeters, the stipend of four Schoolmasters, the salary of two Physicians and two chirurgeons, the keeping often Scholars at the University in Pisa, also the maintaining of two Hospitals, one of Bastards th'other of sick, aged, and impotent persons, whereof there are in all to the number of three hundred and fifty: besides the giving of portions to poor maids that are married from hence, or to young boys that are put to some occupation, as also the Alms every Friday of fourteen Staia of Corn, two barrels of Wine, and one of Vinegar given to the poorer sort. And lastly that which they give to the Poveri Vergognosi, that is, such householders as are poor and are ashamed to beg, whereof there is consideration had by the four that are in office for that purpose: These and all other their common charges, as trimming of Churches, repairing of Bridges, mending of high ways, and such like, being defrayed, it is certain, that there yearly remaineth one fourth part' at the least: which now goeth not to the common treasure, as in times past, but to the great dukes coffers: the like is to be said of all other places in this Dukedom.  
But it is to be observed, that before this money which resulteth of the Communità be carried to Florence to the duke's Exchequer, 
Monte di Pieta.  it is put into the Monte di Pietà the Bank of Pity: a place where any poor man may pawn his household stuff, or clothes, or whatsoever else is worth money (provided always the gage be worth more than the money) he taketh this money he hath for a day and a year after five in the hundred. And if at the time he return not to redeem the thing engaged, it is sold by Trumpet, for what can be gotten whereout the principal and interest being taken, the poor man shall have the rest. So that the great Duke having this overplus, for now it is their Proverb, Il'Duca è la Communità in every City and great town, and the use beside for the money, which will amount to a round sum through the whole State (for there be of these Banks in every place) it is to be conjectured, that his whole Entrate is a greater matter than it is ordinarily taken for, of them who esteem it at one Million and one hundred thousand Ducats, I should rather condescend to them, that rate it at one Million and a half.  
Concerning his expenses it is harder to guess at, 
His expenses.  than his Entrate those of the Duke Francisco were supposed about five hundred thousand Ducats; these of this Duke they say be much lesser. And as the Duke his brother had divers Captains and men of command his Stipendaries, who received of him some three thousand five hundred ducats the year, some three thousand, some two, and some less, according to their nobility, and the quality of the place, wherein they had charge, so is it to be thought, that the General of the foot, the Colonel of his horse, the general of his Galleys, and other inferior Commanders, who upon occasion are bound to serve him in their places, are with sufficient pension rewarded, each particulars pension, how much it is without more certain information than I had, I dare not presume to say: choosing rather to be defective in a generality, then being too particular to err.  
As for his expense upon his troup of horse, 
His expense on horse.  the Lance hath 7. Piastras (1. five shillings 3. pence a piece) a month, the light-horseman hath three now in the time of peace, in wars a better proportion. The Soldier in all his garrisons hath four Piastras' a month, the officers proportionate, each in his place to this rate. As for the trained Soldier, he is (in peace) no charge to the Duke for he findeth himself shot, powder, armour, weapon, and all things necessary, and is bound to keep them in good order; the Captains and officers of these are paid out of the Communità as hath been abovesaid. The charge of his Galleys allowing (as Don Antonio Doria in his discourse how to resist the Turk at Sea doth proportion, that is,) each month five hundred gold crowns a Galley, cometh in the half year which time they be commonly at Sea, to the sum of eighteen thousand gold crowns. The charge of his Court, as by the number of persons therein above informed, may be collected, cannot be great. I have heard one of his servants say, that the Steward is allowed for Spezierie, Spicery, fifteen thousand ducats, & that all other charges may triple so much more. As for all officers of Court, but these few before remembered, they feed at their own tables; His Pages (which are gentlemen's sons of the City, or other places) in number as I take it sixteen, are at his charges kept at School & at diet in the City: His Staffieri or Footmen are allowed six Piastras the month, they are about thirty. His guard of Swisses have four Piastras the month; both these and they feed at their own charge, or sojourn at some place, for they have no allowance out of the duke's kitchen, not so much but the Cooks as I have heard, having done their office, go to their own houses to meat. A builder this duke is not at Livorno, where indeed is very great cost bestowed, & very many daily working: howbeit considering the labour of his galleyslaves, which all the winter are there employed, and of many poor men in the country which upon light faults are thither confined, whose labour he hath paying nothing, it may appear the charge is not half so much as it would cost another. There are also to be considered these expenses, which they call spese segrete, secret charges, & no doubt are very great, for that this Prince maketh his way to many effects of much importance by money; as namely in the Court of Rome, where although the Pope that now is was choose without the good will, or rather quite against the desire of this Prince, & although the family Aldobrandini was always an empeacher of the Medicies' greatness, and though likewise the father of this Prince executed the father of this Pope; and albeit lastly this Pope desireth nothing more, then that by his means his native country might recover her former liberty yet notwithstanding so strong is this Prince's faction in that College, and so many his friends by means of his money, as he resteth secured from any such danger. The like intelligence it is said he hath in the Spanish court by presents and pensions to the Infanta, & others of the Counsel, so as by his money he is able to divert what purposes soever. He hath also at his maintenance secret espials in Florence for his better security, as not yet forgetting the treason of Pucci in his brother's days.  
Concerning his Coins, there is the gold crown of eight Livers; 
Coins.  the Ducat of silver seven Livers (which is there called a Piastra, and so much must you value the ducat in all this discourse; the half Ducat, the Testone, two Livers; the Liver one Giuglio & a half; the Giuglio which is sixpence sterling; the half Giuglio; all these are of silver. The Crazia of Brass, with a surface of silver, the value three-farthings sterling; And lasty the quattrino, which is the fifth part of a Crazia: there was also in times past the denaro, the fourth part of a quattrino, whereof one hundred & threescore were sixpence sterling, but now there are few of them to be seen, none to be paid. They of the country will complain that now they have none but Moneta grossa great money: It was a good world say they, when we might have changed a quattrino into 4., denari, & with these have bought herbs, vinegar, oil, & Salt, the 4. substantial parts of a salad, & this the better part of an Italian dinner; whereas now it will cost them so many quattrini: a great alteration, a gross sum.  
As touching the manage of matters of state, 
His absolute rule.  the administration of justice, and the disposing of Offices, true it is that the great Duke, though all matters do absolutely and plenarily depend upon his will and pleasure, yet notwithstanding he will for the most part have the judgement and counsel of the Archbishop of Pisa, a man who for his dexterity of wit, and experience in matters of State, hath purchased himself great credit and reputation with his Prince; next unto him he hath other his Courtiers, to whom sometimes he will communicate some causes, but neither all, nor always: which causeth the Prince to be more absolute, procureth his Counsels a more secret proceeding, giveth his actions a more speedy dispatch, and peradventure also a more happy issue: so that it cannot properly be said of this Court, that there is a Counsel of state, but that every thing immediately hath his motive, process, and ending of the Princes will and pleasure.  
Concerning the administration of justice, and election of officers, 
Administration of justice.  it differeth not much from the ancient custom of that City when it was free, the divers Magistrates and the manner of new choosing them is this.  
There is in the City of Florence the Gran Consiglio, 
The Magistrates.  the Seminary as it were out of which all other Magistrates are chosen. Of these some are elected by the great Duke himself, as the Quaran●t ' Otto of the chief Citizens, and such in whom his highness most affieth. Of which number there must always be one at the least in any other of importance. But the Lieutenant of the City, and the Sei Consiglieri must be all out of these forty eight, and these also chosen by the Duke, as likewise the Dodeci di Collegio. Other Officers are chosen by Ballot, as the Commissari, the Proveditori the Capitani, Vicari, Podestâ, and divers others. For all they that have office & place of command throughout this state of Florence, are Gentlemen of that City, as they of the other are all Gentlemen of Sienna.  
There is also in Florence the Gl'Otto di guardia e balia, 
Gl'otto di Guardia.  an office of great authority, for these only give sentence of life and death, and judge in criminal causes, these have their place only four months. In this office the Prince hath always a Secretary, a Beneplacito, his name now in place, is Buoninsegni, 
Buoninsegni a Secretary.  who ever goeth to his H●ghnesse to inform him of the matters in the Court, before they be by the Otto determined, and this office hath intelligence of all matters in all criminal Courts in the state, by whom the Courts have directions from the Prince before they proceed, to the judgement or execution of the malefactor.  
An instance of this we had this january last passed, 
The dukes kind respect of the English.  which I the rather remember to make known, what care his highness hath to give our country good satisfaction, of whom all English Gentlemen receive very gracious favours, as to be admitted to the presence at any Veglias, Revels, or other time of extraordinary sight, also to have the privilege to wear Arms, and other such like. An English Gent'eman was by a base groom of the house where he lodged, thrown into the Arno, for the money he was supposed to have in his lodging; the offender, upon suspicion being apprehended, and receiving the Strappado divers times, and in the highest degree, notwithstanding persisted obstinately in the denial. The law is there that except he confess the fact he cannot be executed, how pregnant so ever the presumption be against him; insomuch it was thought he should have been discharged: whereupon the court sent to his Highness for direction; he returned them order to use all manner of torments which possible, or in any cases that court could inflict, and if yet he would not confess to torture him till he died. According to this commission they gave him the Sueglias, a kind of torture, where having received a drink to procure sleep, the Tortures ever when he noddeth whip him with small plummets, he sitteth bare upon an Iron like the back of a knife and hot Bricks under his feet to burn him, if he would ease himself that way. It is reported he endured this also, till they came to give him L'Arco the Bow, at which he confessed. This done he is carried before the court, there freely to say, whether he confessed for fear of torment, or that it is the very truth he said: if he avow it, they proceed to judgement, if otherwise, he is returned to the torture; for this is the only way to proceed as is before said, how apparent soever the matter be, unless it be proved by two witnesses. As for witness, it is there hard to be had, being holden a dishonourable thing to be a witness, or an enformer, a Spia, as they term it. Insomuch as if an offence be committed in the streets in the view of divers Gentlemen, though they were not of the action, no nor of the company, notwithstanding they shall have the Strappado to confess the matter, which rather than do, they will suffer. So that to have the Strappado, in Florence is no disparagement, except the cause make it so. But to return to this matter, which I have of purpose remembered, to make it appear how these courts even in small matters receive directions from the Prince. After this fellow had avouched to the Court that he did the fact, they sent again to his Highness to know how they should proceed. He returned, that the malefactor should lose his right hand at the door where was the Gentleman's lodging, and from thence to be drawn to the place of Execution, there to be hanged and quartered, which was accordingly performed.  
To discourse th●●s at large of each other officer and Court in this City of Florence, would be over tedious: I will therefore only name the rest, or at least with one word or two pass them over. There is the office of the Proconsolo. The six Capitani delle parti. The six Vffizials de Monti; the Vffizio delle Prestanze, Li nove, an office of great authority, without whose especial licence, no man may arrest or commence suit against a Courtier or a Soldier, or a stranger. There are the Otto Conseruatori delle leggi. There be the six Guidici della Ruota, which judge in all causes civil, these only may not be Florentines. Also Li sei della Mercantia, before whom come all matters of paying or receiving of debts, these only have authority to commit to prison for debt. There be also the Maestri della zecca, Mint masters, La Banca de Pagatori, these pay all Courtiers, soldiers, & other Provisionatis & servants of his highness. Furthermore, the Vfficio d'Onesta. These have authority over all actions & pleas of controversy arising in the Bordello: here the whore shall have remedy against her customer that denieth payment of the price agreed upon and if he allege her unworthiness, she shall be searched, and according as the Court findeth, sentence shall be given: with much other such stuff, which better beseemeth that Court, than this discourse to treat of. The office de Pupilli; the office di Cambio; the offices della farina del sale, della grascia, dell'abondanza, delle decime & many such other; besides the offices of the seven companies, the Doganieri in the Custom house; the Gabelliers at the gates; the Buon'huomini dello stinco, to provide for Prisoners; the Buon h●●omini di san Martino, to provide for the poor, & infinite such other inferior offices.  
Concerning all these offices abovesaid, 
Officers of the crown  me thinks that some of them may fitly be ca●led officers of the Crown, because they be appointed by the Prince in all chief towns of his state, to govern & to look into the counsels and actions of others, as having places in them, but no voices. These hold their office for a year, and then are either utterly discharged, or else removed to some other. Such officers of the crown we may call the governor of Sienna, the Commissary of Pisa and Pistoia, the Podestà of other places.  
As for all other officers, 
Officers of the body politic.  they may well be called of the body politic, because they retain the same number, order, and proceedings (with some litt'e difference already touched) which they did when it was a free state. Thus doth the great Duke serve himself of persons to administer justice, & to command under him with names, such as in former times they had, that by this small shadow of ancient liberty, in some sort he might satisfy the ambitious humour of the citizens, which desire to be in authority, and also pleasure them with profit & gain, which by these honours and public offices they do make.  
Concerning their law it is imperial, 
The Law.  intermingled notwithstanding with some exceptions and provisoes Municipal. As touching their punishments, which be either crumenall or criminal of the purse or of the person, they have part●y been remembered already: there be also others as of condemnation to the galleys, of confining, of banditing and such like: but omitting what else here●n might be said, I will end this discourse with a word or two of the last branch of this relation, namely of the people themselves.  
The consideration of the civil fashion and honourable carriage of the Nobler and better sort of Tuscans, 
The People.  & of the savage and Gothish behaviour and insolence of the Peasant, makes me of opinion with Lipsius, that those are of the race of ancient romans, retaining still a relish of their virtue from whom they are derived: and that these are descended from the barbarous Goths and Cymbrians (who sometimes swarmed in Italy) having still the taint of their inhumanity. True it is, that this judgement▪ holdeth generally more in the Peasant than the Nobility, for that we find these more to decline from virtue, than those to serve from the vices of their Progenitors. And to prove that this is true, I will without any further censuring refer you to the report of an Italian, who being their countryman should know them better, 
His nature.  or at least (I am sure▪ be more partial. Boterus in his universal Relations, speaking of the Florentines saith; they be, Parchi, ritirati, poco amici da forastieri, tenaci del denaro, providi dell' avenire, cupi, cogitabondi, d' animo sempre riuolto all'interesse, intenti al quadagno: and in an other place he giveth them Sottigliezza d'ingegno, parsimonia, accortezza, dilligenza, attitudine all'Arti un procedere per appunto, un star sul vantagio, un non trascuraro cosa alcuna: that is; they be niggards they live to themselves, they love no strangers they are close-fisted they have an eye to the backdoor, they are hard to be sounded, they are ever biting the lip, their mind ever on their penny, their study still how to gain. Also, they are men of a shrewd wit, of a spare diet, of a wary and discreet carriage, very industrious, very apt to learn, they proceed for an inch, they stand upon the advantage, they will not lose the droppings of their nose. This writer hath gotten (and worthily) for many his oversights in that book, the imputation of a notable liar, and for his egregious partialities on the Spanish side, the note of a notorious flatterer. But sure had the rest of his Book been able in the Balance of truth to have holden counterpeasable to this judicial report of the Florentines, he had well deserved the Passport of Seen and allowed, Cum Privilegio.  
And yet by his leave I cannot believe without some good reason, 
His wit.  that the Florentine generally hath such a perilous wit, & such a subtle conceit I would sooner subscribe he had a subtle diet: for as hath before been said, I am of that Frenchman's mind, that could not find where that great wit of theirs lay, whatsoever either by Macciavell his report in his history, or in his person may to the contrary be alleged. I have heard of some English Gentlemen, whose abode hath been there longer, and therefore their experience greater, & means also very good to entertain conversation, that the Florentine will be very affable and ready to observe us with all possible complement, so long as we will consort him to the Bardello, & give his loose and lascivious discourse the hearing, which is ever of his Mistress, if not of a worse themes But if at any time we offer the occasion of any better talk, & would discourse with him about some matter of policy, or history, or Art, or such like, he strait shakes us off with a shug of the shoulder, actum est, scilicet, we have lost our companion: in this only wise, that he will not talk because he cannot▪ For who will think that this people which do all things alla mostra●, and speaks always alla grand (witness their great houses and small furniture of the one, their great words and small matter of the other) would be squeamish of their knowledge if they had it, that have such quintessence of terms to grace it? Ind●ed I ve●●ly think, that when the Florentine was Lord and Patron of Pisa, Pistoia, Volterra, Arezzo; and those other Cities, that then he had wit. But now I see not why we should not say of him, as we use to do of young unthrifts, that were left rich, and have foolishly spent or lost it (They were well if they had had wit to keep it) I dare say, that if Maccianell were again living, and should see them, that were wont to rule a state, now not to bring a few Lettuce from their Villa, but at the gate to toll for them he would unsay that which he had formerly said, and swear they had no wit. I would not have said thus much, but that their writers will needs all of them put the (wit) upon them, and they for sooth will needs take it. As though wit were confined to Florence, and band●ted from all other cities. Let it be concluded of Florence as of all other places (without this singularity) that there be some wise men, but more fools, and so I will leave them.  
As for their aptness to learn, 
His aptness.  where of this author speaketh, if he mean mechanical Arts it is not seen in their shops; where ye shall almost have nothing handsomely d●ne except works in cloth of gold and silver. An● as for their liberal Sciences, it is not seen in their Schools, where in one University ye ●hall scarce find two that are good Grecians, without the which tongue, they hold in our Schools in England a man never deserveth the reputation of learned. Indeed it cannot be denied, that in two faculties this town ha●h had famous men in Painting and Poetry: and I verily think that herein Italy generally excelleth. An● no maru●ile, when all their time is spent in Amours, and all their churches decked with colours.  
Their nature (he saith) is close and retired, 
His courtesy.  but sure it is, that after some small acquaintance (especially if he hope to gain any thing by you) his manner is to offer you all possible courtesies, his house, his servants, himself, and what not, he will proffer you his jewel, or any thing wh●ch liketh you, and ever importune you to dine w●th him, with all ceremony and complement; (for here they grow) m●rry he holds it for the greatest discourtesy in the world, and a mala creanzaille, manners to accept any his offers, it is not the fashion of Tuscany: for were this custom of taking once up, the complement of offering would soon down.  
What else Roterus saith I hold most true, 
His industry.  either of the Florentines industry & greedy gaining, or of his parsimony & thin feeding. Especially at his own table, or at his Inn, where he payeth according to his feeding; 
His diet.  but let him come to another man's table, or to a certain ordinary, and he will hold the last vie with the tallest Trencherman of all M●dià. Of whom one may rightly say, as the Poet speaks of the harlot in the Comedy: at their own board, Nibil videtur niundius, nec magis compositum quicquam nec magis elegans, but at another's cost ye shall note, illorum inglwiem, sordes, inediam. Though concerning the place it is quite contrary, for the harlots do pitissare abroad, and devorare at home.  
As touching their apparel, 
Apparel.  it is both civil, because black, and comely because fitted to the body.  
For their names, 
Names.  they be those of the old romans only altered with an Italian pronunciation and determination.  
Concerning their language, it is the best of Italy. 
Language.  As for those ungrateful Tuscans, that in no case will acknowledge to be beholden to the Latins but will either have it a mother tongue of itself, or at the least the daughter of the Chaldean tongue, for that it hath the Afixa as me, te, se, ne, ve, and such like, very agreeable with that other language, I dare not give them credit: for if it were plumed of the Romans feathers, I think it would be but a naked language. True it is, that from the French and Dutch tongues it borroweth much, and somewhat from the greeks. As abbassare, allogiare, avanzare, comminciare, donna, gaglicardo; and infinite others from the French, Arnese, becoo, brano, brindisi, elmo, fiasce, fresce, giallo; and many more from the dutch. They have also from the greeks, as Battezzo, catedra, catarro, golfo, gamba, mottegio rimbombo, rio, etc. So that if the Gothe and Vandal had also theirs, I think this Tuscan tongue would be left nothing but her acquaint diminiti●es, wherein consisteth h●r only grace; as of Povero the plain song, she runs a descant of Poverone, Poverino, Poveretto, and Poveraccio, and so almost of any word whatsoever. This Language also challengeth to have a singular grace in her vocal terminations, as in such words as these, Rinfrescatoio, Temperatoio, Cuoio, Asciugatoio, and such like; which they of Tuscany say are of a more sweet desinence than any of the Latin, and so I think, howbeit they must needs acknowledge the borrowing of this elegancy from one of the Greek dialects, for what can be more like to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  

Different speech.  As for the difference of speech among the Tuscans, I think it be as great as was ever the difference of minds among the Italians, and hath as many factions: for as we had in times past the factions Sassadellis and Vaini in Imola: the Cerchi and Donati in Florence: the Bianchi and Neri in Pistoia: the Fregosi and Adorni in Genoa: the Lambartazzi and Gerenei in Bologna: the Colonni and Orsini in Rome: the Imp●rialls and the French in all: So have ye at this day one language of the Florentine, another of the Saneze, the third of the Luccbese, and the fourth of the Pisan, but the worst of the Pistolese. Yea and in Florence itself, the language hath now a faction Gulf and Ghibelline, Howbeit of these diversities it is generally held, that the Florentine hath the best words, but his pronunciation is somewhat too guttural; and that the Sanese hath the best pronunciation, but his words relish too much of the Latin: for so saith their proverbeds Favella Florentina in bocca Sanese: So that, he that shall have the terms of the one, and the accent of the other, Omne tulerit punctum, shall hit the mark.  

His customs. His jealousy over his wife.  It remaineth I speak of their customs, differing from ours; The husband (for the most part) when he goeth abroad, locketh up his wife (not because he is jealous, (he protests) but because it is the custom.) The Tutor is abused by the Scholar with all odious misdemeanour, yet dare he not correct him lest his father should brave him: 
His indulgence over his child.  I know not two worse estates in Italy, then that of a fair wife, and this of a teacher; the one is ever a prisoner, the other always a slave; the one no better than a Bird in a Cage, the other no better than Geta in the Scene.  
Concerning quarrels, 
His valour.  they are carried thus: the party wronged (if not in some high degree) will challenge the other to fight, if they be both provided it is presently undertake, otherwise it is deferred till the next day, or some such short date; the place appointed is commonly in the City, and in the chiefest street: here they encounter with a good skull under their hats, a large Mail to their knee under their apparel, besides their Gauntlet; so that if they had a Supersedeas for their face, and would do as the boys do in England (bar striking at shins) or as the Scholars of Padua, who have plates for this purpose: no doubt but Dametas and Clini● might thus make a tall fray. I saw two gallants in Pisa fight thus completely provided, where after a very furious encounter, and a most merciless shredding and slashing of their apparel, with a most desperate resolution to cut one another out of his clothes; They were (to the saving of many a stitch) parted, and by mediation with much ado made friends.  
But if it be a wrong whereof he purposeth a revenge, 
His reunege  he will wait an opportunity seven years, but he will take you at the advantage, or else do it by some others, whom he will hire for the purpose. In this sort were two slain in Pisa while I was there, the on● a rich Merchant the other a Knight of the Order, the one coming from his whore, the other going thither. Two also in Sienna in seven days. And a● my coming hither to Venice, (for this is general through all Italy) there were on Shrove-sunday at night seventeen slain, and very many wounded: beside that they there reported, there was almost every night one slain, all that Carnoval time. The occasion of most these quarrels and mischiefs arise from the Bordello. This is also to be observed, that th● party wounded, whereof perhaps in few days he dieth, will never discover by whom he was hurt, except to his Confessor, though he konws him very well: neither will the brother or son of him slain, take any acknowledgement of the doer, though by circumstance and presumptions they be very sure thereof, but rather await the good hour to cry quittance.  
Concerning the wooing & winning of his Mistress favour, 
His wooing.  (I mean as our English phrase is, in the way of marriage) he must (as the Poet saith, Extrema linea amare) love fair and far off: he may solicit his cause with passionate Letters, or amorous glances before her window, or at the Church, (the only place where such matters are managed) but other either time, or place, or means, he hath not which are ordinary▪ Insomuch as many times the match is made before he know either how the humour of her brain, or vapour of her stomach will be pleasing to his senses of hearing and smelling, which may be one chief cause why so many husband's dislike, and of their straying to forbidden fruit.  
I should take the course in this Relation, which many husbands do in their wishes, that is, presently after marrying to talk of buryings which also differeth much from ours in England: but if I should speak thereof being a Church action, I should also speak of other Church matters, whereof I purposely omit to speak; as also of all other their manners and customs common with other people of Italy.  
I will therefore knit up this little Treatise of this great Duchy, with this abrupt period, namely: That this People lives much discontented, as appeareth by their daily and great, (but Private) complain: having fresh in their minds their former liberty, and heavy on their backs their present yoke. That this State is like a body which hath lately taken Physic, whose humours are not yet well settled, or as a stomach weakened so much by purging, as there is now nothing left but melancholy. Concluding of this people, as of a person that lives always under the hands of a Physician, Qui sub Medicis vinit, misore vinit.  
FINIS.