THE VIEW OF France.  
HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE  
London printed by Simon Stafford, 1604.   

THE VIEW OF FRANCE.  
CAESAR in his Commentaries, 
Caesar Com. lib. 1.  divideth the people of Gaul, into Belgi, Celtae, and Aquitani, parted the one from the other by the two Rivers of Seine and Garond: the Aquitanis from the Celtaes by the Garond: the Belgi from the Celtaes by the Seine, and these between the two Rivers. According to which division, 
P. Commines.  Philip de Commines boundeth France with two Seas, the Ocean and Mediterranean; with two Mountains, the Alpes and Pireneis, and with one River, the Rhine.  
If I should follow the direction of these two most approved authorities, 
Limits.  I must be forced to discourse of such Princes, as are interessed in this large compass, as namely, the Spanish King, the States of the low Countries, the Dukes of Savoy and Lorraine, the Pope himself, the little City of Geneva, and others: but I only purpose to take a view of that which is directly under the Crown of France at this day, and thereof to give a superficial relation.  
France then is seated under a very temperate and wholesome Climate, 
P. Commines.  En tout le monde il n'y a Region mieux situèe que cell de la France, car nous y tenons de region chaude et aussi de la froid: There is no Country in the world better situate than that of France: for it participateth of the Climate both hot and cold. It is in length from Bologne to Marseilles, two hundred leagues (after the rate of three English miles a league) and in breadth from Mount S. Bernard, to S. john de Luze, 
Cabinet du Roy▪  as much; for it is holden by some Authors to be of figure, quadrate: which notwithstanding Bodin denieth, 
Bodin. lib. 6. La Noüe.  avowing it to be in form of a Lozenge, with whom La Noüe consenteth, measuring it thus: From Calais (for now Calais is French) to Narbone, North and South, is two hundred leagues: from Rochel to Lions, West and East, is one hundred and twenty leagues: From Mets to Bayonne north-east and south-west, two hundred leagues; and from Morley in Bretagny, to Antibe in Provence, Northwest and Southeast, as much. True it is, that many places within this compass are holden, but not of the King, as avignon, and what else the Pope hath: Toul, Verdun, and Mets, of the Empire: Cambray, of the house of Ostrich, in like case of Protection, as Constance in Switzerland, utrich in the low Countries, and Vienna in Austria: and as Lucca and Genoüa in Italy, protected by the King of Spain. So do Lorraine also and Savoy hold of the Empire. As contrarily, there be places out of this circuit, which notwithstanding hold of this Crown in right, and owe him fealty and homage; as the Spaniard for the Counties of Flanders and Artois, which he hath ever since the time of Francis the first, denied to render.  

Provinces.  THe divers Provinces of the Country are very many: the chief are these; Picardy, Normandy, I'll of France, Beausse, Bretagne, Aniowe, Maine, Poictowe, Lymosin, Xantonge, champaign, Berry, Sologne, Auvergne, Nivernois, Lyonnois, Charrolois, Bourbonois, Daulpheine, Provence, Languedocke, Tourraine, and Burgundy. All which are particularly set down in Maps, as also in the Book, 
La Guide.  called The French Guide, where he undertaketh to resemble each Country to some other thing, as Bretaigne, to a horse shoe; Picardy, to a Neat's tongue; and such like: which are but idle and disproportioned comparisons, as one may well observe, that seeth these Countries in the Card.  
But the thing of best note in each of these, 
Commodities.  is their singular Commodities and fruits, wherewith they are blessed for the sustenance of the Inhabiter: Insomuch that as they say of Lombardy, that it is the Garden of Italy: so may we truly say of France, that it is the Garden of Europe. Picardy, Normandy and Languedocke, goodly Countries of Corn, as any in Christendom, all the Inland Countries, full of Wine, fruits & grain: in some, great store of wood; in others, of flax; in others, Mines of salt, in others, of Iron: Insomuch as one saith, Toutes choses necessaires à la vie humaine y regorgent en tell abundance, que seulement du bled, du vin, du sell, 
La Noüe.  et du pastel, qui se transport es païs estrangers, il y entre en contr'eschange annuellement, plus de douze millions de livres: All things necessary for man's life overflow there in such abundance, that in counterchange only of the Corn, Wine, Salt & Woad, transported into foreign Countries, there is yearly brought into France twelve hundred thousand pounds sterling. And another no less approved, and as well practised in the State of France, saith, Les sources du sell, du vin, et du bled, sont inespuisables: 
Bod. li. 6.  The Springs of Salt, Wine and Corn, are not to be drawn dry. In which place, he complaineth, that the Kings of France were wont in times past to help their need with sales of Wood, which are now of late years so spoiled, as France shall shortly be forced to have their lard from other countries, as also wood to build and burn: a complaint which I have often heard in England. Other Provinces have also their especial Commodities, wherein they excel their neighbours: as in Lymosin, the best beeves; about Orleans, the best Wines; in Auvergne, the best Swine; in Berry, the best Muttons, where there is such store, as thereof they have a Proverb, when they would tax a fellow for his notable lying, that tells of a greater number than the truth, they say, Il n'y a tant de Moutons en Berry: As one would say, Fie, there be not so many sheep in Berry. They partake with us also in sea commodities: 
Bod. contra Malatest.  as upon the coast of Picardy, where the shore is sandy, they have store of flat fish: upon the coast of Normandy & Guienne, where it is rocky, fish of the Rock (as the French call them) and upon the coast of Bretaigne, where it is muddy, store of round fish, as Lamprey, Conger, Haddock; so likewise in divers seasons, divers other sorts, as Mackerel in the end of the Spring, and Maquerelles (Bawds) at all times, Herrings in the beginning of Autumn, as we have in England, etc.  

Bod. contra Mal.  Bodin will needs take upon him, being no more pertinent to his matter, than it is here, to show the reason why in old time among the most delicate & toothsome Trencher-men of the ancient Romans, they always feasted with Fish: because (saith he) it is neither so mezzeld as Pork; nor scabbed as Mutton; nor rank as Goat; nor dropsy as Lamb; nor impostumate as Beef; nor subject to the falling sickness, as quails and Turkey-cocks; nor to inflammations, as Capons; nor to louse as Pigeons: and yet the friand Frenchman, as well as we, never eats it, but on maugre days (fasting days) and then also by compulsion of the Laws. But by his leave, I suppose, they in old time did it upon a vainglorious prodigality, not for any licorousnes; for Sardanapalus never made his great banquets of Fish, 
justin.  but when he was farthest from Sea: and Aesop the Tragic, that spent 15000. crowns at a feast, bestowed it all in birds tongues, as of Linnets, Nightingales, and such others as had been taught to sing, that the price might be the greater. Give me for all this the good old Bishop of Toledo his Capon, who upon a fasting day would needs make the company at table believe, that by the force of certain words of consecration, he had transsubstantiate this fat Fowl into fish, and that there only remained the outward form, 
Poggio.  as Poggio the Florentine reports of him.  
This Country must needs be well stored with fish; for besides the benefit of the sea, the lakes and ponds belonging only to the Clergy, which at the most have but one third of France, 
Cabinet du Roy.  are reported to be 135. thousand.  
The rivers also of France are so many, 
Boterus Relations.  as Boterus reporteth of the Queen Mother, she should say here were more than in all Christendom; but we hold her for no good Cosmographer; she had her other qualities, which shall not be forgotten in their fit place. True it is, that the rivers here are many, and very fair, 
Rivers.  and so fitly serving one the other, & all the whole, as it seemeth, nature, in the framing of our bodies, did not show more wonderful providence, in disposing veins and arteries throughout the body, for their apt conveyance of the blood and spirit, from the liver and heart, to each part thereof, than she hath showed in the placing of these waters, for the transporting of all her commodities to all her several Provinces. Of all those, these are the principal; the Seine, upon which standeth the City of Paris, Roven, and many other. It hath his head a little above Chatillon in the northwest of Lingonois, and receiveth nine Rivers of name; whereof the Yonne, the Marne, & the Oyse are navigable, that is, do carry boats with sail.  
The Some, whereupon standeth the City of Amiens, Abbevile, and many other: It hath his head above S. Quentin, divideth Picardy from Artois, and receiveth eight lesser Rivers. The Loire hath standing upon it the Cities of Orleans, Nantes, and many other: his head is in Auvergne, it parteth the middle of France, his course is almost two hundred Leagues, it receiveth 72. Rivers, whereof the chief are Allier, Cherseoli, Maine, Creusa, Vienne, all navigable. The Garond, upon which standeth Bourdeaux, Thoulouse, and other Cities: it hath his head in the Pyreney mountains, it divideth Languedocke from Gascoine, it receiveth sixteen rivers, whereof Iarne, Lot, Bayze, Dordonne, and Lisle are chiefest.  
And lastly, the Rhosne, upon which standeth the City of Lions, avignon, and divers others: it hath his head in the mountains Alpes, divideth Savoy from Lyonnois, and Dolpheine from Languedocke, it receiveth thirteen rivers, whereof the Soane, the Dove, Ledra, and Durance are the chiefest.  
All the other Rivers carry their streams into the Ocean, Some at Saint Vallery, Seine at Newhaven, Loire beneath Nantes, and Garond at Blay: only the River of Rhosne payeth his tribute to the Mediterranean at Arles.  
The Seine is counted the richest, 
Boterus Relations.  the Rhosne the swiftest, the Garond the greatest, the Loire the sweetest, for the difference which Boterus makes of them, where he omits the Garond, and makes the Soane a principal River, is generally rejected.  
When we rightly consider the happy fruitfulness of this soil, and the exceeding benefit of these rivers, I know not what we should say is wanting, unless ye will say, Animus, qui his utatur, deest, wit to use them: 
Terentius.  for in deed the French hath these eight and thirty years abused them with their civil and intestine wars. Do but conceit in your imagination the fair Towns of Italy here seated, and in them, the English Nation planted: and in my opinion, ye have the right Idea of Plato's happy State: O utinam! O si!  
But I must remember one inconvenience and discommodity it hath.  
I have heard some poor Countryman say, He loves not to have his house too near a Lawyer. It should seem they be ill Neighbours; and it may be that Themistocles roved at some such matter, when he caused the Sergeant to cry in public place, 
Plutarch. in Them.  that besides all the good properties which his Farm had, that he set to sale, Qu'il auoit bon voisin: That he had a good neighbour.  
This is the mischief, that fair France hath about her so many bad neighbours, as Lorraine, Savoy, and Spain, of whose good affection to this Country, we may say with the Poet, unum cognoris, omnes noris: Know one, and know them all: Neither of them wish her better than other, as hath well appeared in the late civil wars, wherein each thought to have had his share, howsoever (now) they love no Grapes.  

Havens and Ports. La Guide.  The Ports and passages into France, where Custom is paid to the King, were in times past more than they be now: the names of them at this present, are these: In Picardy, Calais, Bologne, S. Vallery. In Normandy, deep, Le Haure de Grace, Honnefleux, Caen, Cherbrouge. In Bretaigne, S. Malo, S. Brieu, Breast, Quimpercorentine, Vannes, Nants. In Poictowe, Lusson, les sables d'Olonne. In Rochellois, Rochel. In Xantogne, Zoubisse. In Guyenne, Bourdeux, Blay, Bayonne. In Languedocke, Narbonne, aged, Beucaire, Maugueil. In Provence, Arles, Marseilles, Fransts. In Lionnois, Lions. In Burgogne, Ausonne, Langres. In Champagne, Chaumont, Chalons, Trois. In the Territory Metzin, Metz, Toul, Verdun. In all, thirty seven: Of all these, Lions is reputed to be the most advantageous to the King's Finances, as being the key for all silks, clothes of gold and silver, and other merchandise whatsoever, which come or go from Italy, Switzerland, and all those Southeast Countries, into France, which are brought to this Town by the two fair Rivers of Rhosne and Soan: the one coming from Savoy, the other from Burgundy, and here meeting: where, by the way, me thinks, I may fitly compare these two Waters, to two great Princes of these two great Countries, coming to be married at this great City, which within the walls is within ten Toyses as large as Paris. In which allusion, I make the Rhosne (which in the French tongue is of the masculine gender) the Savoyard Prince; and the Soane, which is likewise in this language, the feminine, the Princess of Burgundy; which conceit is the better warranted, because le Rhosne is a very swift and furious River, which well agreeth with the nature and condition of the man; and la Sona, a still and sweet water, which rightly symbolizeth with the quality of a woman.  
I would our Poet, 
Spencer.  that made a marriage between the Medun and Thames at Rochester, had the handling of this matter; for it becomes a Poem better than a Relation.  
For profit, next to Lions, are Bourdeaux, Rochel, Marseilles, Nantes & Newhaven: But for capability of shipping, I have heard that Breast excelleth; and for strength, Calais, especially as it is now lately fortified by the Spaniard, which was not let long since to be called, 
Commines cap. 50.  La plus bell Capitainezie du monde, au moins de la Chrestiente: The goodliest government in the world, at least in Christendom.  
There are requisite in all Ports, to make them perfect, these four things: 
Lipsius.  1. Magnarum & multarum Navium capabilitas. 2. Navibus tutissima statio. 3. Ad hostilem vim coercendam habilitas. 4. Mercatorum frequentatio: 1. Room to receive many and great Ships. 2. Safe riding. 3. Facility of repelling foreign force. 4. Concourse of Merchants. The most of these French Ports have all four properties, except only the last, which in the time of these civil broils, have discontinued: and except that we will also grant, that Calais fails in the first.  
The Cities in France (if ye will count none Cities, 
Cities. Bodin. li. 5  but where is a Bishop's Sea, are only one hundred & four. There be so many Archbishops and Bishops in all, as shall in more fit place be showed: But after the French reckoning, calling every Ville, a City, which is not either a Burgade, or a Village, we shall find that their number is infinite, and indeed uncertain, as is also the number of the towns in general. Some say, there be one million and seven hundred thousand: but they are of all wise men reproved. Others say, six hundred thousand; but this is also too great to be true. The Cabinet rateth them at one hundred thirty two thousand of Parish Churches, 
Cabinet.  Hamlets and Villages of all sorts. Bodin saith, there be twenty seven thousand and four hundred, 
Bodin. li. 6  counting only every City for a Parish: which will very near agree with that of the Cabinet; and therefore I embrace it as the truest.  
By the reckoning before set down of two hundred leagues square (which France almost yieldeth) we must compute, that here is in all forty thousand leagues in square, and in every league, five thousand Arpens of ground, which in all amounteth to two hundred millions of Arpens: which sum being divided by the number of the Parishes, showeth, that one with another, each Village hath one thousand, five hundred and fifteen Arpens, which measure is bigger than our Acre.  
We may, if we will, abstract a third, because Bodin will not admit France to be square, but as a Lozenge: For in matter of such generality as this, men do always set down suppositions, not certaynties.  
Of all these Cities and great Towns, I will omit to speak in particular (though a Stranger must very precisely observe whatsoever he sees in his travail) affying in La Nove his censure, for their manner of Fortification. 
La Noüe.  Zion veut (saith he) regarder par toute la France, ie cuyde qu'on n'y trouuera, horsmis quelques chasteux, aucune ville qui soit à demi parfaite, s●lon les regles des ingenieures: If a man will look throughout all France, I think that (some Castles excepted) he shall not find any Town half perfectly fortified, according to the rules of Ingeners.  
Only I must add, that since his time, which is now above twenty years, many Towns also have bettered their manner of fortifying: amongst which, none more (by report) then that of Rochel: and lately, that of Amiens, of which we might last year, while the Spaniard held it, say (as is said of Decelea, in the Territory of Athens) which Alcibiades counseled the Lacedæmonians, to take and fortify, namely, 
Plutarch. in Alc.  that it did consumet et mettre a bas la puissance de la France, autant et plus que null autre choose: Consume and bring low the power of France, as much as any thing else whatsoever: And that it kept and scoured all the passages from Paris to Roven, like that other from Athens to Eleusina.  
But as the loss of this Town wounded the whole body of France, so the regaining of it, was not only the healing of the hurt received (wherein it was better than the Pelias Hasta) but also the raising of it to these happy terms, wherein it now stands.  
This Town would give me good occasion to speak of the last years siege, the Cardinals coming, and the cities yielding, with many other accidents very memorable and worthy the recounting; wherein I had rather spend an hours time in talking, than any Paper in writing; for that, to pen it, asketh the judgement of a Soldier, of which honour I am most unworthy: Neither will I also spend time in the discoursing of other Cities, which we have seen here in France, as of their situation, building, wealth and fortification, save only of Paris, because the French say, this is a world, no City.  
After that, I will briefly relate of the Castles in France, and of some reasons why it is prejudicial to the quiet of a State, to have many of them, except they all belong to the Prince, who ought to have of them in his frontier places, and Lymitrophes (as they call them) and upon Cities which are strong to keep them in awe, not else; and as that of S. Katherine's, which you saw at Roven, now razed: and then I will end the first branch of this Relation, namely, of the Topography of this Country.  

Paris.  The City of Paris, seated in a very fruitful and pleasant part of the I'll of France, upon the River of Sein, is by the same divided into three parts: that on the North towards S. Denis, is called the Burge: that on the South toward the Fauxbourges of S. Germans, is called the University, and that in the little I'll, which the River there makes, by dividing itself, is called the Ville.  
This part, no doubt, is the most ancient; for saith my Author, 
Caesar Com. li. 7.  Lutece est une ville des Parisiens, assisse en une Isle de Seine: Lutecia is a City of the Parisians, seated in an I'll of the Seine. We may distinguish it thus: into Transequana, Cifequana, and Interamnis: The part beyond the Seine: that on this side the Seine, and that in the I'll encompassed with the River. It is reputed not only the capital City of France, but also the greatest in all Europe. It is about the walls, some ten English miles: these are not very thick, the want whereof is recompensed with the depth of the ditch, and goodness of the Rampart, which is thick and defensible, save on the South side, which, no doubt, is the weakest part of the Town, on which side it is reported, that the L. Willoughby offered the King in four days to enter, at such time as he besieged it. Whereunto the King condescended not by the counsel of the old Marshal Byron, who told him, 
M. Byron.  It was no policy to take the Bird naked, when he may have her feathers and all. On the other side, especially towards the East, it is very well fortified with Bulwark and Ditch, fair and modern, Les Rampars furent faictes es ports S. Antoine, S. Michael, 
Antiq. Par.  et S. jaques et ailleurs, 1544. The Ramparts of the Gates S. Anthony, S. Michael, and S. james, and elsewhere, were made 1544.  
This Bastile of S. Anthony, was built (some say) by the English; and indeed it is somewhat like those pieces which they have built elsewhere in France, as namely, that at Roven: howbeit, I read in Vigner his Chronicle, 
Vigner. hist. bib..  that it was builded by a Preuost of Paris, in the time of Edward the third of England, at what time our Kings began their first claim, and had as yet nothing to do in this City.  
Some other monuments I purpose to speak of, with their Founders, by the example of Plutarch, 
Plut. Peri.  who in his discourse of Athens, particularizeth in this manner: Pantheon Hecatompedon, built by Ictinus and Callicraditas, the Chapel of Eleusine, by Coraebus: the Lantern, by Xenocles: the Theatre, or the Odeon, by Pericles: the Port Pyraeum, by Muesicles, and the Pallaedium of Pallas, by Phidias. So in this Town, the Chastelet was built by julian the Apostata: the University was founded by Charlemain, 
Haillan. li. 1.  Anno, 800. who also erected those of Bologna and Padua.  
The Church of Nostre Dame (Our Lady) was founded Anno, 1257. where are these verses following engraven, to show the greatness of it: 

Antiq. Par.  Si tu veux sçavoir come est ample  
de Nostre Dame le grand Temple:  
Il a dans aewre pour le seur  
dixsept toyser de hauteur:  Sur lae largeur de vingt et quattre, et soixante et cinq sans rebattre, A de long: aux, tours haut monteés trent quattre sont bien comptées, Le tout fonde sur pillotis, anssi uray, que ie te le dis:  
If you would know the greatness of the great Church of our Lady, the roof thereof is 17. fathom high, it is 24. fathom broad, 65. fathom long, the two Steeples are 34. fathom high above the Church, and all founded upon piles.  
The Hostel de la ville (The townhouse) was finished by Francis 1. Anno. 1533. with this inscription over the Gate, S.P.E.P. that is, Senatui, Populo, Equitibusque Parisiensibus piè de se meritis, Franciscus primus Francorum Rex potentissimus, has aedes a fundamentis extruendas mandavit, accuravit, condendisque publicè consiliis et administrandae Reip. dicavit, anno ut supra:  
For his well-deserving Senate, people & Burghers of Paris, Francis the 1. most puissant King of France, commanded this house to be built from the foundation, and finished it, & dedicated it to the calling of the Common Council, and governing the City, in the year aforesaid.  
This is, as ye would say, the Guild Hall of the town. The Hostel Dieu in Paris, was augmented and finished in 1535. by Antoine de Prat, Chancellor in this City, his pourtreict with Francis 1. is upon the door as ye enter. This is (as we call it at London) the Hospital. The Palace de Paris was built by Philip le Bel, 1283. purposing it should have been his mansion house; but since, it hath been disposed into divers Courts, for the execution of justice, just like Westminster Hall, which likewise at first was purposed for the King's Palace.  
Here you have such a show of Wares in fashion, but not in worth, as ye have at the Exchange. here is a Chapel of the S. Esprit, built by S. Lewes, 1242. Here are all the seven Chambers of the Court of Parliament (which was first instituted by Charles Martel, 
Haillan. lib. 1.  father to King Pepin, anno 720.) but of them all, the great Chamber of Paris is most magnificently beautified and adorned by Lewes the twelfth. At the entry, is a Lion cowchant, with his tail between his legs, to signify, that all persons, how high soever, are subject to that Court.  
The Chamber also of counts, built by this Lewes, is a very fair room; at the entry whereof are five portreicts with their Mots. The first is Temperance, with a Dial and Spectacle: Her word, Mihi spreta voluptas: I despise pleasure. Secondly, Prudence, with a looking Glass, and a Sieve: her word, Consilijs rerum specutor: I pry into the Counsel of things. justice, with a Balance and a sword: her Mot, Sua cuique ministro: I give to every man his own. Fortitude, with a Tower in one arm, and a Serpent in the other: her word, Me dolour atque metus fugiunt, Both pain and fear avoid me. And lastly, Lewes the King, with a Sceptre in one hand, and holding justice by the other, and this written for his word, 
Quatuor has Comites foveo, coelestia dona,  
Innocuae pacis prospera Sceptra gerens:  
My happy Sceptre in calm peace doth flourish,  
While I these heaven-bred sisters 4. do nourish.   
To speak particularly of all other the buildings and Courts of this Palace, as the Chamber of the Treasurer, the Table of Marble, the Courts of Aides, and such like, were to be too tedious.  
The buildings of this City are of stone, very fair, high, and uniform, throughout the town, only upon the Port N. Dame, Our Lady's Bridge, which is, as it were, their Cheapside: their building is of brickbat, all alike notwithstanding; the fairest Fabric in the town (and worthily) is the King's Castle or Palace of the Lowre at the west: It is in form quadrangular, the south and west quarters are new and Princelike, the other two very antic and prisonlike. They were pulled down by Francis. 1. and begun to be rebuilt, but finished by Henry the second, with this inscription, Henricus 2. Rex Christianissimus, vetustate collapsum aedificium refigere coepit. The most Christian King Henry the 2. began to repair this time-ruined edifice.  
From this Palace, the King is building a Gallery, which runs along the river East and West, and his purpose is, it shall pass over the town ditch with an Arch, and so continued to the Twilleries, which is at least six hundred paces, and so both these buildings shall be united into one: which, if ever it be done, will be the greatest and goodliest Palace of Europe: This Gallery is very curiously wrought with Flowers de luce, curious knots, branches, and such like device, cut in stone; and in every place this word of the Kings, Duo protegit unus. Which I suppose, implieth, One God maintains the two Kingdoms of France and Navarre.  
The building of the Twilleries, begun by the Q. Mother (which is also a stately work) is now in the finishing: for this Queen Mother began many things, but finished none (except mischiefs) witness this present house of the Twilleries, and that other at S. Maur some two leagues from Paris, whither, ye remember, we went to kiss the young Prince of Condies hand, which then told us was mortgaged to her creanciers (creditors) for 25. thousand Crowns, and now stands unperfited.  
The next house in state, both for the beauty of the building, and device in the Gardens, is that of Monsieur Gondy, an Italian, whose father came into France with Katherine de Medici's, and was here by her advanced. There be other very many and very stately buildings, as that of Mons. Sansuë, Mons. de Monpensier, de Nevers, and infinite others, whereof especially towards the East end this town is full, in so much as ye may say of the French Noblesse, as is elsewhere said of the Agrigentines, They build, as if they should live ever, and feed, 
La No●e.  as if they should die to morrow. But among all these, there is none (saith this Author) that exceed more than the Lawyers, Les gens de justice (et sur tout les Tresoriers) ont augment aux seigneurs l' ardeur de bastir: The Lawyers, and especially the Officers of the King's money, have inflamed in the Nobility the desire of building.  
I have heard a tale of a Precedent of Parliament, whose friends coming on a time to see him at his new house, began exceedingly to commend it, as indeed it deserved, as well for the rareness of the workmanship, as the goodness of the Stone, Timber, Marble, and such like. No (quoth he) ye mistake the stuff whereof it is made: this house is only built, de testes des fols: of fools heads. I think many of our new buildings in England, are made of the same stuff.  
Ye must note, it is not yet one hundred years since this stately kind of building (or I should rather say, beautiful; for still the most stately is the most ancient) came first in request. 
La Noüe.  La Noüe saith, Il n'y a gueres plus de soixants ans que l'architecture a este restablié en France et au parauant on se logoit asses grossierement: It is not much more than threescore years since Architecture was re-established in France, and before that time, men were housed but homely. He there seems to commend it, as a great grace to his Country: Marry, saith he, Si on co●te aussi combien telles magnificensez ont enuoyé de gens au bissae, on dira que la merchandise est bien cheer: If we reckon withal how many such magnificence hath sent to the we may say, 'tis very dear merchandise. I am for my part, of Friar john of Antomaure his mind, who seeing in a great Palace such stately Halls, such goodly Galleries, 
Rabelais  such fair Chambers, such well contrived Offices: and on the other side, the Kitchen so lean, the Chimneys so cold, and the Cellars so dry, un beau Chasteu dit-il a fair de belles promenades, et me c●rez mes dens a ieun a la Napolitaine: A fair Castle (said he) to walk fair turns in, and pick my teeth fasting after the Neapolitan fashion.  
The Universities, wherein in times past were wont to be (by report) above thirty thousand of all sorts, are now by reason of the wars, reduced to a fourth part, and many of these children, such as our petty schools in the Countries are furnished withal. The streets both in the City, University, and Suburbs, are very fair, strait, and long very many of them; the shops thick, but nothing so full of wares, nor so rich as they of London, in comparison whereof, these seem rather peddlers then otherwise: But for number, I suppose, there be three for two of those.  
The Faulxbourges are round about the City, ruined and utterly desolate, except those of Saint germans, which was very fairly builded, and was very near as great as the fair Town of Cambridge.  
The benefit of this Town is very great, which it hath by the River, as by which all the Commodities of the Country are conveyed: Whereupon Monsieur d' Argenton reports of it, C'est la ville, 
Commi●. C. 15.  que iamais ie veisse ●nuirone● de milleux païs et plantureux:  
Of all the Towns that ever I saw, it is environed with the best and fertilest Country:  
And he there reports, that for twenty months that he was Prisoner, he saw such an infinite company of Boats pass and repass, as but that he was an eye-witness, he would have thought incredible, which he also after proves by the maintenance of the three Armies of the three Dukes of Burgundy, Guyenne, and Bretaigne, which consisted of an hundred thousand men, against the City of Paris, wherein they had besieged Lewes the eleventh, and yet neither the Camp nor Town had any want of victuals. 
Commi●. li. 15.  Faut bien dire qu'en ceste Isle de France, est bien assise cette ville de Paris, de powoir fournir deux si puissans hosts: car iamais nous n'auions faute de viures, et dedans Paris à grand penie s'apperceuoient ils qu'ily eust iamais bien enchery que le pain, sealement d'un denier: It must needs be granted, that this Town of Paris is excellently seated in the I'll of France, to be able to furnish two so great Armies: for we never wanted victuals; and they within Paris hardly found any thing the dearer, but only bread, a denier upon a loaf. The Sea floweth no nearer this City, than Pont de larch, some 25. leagues off.  
Some say, this Town was builded in the times of Amasias, 
annal de France.  King of juda, by some relics of the Trojan war, and that it was called Lutece (a Luto) because the soil in this place is very fat, which is of such nature, as ye cannot well get it out, it doth so stain: whereof they have a Byword, Il gaste come la fange de Paris: It staineth like the dirt of Paris. Other say, it was called Paris of (Parresia) a Greek word, which signifieth (saith this Author) hardiesse ou ferocite, 
Idem.  valour or fierceness, alleging this verse, 

Guilford A●moritanus  Et se Parrisios' dixerunt nomine Franci,  
Quod sonat audaces, etc.  And the Franks called themselves Parrisians, which signifieth valiant. And by this Etymology would infer, that the French is a warlike Nation. But he is much mistaken in the word; for it signifieth only a boldness or liberty of speech: which whether they better deserve, or to be accounted valiant, you shall see, when I come to speak of the Frenchman's humour and nature in general. As for the nature of the people of this Town, their Histories tax it of infinite mutinies and Seditions, matchable to the two most rebellious Towns of Europe, Liege and Gant; and yet this last is praised in one thing, 
Hail. li. 1.  Queen à la person de leur Prince ils ne touchent iamais: That they never harm their Prince's Person: Whereof the Barricades make Paris unworthy. 
Hail. li. 3.  And du Haillan saith of them, when they stood fast to Lewes the eleventh against the three Dukes abovenamed: jamais les Parrisiens ne tindrent un bon parti, n'y ne firent rien qui vallut, que ceste fois-la: The Parrisians never held good side, nor never showed any honesty but then only. But I can read no such matter in Commines; for I well remember, that even then divers of the chief of the Town had practised secretly with the enemy, and were upon terms of concluding, when by the King's wisdom they were prevented.  
The Arms of this City were given them, Anno. 1190. by Philip le Bel, who creating them a Preuost and Eschevins (like Office as our Mayor and Aldermen) Leur donnoit les armoiries, de guelues a une nauire d'argent, 
Antiq. Par.  le chef d'azure semé de fleurs de lies d'or: gave them for Arms, Gules, a Ship Argent, and a Chief seeded with Flower de Lys Or.  
Ye shall hear the French brag, that their City hath been besieged a hundred times by the enemy, and yet was never taken since Caesar's time. The reason whereof one of their best Writers gives, 
Bodin. lib. 5.  Because (saith he) it is very weak, and therefore always compoundeth.  
I compare Paris with London, thus: This is the greater, the fairer built, and the better situate: ours is the richer, the more populous, the more ancient: For I hold antiquity to be a great honour as well to great cities, 
Castles  as to great Families. Besides the Cities and Ports of France, well fortified, there be also infinite numbers of Castles and Citadels (which the people always call, Nids de tyrants, the nests of Tyrants, and the Prince he calls them Chastivillains. 
Idem. l. 6. ) Of the Castles the number is therefore most great, and as uncertain, by reason that every Noble man's house of any age, is built in defensible manner, as you have divers times already observed. An example of one for many hundreds, ye may take that of Roch-fort belonging to the Seigneur de la Tremowille, which in these Civil wars endured a siege & 5000. Canon shot, & yet was not taken. It is judged by the wisest, that in great kingdoms, such as France, no places should be fortified but the frontiers: after the example of Nature, who armeth the heads and heels of Beasts, but never the Bowels nor middle part. For indeed the strength of a Country consists not in walled towns, but in the united hearts of the people, as Brutus proveth in Livy, 
junius Brutus. Tit. Livius l. 1. Dion. Hallicar. l. 5. Plaut.  and Dionysius Halicarnasseus: to which purpose the Poet also saith, Where there is concord among citizens, Pulchrè munitam esse urbem arbit●or: I think that Town excellently fortified. But where discord reigneth, centuplex murus urbi non ●ufficit: An hundredth fold wall is not sufficient. Whereof it cometh, that Histories report of the Tartarians, Aethiopians, and Arabians, that they have no fortified places: and it is said of Pressed jehan the great king in Africa, that he hath but one in all his Empire: and we in England, except frontier places, have none but his Majesties.  
The reasons against them are these: It makes the inhabitants cowards: 
Plutarch. in Licurg  and therefore Lycurgus forbade the walling and fortifying of Lacedaemon. Secondly, lest the enemy being entered, the Country should stay and possess himself, of some of these places, whereas otherwise, he only forageth and harrieth the Country, and away again. Therefore john Maria della Rovere, 
Guicciard. l. 4.  Duke of Urbin, razed down all his Castles (finding himself too weak to resist his enemy) and retired to Venice, assuring himself, that Duke Valentionis could not stay there long, where there was no place to be kept: which judgement of his, the event well proved. For this cause also, they of Genoa, after the battle of Pavia, 
Bodin. l. 5.  where the French King was taken prisoner, having got the French Garrison out of the Lauterne, ruined it to the very foundation. 
Plut. Timoleon.  So did they of Siracuse cause the Citadel of Arradine; the only refuge of the tyrant Dionysius. Lastly, they give occasions to the possessors, to rebel and usurp, whereof, both all histories, and among these our own (where, if I be not mistaken, in King Stephen's time were razed eleven hundred Castles) and these forty years troubles in France do testify.  
There be some reasons for the having of these fortified places, which I do not conceive so good as these, except only I should grant them their Capital City to be fortified, and none else.  
For Bodin thinks it great madness in a Prince, 
Bodin. l. 6  to suffer his people to have strong Towns, (especially as here in France, where they will have no Garrison, but of their own Citizens: the effect whereof was well seen in the loss of Amiens) except the King have therein a Citadel to bridle them. Against which, many Cities in this Country pretend Privileges, as that of Amiens, and some have bought the Citadel of the King, to the intent to demolish it, as they of Lions; such eyesores they be here in France. In such a Country as Italy, where there be divers Princes, fortified Towns are more needful, where notwithstanding ye shall note, that no great Signore is ever made Captain of the Citadel, nor hath any league with the Governor, whom they there call The Podesta, and therefore every year also these Offices are changed throughout the State of Venice, which at this day, is the most perfect Optimacy in the world; and the rather, because though the State be Aristocratical, yet the execution of the Government is mixed, Offices being conferred, both upon the one sort and other of the Citizens, which makes that perfect harmony, 
Pla. de rep. lib. 4.  whereof the divine Philosopher so much speaketh.  
You must understand, that here in France, all Inhabitants of Cities, are liable to the common charges of the fortification of their City, reparations of bridges, fountains, highways, and such like. And because the richer sort should not levy the money, and then keep it to themselves, or employ as the list, they must give information to the chancellor, 
Hail. li. 3.  of the necessity of the Levy, and procure Letters Patents for the same, by authority whereof they gather the money, and use it, yielding after to the King's Procureur their account.  
And for their Watch and Ward, it goes by course, as in the City of Embden, and divers other in those Low Countries. As for Castles, the Seigneur, or Captain may not force Vassal (fair leguet, To watch and ward) except in frontier places, 
Ordon. ch. 6.  upon forfayting of their estates.  
After this general Survey of the Country itself, 
Government.  we must observe something of the Government, wherein I will not trouble you, with fetching their first Pedigree from beyond the Moon, as many of their Histories labour, nor by disputing the matter, 
Strabo.  whether it be true or no, that they came from Troy, into the Marshes of Maeotis, whence, after some small abode, they were chased by the Roman Emperor, into Bavaria, and after into Frankland, in Germany.  
It shall suffice, that from hence, 
Carion.  this people came into France, wherein all writers agree: For after the declination of the Roman Empire, when the Ostrog●thes conquered Italy, the Visig●thes, Spain; and the Vandals Africa: then did the Burgondiens, and Franconiens divide this Country between them, 
Hail. li. 1 de l'estat.  conquering it upon the old niquilines, the Gauls, who from Caesar's time, till then, had not tasted the force of a foreign power.  
The Government was under Dukes, till the year 420. when as Pharamont caused himself to be entitled King. In this race it remained till 751. when Pepin suppressed his Mr. Chilpericke and usurped. His line lasted till 988. when Hugh Capet gave the check to the succession of Charlemagnes line (who was Pippins son) and invested himself with the Diadem. From him it hath lineally descended by heirs males to the house of Valois, and for want of issue male in them, is now come to the house of Bourbon. In this space of time, you must observe the three ages of France▪ Her childhood, till Pepin: her manhood, till Capet: her old age, till now. For in the first age, the Kings were like children, content to be taught by others in matters of Religion, (as then ye may note, that Clovis received the faith, and was baptised) as also in matter of policy, they were content that others should bear the whole sway, and rule them also, such were the Maieurs de Palais, whereof Pepin was one that usurped.  
In their manhood they did like men, conquer kingdoms, relieve distressed Christians, overcome Saracenes & Infidels, defend the Church against all assayles, as ye may perceive by the History of Charles the great, and his successors.  
And lastly now, in her old age she grew wise, erected Courts for justice, made laws and ordinances, to govern her inhabitants, wherein no Country in Europe hath excelled her: for so saith my Author, Il n'y a contré au monde ou la justice soit mieux establit▪ 
La Nouë  qu'n la nostre▪ There is no Country in the world, where justice is better established, then ours: which is true (but with this addition of a later writer,) s'ilny en auoit tant et trop: et s'ils estoient iustement exercez: 
Hail. l. 3.  If the Officers thereof were not too too many, & if their places were rightly executed.  
This was the reason why many wise men of the world did imagine, that this Fever of the league, which was entered at Peronne, some 20. years since, against France, would have shaken the State, from a Monarchy, to an Aristocracy, considering, that in age nothing is more dangerous; and besides, it was now her climacterical year of Government (for this is the 63. King) though this be but a curious and ill grounded conceit, as also that other of the pourtreicts of the Kings, in the Palace at Paris, where, because all the void places be fulfilled, they would needs conjecture, forsooth, or rather conclude, that there should be no more Kings. But this is but an idle dream, and presupposition: for in the Cathedral Church of Sienna in Italy, all the rooms for the Popes, are filled up long ago, ever since the time of Martin the 5. and yet notwithstanding, that Sea of Rome still hath a Pope. But Du Haillan saith, 
Hail. l. 1.  that as virtue was the cause that this State rose from the ground of her base beginning, to this height; so Fortune hath been the cause that she is not fallen from that high pitch, to her first lowness: For he can see no reason of her standing, considering these civil wars, the difference of Religion, the ambition of houses, the conspiracies and revoltes of the people, the true causes of falling: Therefore he concludes, La bonne Fortune nous a plus servi, 
Ibid.  que nostre vertu: Good fortune hath helped us, more than our own virtue. But without so much talking of the good Genius and bon-heur, good hap of France, he should have ascribe the first cause to God, and the next to her Majesty: but this French is ever a thankless people.  
I must not force this Relation with many notes, of things here happening in former ages; it is both impertinent, and tedious, only I would wish you note, that in 482. the Christian Faith was here received, and in the year 800. the Roman Empire hither translated.  
Concerning the Country of France, the State is a Monarchy, the government is mixed: for the authority of Maieurs, Eschevins, Consuls, jureurs, etc. is democratical: the Pairs, the Counsels, the Parliaments, the Chambers of Counts, the Generalities, etc. are Aristocratical. The calling of assemblies, giving of Offices, sending Embassages, concluding of Treaties, pardoning of offences, ennobling of Families, legitimation of bastards, coining of moneys, and divers other, to the number of 24. are merely Regal, 
Haillan. lib. 3.  called of the French, Droicts Royaux.  
And sure it is, that no Prince in Europe is a more perfect Monarch than he: for besides all these privileges named, as we say of the Parliament of Paris, that it hath the prerogative to be appealed unto, from all other Courts, which they call the (Dernier resort, the last appeal) so is it likewise true, that the King himself hath the mere and absolute authority over this. For though no Edict or Proclamation, no War or Peace which he makes, be good, without the consent and Arrest as (they call it) of this Court: Yet true it is, that when he, sending to them for their confirmation and ratifying thereof, if at first they refuse, & send Deleguez, Deputies, to his Majesty to inform him of their reasons, and humble suit to revoke the same, he returns them upon pain of his displeasure and deprivation of their Offices, to confirm it. Sic volo sic jubeo, Such is my pleasure, and absolute commandment.  

Laws.  As touching the Laws of France, we must know, that most of them are grounded on the Civil Law of the Emperor: but so, as this State ever protesteth against them, so far as they be good and equal: insomuch as in former times it was ordained, 
Haillan. lib. 4.  that he which alleged any Law of justinian, should lose his head. Of the Laws here in force, some are fundamental, as they call them, and immortal, such as, nor King, nor assembly can abrogate: others are temporal, Quemadmodum ex his legibus, quae non in tempus sed perpetuae utilitatis causa in aeternum latae sunt, nullam abrogari fateor, nisi quam aut usus coarguit, 
Plato lib. 4 de leg.  aut st●tus aliquis reip. inutilem facit: Sic quas tempora aliqua ●●siderant leges, mortales (ut ita dicam) & ipsis temporibus mutabiles esse video: I confess, none of those Laws which are not Temporary, but established as eternal for the universal good, are ever abrogated (such only excepted as either use finds hurtful, or some state of the Commonwealth makes unprofitable) so I see, that those Laws that are applied to particular times & occasions, are mortal (as I may call them) and change times with change. And therefore one saith, Quae in pace latae sunt, 
L. Valerius  plerumque bellum abrogat, quae in bello, pax: ut in navis administratione, alia in secunda, alia in adversa tempestate usi sunt: War commonly abolisheth Laws made in peace: and peace Laws made in War: Even as Mariners in guiding a Ship use one course in fair weather, another in foul.  
Of the first sort I will only remember you of two examples: the Law Salic, and that of Appennages. As for the first, they would needs make the world believe that it is of great antiquity, wherewith they very wrongfully tromped the heirs of Edward the third, of their enjoying this Crown of France, which to them is rightly descended by his Mother, and whose claim is still good, were the English sword well whetted to cut the Labels of this Law. Of which Haillan himself confesseth, that before the time of Philip le Long, 1321. 
Haillan. lib 3.  jamais auparauant on n'en avoit o●y parlour, la faisant (en ce temps la) apprower partous les Seigneurs du royaume, les ●ns par promesser, les autres par force et par menaces: The Law Salic was never heard tell of before this King's time, who caused it to be ratified by all the Nobles of his Kingdom, some by fair promises, and others by force and threats. Hereupon they have their proverb, Le royaume de France ne peut tomber de Lance en quenoville. The Kingdom of France cannot fall from the Lance to the Distaff.  
Some say, it is called Salic, of the Saliens, a people anciently inhabiting about the river of Rhein: but the likeliest is, that it comes of the two words, wherewith i● begins (S● aliqua) and which are often repeated therein, as in many of our processes upon some word therein used they take their names, as a Scire facias, a Nisi prius, a Latitat.  
Touching that of Appennages, which is also a Law of great consequent for the Crown (for by this th● Domayne cannot be aliened, and by the other, th● Crown cannot fall into the hands of strangers.) You must note, that this Law imports, that the younger sons of the King cannot have partage with the Elder, which till the time of Charelemagne (when this was made) they might, 
Ch. m. ord..  they must only have Appennage sans propriate. By which Charter of Appennage is given all profits arising of the said Apannes, as Domain, the hundredth, 
Hail. li. 3  rents, rights of signory, parties casuelles, lots, sales, hommages, right of vassalage, Forests, ponds, rivers, jurisdictions, patronages of Churches, provisions, and nomination of Chapels, goods of Main-mort, fifts of Lands sold, and all other profits and commodities whatsoever, to return to the Crown, for want of heir male: But the levying of taxes and aids, the minting of money, and all other things of regality reserved. Some are so curious to derive this word from the greeks, of Apan, totum, and Agnon, sanctum: Because, forsooth, the French returning from the holy Land by Greece, saw there the like course used, which they brought home with them. Others say, it comes of Pain, bread, because it was for their sustenance: much like the Law of the old Romans, 
Plut. Nu. Pom.  for the maintenance of their daughters, to whom they allowed a yearly pension out of their lands. But others say, it is derived from the Almaigne word (Abannage) which signifies a portion excluded from the rest, that, because they have this particular allowance, they can make no claim to any other of the Prince's states. This Appennage hath often been so great, as it hath bred many inconveniences; as that of the Duchy of Burgundy, by Charles the fifth, to his brother Philip, which did often after, much prejudice the Crown of France. And that of the Duchy of Normandy, by Lewes the eleventh, to his brother, which was after changed for Guyenne, and that again for Champagne, and again at last for Berry, whereabout were great troubles, for many years in France, as by the History appears. 
Commines  Oftentimes also the younger brothers are content to take yearly pensions, and quite their said Duchies or Counties holden in Appennage.  
Concerning the other sort of Laws, in this Realm they are infinite, which argueth (a consequent) that they be ill kept: for gens humana ruit per vetitum nefas: and (ab Antecedente) that the people of this Country have been ill inclined: for evil manners cause good laws.  
These French laws are too full of preambles, processes, interims, and provisoes, as by all their ordinances & edicts appeareth, Nihil mihi frigidius videtur, quam lex cum prologo: 
Sen. Epist.  iubeat lex, non suadeat: There is nothing (me thinks) colder, than a Law with a Prologue. Let a Law command, and not persuade. Of all these Laws I will only name you this one, Que la minorite du Roy soit assisteé d' un Conceit esleu par les Estats de France, auquel les Princes du sang doiuent tenir le premier am, 
Darn. troub.  et les estrangers esolus: That the minority of the King shall be assisted with a Council, chosen by the States of France, wherein the Princes of the blood ought to hold the first place, and strangers to be excluded: which was enacted at Toures, by Charles 8. anno. 1484. I tell you of this, as of the true source and spring of all these late civil wars, because the Cadets of Lorraine by insinuation with the young Kings, Frances the second, and Charles' the ninth, under the favour of the Q. Mother, took upon them to manage all public matters at their own pleasure, and thrust out the first Princes of the blood of the house of Bourbon. Whereupon Navarre and Condie, the Princes of this family, assisted by many of the French Noblesse, embarked themselves in the action of reforming such an abuse, and displacing the Guysard out of this authority, took it upon themselves, to whom it rightly belonged.  
Of these civil broils, I mean by way of digression somewhat to speak, 
A digression to the Civil Wars. Der. troub.  to give you better taste thereof, as also to see in what miserable terms, this present King found the State, of whom, by order of this relation, I am next to remember: La France a souffert s●pt guerres, et a veusix edicts de pacification, en leursguerres civiles: France, in these civil broils, hath suffered seven wars, and seen six Edicts of Pacification. The first was in sixty three, at Paris: the second, in sixty seven, at Longemeau: the third in seventy, at Paris: the fourth in seventy six, at jenuile (when first began the League at Peronne:) the fifth, at Poicters in seventy seven: the sixth in eighty one. Not one of these Proclamations which was not broken, & new flames of war kindled; the imputation whereof, the French Writers lay most upon the Q. Mother; 
Hail. 1.  by whom she is compared to Fredegunde & Brunhalt, two damnable Queens of France, and the Firebrands of their time.  
She came from the Family of the Medici's in Florence, in which City ye may note, that in three several years (but not much distant) were borne three several Monsters: Alexander Medici's, that spoiled Florence of her liberty, the fairest City in Italy: This woman, that ruined France, the fairest Kingdom of Europe: And Machiavelli, that poisoned Europe, the fairest part of the world.  
She bore too great love to her old friends of Lorraine, and too little to her young sons of Valois: her hate was too hot to the reformed Religion, and her care too cold to reform the State: She had too much wit for a woman, and too little honesty for a Queen: for where one is without the other, a little is too much.  
Next her, are charged, the Cadets of Lorraine, in three ages, the Grandfather, the father & child, and all of their houses: for he that will rightly compare the times, shall find, 
Commines  that the drift of the Count S. Paul in Lewes the 11. time, was all one with this of the Guises in these late troubles; namely, for that the wars only maintained them in their greatness, and forced the King to stand in need of them, whereas the peace might be much prejudicial to them, and bring them to their accounts, for many matters ill carried in their charges. Hereupon the Count set on his King, to embark himself in a war, against so great an enemy, as the Duke of Burgogne: and these even forced their Master, to war upon his own Subjects, against so good a cause as true Religion. And as he desired nothing less, then that the Duke should condescend to his Majesty, and so make a peace: so did these only wish, that they of the Religion might still stand stiff in their profession. Likely also it is, that at the first, they did not so much as dream of obtaining the Crown, as having four Princes, of the house of Valois, all young, besides the house of Bourbon, standing in their way: But when these, one after another, died, and the times grew so favourable, through their popular carriage (the only sign of an ambitious mind) as that all the eyes of France were bend upon them, than they raised their thoughts, as high, as the highest place, and the rather, because the Religion of the next Prince of the blood (who should be served before them) was so contrary to the general liking of the French State. Their only cause, they said, was Religion: 
Hail. 1.  but true it is, that Haillan saith, that Religion is only the cloak and pretext, selon les esprits des païs, ou selon les menees et practiques des grands, qui donnent cette opinion aux peuples: According to the humours of the country, or the drifts and practices of the Grandees, who possess the people with that opinion.  
And in another place, Divisions sont come fatales à la France, et entre les causes qui l' ont trouble toutes les fois qu'il à este la division de grands, a este la premiere et la principale et tousiours cowerte du nom du bien public, et de la Religion: Divisions have been (as it were) fatal to France, and of all the causes of her trouble at any time, the division among the Grandees hath ever been the first and principal, and always cloaked with the name of the public good and Religion.  
The only pattern and Mirror, whom the last Duke of Guise followed in these his dangerous designs for the obtaining of the Crown, was Pepin, 
Annal. Fran.  who to depose his Master, and to prefer himself, found no way more compendious, then to profess himself the Protector of the Church, and Rooter out of heresies. For which good service, the Romish Church invested him with the Crown of France, and he gave them many Territories in Italy; both, large carvers of that which was not their own. But the usurpation was most unjust, as also the attempt itself, howsoever they shadow it with the colour of Religion. 
Plut. Cori.  For Nulla justa causa videri potest, contra Remp. arma capiendi: No cause of taking arms against the State can seem truly just.  
It is a pitiful spectacle, to see a happy State brought to ruin by the division of her great ones: but when it is wrought by such of the Nobility as are newly enfranchised, and ennobled with all preferments, who were but lately strangers, it is much more lamentable and also insupportable. The three great States of England, Spain, 
Hollinshed Turquet Histo. de Spag.  and France, can instance herein, and give you examples of Piers Gavestone, Alvaro de Luna, and this house of Lorraine. These are they, of whom all the late writers complain. 
Hail. 1.  Les François esloient lois (speaking of former times) vrays François, n'avoyent point succéle laict de Lorraine, qui donne les humeurs de toutes les sortes de Trahisons: The French were then true French, they had not yet sucked the milk of Lorraine, which breeds humours fit for all sorts of treasons.  
And as it is said of Lalain a gallant Gentleman in Commines his time, 
Commines.  Estoit d'une race, dont pens'en est trouue, qui n'ayent esté vaillans, & quasi touts morts en servant leurs Seigneurs en la guerre: He was of a race, whereof few can be found that have not been valiant, and almost all of them slain in the wars in their Prince's service.  
So may we say of these, that it hath been a valiant race, and most of them have died in the wars, but with this difference, that it hath still been against the good of their Country, howsoever they covered their treasons with the vail of bien public: public good: as one saith of the Duke of Guyenne and Bretagne, 
Idem. cap. 20.  Mais en fin le bien public estoit converti en bien particulier: But in the end, the public good was turned to private profit.  
The chiefest supporter of these Guisards, and that still gave oil to the fire of this rebellion, was the King of Spain, who, (the comparison of the State of France with the game of Primero saith) that he stood by and looked on, following that Machiavellian maxim, or lesson, which he had learned of the other Philippe of Macedon, to suffer them to ruin one another, as did the Cities of Greece, and then himself to take the advantage, and win all; for it is no question if Guise had won the game, but this would have had the rest. He had this advantage also, while they were together by the ears, to be in quiet himself: for so saith the principle in the Mathematics, 
Du Fay.  Ce qui faict mowoir altruy, est necessairement tousiours en repos: That which gives motion to other things, must needs itself be in rest.  
The third cause I impute (especially of the later troubles) to the timorous nature and pusillanimity of Henry the 3. Ce qui donne volunté et moyens aux hommes de grands Esprits de conspirer country leurs princes, 
Hail. 1.  et d' attenter à l' usurpation de la coronne, est l'imbecillite et la nea●tise d'iceux Princes: That which gives both will and means to men of great Spirits, to conspire against their Princes, & attempt the usurping of their Crowns, is the weakness and worthlessness of the Princes themselves. For in his time, 
Commines  the Crown of France was like the daughter and heir of Burgogne: and the poor King, like the crafty Duke, made every wooer and suitor that she had, believe that he should speed: the King, for fear lest by these corrivals he should be brought lower; the Duke, in hope by entertaining them all, to have their aids to raise himself higher. Marry, neither of them would gladly, while they lived, that this fair daughter should be married.  
It is a dangerous thing in a State, 
Hail. 3.  when the King dare not punish the ambitious designs of his Subject: Voyla le mal-heur d'vn siecle miserable & injust, de cognoistre l' injustice, & ne l'oser dire; n'y en fair la punition: voila comment les Princes sowent cognoissent le mal & iugeans' au contrair, donnent l' absolution, estans à cela contraincts par le temps: aux que●●s le plus souuent par leur injustice ils donnent cette licence, & apres en reçoyuent les premiers, le mal: Behold the mischief of a miserable and unjust time; to discern the offence, and not to dare take notice thereof, nor punish it. Behold how Princes do often know the mischief, yet giving sentence quite otherwise, (being enforced by the necessity of the time) absolve them, whom they themselves first emboldened by their own unjust proceedings, and are after, the first to smart for it.  
This emboldened the Guise to drive his King out of Paris, whence (they say) to save his life, he fled in his doublet and hose, and one boot off for haste: so that now was verified the prophesy of Fran. 1. 
Poet. Fran.   
Le Roy François ne fallit point,  
Quand il predit que ceux de Guise  
Mettroyent ses Enfans en purpoint,  
Et son pawre peuple en che mice:  
King Francis prophecide aright,  
That Guizes race would strip his race  
Into their hose and doublet light,  
And's people to their shirts uncase.  
In this attempt he so far engaged himself, and so irreconcilably incurred the king's hate, as he must either be Roy ou ruyné, Caesar aut nullus, Corona aut Cadaver. Wherein he was much mistaken, to think again to win his good opinion, and by this means to expect a better hour. A man must never trust a reconciled enemy, 
Du Fay.  especially his King, against whom when ye draw the sword, ye must throw the scabbard into the river. He felt the smart of this, not long after at Bloies, where, 
Plut. Solon  in the assembly, like Caesar in the Senate, he was dispatched. In Solon's time there were first the Cilonians & the Banditi, and after one of these was extinct, there arose a division of three heads: they of the plains would have an Optimacy; they of the mountains, a Democracy, and they of the sea-coast, a mixed State. So in the Duke of Guise's time, there was a division of Catholics and Protestants: but after his death, the monster grew to have four heads. The Royaux: the Huguenots: the Ligueurs: the Confrers du petit Cordon: these last were a fraternity, who had conspired to bring in the Spaniard, their chief head were the Seize of Paris, (A Council of 16. the most seditious Burghers of the Town) who strangled M. Brisson a Precedent of the Parliament, the rarest man of his time, and two other Lawyers, the one an Advocate, the other a Procuror: of these the Duke de Mayenne hanged four for their labour. Each of these had diverse drifts: The Royaux were for the King, and then for the extirpation of the Religion. The Huguenots were likewise for the King, and then for the liberty of their conscience. The Leaguers, for the ruin of the King, and house of Bourbon, and then for the reducing of the land to an Aristocracy, which they meant to share among themselves: The Confrerie were against the King, for his title; against the Protestants, for their Religion; against the Leaguers, for their partage: and like Traitors falsely hearted, or Frenchmen truly Spaniolized, complotted only how to bring in their Patron & Benefactor the King of Spain. See here the many-headed Hydra that ravaged all over France. See here that France, where neither her King could save his life from the empoisoned knife of a bloody hearted Friar, nor the people their goods, from the pillage of a bloody handed Soldier. See here the times, 
Bodin. l. 6.  when the 3. fair daughters of Themis; Eunomia, Epieikia, and Eirene; Law, Equity, and Peace, are banished their native Country. See here a Country in an ecstasy, distracted in herself, and transported out of herself, ready to fall into a falling sickness, like the soul of a distempered man, where neither Nous, the King, is obeyed; nor Logos, the Law, observed; nor Epithumia, the people, governed, by reason that Thumos, which possesseth the heart (& therefore I interpret the Gensilarmes of France) through an ambitious thought to rule, or a devilish desire to revenge, hath robbed the one of his authority, the other of her force, and given the third the reins of Liberty to do what they list. 
Hisp. cuius dam Oratio paraen.  Mon Dieu gens sans discourse: O gens aveugle: Nation sans counsel et sans prudence! O people void of judgement: O blinded people: O Nation without Counsel, and without wisdom! See here a people, among whom it was a slander to do well, and glory to excel others in cruelty: therefore saith a Poet of theirs, 
Si les mawais François sont bien recompensez,  
Si les plus gens de bien sont le moyns advancez:  
Soyons un peu meschant, on guerdonne l' offence,  
Qui n' a point faict de mal, n'a point de recompense.  
If the worst Frenchmen now are best of all rewarded,  
If the most honest men are now the least regarded▪  
Let's turn Traitors a while, this time rewards offences:  
Who hath no mischief wrought, can get no recompenses.   
See here a Tragedy, where were no lookers on, but all Actors, where, for the most part, the poorer sort were plagued: Delirant Reges, plectuntur Achivi: 

Horat.  For dotages of Kings  
The people always wrings.   
As for the great ones, they had a course many of them to save their own stakes, and get also by the bargain.  
Saith another, 
Pour estre bien venuz et fair nos affairs,  
en ce temps fascheux plain d' horribles miseres:  
Agnòste mon amy, sçais tu que none ferons?  
Surprenons quelque place, et puis noustraitterous:  
If we will thrive, and rise, and be much made of too,  
In this most wretched Age, and this confused State,  
(Agnostus my dear friend) knowst thou what we must do?  
Let us surprise some Town, & then capitulate.   
As ye have heard of Monsr. de la Chastre, an Arch-Leaguer, who would not make his peace, nor render his Towns to the King, except he might have the Government of Orleans, and fifteen thousand crowns, which he presently enjoyeth. Like capitulations were made with other of that faction. Phaebidas, 
Plut. Pel●.  General of the Spartan forces, surprised upon the Thebans the Castle of Cadmus, without Commission from the State: which Castle the Lacedæmonians would not render, but fortified the place, and kept there a strong Garrison: and yet they discharged the General of his Office for this only fact, and fined him at ten thousand crowns: a strange course, to punish good service: but this of France more strange, to reward ill service. It is, I confess, good policy to condemn the Traitor, and yet love the Treason: but to condemn the Treason, and reward the Traitor, I never but here heard of. But such was the necessity of the times: Sic fuit in fatis, So did the Fates ordain. But these gainers were those that betted by; for the chief Gamesters had their heels blown up: the Duke of Guise stabbed at Bloies; the Cardinal strangled in the Castle: the Duke of Parma, poisoned at Arras: the Duke Joyense, slain at Coutras: the Duke de Mayenne ruined at ivory: the Duke de Mercaeure, come in this March, who lately marched afore his troops in Bretaigne, a capalto, with an erected countenance, now walketh up and down Paris, 
Plat. Cor.  like Dionysius in Corinth, Capo chino, hanging the head. This was just such an Hexarchie, as Charles Duke of Burgogne wished in France, who▪ had he lived till now, had seen what he wished. When Mons. Durfé charged him, that he loved not France, but sought by all means possible to disturb the State thereof: ●ush, sir, saith he, you are deceived, l' ayme mieux le bien du royaume que vous ne pensez, 
Commines.  car pour un roy qu'il y a ie y en voudroy si●: I wish better to the Kingdom than you imagine, for one King that there is now, I would there were half a dozen. All these, forsooth, agreed, that the Commonwealth was sick and out of temper, & each one pretended with his Physic to cure her. The D. of Guise, to ease the pain which was at the heart, meant (as he doth, that gives the best remedy for the toothache, to pull them all out) to strike off the head: To which purpose, at the Barucadoes of Paris, he had the King fast in the Castle of the Lowre, but yet most unwisely, having the bird in the cage, let him fly away.  
The Cardinal, that should by his calling have ministered the most gentle and lenitive kind of Physic, and if it had been possible, have cured France with good counsel, & prescribing a good diet, ministered nothing, but corrosives, and bitter pills of disdain among the Nobles.  
The Duke of Parma, like a Doctor of good practice, brings with him a whole shop full of Physic, enough to purge all France, he applieth his receipt of the Low-country Soldiers, to ease her of her malady: but the weak stomach of this Country could not brook so strong an ingredients, and therefore she vomited them out again, before they had done the deed. The Duke joyeuse like a desperate young Doctor, that would get credit in his trade, upon his first patient, by putting all to the hazard, without using any preparatives, or observation of critic days, gives the potion, before Monsieur Matignon could come at him, who came with other good physic to assist him in this practice: but at that time, they say, that Mars, a malevolent Planet, was retrograde in Aries, or entering into Taurus: and so it should seem: for one of the King of Nauarres troops, called Monsr. Taurin (as they say) gave him a Pistolade in the head. joyeuse was not so precipitate, to break the Impostume before it was ripe, but the Duke de Mayenne was as much a dreamer to foreslow the occasion: for when his brother Guise was stabbed, and all the great Cities revolted to him (joe, than was she sick at the heart) he should then have plied, to have applied his medicines: but then had he his Physic to seek: And after, when the party was prettily recovered, & began to refuse Physic, (having a little relished the wholesome diet of good counsel) then comes he in such haste, that he broke his bottles by the way, and so was a loser by the bargain.  
As for Monsieur de Mercaeure, he played the good Kitchen Doctor, of whom Rabelais speaketh, 
Rabl. l. 2.  who gave his patient the neck and bones to tire upon, and kept the wings himself: for he left them all France, tired and tewed, as bare as a birds bone, and kept Bretaigne, one of the fattest wings of the Country, to himself, purposing to have entitled himself Duke thereof. But these were all pretended Physicians: the poor King Henry the third meant well indeed, but wanted skill, who found by experience, after he had slain the Guise, and left the rest of his house (that were then in action) how dangerous a thing it is, in matter of execution to do it to the half, and that in ministering physic, a violent potion is not so dangerous, as one that is too weak, which only stirreth the humours, and is not able to expel them. Among so many Physicians, we must needs have one woman to look to the patient: this was the Queen Mother, of whom and her Son Charles 9 that consented to the Massacre of Paris, we may say with the Poet: 

Vergil. Eglog.  Crudelis matter magis an puer improbus ille?  
Improbus ille puer, crudelis tu quoque matter:  
Which hath poor France more ruined and undone,  
The cruel Mother, or her wicked Son?  
A wicked Son was he,  
A cruel Mother she.   
This Queen, who, with the two other Queens, with whom she is before compared, may be called the Allecto, Tisiphone, and Megaera, the three Furies of France, in stead of being a Nurse, and cherisher of her Infants and family, which she should have been by all law of reason, became a Stepdame, as she was by nature, being an Italian: Who for more (as it is thought) then honest love to the Guisard Doctors, desired still to have her people kept low and sickly, that they might be advanced by their practice. These were they that left France in such pitiful taking, under a false pretext of reformation of the State; as we might well say of it, as is said of the abandoned French Constable in Lewes 11. his time, 
Commines  Il ne sçauoit à quel Saint se vouěr, se tenoit come pour perdu: He knew not to what Saint to vow himself, but held himself for a lost man: or as their proverb is here, Il ne sçauoit de quel bois fair ses flesches: He knew not of what wood to make his arrows.  
But leaving France for a while, in this grievous sickness (till the Hercules that now reigns, conquered this monstrous Hydra, and like a skilful Esculapius, recovered her of this pestilent fever) ye may observe this one Epiphonema here necessarily employed, namely, That Division in an Estate, is the most compendious way to her downfall: Discordia res magnae dilabuntur: By discord great matters melt away to nothing: as hath well appeared by this great State of France.  
Here is also a good lesson for other to beware by: 
Tum tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet: 
Horat.   
The burning of your neighbour's Towers  
Concerns you near, next turn is yours.   
And as Rablays saith, un fol ensign bien un sage: 
Rabl.  A fool may teach a wise man wit. And if you would have yet more instances of the miserable effects of Factions, read Guicciardine, 
Guicciard. lib. 4.  and you shall be plentifully furnished: as with the Colonni, and Ursini in Rome; the Bianchi and Neri in Florence; the Adorni and Fregosi in Genoa: and so almost through every particular City: and in general over all Italy, the Guelphi and Ghibellini. 
Machiavelli hist. flor..   
Here was also one here in France, about no greater cause than a matter of love, between Orleans, and Burgogne. And we had one in England, about no smaller a matter then the Crown (impatientes consortis erant, 
Commines  maiestas & amor:) 
Both Majesty and love,  
Do no Corrivals love.  Between the houses of Lancaster and York, wherein Commines saith, were between three and fourscore of the blood slain. How true that is, I remember not, but as I take it, 
Holinshed.  there were fought ten battles between them, one hundred Barons & Knights slain, ten Princes, Dukes and Earls, and an hundred thousand natural English.  

Virgil.  Animus meminisse horret:  
My mind doth tremble yet  
But to remember it.  
That division was the only cause, why we not only lost all we had in France, but also the means to recover all which we ought to have had: for in those times France herself also was miserably distracted, & brought to so low an ebb, 
Commines Cap. 27.  as one saith, Dieu fit ce bien en ce temps-lae, que les gueres & divisions d' Angleterre esloyent encores en nature les vns country les autres: So may they now thank God and our late Queen, The Nurse of Peace, and refuge of the afflicted, who (as is said of the great Earl of Warwick, That he thought it as great an honour to make a King, as to be a King) to cancel with the Spears point the forged law of the Saliens, took not such opportunity, but raised the afflicted lowness of the desolate King of deep, to the peaceable possession of the great Realm of France.  
But it is a thing ever observed in great States and Kingdoms, that they never rise to any greatness, except in their rising they meet with many lets, and are sometimes even brought to such low terms, as they are thought past all hope; as Athens, by the Persians; and Rome by the Gauls: the like is to be said of great Princes; as of Edward the fourth of England, and this Henry the fourth of France, of whom we may truly report, as Plutarch doth of Camillus, 
Plut. Cam.  Si Camillus n' eust esté perdu, Rome ne se fust pas retrowée: If Camillus had not been lost, Rome had not been found again. Possidonius calls Marcellus the (sword) and Fabius the (buckler) of Rome: 
The King.  but we may call this King both the one and the other to France: to one, to cut off all disturbers of the State; the other, to defend his Subjects in the liberty of their conscience, and enjoying of peace. This office he now executes in his quiet reign; that other he used in time of the civil wars, when as always they of the Kings part sent for his aid to the suppression of the Leaguers, though after that done, they cared not for him. So saith Plutarch of Themistocles, Les Atheniens n'y honoroyent, 
Plu. Them.  n'y ne l' estimoyent point en temps de paix, mais quand il leur suruenoiel quelque orage de guerre, & qu'ils se voyoient en danger, ills recoureyent à luy: ne plus ne moins qu' on fait à l'ombre d'vn Platane, quand il suruient une sudden pluye, & puis apres quandle beau temps est venu, on l' esbranche & luy coupe l' on ses rameaux: The Athenians neither honoured, nor esteemed him in time of peace: but when they were overtaken with any storm of war, and that they saw themselves in danger, than they had recourse to him; as men use to run in a sudden shower to the shelter of a Plane tree, and as soon as it is fair weather again, they break and cut off his branches.  
This King then, of whom now by course I am to relate, is about 48. years of age, his stature small, his hair almost all white, or rather grisled, his colour fresh and youthful, his nature stirring and full of life, like a true French man. One of his own people describeth him thus, 
Du Fay.  De son naturel il est si extremement vif et actif qu' à quoy qu'-il s' adonne, il s' y met tout entier ne faisant tamais gueres qu' une seule chose à la fois. Dejoindre une longue deliberation avec un faict press cela luy est malaise. Le fair et le deliberet se rencontrent en mesme temps. Mais aux conseils qui ont traict de temps à la verité, il a besoigne d' estre soulage. une promptitude admirable d' esprit. Aux affaires de la justice, des finances, aux negotiations estrangeres, aux depesches, à la policy d' estat il croit les autres, il ne s' en mesle point: He is of such an extremely lively, and active disposition, that to whatsoever he applies himself, to that he entirely employs all his powers, seldom doing above one thing at once. To join a tedious deliberation with an earnest and pressing affair, he cannot endure: He executes and deliberates both together. But in Counsels that require tract of time, to say the truth, he hath need of help. He hath an admirable sharpness of wit. In affairs of justice, of his Revenues, foreign Negotiations, Dispatches, and government of the State, he credits others, and meddles little himself.  
He saith there farther, that though by his Physiognomy, his fashion & manner of behaviour, ye would judge him leger and inconstant, yet is no man more firmly constant than he. He confesseth it were hard for him, not to be sparing, considering the profuse and lavish spoil that his predecessor made before him: yet to salve the matter, he makes this difference, That the other gave much to few, this gives a little to many. If you remember when we saw him play at dice, here in Orleans, with his Noblesse, he would ever tell his money very precisely, before he gave it back again.  
I will not spare in this discourse (which is only for yourself private) to speak the truth, though of a King: we are here in a Country, where ye daily hear his own Subjects speak of him more liberally.  
And besides, his Majesty hath generally this commendation, which is very laudable in a Prince, he can endure that any man should tell him the truth, though of himself. Which I will interpret to wisdom, though perhaps some will impute it to a facility of nature. Concerning this thrifty virtue then of sparing, we must note that he is a very good mesuager. Il fait d' argent avec ses dens: He makes money with his teeth, saith the Frenchman, meaning his sparing of great and superfluous expense at his table. And for his gifts, we may call him by an Antiphrasis, as Plutarch saith they used to call Antigonus in scorn (doson) that is, 
Plut. Pau. Aemil.  qui donnera: pour ce qu' il promettoit tousiours & iamais ne donoit: One that will give: because he always promised, but never performed.  
For my part, I think he gives S. P. Q. R. not Senatui populoque Romano: that is, to all sorts of people but Si Peu Que Rien, so little, as scarce any at all. They say, that the chamber of Accounts, is to examine the King's gifts: and if they find any unmeasurable, to shorten them: to which purpose, there is written in great letters in the same court, Trop donnè soit repeté: 
Bod. li. 6.  Let gifts too great be revoked. It should seem he saves them this labour. Such a parsimonious sparer was Lewes 11. of whom in the said chamber of Accounts (as Bodin saith) it is recorded, that he wore a greasy hat, and clothes of the coarsest stuff; and there likewise ye shall find a reckoning of 20. sols▪ that is, two. s. sterling, for a new pair of sleeves to his old doublet: an another of 15. deniers, that is, three halfpences, for grease to liquor his boots. This was he, that made his Tailor his Herald of Arms, his Barber his Ambassador, and his Surgeon his Chancellor, of whom Commines reporteth many virtues, 
Commines  & as many faults, and yet it should seem, that Commines his servant would not tell all; for so saith another of the French Historians, discoursing impartially of this Lewes, 
hail.  Nous auous librement dit ce que Commines n' a osc et volu dire, et ce que les autres n' ont sceu: We have freely spoken what Commines durst not, nor would not speak, and what others knew not. Though he himself protesteth, that he left none of his trumperies, 
Commines  and double dealings, unrevealed, Non pour en user mais pour en gardez: Not to practise, but to prevent them: As we desire to know the poison, in the Apothecary's shop, from his other good drugs, not to use, to the hurt of others, but to shun, for the safety of ourselves.  
And howsoever Haillan tax him of impartiality, true it is, 
Q. Mother of Commi.  that the Q. Mother did not like him, of all others: For (said she) he hath made as many Heretics in Policy, as ever Luther made in Religion, by discovering the secrets of State: Which should be kept as secret, as the Cabal of the jews, or verses of the Druids. But neither the sparing of this Prince, that now reigneth (of whose virtues I will presently speak) nor the faults of Lewes the 11. make them the only two Kings of this Realm, taxable above the rest: For one of their writers saith in general, 
H●ill. l. 2.  that France hath fatally been subject to this, malheur (disaster) to have Kings, imbecilles et estroppiez de l' intendment, (weak and lame in judgement.) He reckoneth up many, as Charles' the great, a paillard (a wencher:) Pepin a usurper, Lewes the first lasche et moll, (faint-hearted, and effeminate) and after these three other Charlese, the bald●, the gross, & the simple, which no doubt, if they had deserved better Epithets, should have had them: Insomuch as one concludeth of the good Kings of France, as Suetonius did of the Princes of his time, See powoyend bien touts gravez en un anneau: 
Suetonius.  they might all be graven in one ring. But I had rather conclude with Bodin, 
Bod. l. 6.  There is no Prince without his fault. Howbeit those few that are in this Prince, are recompensed with many very heroical and princely virtues, both of body & mind. For those of the mind, let me only commend the excellency of wit, and suddenness of answer, whereof we may take acknowledgement in these three, which I will here recount, answerable in my opinion, to any of those apothegms of the old Kings, or Philosophers, which history hath commended to us. At his being here at Orleans, this june last passed, the Mayor and burgesses of the Town came to his Majesty, to desire they might be eased of certain extraordinary taxes and impositions, wherewith in the time of the league, they had been burdened by Mons. de la Chastre, their Governor. Saith he, M. de la Chastre vous a liguez, qu'il vous desligue: M. de la Chastre hath tie you, let him untie you. At his being at the siege of Amiens, amongst others of the Noblesse, which he summoned to that service, he sent also for the Count Soissons, a Prince of the blood, & one of the rarest Gentlemen of France, to whom the King gives (as is said) 5000. Crowns pension. The Count, at that time discontented, returned the King answer, that he was a poor Gent. & wanted means to come to that service, as became one of his birth & place, being a Prince of the blood, & Peer of France: he therefore most humbly craved pardon, and that he would pray for his majesties prosperous success, which was all he could do. Well, saith the King, Dautaut que les prieres ne seruent point sans ieusne, il faut qu' il ieusne de la pension de ses 5000. escus: Seeing prayer is not acceptable without fasting, my couzin shall hereafter fast from his pension of five thousand Crowns.  
After the death of the Duke of Guise, when almost all France had revolted from the late King, & like a poor (Roy d' juidot) as the French proverb is, he was chased of them of the League, from all places of France, to Toures, and was there, as it were besieged of Charles Duke of Mayenne: After that this King present came thither with his small forces, to the distressed Kings succour, the King of France, whose name was also Henry, would needs persuade Henry King of Navarre, with those small forces, which they both had, to march out of the Town, and encounter the Duke's forces, who were double the number. Sirs (saith he) ne hazardons point un double Henry country un Carolus: Let us not play a double Henry, against a Carolus: (that, is a piece of gold, of 14 shillings, and this, a piece of brass only of 10. deniers.) For his valour and princelike courage, it is such, to say truly, as never any of his Predecessors, Kings of France, were matchable to him, who, for the space of almost thirty years, hath, as one would say, never been unarmed, without his foot in the stirrup, and his lance in the rest, hath been himself in person, the foremost in all perils, and last out of the field: A Prince not long in the resolving, but once resolved, quick to perform, and himself always, one in the execution; though perhaps some will tax this hazarding of his own person, as a matter of imputation, and better befitting a young Prince of Navarre, than a great King of France. For as I read, 
Plut. Ep.  Epamin●ndas was fined for having been too forward, & serving without good armour, after a great victory, which he had upon the Lacedæmonians.  
This forwardness indeed is most honourable, and praise worthy in all Nobility, and Commanders whatsoever, excepting only the chief. Iphicrates an Athenian Captain, said, the Vant●urrers, resembled the hands, the Gensdarmes, the feet, the Batallion on foot, the breast, and the General, the head: which (saith he) must best be armed, and carefullest be guarded. And therefore, the answer of Callicratidas is disliked, who, when it was told him, that in the battle he was ready to give the enemy, he should have great care of his own person, for that the Sacrifices had foreshewd some danger: Sparte dit il ne depend pas d' un homme seul: Sparta depends not upon one man alone. 
Plut. Pel.  This Plutarch reproved in Pelopidas. And Homer in his descriptions, makes always Achilles, Ajax, and the best and chiefest Commanders, best armed: 
Stetit sub Aiacis clipeo septemplice tectus:  
The shield of Ajax sevenfold 
Homer.   
Did shroud him safe, and make him bold.   
And the laws of Greece punished that Soldier, that threw away his buckler. But I will end this discourse with the answer of Timotheus, to Chares, a General, talking of his many wounds of the body, and hacks in his shield; and I (quoth he) quite contrary, am ashamed of this, that when I besieged Samos, I came so near the walls, that an arrow from the Town lighted hard by me: For that je m' estois trop advance en ieune homme, & hazard plus temerairement, qu'il ne convenoit à Chef d'vne si gross armée: I went too far, like a forward young fellow, and hazarded myself more rashly, than became the General of so great an Army. For the chief Commander is the moiety of the whole force.  
When one told Antigonus, that the enemy had more shipping than he, at the I'll of Andros: Et moy dit-●l ponz combien de vaisseux conte tu? I pray you, for how many ships count you me?  
If then one General be in stead of many ships at sea; and many troops at land, it behoveth he be careful to keep those forces well (that is, himself) if he will do his Country good service. You must note therefore, that there is no man so great by birth, or Noble, whom it well becometh not to be as valiant and forward as the best, even though he were a King: and indeed the greater he is, the more his honour is engaged to be valiant; provided always, that he be not the chief Commander of the Army. As the King of Boheme died in the field, 
Vigner. hib. hist.  on the French Kings side, fight against the English in France, with more honour, than the French King Francis the first, at Pavia in Italy, where, by his too great forwardness, he was taken Prisoner.  
Therefore it is that one saith, un bon & say General doit mourir de vieilesse: A good and discreet General should die of age.  
But to return to the King. He is naturally very affable and familiar, and more (we strangers think) then fits the Majesty of a great King of France. But it is the fashion of this Country of France (as Bodin saith) though he seem much to misselike it, 
Bodin. li. 4  and preferreth the fashion of England, Suedon and Poland, where the Princes have more Majesty and reverence among their subjects: For as Plutarch saith, 
Plut. Peri.  C'est bien difficile de maintenir une severe gravité pour garder sa reputation, en se laissan● familierement hauter à tout le monde: 'tis a hard matter for a man to keep a severe gravity for the upholding of his reputation, if he familiarize himself with every body. Whereupon he there showeth, how retyredly Pericles lived from the common view of the vulgar sort. So we likewise read of the Kings of Borny, Aethiope, Tartary, the grand Signior himself, and the great Duke of Moscovy, that they seldom come abroad in public to be seen of the people. We may therefore say of the Frenches liberty, as Artabanus, Lieutenant General to Xerxes, said to Themistocles, 
Plu. Them.  Quant à vou● autres Grecs, on dit que vous estimez la liberty et l'egalite sur toutes autres choses: mais quant à nous entre plusieurs autres belles constumes et ordonnances que nous ●uous, celle-la nous semble, la plus bell de reuerer et adorre nostre Roy, come limage de Dieu de nature, qui mantient toutes choses en leur estre, & leur entier: 'tis said, that you Greeks above all things esteem liberty & equality: but among many other our excellent customs & ordinances, we judge this to be the best, to reverence and adore our King, as the Image of the God of nature, that maintains all things in their being and perfection. And we may well infer as Haillan doth, Familiaritas parit contemptum, 
Terene●. Haillan.  and contemptus, coniurationem: le mesprise est la cause de conjurations country le Prince: Familiarity breeds contempt, and contempt, treason.  
You saw here in Orleans, when the Italian Commedians were to play before him, how himself came whifling with a small wand to scour the coast, and make place for the rascal Players (for indeed these were the worst company, 
Terence. Regem familiarem ●arras.  and such as in their own Country are out of request) you have not seen in the Inns of Court, a Hall better made: a thing, me thought, most derogatory to the Majesty of a King of France.  
And lately at Paris (as they tell us) when the Spanish Hostages were to be entertained, he did Usher it in the great Chamber, as he had done here before; and espying the Chair not to stand well under the State, mended it handsomely himself, and then set him down to give them audience.  
It followeth, I speak of his descent and Pedigree; wherein you shall see he is lineally descended of the house of Bourbon, 
His Pedigree.  from Robert, Earl of Clermont, younger son to Lewes, surnamed the Saint, from whom (for default of heirs males in the house of Valois, descending of Philip le hardi, the elder brother) he is now rightly entitled to the Crown of France. The lineal descent of this house of Bourbon, whose word is Esperance (Hope) is this:  
Saint Lewes had two sons, namely, 

Philip le Hardy, King of France. 
YOu may observe in this waste space of paper, that in the year 1328. Philip, who was son to Charles, Count of Valois, came to the crown, by the name of Philip the sixth of Valois: since when, all the Kings of this elder house are called (de Valois) not that it is the surname of their Family, which most writers, and even the French themselves have thought, Haillan, lib. 3. d' Estate.   
Robert, Earl of Clerimont, married to Beatrice, daughter to Archibald of Bourbon. 

Lewes, Count of Clerimont, & first Duke of Bourbon, married to Mary, Countess of Heynalt. 

jaques, Duke of Bourbon, married to jane de S. Paul. 

john, Duke of Bourbon, Count of March, married to Katherine, Countess of Vandosme. 

Lewes of Bourbon, Count of Vendosme, married to jane of Lavall. 

john of Bourbon, Count of Vendosme, and Isabel his wife. 

Francis of Bur. Count of Vendosme, to Mary of Luxembroughe, Countess of S. Paul. 

Charles of Bourbon, to Francis of Alencon. 

Anthony of Burb. King of Navarre. 

Henry 4. K. of France & Navarre, 3. base children. 

Caesar D. de Vandosme.  
Henryette a daughter.  
Alexander, Count de Foix.    
Katherine, Princess of Navarre, now presently to be married to the Prince of Lorraine.    
Francis Du. of Anguien.  
Charles Card of Bourbon.  
john, Du. of Ang.  
Marguerite married to the D. of never.  
Lewes of Bur. Prince of Conde. 

Henry, P. of Conde. 

Henry Prince of Conde, heir apparent to the Crown of France.    
Francis, P. of Conty.  
Charles, Count of Soissons.                      
NOw ye see from what Ancestors he is come: ye must also observe what issue is come of him. In the unfortunate and inhuman massacre at Paris, 
His children.  wherein the old Admiral, the greatest Soldier in France, and many thousand of other of the Religion were murdered, the same time was this King married to Marguerite de Valois, daughter to Henry the second, and sister to the last King: With her these many years past, he hath not lived, neither hath by her any issue. I have heard, the reason of their living apart, is her incontinency. By Madame Monceau his Mistress, whom of late he hath made Duchess of Beaufort, he hath three children living: but by reason of their illegitimation and incapabilitie to succeed, the apparency of Inheritance as yet bideth in the young Prince of Condie, a towardly Gentleman, of much hope, and very well favoured, of the age of 11. years, whom ye saw at S. Maur.  
Concerning the Coronation of the Kings of France, I read, that in the first race, 
His Coronation.  they used no other solemnity, but only to lift him up upon a shield, and carry him about the Camp; crying, Vive le Roy: God save the King: 
Hail. l. 3  for thus du Haillan out of Gregory de Tours reporteth of the crowning of Clo●is, the first that was christened. Since in the year 1179. Philip Augustus ordained the Coronation to be always at Rheims in champaign: for before that time, they were crowned (but not here) as Lewes the Gross at Orleans 1009. Pepin at Soissons, and Charlemain at S. Denis. And since then also, upon occasion, they change sometimes the place, as ye see in this King for example, who was crowned at Chartres.  
The ornaments heretofore used at this solemnisation, are these: A great crown of gold, wherewith he is crowned: a less crown, which he bears that day at dinner, made by Philip Augustus. The Camisoles, Sandales, Tunic, Dalmaticke, and mantle of blue Satin, made by Henry 2, who also garnished of new, the old Crowns, the Sceptre, the Sword, the Spurs. All which were ordinarily kept in the Church of S. Denis: whence in these late civil wars, they were taken by the League, and money made of them. 
Hail. l. 3.  La Ligue un monstreinsatiable, un gouffre qui devour tout, un feu qui consume tout, un torrent qui ruin tout, a vollé, brise, cease, fondu, tous ces ornements royaux: The League, a Monster that eats all, a Gulf that devours all, a fire that consumes all, a Torrent that ruins all, hath stolen, bruised, broken, melted all these Royal ornaments.  
The King of France present hath made new ornaments for the Coronation, which you saw at S. Denis. The Princes and Peers of France have these Offices in that solemnity. 
Hail, li. 3.  The Archbishop of Rheims doth anoint him King. The Bishop of Laon bears the Ampulle. The Bishop of Beawais bears the mantel Royal. The Bishop of Noyon, the girdle. The Bishop of Chaalons, the Ring. The Duke of Burgundy, the Crown. The Duke of Guyenne, the first Banner. The Duke of Normandy, the second. The Count of Tholouse the Spurs. The Count of champaign, the Banner Royal or Standard. The Count of Flanders, the Sword royal. Thus crowned, he holdeth the Sword in his hand, and turning himself four times, East, West, North, and South, protesteth to defend the Church, and maintain justice against all persons of the world: For which he hath the Title of Most Christian King, and first Son of the Church: 
His Title.  and is in right to have precedence next the Emperor, before all Princes Christian; though the Spanish Ambassador of late, hath thrust for the place, and sometimes had it, as namely, at the Council of Trent: which wrong afterward, the Pope and College of Cardinals confessed, and disavowed the fact.  
The Spaniard also once since at the emperors Court took the place, and in Polonia likewise they lately strived, where it was ordained (as our law is at the Ordinaries in London) that he which came first, should sit first. The Turk, when he writes to him this Title, 
Bod. li. 4.  Le plus grand, et le Maieur des plus grands Princes Chrestiens, The greatest and chiefest of the greatest Christian Princes.  
And whereas Haillan, but with no great ground out of Histories, would needs infarre, that all other Christian Princes hold of the Empire, he allegeth for a singular pre-eminence and prerogative, that this King holdeth nothing either of the Empire, or Church of Rome, but that he is next and immediately under God, supreme, both over the Civil and Ecclesiastic body of France: because (saith he) he can impose taxes and payments upon the Church, without ask the Pope leave; he cannot only present, but also confer benefices; he hath in right the Election of the Pope, as Charlemain had, though Lewes debonair, his son, renounced again this authority: for, 
Ha●●l. l. 4.  un l'oy ne peut quitter son dr●ict: A King cannot give away his right.  
But Charles the Great had not this power, as he was King of France, but as he was Emperor: I think therefore he doth the Empire wrong (to whom doubtless this right still belongeth) to bestow it upon France. For when the Empire was translated out of France into Germany, which was in the year 880. then were also all rights and privileges, thereto belonging, of necessity to leave this Country, together with the Empire, to which they are inseparably annexed. As for the Pope, over whom the French writers will needs give their King a privilege of Election, he desires them (for aught I can learn) to have an oar in their boat rather.  
Concerning the Arms of France, 
His Arms  they have divers times, as it appears by history, been altered. For the first Arms were three Toads. After that, changed to three Cressants, then to three Crowns, and lastly, in the time when France embraced the Christian faith, there were sent them from heaven (say their fabulous writers) Les fleurs ae lys d'or enchamp d' azure. The flowers de Luce Or, in a field Azure, 
Hail. li. 1.   
With these arms of France, the King now present quartereth his Arms of Navarre, which, whether it be a wheel or a chain with a Carbuncle in the midst as some say, or what else I know not, I cannot yet be satisfied of any Frenchman that I have asked.  

His Court.  I should now by course speak of the French Court, wherein, having yet spent no time, I have little to say. I make no question, but at our return into these parts, you will sufficiently instruct yourself therein, as with the divers offices, the number of the Noblesse that ordinarily follow it, and their several humours and fashions, which is a thing very fit for you to observe. I can only remember you of that, which yourself have read in the book of the late troubles, (which you may well call an Historical declamation, or declamatory history) where it is said, jamais la Cour de nos Roys, qui estoit autresfois, 
Dern troubls.  le seminaire des vertus de la Noblesse Françoise, ne regorgea en plus de desordres des luxes & d' excess, que sous le regne du Henry 3: Never did the Court of our Kings, which was heretofore the seede-plot of virtues for the French Noblesse, more abound in all disorders of wantonness and excess, then under the reign of Henry the third. But that was a censure of the Court, in the days of a Prince given over to pleasures, and excessive spending, insomuch as I have here heard say, that the only solemnizing of the marriage of Duke ●oyeuse (his Minion) cost him two hundred thousand crowns. But it is likely, that now the humour of the King being otherwise, the fashion also of the Court is changed: for, 

Claudian.  Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis:  
Look in what mould the King is formed,  
To that his subjects are conformed.   
Whereof you may have two very fit examples here in France; of Lewes, the 11. and Frances the 1. without seeking further.  
King Lewes would have his son Charles learn no Latin, forsooth, but only this sentence, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, He that knows not how to dissemble, knows not how to reign. Hereupon all the Court began to despise learning, and to say, that Latin was for a Priest, not for a Gentleman: And that it was learning enough for a Nobleman, if he could write his own name, yea, and I have heard of an Admiral of France, that could not do that neither.  
The second example is, of Frances the first, who cut his hair short, because of a hurt he had in his head: and presently all the Court and Noblesse followed that fashion, 
Bod. li. 4.  cutting (saith Bodin) their long locks, qu' estoit l' ancienne mark de beauty, et de la Noblesse▪ Which was the ancient badge of beauty, and Nobility. Which old fashion, I doubt not but they had from the Lacedæmonians, whose youth were all of them commanded to wear long locks, because (saith their Lawmaker) Les cheveux renaent ceux qui sont beaux encore plus beaux, 
Plut. Lycurg.  et c●ux qui sont laids plus espouuentables et plus hideux à voir: Long hair makes such as are lovely, more lovely, & such as are hard-favoured, more dreadful and hideous to behold.  
The carriage of a Prince, though it be a natural defect, and disgraceful, is oftentimes imitated of the Courtiers by affectation. Philip of Macedon, and Ferdinand of Naples, held their heads awry upon the one shoulder, and both their Courts followed, Tell Maistre, tel vallet: Like Master, like man. You see, in that thing wherein you would most be instructed, I am least able to satisfy you, by reason we have not seen the Court at all, save only two days, while it stayed here at Orleans. Howbeit, out of that which I there saw, which I have heard of others, and read in Authors, I will adventure to relate, concerning the Officers of this Court; 
Officers of Court.  for as for other great Offices, as of Constable, Admiral, Marshal, Grand M. of the Eauës and Forests, Grand M. of the Artillery, and others, I shall speak of them, when I come to relate of the King's Forces in general, to which place these Offices especially appertain.  

Grand Mr. of France: Great Master. Hail. li. 3.  The first Office then of Court, is that of the Grand Maistre, Great Master, which in elder times was called Comte de Palais, Earl of the Palace, and after changed into the name of Grand Seneschal, and now lastly into Grand Maistre. The Count Soissons, youngest Son to Lewes of Bourbon, Prince of Condie, doth now enjoy this place. It was not long since, in the house Memorency: but the French King, to favour the D. of Guise, upon whom he bestowed the place, caused the other to quit it. It is his office, to judge of matters of difference, between other Offices of Court. He had also the charge to give the word to the Guard, to keep the keys of the King's private lodging & to determine in disputes among Princes, that followed the Court, for their lodgings. In assemblies he sitteth right before the K. a stair lower, as you read in the Darn. Trobls. Grand Boutellier, 
Der troub. lib. 4.  or Eschançon, Great Butler or Taster, was in former times, a great Office in the King's house, they had place in the Courts of justice, as Peers. This Office was long in the house of the Countess of Senlis▪ 
Grand Panetier: Great Pantler.  it is now vanished, and only there remains that of the Grand Panetier. This Office is ancient: he hath besides the King's house, superintendence over all Bakers in the City and Suburbs of Paris. 
Gentils-hommes seruiteurs de la Cour Gentlemen Waiters of the Court. Gentils-hommes de la Chambre: Gentlemen of the King's Chamber Grand Escuyer: Great Esquire, or Master of the horse Hail. li. 3.  They which were wont to be called Panetiers, Eschançons, and valets trenchans': Pantlers, Tasters and Carvers, are now called Gentils-hommes Seruiteurs de la Cour: Gentlemen Waiters of the Court.  
The Office of grand Chambellan, great Chamberlain, was long in the house of Tankeruile▪ he lay at the King's feet, when the Queen was not there. His privileges are now nothing so many as in times past. Those which were then called Chambellans, Chamberlains, are now Gentils-hommes de la Chambre, Gentlemen of the Chamber. The office of grand Escuier, great Esquire, is not very ancient, though now it be very Honourable, and is the same that M. of the Horse is in the Court of England: for it is taken out of the Constable's office, to whom it properly appertained, & thereof he had his name, Constable, quasi Comes stabuli, Count of the stable. It was first instituted in the time of Charles 7. In the K. entrance into the City, he carries the Sword sheathed before him, The cloth of Estate carried over the King by the Mayor and Sheriffs, belongs to his Fee. No man may be the King's Spur-maker, marshal, and such like Officer, but he must have it of him, as also all other inferior offices belonging to the stables. He had in times past, the command over stages of Post-horses: but now the Contreroller, general of the said Posts, hath it. This Office is now exercised by Monsieur de Thermes, 
Maistre d' Hostel: Master or Steward of the King's house.  Seigneur de Bellegarde, a gallant Gentleman, and one of the finest Courtiers of France. The Office of Maistre d' hostel du Roy, Master or Steward of the King's house, hath charge over the expense of the King's house: For a mark of his authority, he carries a Truncheon tipped at both ends with Silver and gilt, and marcheth before the Sewer, when the King's dinner comes to the Table.  
No Sergeant can arrest any of the King's house, without their leave. They serve quarterly: they were wont to be but four, but now I have heard it credibly said, they be 80. in name, but all of these do not execute the Office. 
Grand Preuost de France, etc. Great Provest of France etc. Hail. l. 3. Grand Fauconnier et grand Venneur. Great Falconer, and great Hunt. Gentiles hommes de sa guard Gentlemen of the Kings Gard.  The Grand Preuost de France et del hostel du Roy, Great Provost of France, and of the King's house, so called, since Charles the ninth: for before, he was called, Roy des ribauds, King of the Rascals: His Office is to stickle among the Servants, Pages, Lacqueis, and Fills de joy (Punks or pleasant sinners) which follow the Court, and to punish all offences in these people.  
I should have named before these last, as a place more honourable, the Office of Grand Fauconnier, and Grand Venneur, Great Falconer, and great Hunt, who have authority over all Officers of chase. They of the King's chamber, are either Gentils-hommes de la Chambre, Gentlemen of the Chamber, of whom I spoke before, or Valets de la Chambre, Grooms of the Chamber, which are but base Grooms and Roturiers, yeomen.  
Les cent Gentils-hommes de sa Garde, The hundred Gentlemen of his Guard (though there be two hundred of them) they hold and use a weapon, called Le bec de corbin: They match two and two before him: they are part French, and part Scots: The Scot carries a white Cassock, powdered with Silver plates, and the King's devise upon it: The French wear the King's colours. There is also a Guard of Swiss, attired in particoloured Cloth, drawn out with Silk, after their Country fashion: these follow the Court always on foot, the other on horse. Where, by the way ye may observe, that the reason of the entertainment of Scots in the King's Guard, is (as one saith) because they were Anciens ennemys des Anglois, 
Comment. de l' Estate.  Ancient enemies to the English: and ever since the house of Ostrich matched with that of Burgogne, the King hath had also his Guard of Swisses, 
Commines cap. 119.  enemies hereditaires de la maison d' ostrich, Hereditary enemies of the house of Austria.  
There belongs to the Court also the Mareschaux des logis, Marshals of Lodgings, and Fourriers, Haruingers: they have like Offices as the Haruengers in the English Court: there be also divers others which are here needless to be spoken of, and wherewith your purpose is to be better acquainted hereafter. I will therefore proceed to speak of the order of France, which was instituted by Henry the third, 
His order.  Anno 1579. and is called, L'ordre du S. Esprit, The Order of the holy Ghost. The reason of this institution, was, 
Darn. trou. Of the S. Esprit: Or holy Ghost.  come une authentic declaration, qu'il ne pouuoit ny aymer, nigh fair bien aux Heretics, obligeant par un serment solemnel tous les chevaliers, à des conditions qui ne platsent qu'aux ames toutes Catholics: As an authentical declaration, that he could neither love, nor favour the Huguenots, binding by a solemn oath all the Knights, to conditions suitable only to minds entirely Catholics. Whereby ye may note, that none of the Nobility of the Religion are of this order, neither was this King himself of it, till 94. when being crowned at Chartres, he took it upon him.  
Among many other statutes of this order, this is one, That none are capable thereof, except he can prove his Nobility, by three descents, from the Father's side. You have many in France, that are called chevaliers des ordres durdy: Knights of the King's orders: that is, both of the order of Saint Esprit, 
Of Saint Michael Antiq. Par.  and Saint Michael also. The order of Saint Michael was instituted by Lewes the 11. in the year 1469. the statutes whereof are comprised in 98. Articles; amongst which this is one, That there should never be above thirty six of the order. But saith La Nouë, this Article was so ill observed, that at one time there have been 300. whereof 100 shortly after, by reason of the great charges, and train they kept, were forced (as he there saith) Serrer le collier dans leurs coffres: 
La Nouë. Coment. de l' Est.  To lock up their collars in their Coffers. In the year 60. were 18. created of this order. A thing not before heard of, that so many should be made at once: which the Constable disliking, said, Que l' ordre estoit mis en disordre: the order was disordered. 
Bodin. l. 5.  Against which, Bodin also inveigheth, and against the number of Barons made in France, without either desert, or living. And another complaineth, that the honourable orders of France are exposes a l'ambition, 
Hail. l. 3.  qui estoyent destinez au merit: Exposed to ambition, which were dedicated only to deserts.  
You must note▪ that of S. Michael's order, there were 2. sorts, du grand ordre, et du petit: the great and the small order: Those wore a collar of Massy gold; these only a Ribbon of silk. Before these was the order De l' estoille, 
Of the Star.  of the Star; or as others call it, De la verge Marry: of the Virgin Mary, instituted by john the French King, anno, 1365. which after, growing too common (a fault generally noted in all Countries, where orders are erected, that they be bestowed upon too many, and some unworthy, except only in the most noble order of the Garter, which by the confession of all writers, maintaineth still his ancient glory) the order of the Star, I say, growing too common, and therefore the Princes, and nobler sort, disdaining to wear it, it was bestowed upon the (Archers du guel) who still wear it, 
Hail. l. 3.  the Nobility having long since quitted it. But the most ancient order of France, is that of the Genette, 
Of the Genette.  instituted by C. Martell. The Knights of this order, wore a Ring, wherein was engraven the form of a Genette. The cause of instituting this order, is not known: 
Id. li. 3.  it endured till S▪ Lewes his time.  
Besides these four forenamed orders, which have been instituted by Kings, I read also of two others in France, which had their erection by Princes of the blood, and were only taken by Knights of their party.  
The order of the Porc-espic, 
Of the Porcespi●  razed by the Duke of Orleans, in envy of the order of his enemy, the Duke of Burgogne.  
The order of the Croissante, or half-moon, by the Duke of anjou, anno, 
Of the Croissante.  1464. with this Mot (Los) as who would say, Los en croissant, Praise by increasing. The Knights of this order, had in the midst of the Crescent, a Truncheon, to signify he had been in the wars: (for else he might not be of that order) if twice, then two Truncheons; if thrice, three; and so orderly. His Habillement was a Mantle of Crymosin Velvet, and a white Velvet Cap.  
It is not much impertinent, here also to observe, what orders have been erected in other Countries: whereof, the most Noble & renowned order of S. George of England, is the chiefest, & therefore first to be remembered. 
Of Saint George.   
It was instituted in King Edward the 3. time, before any of these of France, 
Hall. li. 3.  except only that of the Jennet, which (no doubt) was some obscure Order, as appeareth by the place where it was worn; and by the little, or rather nothing, which the French Writers speak thereof.  

The Golden Fleece.  The next is the order of the Toison d' or, The Golden Fleece, erected by Philip the second, Duke of Burgogne. The collar of this order hath a Golden Fleece hanging at the end, 
Confer. des Ordon.  in memory (some say) of gedeon's Fleece: others (which is most likely) of the Golden Fleece of Colchas, which jason with his gallants of Greece ventured for. The feast of these Knights, is kept upon Saint Andrew's day. The habiliments, a mantle of Crimson Velvet, and a cap of violet colour: It was instituted anno, 
Of the annunciation.  1430. There is also the order of the Annunciade, erected by Amadeus Duke of Savoy: In the collar hereof is written in Letters of gold, or stone, this word, (fert, fert, fert) thrice, in honour of Amade le grand, his Predecessor: signifying (Fortitudo eius Rhodum tenuit: His valour kept Rhodes) for that he helped the Knights of jerusalem to win Rhodes, upon the Turks, which is since again reconquered, and they driven into the Isle of Malta: At the end of the collar, hangs the portrait of the virgin Mary, and the Angel saluting her.  

Of the Knights of Malta Of Saint Stephen. Of the band or scarf.  Of the order of the Knights of Malta, ye shall see a whole Book written, when ye come to Italy: As also of that of Saint Stephen, instituted by Cosimo Medici, first Duke of the united forces of Florence, and Sienna. I will therefore omit to speak, either of the one, or other. As also of the order of the Band or Scarf, instituted by Alphonse, King of Arragon, whereof I want sufficient matter to relate. I will end this discourse of Orders of knighthood, with this one observation, that is, that in times past, there were (as with us) Knights, which notwithstanding, were not of the Order. Of these, 
Tillet. recueil.  were three sorts, chevaliers Bannerets, chevaliers Bachelors, and chevaliers Escuyers: Knights Bannerets, Knights Bachelors, and Knights Esquires, or Armor-bearers. The first had twice as much pension as the second, and they twice as much as the third. 
His Forces.  It followeth I speak of his Forces, as well horse as foot, of which this Country is very well furnished, and indeed vaunteth (and I think worthily) to be the best and greatest Gensdarmerie of any Realm in Christendom: but on the other side, their foot have no reputation; insomuch as the last year before Amiens, we should hear the Spaniard within the Town, speak over the walls to our English Soldiers in their Trenches, after we had saved the King's Canon, from which the French were shamefully beaten by them within sallying out upon them:  
You are tall Soldiers (say they) and we honour you much, not thinking any foot to come near us in reputation but you, and therefore, when you of the English come down to the Trenches, we double our Guard, and look for blows: but as for these base and unworthy French, when they come, we make account we have nothing to do that day, but play at Cards, or sleep upon our Rampart. Of both these Forces of horse and foot of France, you are to note this which followeth.  
It is reported of the great Turk, 
Paul. iovius.  that when he conquereth any Province or Country, he divideth the Lands upon his horsemen to each his portion, with an exemption of paying either rent, tax, or tallage whatsoever: only they are bound to serve the Grand Signore, (Great Turk) with a proportion of horse at their own charge, and in their own person in his wars, except either age or sickness hinder, which are the two only excuses admitted. 
Bodin li. 5  These are called his Timars: of like nature as are the Calasyres of Egypt. You shall find this that iovius saith, 
La Nouë.  confirmed by La Nouë speaking of Greece, Ou (saith he) ils tirent leurs meilleurs hommes de guerre sur leurs terres conquises, qu' ils leur departent, à la charge de se tenir en squepage, pour venir seruir au mandement de grand Seigneur: From whence he draweth his best men of war, dwelling upon the conquered Lands which he divideth among them, upon condition that they shall always be ready to serve at the commandment of the great Turk.  
So did the Kings of France in former times bestow upon Gentlemen, divers lands and possessions, freeing them likewise from taxes and aides, upon condition to have their personal service in time of need. These lands were called (Feifs: 
Hail. 3. ) instituted before Charlemain his time, but till then, they were given only for life (as at this day are those of the Turks:) but since, they be hereditary. The word Feif, hath his Etymology of (Foy) Faith: signifying lands given by the King to his Nobility or men of desert, 
Ordonn.  with Haulte et base justice, with an acknowledgement of fealty and homage, and service of the King in his wars at their own charge. Some Feif was bound to find a man at arms: some an Archer, some the third, and some the fourth of a man at arms, according to the quantity of land he held. He that had land from the value of five to six hundred livres rend (that is from fifty to sixty pound sterling) was bound to find, 
Ord. H. 2.  un homme de cheual en habillement d' hommes d' arms: A man on horseback, 
1547.  furnished for a man at arms: And from three to four hundred, Fera un bon homme de cheual leger: A good light horseman; Who, if it please the Prince, and upon occasion of service, shall quit his horse and serve on foot, provided that he have with him a vallet Harquebutier. But they that had less than three or four hundred, had a less proportion of charge. There be four exceptions where a man is not bound to serve in person: If he be sick, if aged, if he bear some Office, if he keep some Frontier place or other Castle of the Kings; for in this case he may send another.  
Publica militiae vassallus munera iustae, 
Tillet. recu●ill.   
Non renuat, dominique libens in castra vocatus,  
Aut eat, aut alium pro se submittat iturum.  
Arbitrio domini veì quem laudaverit ille,  
Compenset, redimatque suum mercede laborem.  
They are bound, upon forfeiture of their (Feif) to serve three months within the Land, and forty days without, not counting the days of marching. You must observe, that as the Signior hold their (Feif) of the King in Haute justice, so other Gentlemen hold of them in Basse justice, upon charge to follow these Signior at all times to the wars. 
Hail. li. 3.  For Le feif est la chose par l' acceptation de la quelle ceux qui le tiennent sont tenuz du serment de fidelité enuers leurs Signior. The Feif is the thing, by the acceptation whereof, they that hold it, are bound in oath and fidelity to their Lords: And therefore are called their Vassals of (Wessos) the old Gaul word, which signifieth valiant: for to such were the Fiefes given. As for (serfs, slaves or villains) these are domestic, and serve upon base condition, for wages and victuals. There is also the (Subject) that is, the poor peasant that laboureth and tilleth the (fiefs) and therefore ye shall hear Monsieur le Gentleman speak of ses terres, ses hommes, and says subjects: His lands, his men, and his Subjects: and yet himself is vassal to the Seigneur, that holds in haute justice. But ye may note, that no word of service whatsoever in this discourse, doth prejudice the liberty natural of the vassal. The Subject, nor serf, villain, are bound to go to the wars, but only the vassal. The mustering and gathering together of these forces, is called the Ban, and Arrierban, 
Confer. des Ord.  of the Alman words (Here) exercitus: An army: and (ban) convocatio: A calling together. This Ban and Arrierban consisted anciently of twelve, sometimes fifteen thousand Gensdarmes: But after the corruption thereof, when the fiefs came to be in the hands of unable and unworthy men, the Kings of France were forced of later times, to erect the Gensdarmes des ordonnances: 
His Gensd'armes  The Gensd'armes, or men at Arms of his Ordinances, in Charles 7. time. For ye must consider, that there have been four principal causes of the overthrow of this Ban and Arrierban. The first was the gifts to the Clergy, who it is reported have the sixth part of these fiefs in their hands, and contribute nothing to the wars: for as one sayeth, Ils ne veulent rien perdre, 
Hail. l. 3  rien payer, rien contribuer pour leur guard, & neantmoins veulent estre gardez: They will lose nothing, pay nothing, contribute nothing toward their guarding, & yet notwithstanding they will be guarded. The next was the voyages to the Holy land: for when one had made a vow to go thither, to serve against the Saracens, & Infidels, he sold his Fief, to furnish him for that purpose. The third was the wars with the English, wherein by force they lost them. The last cause is the sales of them to all sorts of people, without exception, as to the Lawyer, the Yeoman, and any other unable person whatsoever, that will buy them: which till Ch. 7. they might not do. Ye see then, how necessary it was, this old institution being corrupted and quite decayed, to erect a new: which they called Les gensdarmes des ordonnances: because at their first erection, there were divers laws and ordinances made for them to observe, which who so broke, was surely punished. They were at first only 1500. But after, they were increased to a hundred Companies, and given to divers Princes of the blood, and Nobles of France, to conduct and command, with an honourable pension: In these Companies should be 6000. (for in some there is 100 in others but 50.) howbeit, it is thought, in each company there wants some, for the benefit of the Officers, and that in truth, there be not above four thousand in all. For the maintenance of this Gensdarmerie, there is a tax yearly levied upon the people throughout all France, called the Taille.  
Concerning both the number of the Gensdarmes, and their proportion of allowance, by the Taille, it is thus, as La Nouë judgeth: 
La Nouë.  Les gens de cheual du temps du Henry 2. passoient six mill lances: mais elles ne sont maintenant que quattre mill. Et il me semble que quattre regiments d' infantry se doinent entretenir en temps de paix, reglez à six cens hommes chacun. Et 15. mill escas per mois y suffiroit: The Horsemen in the time of Henry 2. exceeded the number of 6000. Lances; but they are now but 4000 and in mine opinion, it were fit to entertain in time of peace, four Regiments of Infantry, of 600. men apiece.  

Antiq. Pa.  As touching the Infantry, Francis the first was the first that instituted the Legionaries, 
His Infantry.  which were in all, 8. Legions, and every Legion to contain six thousand, according to the rate of the ancient Romans. The first Legion was of Normandy. The next of Bretagne. One in Picardy. One in Burgundy. In Champagne and Nivernois one. In Dolpheny and Provence one. In Lyonnois and Auvergne one. And one in Languedocke. These companies were shortly after ca●●ed: and again, within eighteen years erected; and are now again of late years dissolved, and in their place, the Regiments now entertained, which are five in number: The Regiment of the Guard, The Regiment of Picardy, The Regiment of Champagne, The Regiment of Piedmont. And lastly, the Regiment of Gascoigne, commonly called the Regiment of Navarre. In each of these is twelve hundred.  
These are all now in time of peace bestowed in Garrison Towns and frontier places, except those of his Gard. 
Bodin. l. 6.  Bodins opinion is, that four Legions of 5000. apiece, would suffice to be maintained in this land: for (saith he) the Roman Empire, which was twenty times as great, 
Tacit. l. 1.  had never but 11. Legions in pay: but this is to be understood of them which were in pay ordinary in Italy, besides those Legions which they had in other their Countries, as in England, Spain, Low Countries, etc. For otherwise we read of those Emperors, that had 31. Legions; & Bodin himself confesseth, that Augustus had at one time entertained in pay forty Legions, at 11. millions charge the year. But this writer, though he be approved, as he well deserves; yet I think, if he failed in any of his discourse, it was in matter of War, the profession whereof did ill agree with his long rob; ye shall therefore take the judgement of a discreet Soldier of France, for your direction what force the French can make, or entertain of others, which is this, Si nostre Roy sentoit qu'vn voisin luy unlust veni● mugueter sa frontier, 
La Nou●.  ●'estime qu'il pourroit aisement composer v●e Arm●s de soixante compagnies de gensdarmes, vingt Cornettes de chevaux legiers, et cing compagnies d'Harquebusiers à cheval, le tout faisant dix mill chevaux. A quoy un pourroit adio●ster trois ou quattre mill Reisters plus, cent ensigns d' Infantry Françoise, & quarante de ses bons amys les Swisses. Et cecy n' empescheroit que les autres frontiers ne demurassent suffisament po●rueües d' hommes: If our King perceived that any Neighbour of his meant to invade his Frontiers, I think he might easily compose an Army of sixty companies of men at Arms, 20. Corners of light Horse, and five companies of arquebusiers on horseback, amounting all to 10000 Horse. To which he might add three or four thousand Reisters, & one hundred Ensigns of French foot, and forty Ensigns of his good confederates, the Swissers, and yet maintain his other frontiers sufficiently manned.  
So that ye may conclude, that four thousand men at Arms, well complete, and with a proportion of light Horse and foot answerable, showeth the whole Flower, Beauty, and force of France. Howsoever the Author of the Cabinet confidently avoweth, that there may easily be mustered, and maintained fourscore and odd thousand horse of one sort and other, that is, Launce and light horse. But I fear me, we may say of them, as Plutarch saith of the Noblesse of Athens, having usurped upon the Democraty of that City: 
Plut. Alcib.  Ils estoyent que quattre cens, et toutesfois se faisoient appeller les cinq mill: They were indeed but 400. and yet caused themselves to be styled, The five thousand. So I fear me, he reckoneth after the Athenian rate, ten for one.  

Cabinet du Roy.  The Cabinets reason is this: There be in France fifty thousand Gentlemen that are able to bear Arms: for (saith he) rate this proportion at a Gentleman in each league, by the measure of France (where are forty thousand in square) and it wanteth but a fifth. Howbeit, saith he, in some Countries, ye shall have thirty or forty, within the compass of one league, besides their children. Out of these, if the King would, he might compose a Gendarmery of 8000. men at Arms, and 16000 Archers: which body of 24000. Gentlemen, would represent in the field 60000. horse. He might also have a cavalry Legiere, of four or five thousand Gentlemen. He might also furnish the Ban and Arierban, according to the old fashion, with twelve or fifteen thousand Gentlemen. And yet might he have besides all this, four or five thousand for the State of his Court, and government of his Provinces. This is his computation. But you shall see it proved, when we come to speak of the Nobility of France, that it is exceedingly shortened in number, and decayed in estate, and therefore nothing able to come near this number. As good a consequent it were to say, that because ye have two or three millions of men in England, able to fight, that therefore our State can bring so many into the field: without considering the provision of Arms, and all other things necessary. But this Cabinet was made by one of the Religion, that was transported out of himself, by the heat of his zeal, and hate to the temporal livings of the Church: Whose projects and drifts are much like those of the Supplication of Beggars (a book made in King Henry the eights days) where he frameth in his fancy an Utopia and felicity, not to be hoped in France, building Castles in the air, and concluding, that if it would please the King to alien the Church temporal livings, and unite them to the Domain, nihil est dictu facilius: (a thing easily said, but not easily done) that over and besides the forces of fourscore thousand horse abovesaid, he might also maintain an Infantry of the French Gentlemen of twelve thousand. Item, another of the populare, of forty eight thousand. And lastly, yet another Infantry legionaire of 48. thousand.  
The Supplication was answered by Sir Thomas Moor his book, called The Pitiful complaint of the puling souls in Purgatory: How well I know not, but of this I am sure, that if such a number of horse and foot should either be maintained upon the Church living, or upon the poor people (upon whom all these charges of the Gend'armes lieth, here would be many more puling souls, and pitiful complaints in France, then are Sir Thomas moors Purgatory.  
It than remains, that we hold ourselves to the judgement of La Nouë, afore set down, who also confesseth, that in Charles the sixth his time, 
La Nouë.  there were in the field, twenty two thousand Lances, but since the gendarmery was instituted, were never but once at Valenciennes above ten thousand. For as for that great number, whereof ye read in M. d' Argenton, that besieged Lewes the eleventh in Paris, 
Commines  they were the Forces of three great Princes, and the better part Burgognons.  
There is yet one thing you must note, why the French have quit their Lances, and serve all with the Pistol, whereof ye shall read somewhat in La Nouë, and hear more of others by discourse, but nothing of me by writing: for I dare not deal, Vltra crepidam, in a matter I understand not fully.  

Officers of war.  I must now remember you of the Officers for the war in France: and because war is made both by Sea and by land, I must also reckon the Sea officers: for as for the French Kings forces at Sea, I have not yet learned that he hath any, and therefore can say nothing thereof.  
The first and principal, and which commandeth all in the King's absence, even the Peers and Princes of the blood whatsoever, 
Constable.  is the Constable: Who, as hath before been remembered, hath his name of Comes stabuli, Count of the stable. For in former times the King's chief Officers were called Counts, with an addition of their office, 
Hail. li. 2.  as Comes palatii, Comes praesidii, Comes rerum privatarum, Comes sacrarum largitionum, Comes castrorum, Comes navium, Count of the Palace, Count of the Guard, etc. And though he hath not now the command of the King's horse, yet keepeth he still the name: This office was erected in Lewes le Gros his time. It was bestowed upon the house of Memorencie, in Francis the first his time, and remaineth still in the same.  
The ancient device of the house of Memorency, is this, Dieu aide le premier Chrestien, et premier Baron de France: God aid the first Christian, & anciē●st Baron of France. He hath the keeping of the Sword royal. And as the Grand Escuyer: Great Esquire, hath the Sword in the scabbard D' Azure, semé de fleurs de Lys d' or: Azure seeded with flowers de Lice, or added to his Arms, so beareth the Constable for an Honour, the naked Sword, the Mareschals bear the Hache, Battle-axe: and the Admiral's the Anchor. The Constable and Mareshals give the oath to the King: He sitteth chief judge at the table of Marble, upon all persons, Suits, Actions, and complaints whatsoever touching the wars. When the King entereth a City, in his greatest pomp, or upon a delivery, he goeth before with the sword naked: & when the King sitteth in Assembly of the three States, he is placed at his right hand. He that killeth the Constable, is guilty of high treason. The Mareshals are named, as some say, 
Mareshall.  of (Marc.) Cheval, a Horse: & (Schal.) master, Master: Qui command aux chevaux, Commander of the horse. Others, 
Co●. Ordonn.  of Marcha. i. limit ou frontier, March or frontier: quasi Prae●ectus limitum, as it were Governor of the Marches. Till Francis the first, there were but two in all France; after, four, and now ten: for as is said before, when any that held either some strong Town or place of importance, came in to the King, he did always capitulate, to have some one of these Offices, besides sums of money and Governments also: such was the necessities of the times, saith Haillan. These, 
Hail. l. 4. Ibid.  under the Constable have the command over all Dukes, Earls, Barons, Captains, and Gensdarmes: but may neither give battle, make proclamation, or Muster men, without his commandment. They have under them Lieutenants, which they call Preuosts Marshals, who have the punishing of mutinous soldiers, such as quit their colours, Rogues, and such like. 
Admiral  There is the office of Admiral, Ce que les Mareschaux sont en une Armée de terre, l' Admiral est en une navale: 
Darn. trou.  & ces offices sont distinguez d'autant que le subject est different & divers: Look what the Marshals are in a land-army, the same is the Admiral in a sea-army: and these two offices are several, because the subject of their employment is differing and unlike.  
This office is the most ancient of all France: for Caesar speaketh thereof, 
Caesar. come lib. 2.  Les Admiraux de la Provence, de Bretagne & Narbonne sont louës pour la pratique & dexterité des guerres navaìes: The Admirals of Provence, Bretaigne, and Narbon are much commended for their practice and skill in sea-service.  
I marvel therefore, why du Haillan reporteth, that they were first made in Charlemagnes days, and that one M. Ritland was the first that was made. There are now four Admiralties, France, Bretagne, Guyenne, and Provence. This last is always annexed to the governourship of that Country: So that of Guienne likewise, till the King that now is, came to the Crown, who before was Governor and Admiral of Guyenne: but since he hath divided the commands. Ye may observe in histories, that all the while the French voyages were upon the Levant Seas, either to the Holy-land, Sicily, or Naples, or whithersoever, the French always had their vessels and Commanders out of Italy. La France empruntoit ses Admiraux de Genes, 
Darn. trou.  Pise, de Venise, & de Luques: France borrowed their Admirals from Genoa, Pisa, Venice, and Luca. These have the tenth of all wrack, prize or prisoners, that are taken at Sea.  
Before the invention of Shot, there was an Officer in France, called, Grand Maistre des arbalestiers, 
Grand Master of the Artillery.  et Cranequiners, Great Master of the Crossbows and Engines: (for Cranequin, is a general word for all instruments of battery) which Office is now called The Grand Maistre de l' Artillery, Great Master of the Artillery, who at first also, immediately after the invention of Shot, was called captain General de l' Artillery, Captain General of the Artillery.  
You have also Treasurers for the Wars, 
Treasurers for the Wars.  which are either ordinary, or extraordinary: Those pay the Gensdarmes, and these the Regiments of the Infantry. Treasurer's ordinary are so many, as there be places where they Muster: Of extraordinary, there be always four.  
The Heralds of France are six, Normandy, Guyenne, 
Heralds.  Valois, Bretagne, Burgogne, so called of the Countries (as with us in England) and Mont-ioy, who is the chief of the rest. Their ancient Office was to be present at all justs, and Tournements, to carry war or peace, to summon places, to defy enemie-Princes, to give arms to men new ennobled: But now they be only used at Feasts, Coronations, Solemnities, Funerals, and such like; for they are no more used in the treaty and negotiation with foreign Princes. I think the reason is, because the Office hath of late years been bestowed upon unworthy and insufficient persons. It shall here be needless to name all other his Officers of the Wars, which are all one with those of other Countries, as Colonel, Captain, Sergeant, Lieutenant, Ensign, Capporall, etc. I will only remember in a word the French manner of Mustering, March, Charge, and service in general, and then proceed to the next branch of this relation. We must observe, that (excepting the gens d' arms, and the Regiments abovenamed) when any Soldiers are taken up for the wars, they are not pressed, as with us, but the Captain having his Commission, 
Press of Soldiers  gathereth them up by sound of Drum, entertaining only such as will (which may be some cause of the badness, and baseness of the French foot) for being commonly the rascal sort, and such as have no other means, there cannot settle in their abject minds, that true and honourable resolution requisite in a Soldier. This Commission must first be showed to the Governor, lieutenant-general, Bailiff, or Seneschal of the Province, upon pain of death. Neither is it good, except it be signed by the King▪ and one of the Secretaries of estate, and sealed with the great Seal. The Soldiers levied, are at the charge of the Province, where they be taken up, till they depart the same. 
March.  Their March it should seem, is somewhat more sharp than ours; For I remember I have heard say, that upon a time, the old Marshal Byron should bid Sir Roger Williams bring up his companies faster, 
Sir Ro. Wil  taxing the slow March of the English. Sir (saith he) with this March our forefathers conquered your Country of France, and I mean not to alter it, A memorable answer of an honourable Soldier, For the French Charge, 
Charge. La Nouë.  ye shall hear the Spaniards opinion out of La Nouë, L'infanterie Françoise escaramouche brauement de loin et la Cavellerie a une furieuse boutée à l' affront, puis apres qu' elle s' accommode: The French Infantry skirmisheth bravely afar off, & the Cavalry gives a furious onset at the first charge: but after that first heat, they will take eggs for their money. And indeed this is that which all writers give them, and which best agrees with their nature: for we may say of them, as is said of Themistocles, he was so hot at the onset, 
Plut. The.  que perdit le souffle au mileu de la career: That he lost his wind in the midst of the career. Or say of them, as Fabius of Hannibal, 
Id. Fab.  His valour is come un fe● de paille, et une flame allumée en une matiere de peu de durée: Like a fire of straw, and a flame kindled in matter of small continuance.  
Concerning the French discipline, 
Discipline. Caesar. Com. l. 6.  Caesar himself saith they had it first from us, Gallorum disciplina in Britannia reperta, atque inde in Galli●m translata esse dicitur, et nunc qui eam rem diligentiùs cognoscere volunt, plerunque illò discendi causa proficiscuntur: 'tis said, the discipline of the Gauls was first invented in Britanny, & from thence translated into Gallia; & now such as desire to attain the perfection thereof, commonly travel thither to learn it. But they have long since degenerated from their old discipline of war: & they themselves confess, that since the beginning of these late civil wars, where Soldiers, in all disordered & dissolute manner, have been given to pillage, & volleries, (the every) that it is very much abbastardie, abastardized: Whereof La Nouë complaineth in his discourses, 
La Nouë.  Quant à la discipline Militaire, i● faut confesser qu'elle est gisante aulict tourmentée d'vne griefue malady▪ As for the military discipline, we must confess, that she keeps her bed, sick of a very deadly disease. The Noblesse fight always on horse, & think it a dishonour to serve on foot. 
Commine●  But Com. saith of the Nobility of Burgundy, in the wars with Lewes the eleventh, that they all quit their horses, car lors ils estoyent le plus honorez qui descendoyent, à fin que le peuple en fust plus asseure et combattist mieux, et tenoyent cela des Anglois▪ For they were then most honoured, that lighted on foot, to the end the people might be the more encouraged, and fight more valiantly: and this they learned of the English. And it is no question, but if some of the French Nobility would do so, it would much confirm their foot, by the example of their valour and abiding, and recover that reputation, which now their foot have lost in the world. Neither do I think this the least reason, why our Ancestors have won so many battles upon them, namely, for that we ever have had men of Noble houses, to lead & serve on foot with our forces. A notable cause to confirm and assure the unsteady headiness of a multitude.  
And for the opinion that the world hath of our foot, ye shall observe what the same writer elsewhere saith, Bonnes gens de pied, 
Id.  et meilleurs que leurs voisins, come nous pourrions auiourd'huy dire les Anglois et les Swisses: They be good foot, and better than their neighbours, as we may say now adays of the English and Swissers.  
And in another place, where he opineth of the manner of service, he saith: Mon advis est, que la soweraine choose du monde es battle sont les Archers, et la fleurdes Archers sont les Anglois: My opinion is, that in battles, Archers are the weight that turns the balance, and of Archers, the English are the flower: where he likewise discourseth, how dangerous a thing it is to abide a battle, except your foot be much the better: which in my opinion was no little cause why the French King fought not with the Cardinal this last year 97. before Amiens, because the enemy's foot were holden in number eighteen thousand (though I hardly think they were so many) a number full as great as the French, and the Soldier far better, they being all French, except some three thousand English, and Swissers, and theirs the choice men of all his Garrisons, & experienced Soldiers in those Low Countries. For true it is, that the Kings Gensd'armes were two for one, and holden also much the better men, aswell because there was in a manner all the Nobility & Flower of France, as also that they had the advantage in the manner of weapon, for that the French serveth with the Pistol, & the Spaniard still holds him to his Lance. But I make no question, that the consideration of the odds on foot, was not the chief cause why we fought not that day: for we had a goodly fair Field, and plain as might be possible, as also large: a singular advantage for him which is strongest in horse: So had we the wind and Sun in our backs, which are holden no small helps.  
But this was the reason: the King thought it no policy to play all his Rest at once, where he might have lost more at one game, than he had got in eight years: he had no reason, but to make the Card that was now going, a Bridge of Gold (as the Proverb is) considering, that by this means he should gain the Town of Amiens, reassure other Cities that then stood wavering, and recover his reputation in the world, which by the loss of that Town was much disputed.  
Of this somewhat hath been said before: I therefore leave to speak further thereof, as also of the French forces, or service in wars, with the only remembrance of a French man's reason, who thought himself no small wise man, that would needs prove that the French service, and Soldier also, was better than the English: Because (saith he) we have more old Captains in France, than you in England. Much like the reason of Rabelais, 
Rabelais.  who would needs prove, that drunkenness was better for the body than Physic, because there were more old drunkards, then old Physicians.  
It now remaineth I speak of his Expense, which chiefly consisteth in these two things before spoken of, 
His Expense  namely, his Court and his Forces: wherein it is very hard to relate an exact proportion, considering not only the variety and difference of writers, but also the uncertainty of the numbers of Pensionai●es, or provisioned: And lastly, the change and alteration of their allowance, not continuing always the same. Howbeit, that which is most commonly reported, and seemeth nearest the truth, is this: The maintenance of five Regiments of foot, at six Crowns the month, cometh to four hundred sixty eight thousand Crowns the year, besides the pension of 5. Colonels, at two thousand Crowns a piece; thirty Captains at one thousand pension a man; as many Lieutenants at five hundred, and Ensigns at three hundred the piece; which is in all seventy four thousand: which added to the first sum, makes the whole charge of these Regiments, yearly to amount to the sum of five hundred forty two thousand Crowns. This proportion differeth not much from that of Bodin, 
Bod. lib. 5.  where he saith, The King might maintain in ordinary twenty thousand foot, at the rate of three millions, and five hundred thousand livres, which if you reduce to Crowns, and to one number of six thousand foot, cometh to a less rate than that other, namely, to four hundred eight thousand, three hundred thirty three Crowns: but I think, that former is nearer the truth. For the allowance of his Gensd'armes, which are reckoned at six thousand, as is before said (though in truth there be but four) for he payeth thus many, I follow the proportion of them that say, that 51750. crowns, is the ordinary allowance for one company of a hundred yearly: for where are six thousand men at Arms in the field, are eighteen thousand horse in all. After this rate then of the hundred before set down, the whole Gensd'armery amounteth to 3105000. crowns.  
For the expense of his Court, 
Cabinet du Roy. But I doubt of this Authors report, etc.  you shall hear it to be thus rated: The Table of the King, and those of the Gentlemen of the Chamber, at 112000. crowns: for his menus plaisirs, petty pleasures, a thousand crowns a day in all 165000. (But this was a proportion for the last King, who was a great giver.) For the grand and petite Escuyrie, great and little Stable, 190000. For the Constable, 24000. For the grand Maistre, great Master, 20000. For the Mareshals of France, 18000. apiece, when they were but four; for now it is a Title only, without either pension or command, save only in the four chief. For the Admiral, 15000. for the grand Veneur, great Hunt, 16000 For the Governors of his Provinces in all, 188000. For the Gentlemen of his Chamber, their pension 1200. crowns apiece, in all six hundred thousand. For the Captains of his Guards, à cheval, on Horse, two thousand apiece. For their Lieutenants, eight hundred. For two thousand Swiss of his Guard, ten crowns a month, 24840. For all other domestical Officers, one hundred thousand. For Heralds, six thousand. For Mareshals of lodgings and Fourriers, 4600. For Preuost Marshals of Provinces, a thousand a piece, in all twenty four thousand. For twenty four hundred Archers to attend these Preuosts in the execution of their Office, seven hundred and twenty thousand Crowns. For his Ambassadors in divers Countries, two hundred and fifty thousand. For his Officers of Finances, Treasurers, Receivers, controllers, and such other like Offices through France, an infinite & incredible sum: As also for such numbers of horse and foot as the Cabinet setteth down, besides these Gensdarmes and Regiments, which ye hear provided for, and in the King's pay.  
But ye must observe, that of all these Court charges and others here beforemencioned (except those of his Forces) ye are not to make any ground as of a truth: they being only the supposed charges, set down by this said Author, who for his errors in other matters, hath also lost his credit in this.  
Howbeit, I thought good to remember them, that ye might thereby have some understanding of the difference of those Offices, and how one exceedeth another, as well in pension and benefit, as in precedents and honour.  
To speak either particularly of the Court expenses, or generally what they be certain, I cannot, not having heard any thing thereof, but only that it is supposed, the charge of the King's house, is five hundred Crowns a day. But sure it is, that these late Wars have forced the Crown of France to be at infinite charge: for ye shall read in La Nouë, that above twenty years since, Nos roys ont dependu aux guerres civiles soinant dix millions d'or. 
La Nouë.  Our Kings have spent in the civil Wars, sixty millions of Crowns. And it is said that Monsieur Gobelin, Treasurer d' Espurgne, Treasurer of the Exchequer, passed his accounts this last year, for twenty one millions d' or, of Crowns: so dear was the recovering of Amiens: for no question, there was his greatest expense, (except the pay of Financers wages.)  
What then hath been the expense in these eight and thirty years space of the Civil wars, may easily be conjectured to be infinite, considering withal the lavish prodigality, and immeasureable spending of the Princes, especially of the last: who some let not to say, that he left the state engaged by one means and other; as namely, the sale of his Aides, 
His Dets.  the alienation of his Domain, and money taken up to usury, not much less than two hundred millions of Crowns in debt.  
So that we may say, this King finds France, after Charles the ninth, and Henry the third, as Vespasian found the Empire after Nero, and Caligula, whereof the one had given away five and fifty millions, 
Bodin. l. 6.  and the other had spent sixty seven in one year. Whereupon he protesteth in open Senate, Quadringenties millies. i. 1000 mill. opus esse ut resp▪ stare possit. But no marvel, though the Crown of France grew far into debt, considering that even before these Civil wars, when was no such necessity of expense, Henry the second ought more in 12. years, saith Bodin, 
Bodin. l. 3.  than his predecessors had levied upon France in forty years before by all means.  
And the Chancellor avoweth to the Court of Parliament, in Francis the second his time, 
Com. de l' estate.  that the King could not quit his debts, which his Grandfather and Father left him in, in ten years: Which debts, Bodin in particular proveth, 
Bodin. l. 6.  to be about the sum of forty three millions, which in the same place he setteth down, namely, 2312610. De priests gratuits, (of loans or privy Seals, Don't il ne payoiet point d' interest, 15926555. for which he paid interest: and 775979. which he was yet owing in arrearages, of the usance behind to be paid. Besides, to the Duke of Ferrara, and other debts for marriages, to the sum of 8514592. Besides other debts to particular Merchants, of 1564787. As also the sum of 14961778. for which his Aides, Domain, and Gabelle of Salt was engaged. And lastly, 3000000. which he ought to the Hostell de Paris, to the Chamber or townhouse of Paris.  
But the beginning of all this is imputed to Francis the first, who having in his Coffers, one million, and seven hundred thousand Crowns in ready money, would notwithstanding take up great imprests of money at great usance, to enable himself to go through with his wars in Italy. A course very ill taken: and (if we may compare great things with small) much like to a covetous and greedie-minded man, who will venture upon a purchase of his neighbour's land, before he be well provided for such a purpose, but taketh up money to loan, which so eateth into him, as he is at last forced not only to sell his new purchase, but his ancient inheritance also.  
For by these great interests, a Prince is brought to one of these two extremities, either utterly to overthrow his Domain and Finances, whereof the Kings of France are good examples: or else to play Bankrupt and pay no body, as now of late the King of Spain hath done, with the Merchants of Genoa, Florence, Ausburghe, and almost all the Banks in Christendom: insomuch as the last year, when I was in Italy, ye should hear them say in derision, that the King of Spain had made more ill faces upon the Exchange, in one day, than Michael Angelo, the famous Painter and Carver, had ever made good faces in all his life.  
King Philip learned this kind of borrowing, of Charles the fifth, his father, who at one time was indebted fifty millions, for which his Domaynes, and Revenues of Naples, and Milan were mortgaged, and once also in twenty years discharged all his debts on this fashion. And surely so they may, and yet the Creditors be no losers (so unreasonable is the interest they take) insomuch, as the King of Spain payeth thirty, or forty, 
Bodin. li. 3  at the least, in the hundred, for all the money he hath of the Genoveses, before his Soldiers receive it in the Low Countries.  
The French Kings, not being able to cry quittance with their Creanciers (Creditors) in like manner, but running on further, and further, these forty years, as having great troubles, and by consequent great charges, and little or no benefit by their Finances, and aids (by reason of the former alienation) wherewith to defray them: It must needs be thought, that now the Crown of France is infinitely indebted, but whether to the sum of two hundred millions or no (though it be generally reported) I dare not say.  
Monsieur Bretagne, in Charles 9 anno, 1562. in his Harangue (Oration) for the third estate at the assembly of Saint German, 
Com. de l' estate.  after many ways disputed how to pay that King's debts, concludes this as the best: The temporal livings of the Church (saith he) are four millions of rent, yearly: this sold, would amount to one hundred and twenty millions. Of these, forty eight millions may be put in sure hands, to interest, for the Clergy, which would yearly yield them their four millions, à denier douze, at 8. and one third of eight in the hundred, as commonly they let in France. Then would remain for the King seventy two millions: wherewith forty two millions he might pay his debts, and redeem his Domain and Finances mortgaged: And with the thirty that remain, he might fortify his frontiers, entertain his Garrisons, increase his Ban and Arrierban, and furnish himself with Shipping. If in those days, so wise a Counsellor, as was any in the land, could not devise possibly how to pay the King's debts, without selling the Church lands, you may imagine it will be a hard matter, to devise how to discharge them now, that they be grown five times so great, as than they were. For all his Domayne is mortgaged, as before is said, or at least the greater part, and (as La Nouë saith) that is engaged for 15. millions, 
La Nouë.  which is worth 50.  
His rents of his Aids are also gone: for they are engaged to each Generality in France, as of Paris, Roven, Caen, etc. to the number of one & twenty of them, and each hath his portion therein: which would be too tedious to set down in particular. His Offices are all sold, and many thousand erected, over and besides the ordinary, and money also made of them. His poor people are already with these civil Wars so spoiled, and impoverished, as there is almost nothing to be had.  
I see not therefore, but we should say of this King, as the Recueil de l' estat de France saith of the Duke of Savoy, 
Recueil.  Quant-à son argent, pour fair bonne cheer en sa maison il y en a assez, mais pour fair me si grand guerre, non: As touching his money, he hath enough to make good cheer at home, but not to maintain so great a war. So he, to make merry with his friends, in this merry time of peace, hath money enough: mais pour payer une si grand sum, non: But not to pay so great a sum of debts.  
It now remaineth to speak of his Entrade, or Revenue: For a Prince cannot have peace without war, no● war without men, nor men without money, 
His Revenue.  nor money without means: nor are there any means but these, viz. First, Domaine. Secondly, Conquests. Thirdly, Dons des amiss. Fourthly, Pension des allies. Fiftly, Traffic. 
Bodin. l. 6.  Sixtly, Imposts sur les Marchandisez apportes ou emportes. Seventhly, Imposts des Subjects: First, Domayne. Secondly, Conquests. Thirdly, Gifts of his friends. Fourthly, Pension of his Confederates. Fiftly, Traffic. Sixtly, Impositions upon Merchandise, brought in, or carried out. Seventhly, Impositions upon his Subjects. And yet one other, which the Kings of France have lately invented to help, when all other failed, which is, Eightly, the sales of Offices, more dangerous and prejudicial to the State, than any other.  
Of these 8. means I will give you particular observations, and then conclude, what is generally holden to be the whole Revenue of the Crown of France, by all these means.  
First, the Domayne is, as it were, 
The Domain.  the dower which the State brings to the King her Husband, for her tuition, defence, and maintenance: And therefore one saith, n' est au Roy ains à la Coronne: Belongs not to the King, 
Hail. l. 3.  but to the Crown.  
There are 2. sorts of domains, First, the rent which the King holds in his hands, of the Feifes given for service: Secondly, that which is united and incorporate to the Crown. The rights of the Domain are these: Rents, Fifts, payments at alienations, tributes, peages, toll, of whatsoever enters or comes out of Cities, woods, forests, and divers other.  
This is the most ancient and most lawful ground and foundation of Finances: For ye shall observe in Livy, 
Livy li. 1.  that at the first there were in the territory of Rome, only eighteen thousand Acres of land, whereof one third was for the Church and sacrifices, another for the Resp. and the rest for particular men. This is also confirmed by Dionysius Halicarnasseus, 
Dion. Hali. lib. 2. Pliny.  who lived with Master Varro, the true Register of the Roman antiquities, as Bodin calls him. A Citizen of Rome had but two Acres, but after the expulsion of Tarqvinius, they had 7. apiece. This division among the Romans, was derived from the Egyptians, who did divide their whole land into three parts: 
Diod li. 2.  One for the Church, another for the King, and the third for the Calasyres.  
That is Domain, which belongeth to the Crown: First, either by Possession, time out of mind: Or secondly, by Reunion, for want of heirs males, as the Appennages when they return: Thirdly, or by Confusion, for want of such as can make just claim, much like our concealed lands in England: Or lastly, by Confiscation of offenders inheritances.  

Comment. de l' Estate.  Of this last sort we read, that in the time of Saint Lewes, there were confisked to the Domain, the Counties of Dreax, Bray, Fortyonne, and Monstrevil, Languedocke, Guyenne, Aniowe, Maine, Turraine, Auvergne: And after, in the time of Philip, the Duchy of Alencon, the Counties of Perch, Perigort, Poutieu, La march Angoulesme, & Marquisate of Saluzzes. But Bodin saith, most of this came to the Crown by force: La sieur de la serre: He saith, it came by way of exchange or purchase. But the Author of the Commentaries, of the estate of the Religion, and policy of France, is of the first opinion. Thus great was the Domayne in former times, that of itself, without oppressing the people with Impositions, it was sufficient to maintain the State and greatness of the Kings of France, but it is now utterly wasted. 
Darn. troubls.  On sçait bien que le Domaine qui seul entretenoit la splendeur et le lustre de l' estate Royal, n' est tel qu'il estoit de temps du regne des roys' Joys, 11. Ch. 8. et. Lo. 12. La continuation des guerres l' a faict engager en plusieurs mains, entelle sort qu' il faudroit plus de quinze on seze millions des liures pour rachepter ce qui en vaut plus de c●nquante millions: 'tis well known, that the Domayne, which alone maintained heretofore the beauty and lustre of the Royal Estate, is not now such, as it was in the reigns of King Lewes 11. Charles 8. and Lewes 12. The continuance of our wars, hath caused it to be engaged in many hands, in such sort, that there is need of more than fifteen or 16. thousand pound Sterling, to redeem that which is worth above 5. millions of pounds. And Bodin saith, that almost all the Counties, Baronies, and Seigneuries of the Domain, are aliened for the ninth or tenth part of that they be worth. Ye must observe, that the lands of the Domain are not alienable, but in two cases. 1. Pour l' Apennage des freres. 2. Pour les guerres. 
Hail. l. 3.  1. For the Apennage of the King's brother. 2. For the wars: & these must be confirmed by the Arrest of the Parliament. For in all other cases, all Lawyers and Historiens of France agree, that it is inalienable, and many Arrests have been made of late years to confirm it. I have read, that the Charta magna of England saith, the Kings when they are crowned, take an oath, not to alien it: so do they here in France. And there is no prescription of time, to make such sales or alienations good, but that they may be recovered and repurchased, whensoever the Crown is able.  

Plut. Cato Cens.  To this purpose Plutarch saith well, Men cannot prescribe against God, nor particulars against the Respublique.  

Conquest.  2. Concerning the second means of raising money by Conquests, the present state of France can yield no example, it hath been long on the losing hand: but ye shall read, that the Turk daily, when he conquereth a Province or Country, gives the Lands to such as shall serve him in the Wars, whom he sendeth thither as it were Colonies, to enjoy each one his portion of some four and twenty Acres of our measure, or as other reckon, thirty. He gives them also Wheat to seed their land, upon condition to pay him half the fruits of the seventh year, and half of the twelfth: and when the party dies, his goods go to the Turk: so that the parties casuelles, 
Parties Casuelles in France, is only sale of Offices.  casualties (as they here call them) is a great revenue to him.  
So the Spaniard hath sent of his people into Peru, there to inhabit (much like this course the Turk takes) and from thence yearly receiveth to the value of two millions, that is, the fifth of such Gold and silver, and other commodities, as are there found.  
3. For the third means, it is now out of season: it was used in that good old world, when on se mouchoit sur le manche: Men wiped their nose on their sleeve, (as the French man says:) for now Princes are so far from giving, as they hardly pay that they owe.  
Of these gifts ye shall read in Polybius, Florus, and others: As of the King of Egypt, who sent to the City of Rome, when it was distressed by Hannibal, 
Livy. l. 38  the sum of 400000. Crowns. And Hieron of Sicili sent them a Crown of gold, of three hundred pounds weight. They of Rhodes had an old ruinous coloss fell down, which stood hard by the Key, and in the fall broke three or four Ships: to repair which loss, the King of Egypt sent them 1800000. Crowns in gold, besides a great quantity of silver, and three thousand muyds of wheat: Hieron sent them 60000. Crowns. 
Polib. l. 4.  So did Ptolemey send great gifts to them of jerusalem: And ye shall read of six kingdoms given to the Romans, by testament: and the Duchy of Guelderland given to the Duke of Burgogne, 
Commines.  not much above an hundred years since.  
4 The fourth means also of Pension, which Princes have upon some consideration of their Allies, 
Pension  helpeth the French Kings Cosers nothing at all: for they rather give then take: As for example, to divers cantons of the Swisses, to whom at first they paid not above one hundred and twenty thousand livres yearly: but for these fifty years, they never pay less the year, than two millions. For saith Commines, Lewes 11. entered league with the Swisses, and they into his Pension: to whom he yearly gave forty thousand Flourins, whereof twenty to the Cities, and twenty to particular men, upon condition to have a certain proportion of their forces to serve him in his Wars upon all occasions. An advantageous alliance for the Swiss in my opinion, who by this means enrich themselves, clear their Country of many idle and bad members, and lastly, breed good Soldiers, to serve themselves upon need, at another man's cost. The Turk hath also a pension of the Emperor of Germany, 
Bodin. li. 5  for certain Lands he holdeth in Hungary: which he notwithstanding vaunteth to be a Tribute. Many examples might be alleged of this kind, as of Philip of Macedon, that by pensions got all Greece partial on his side: 
Plut. Lysander.  and the Kings of Persia by pension, got ever the Forces of Asia diverted.  

Traffic.  5 The fifth, which is of Traffic, availeth nothing the French Kings: for they hold it here a base and sordid kind of profession for a Gentleman, much more for a King, 
Bodin. li. 6  to trade by Merchandise. And by the Laws of England, France and Germany, he loseth the quality of a Nobleman, that doth traffic. The Law Clodia forbade a Roman Senator to trade, or have Ship of burden, 
●iuy li. 21.  Quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus est: The Senators esteemed any kind of trade or traffic unworthy of their rank. And the emperors Law forbade all Gentlemen and Churchmen to use it.  
Notwithstanding these Laws, and the disparagement that it brings to Nobility (for saith Tully, 
Cice. office.  Mercatores sunt sordidum genus hominum, Merchants are a base kind of people) yet so sweet is the savour of gain, that many have used this as no small means to increase their Finances. The great Duke of Tuscaine present, gains infinitely this way, and the more by his most unlawful and tyrannous Monopolies: for he commonly buyeth up all the grain of his own Country, at his own price: yea, and that which cometh from other places also, and then sendeth out a Bando or Proclamation, that no man shall sell any Corn throughout his State, till his own be sold, forcing also all Bakers and other people to buy thereof. This manner of engrossing Alphonsus of Arragon also used, by the testimony of Bodin. The Kings of Portugal also, and the Seignoria of Venice, have been great traders by Merchandise, but it hath been in an honester fashion, at Sea, and not to the grinding of their poor Subjects. The Nobility also of Italy, in all Cities (except Naples) hold it no dishonour to traffic in gross, as ye shall generally observe when ye come into that Country.  
6 The sixth means of raising money upon all wares and Merchandise, 
Impost upon Merchandise.  that come in & go out of the Country, is the most ancient and best agreeing with reason, and used by all Princes in the world. The late troubles have made the benefit hereof very small to the Crown of France, for these many years past. The particulars comprised under this branch, are these: Le haut passage, ou Domain foreign, and La traicte foreign. Customs inward, and outward: 
Bodin. li. 5  By these the Prince is to have Impost, Cinq pour cent, five in the hundred: so much just had the Romans, Teste Cicerone in Praetura Siciliensi, As Cicero witnesseth in his Praetorship of Sicilia. The Turk takes, Dix ●our cent, Ten in the hundred of the stranger, and cinq, five, of the Subject: the French quite contrary. You must observe, that that which here I call the Domain foreign, is generally called the Aides: first, granted by the Estates to Charles Duke of Normandy, when john his Father was prisoner in England: which was the payment of 12. Deniers, the liure, 
Hail. l. 3.  sur toutes les merchandises et denrees qui seroyent venduës en ce royalme except sur le vin, lebled, le sell, et autres brewages: mais depuis il s' est faict perpetuel et augment, par l' imposition du vin vendu en gros par tout, & en Normandie en detaille: Upon all merchandises and wares which should be sold in this Kingdom, except upon Wine, Corn, Salt, and all manner of drink: but since it hath been made perpetual, and augmented by the imposition upon Wine sold every where, and in Normandy by retail.  
This is like the Gabel upon all manner of food, which the Princes take of their Subjects through Italy, or the Assize upon bread and beer which the States have in the Low countries▪ a grievance, whereof we smart not in England, as also we are free from many other burdens, which the people of these Countries are forced to bear: and yet ye shall hear our people (therefore ignorant of their own happiness, which they enjoy under the blessed Government of our gracious Sovereign, because they knew not the miseries of others) murmur and grudge at the payment of a Tax or Subsidy, as a matter insupportable, which, in comparison of the impositions laid upon others, is a matter of nothing.  
Touching the Gabell of Salt (which is also comprised under this head) Some say it was first erected by Philippe le Long: Others by Philip de Valois, 1328. True it is, that the ordinance of Francis the first, 1541. sets down an impost of twenty four livres upon every Muy: And in the year 1543. an ordinance was made for Gabell, to be taken upon all Sea-fish salted. And in 1544. it was ordained, that all Salt should be sold and distributed into the Magazines, or Storehouses of every several generality. The benefit of this one commodity, hath been very commodious to the Crown, 
Darn. trou.  till the year eighty one, when the King was forced for want of money to let it out to others: whereby he lost, as is in my Author proved, eight hundred thirty six thousand Crowns yearly. Here is also a kind of tax, called the Equivallent, that is, an imposition laid upon some persons and places (but not generally) to have liberty to buy and sell Salt, and to be exempt from the Magazines.  
The Impost of Wine is laid upon all, without exception or exemption whatsoever, it is the twentieth part to the King: besides all other rights, as of Billots, entering into Cities, passages by land or river, and such like: Besides, a later imposition of five Sols upon every Muy, levied by Charles the ninth 1561.  
Concerning the (Traicte foreign) it is of like nature with the Aides, save that it is leviable upon more particular sorts of Merchandise: besides, the Aides is an Impost upon things spent in the Land: and the Traicte foreign, is of such commodities as are transported out: As of Wheat, Rye, Barley, Oates, Wine, Vinegar, verjuice, Cidre, beeves, Muttons, Veals, Lambs, Swine, Horses, Lard, Bacon, Tallow, Oil, Cheese, Fish of all sorts, Drougs of all sorts, Metals of all sorts, Silks and clothes of all sorts, Leather of all sorts; and finally all other merchandise, as Fruits, Parchment, Paper, Glass, Wood, Roopes, etc.  
7 The seventh ground or foundation of Finances, 
Imposition upon the Subject.  is the Imposition upon the Subject: that is, not upon the Wares or commodities, but upon the persons themselves, according to their ability, and it is much like the levying of the tax and subsidy in England, where every one payeth rateably to the lands and goods he possesseth. And therefore Haillan judgeth well, to say, they be neither personal, 
Hail. l. 3.  nor real, but mixed, imposées au am du domicile, ayant esgard à tousles biens du taillable, en quelque part qu' ils soyent assis et posez: Assessed in the place of their dwelling, according to all the goods of the party assessed, in what part soever they lie or abide.  
These (tailles) were first raised by Saint Lewes (but by way of extraordinary Subsidy.) Charles the 7. made them ordinary for the maintenance of his gendarmery. And whereas at first they were never levied but by consent of the three States, and to endure but while the war lasted, he made them perpetual. Therefore saith one, 
Hail. li. 3.  Ce qu'estoit accordè par grace, est depuis venu patrimonial et hereditaire aux roys: That which was at first yielded of favour, is become since patrimonial and hereditary to our Kings. (But this is a common course, I think there is no country in Europe but can give instances thereof.) There is yet to be observed, that these tailles are only liable upon the Plate païs (the County) all Cities are exempt, as also all Officers of the King's house, all Counsellors, Lawyers, and Officers of Courts of Parliament, all the Nobility, the Gensdarmes, the Officers of war, the Graduates of Universities, etc.  
The (taillon) is another imposition, raised by Henry, 2. anno, 1549. which was to amend the wages of the gensdarmes, who by reason of the smallness of their pay, lay upon the poor villages, and ate them up; for the ease whereof this imposition was devised, which also lieth upon the poor Countryman: whereby at first he was somewhat eased: But now all is perverted; the poor is still oppressed, and yet he payeth still both taille and taillon.  
Lastly, there is the sold, or pay of 50000. foot, which ye may remember were erected by Lewes the eleventh, in eight legions, six thousand to a legion, which with their Officers, come about this number. To maintain these Legions, there was a tax levied upon all sorts of persons privileged in the (taille) but only the Nobles. (There are also the Decymes (tenths) levied upon the Church.) For the levying of the taille, taillon, 
Idem. li. 3  and sold the 50000. gens a pied, wages of 50000. foot. Ye must note, that the King sends his Letters patents by Commissioners, to the Treasurers of each Generality: these, according to the sum, rate each Election, (this is, as ye would say, a hundred in a shire, or a Bailywike) and then send to these Elections, to have the said sum gathered in their several Towns, and Hamlets, according as they be rated.  
So do they to the Maieures, Consuls, Eschevins, and chief Officers of every City, that are liable to any of these payments, who rating every man according to his ability, give these Rolls to certain Collectors to gather it up: These are bound to bring it quarterly to the Receivers. These carry it to the Receivers general, in the same species that they received it: and from them to have an Acquittance, after the Accounts have been perused by the controller general.  
And these are all the means, by which Princes raise their Finances, whereof ye see some, nothing to pertain to the French King, but to others; and some to him only, not to others.  

Sale of Offices  8 There yet remaineth one other means (though extraordinary) to a Prince, to get money, which the necessities of the times, and the want of other means, have forced the French Kings of late years to use. This is the vent or sales of Offices, a very dangerous & hurtful Merchandise, both for the Prince and subject. This Lesson (saith Bodin) the French Kings first learned of the Popes, 
Bodin. l. 6.  with whom it is still as familiar, as old, to sell Bishoprics, livings, & Ecclesiastical promotions. A course, 
Darn. troub.  saith one de grand consequence & tres-perilleuse, mais couuerte de necessité: of great and dangerous consequence, but cloaked with necessity. It is indeed thrice dangerous, because sales of offices cause sales of justice: for what these Purchasers pay in gross, they must needs get in retail, forgetting what was said to Sophocles, the Governor of Athens, Il faut qu'vn Governeur ait non seulement les mains nets, mais les yeur aussi: A Governor must not only have his hands clean, but his eyes also. They cannot say, as Pericles did on his deathbed, 
Plut▪ Peri.  Que nul Athenien pour occasion de luy, n' auoit onc port rob noire: He had never made any Athenian wear mourning rob. For these, by selling justice, and robbing the poor of their right, give the fatherless and oppressed Widow just cause to complain, and of wearing that mourning rob that Plutarch speaks of.  
Saint Lewes, among many other good Laws, and revocation of divers impositions extraordinary, made also an Edict against the sale of Offices. And it is reported of Alexander Severus▪ 
Hail. l. 3  that he should say when one offered a piece of money for a certain Office, Non patiar mercatores potestatum: I will suffer none to traffic Offices. 
Spartian.  Therefore saith the Athenian Orator to Timar●hus, That the lives, not the Purses of them that stood for Offices, were to be looked into. 
Demosthenes.  And ye shall read in Plutarch, that he which anciently stood for an Office in Rome, was to show himself certain days before the Election, in the Forum or open streets, appareled in a thin rob, that through the same, the people might see the wounds he had had in the Wars for his Country's service, and thereafter as he had deserved, 
Plu. Cori●.  to choose him. And lest any man should by bribery, corruption, or any such indirect and unlawful way, seek to get any Office or Authority, these old Romans made many good and wholesome Laws, against such manner of proceedings (which they called Ambitus) i. an Ambitious seeking of preferment. This the Lex Petilia forbade: 
Bodin. li. 5  The Lex Calphurnia declared them that were detected of any such course, to be uncapable of that Office for ever. 
Cicer. pr● Muraen.  And the Lex Tullia banished them that were convinced (Ambitus) for ten years: so hateful were such purchases in those days.  
And in the time of Ferdinand, 
Turquet. hist Sp.  they had the like law in Spain, against the buying of any Office, whether of War or justice: Que use quedam vender ny trocar, officios de Alcaldid, ny Algnaziladgo, ny Regimiento, ny vientes quatria, ny fid executoria, ny iuraderia.  
Thus you may observe, how hurtful soever it be to Commonwealths, and how much so ever forbidden, yet that necessity oftentimes forceth Princes, to that which is most loss to themselves. La pawretè quelques fois contraint le Roy de casser bonnes loix pour subvenir à se● affairs: et depuis qu' une fois on a faict ceste ouuerture il est presqu' impossible d' y remedier: Poverty sometimes constraineth the King to break good Laws, to help his affairs, and when once this hole is made in the Laws, it is almost impossible to keep it.  
It is a strange thing to consider, and incredible to believe, what infinite masses of money have been made here in France by these sales, where there is not that Collector, Controller, Treasurer, Sergeant, or subaltern Office whatsoever, but he hath bought it of the Prince, and at no small rate: for I have heard it credibly reported, and ye shall read also in late writers, that these Offices are bought in France at a dearer rate than our Lands in England of twenty years purchase. Ye must observe they have them for term of life, and after, to return to the King who is again to sell them. A man in his sickness, or in danger of death, or upon any need whatsoever, may sell this his Office, or resign it to his Son or friend whatsoever: which sale is good, if the party live forty days after the sale or resignation is confirmed, otherwise not. Now we are to consider, what Entrade or Revenue, the French King yearly maketh by any or all of the means abovesaid.  
The estate of the Finances, Domain, and all in Charles the sixth time, 
Bodin. l. 6.  Anno 1449. was but 1400000. livres. Henry the second, levoit sur son pe●ple par voye ordinaire quinz● millions des francs tous les ans: 
La Nouë.  d●nt quelque party a depuis esté engagée pour les debts: Non obstant lesquelles nostre Roy en tirs autant aviourd huy▪ raised upon his people by way of ordinary Revenue, fifteen thousand pound sterling a year: whereof some part hath since been aliened for the debts of the Crown, which notwithstanding the King raiseth as much now.  
But ye may observe, that this sum is of late years grown much greater, (by two thirds) as is generally believed: for whereas in those days, some three or fourscore years, since the ordinary sum was fifteen millions of Francs or livres, it is now so many of Crowns. And Monsieur Rivault, Treasurer to the Duke of Mayenne, shamed not some eight years since to say, that his Master had improved the Realm of France to a better rent, than any Prince had done beforetimes: For saith he, 
Muheustro et Mana●t  Au am qu' il ne vallait que dix huict ou vingt millions, il en vault aviour d'huy cinquante: Whereas it was worth but eighteen or twenty thousand pound sterling, it is now worth five millions sterling.  
And another saith, that only by the sales of Offices in twenty years space, 
Darn. troub.  Le Roy en a tire cent trent et neuf millions: The King hath raised one hundred thirty and nine millions, which is after the rate of seven millions the year. So that it is probably to be inferred, that the Revenues are at least fifteen millions of Crowns; wherein all late writers agree: Neither must we think, that men are mistaken, by counting Crowns for livres (considering that Bodin, and La Nouë, and most elder writers speak only of livres, not of Crowns.) For the manner of Account of France, is by especial ordinance commanded to be made by Crowns, and that of livres to cease: So that whensoever ye read in the Stories of France, of any sum of thousands, millions, or such like, without naming either francs or Crowns: you are to respect the times when it was written: for if it was above twenty years past, they mean livres or Francs: if of latter years then twenty, it is always to be understood they speak of Crowns: this rule will not fail you.  
Having briefly spoken of his Entrade, and sufficiently of the means by which he raiseth it, as especially by the last, which is not the least: namely, the sales of Offices, which are now bestowed, not upon them which can execute them best, but such as can give the most; of whom we may say, as Commines of them of his time, 
Commines.  presently after the Battle of Montlherry, Tell perdoit ses offices et estats pour s' en estre fuy, et furent donnes à autres qui auoyent fuy dix lieües plus loing: Some lost their Offices and estates for running away, the which were bestowed upon others, that ran ten leagues further: So these Offices were taken from them that peeled the people much, and bestowed upon others that pill them ten times more.  

Officers of his Finances.  Having, I say, spoken sufficiently of these, it remaineth I keep the same course I have done hitherto: that is, after the relation of the Court, to reckon up the Officers of Court, and after the discourse of his Forces, to speak of his Officers of war: So here likewise after mention made of his Finances and Revenues, to remember his Financers and Officers, used for the Collection, keeping and disposing of the same. Of which officers, we may say, as the Philosopher says of wives, that they be Mala necessaria: Necessary evils. And as he saith of them, The less of evils is the best: so say we of these, The fewer the better. But when we read, that the old Romans had of these but one in a Province, you shall observe here in some Province not so few as one thousand.  
The chief of these is the Treasurer d'Espargne, 
Treasurer d' Espargne. Treas. de parties casuelles. Treas. generaux. Treas. de menus pl.  of the Exchequer, instituted in Francis the first his time, in place of the receiver general. There is also another Treasurer of the parties casuelles, Casualties. The third sort are the Treasurers generaux des Finances, whom also they call Treasurers of France; (for as for the Treasurer's ordinary and extraordinary of the Wars, we have already spoke of them in the relation of his forces, and of the Treasurer de menus plaisirs, of his petty pleasures, when we spoke of his Court.) The number of these Treasurer's general, as also of all other Officers of Finances, ye may partly conceive by the number of Generalities which are in France, and the several Offices of each one of these.  
Of these Generalities are twenty & one in all France, 
Generalities.  Paris, Roven, Caen, Nantes, Toures, Burges, Poitiers, Ag●n, Tholouse, Montpellier, Aix, Grenoble, Lion, Ryon, Dyon, chaalon's, Amiens, Orleans, Soissons, Lymoges, Moulin.  
In each of these Generalities are divers Elections, 
Elections  that is, divers places for the Receipt of the Finances: As in that of Orleans are eleven Elections, in the rest some more, and some less, to the number of 170. in al.  
In every Generality are ten Treasurers; 
Receivers.  three Receivers general of the Finances; three receivers general of the Taillon; one Receiver general of the Dimes; two receivers general of the Woods: And for every Receiver, so many controllers general: 
controllers.  two Treasurers general of the extraordinary of the War, for the payment of Garrisons and Soldiers in time of War.  
Besides all these general Officers, there are also in each particular Election, three receivers of the Taille, three of the Aides, two of the Taillon, & as many controllers, besides all other inferior Officers. If then there be thus many in one Election only, ye may judge the infinite number in all France, upon which they lie, as thick as the grasshoppers in Egypt.  

Chamber of Accounts.  I must here also remember the Chamber of Accounts, the chief Court of the Finances: wherein are four Precedents, twelve Masters, eighteen Auditors, four Correctors, one Procuror general, one advocate, one greffier, six huissiers, or Sergeants, and other inferior Officers, 
Bodin. l. 5.  to the number (as Bodin saith) of two hundred, besides servants (and it is likely, the number is not lessened since his time.)  
In conclusion, the Officers here, and of other places, are so exceeding many, as a Precedent of this Court showed the Estates of France, in the assembly at Blois, that of the Escu, six shillings, which was paid by the Subject, there came but a teston, 1. shilling 8. pence to the King's Coffers.  
Many motions have been made, from time to time, for the redress hereof, but the faction of Financers is so strong, and the sum so huge, which the King owes them, that it is remediless.  
The Court of Aides also is as full of Offices, as that other. 
Court of Aides. Hail. l. 4  These Finances (saith one) ont esté brovillées, alterées, changées, et reduictes en art si obscure, que peu de gens y entendent, ou peuuent y entendre, s' ils ne sont nourrys en la Caballe, de ceux qui l'ont obscurcie: have been so shuffled, altered, changed, and reduced into so obscure an Art, that very few either do, or can understand it, except they have been brought up in their Cabal that have obscured it. No marvel therefore, though there be much difference among men, about the certainty thereof, either for the truth of the sum, or number of the Officers.  
Howbeit, having now wound myself out of the laboursome Labyrinth thereof, directed by the clew of the best writers, and most judicious Informers, that as yet I could meet withal, I will proceed to relate of the rest, and first of the King's Coin, for that ye know these Financers are never without money: and next that, I will remember the Administration of justice, and so by consequent speak of the Courts, judges, Lawyers, and such like, who, of all people in the world, hunt after it with greatest greediness.  
The Coins of France, are either of Gold, Silver, 
His Coin.  or Brass. In those of Gold I must be better instructed myself, for I know not but the Crown, which is of three or four sorts, whereof that of the Sun is the best, and the half Crown. Those of Silver are these, the Liure or Franc, which is 2. shillings sterling: The quart d' escu, which is 1. shilling, 6. pence. The Teston, which is half a soubs less: The piece of ten soubs, which is 1. shilling sterling: the half quardescu, the half teston, and the piece of five soubs, that is six pence sterling. Those of Brass, is the piece of six Blanks, which is three pence: that of three blanks, three half pence. The soubs of 12. deniers: the liard of four deniers, the double, of two: and lastly, the denier itself, whereof ten make 1. penny sterling. This base and smaller kind of money, hath not been used in France, but since the beginning of the civil wars. The Teston is the best silver. It is a general and a true complaint, that the Coin is much less in France, than it hath been, and that there is the better half of French Crowns gone out of the land within these twenty years: whereof is no marvel, considering that merchandise hath almost lain dead, the Country unfruitful, because untilled, and many troops of foreign Soldiers, especially of Swisses and Reisters, here all the while paid.  
Howsoever it decrease in France, true it is that Bodin saith, that it increaseth generally in all these West countries of the world; as also that they have less and less in the East parts: 
Strabo.  For so he reporteth out of Strabo, that in former times the Kings of Egypt raised yearly upon their people seven millions and a half. And Plutarch saith, 
Plut. Scyl.  that Scylla taxed Asia minor at twelve millions of Crowns, which is little more than the sixth part of that the Turk holds, who notwithstanding at this present raiseth not above so much in all his dominions. But in these Countries, as ye see by this Realm of France, the Revenues still grow greater and greater: of this the abundance of money is no little cause: So is it also the cause, that the prices of all wares are grown, not that things are now more scarce, or people more plentiful, which some will needs persuade themselves to believe.  

Bodin. li. 6  And therefore one reasons well, that saith, The Revenue of Charles the sixth, which was but fourteen hundred thousand Francs, was as sufficient to maintain the greatness of a French King, as that of Charles the ninth, which was fifteen millions, considering the price of all things, and pension of Officers enhanced. And so by consequent, the ransom of the Sultan of Egypt, of five hundred thousand livres, which he paid the Turk, not much less than the three millions of Crowns, which Francis the first paid to Charles the fifth.  
It remaineth I speak of of the Administration and Execution of justice, 
Administration of justice. Assemblies.  and of those places and persons where and by whom it is done: I will therefore begin with their Assemblies, as the highest and greatest Court of all, which well resembleth the Parliament of England, the Diet of the Empire, or the Counsel of the Amphyrthions in Greece. We may say of these Assemblies of France, where matters are concluded by the multiplicity of voices, not by the poise of reason, as was said of the Romans elections, where the Consul propounded, and the people approved by suffrage, or disproved: or as the Philosopher Anacharsis said of Solon's Commonwealth: Es consultations et deliberations des Grecs, 
P●ut. Solon  les sages proposent les matieres, et les fols les decident: In the consultations and deliberations of the greeks, wise men propound the matters, and fools decide them.  
There are three especial causes of calling these Assemblies. The first, 
Darn. troubls.  Quand la succession à la Coronne estoit douteuse et controversé, ou qu' il estoit necessaire de pouruoir à la Regence, durant la captivité ou minorité des Roys, ou quand ils estoyent preclus de l' usage de leux intendment: When the succession of the Crown was doubtful and in controversy, or when it was to take order for the Regency during the King's captivity or minority, or when they had not the right use of their wits. Hereof ye have examples, Anno 1327. S. Lewes an infant: and Charles the sixth, Anno 1380. lunatic: and 1484. john prisoner. For all which occasions, Assemblies were called, to determine who should have the Regency of the Realm in the mean while.  

Ibid.  The second cause is, Quand il est question de reformer le royalme, corriger les abus des Officers, et Magistrates, ou appaiser les troubles et seditions: When there is question of reforming the kingdom, correcting the abuses of Officers and Magistrates, or appeasing troubles and seditions: Hereof ye have examples, 14.12. when a peace was made between the Infants of Orleans & Burgundy, whose houses had long warred one with another, and distracted all the Nobility of France, to their parts taking. Also anno, 1560. when Frances the second called an assembly at Orleans, for the different of Religion: where the Prince of Condie was arrested, and condemned of treason, and where this young King died, before he could see the execution. And anno, 1587. an assembly called at Blois, for the reformation of the State, & punishment of divers abuses in Magistrates (as the Duke of Guise pretended) and for the deposing of the King, as some thought that he intended: others say, that he had here plotted to kill the King, and that the King had but the start of the Duke one day: for if he had deferred the death of the Guise till the next day, the lot had fallen upon himself. 
Mr. du Fay.  There is a very judicious late writer, who discoursing of this assembly at Blois, where the three Estates excepted against the King's ill Government, complaineth, that of late they are grown too insolent in their demands. Ye shall read in our Histories of such a like Parliament as this, 
Hollins●ead.  in England, called by Henry of Derby, against Richard the second.  
The third cause is, la necessitè du Roy ou royaume, où l' on exhortoit aux subsides, 
Der. troub  subventions, aides, et octrois: The want and necessity of the King or kingdom, in which case the Estates are exhorted to give Subsidies, subventions, aides, and gratuities. For in former times, the Kings contenting themselves with their Domain, and impost of such wares, as came in, or went out of the land, (the two most ancient, and most just grounds of Finances) were not accustomed to levy and impose upon their Subjects any tax whatsoever, without the consent of the three States, thus assembled. They did not say, as of later years Lewes the eleventh was wont, 
La Nouë  Que la France estoit un pré qui se tondoit trois fois l' anneé: That France was a meadow, which he mowed thrice a year.  
The next Sovereign Court (for so the French call it) is the Court of Parliament, 
Parliaments. Com. de l' estate▪ Hail. li. 4.  le uray temple de la justice Françoise: Siege du Roy et de ses Pairs: The true temple of French justice: Seat of the King and his Peers: And as Haillan calls it, L'archbouttan des droicts: the Buttress of equity. This Court very much resembleth the star-chamber of England, the Areopage of Athens, the Senate of Rome, the Consiglio d'ye dieij of Venice.  
There are no laws (saith Haillan) by which this Court is directed: it judgeth secundum aequum et bonum, according to equity and conscience, 
Comm. c. 4  and mitigateth the rigour of the Law: Les nom des Parlements sont appliquez aux compagnies de Cours Sovereigns, qui cognossoient en dernier ressort de matieres de justice: The names of Parliaments are given to the bodies of Sovereign Courts, which determine without appeal, in matters of justice.  
Of these Courts of Parliament, ye have eight in France. That of Paris, the most ancient & highest in pre-eminence, which at first was ambulatory (as they call it) & ever followed the K. Court, whither soever it went: but since Philip le bell, it hath been sedentary in this City. That of Grenoble was erected, anno, 1453. That of Tholouse, 
Hail. li. 3.  anno, 1302. That of Bourdeaux, anno, 1443. That of Dijon, in the year 1476. That of Roven, in the year 1501. That of Aix, the same year. And lastly, that of Bretaigne, in the year 1553. Anciently all archbishops, and Bishops might sit and give voices in this Parliament of Paris: but in 1463. it was decreed, that none but the Bishop of Paris, and Abbot of Saint Denis might sit there, except he be of the Blood: for all these are privileged.  
The Precedents and Councillors of the Court of Parliament of Paris, may not depart the Town, without leave of the Court, by the ordinance of Lewes 12. in the year 1499. Senatores semper adesse debent, quòd gravitatem res habet, 
●. Cic. 3. de legib.  cum frequens est ordo: The Senators ought always to be present, because things are carried with more majesty, when that Court is full.  
To this Parliament, they appeal from all other subaltern Courts throughout the Realm, as they do in Venice to the Consiglio grand. Neither can the King conclude any war, or peace, without the advice and consent hereof: or at least (as Haillan saith) he demandeth it for fashion sake, 
Hail. l. 3.  sometimes when the matters are already concluded.  
The Parliament of Paris consists of seven Chambers: the grand chambre, and five others of Inquests: and the Tournelles, which is the Chamber for the criminal causes, as the other six be for the civil. It is called the Tournelles, because the judges of the other Chambers sit there by turns, every three months: the reason whereof Bodin gives, 
Bodin. l. 4.  that it might not alter the natural inclination of the judges, and make them more cruel, by being always exercised in matter of condemnations, and executions. There be of this Court, of Precedents, Councillors, chevaliers of honour, Procureurs, Advocates, Clerks, Sergeants, and other Officers of all sorts, not so few as two hundred.  
Besides this Court, there are also other Courts for the administration of justice, in this City, 
Courts of Chatellets  as the Chatellet of Paris, with a Lieutenant civil, and another criminal, and the Hostel de Paris, with a Preuost, and other inferior Officers, which is, as ye would say, the Guild Hall of the City. So have ye throughout the Realm certain places, (as all Cities in general) where there be Chatellets (like our places of Assize) and in them a Lieutenant, civil and criminal, to judge and determine all causes, real, or personal, and here many Lawyers and Procurers (as are our Councillors at law, & Attorneys) who plead before these Lieutenants, and Preuosts, and certain Councillors, which are the judges in these Courts, whereof the number is incredible in France. Insomuch as ye may well say of them, as is said of Sienna, There be more readers, than auditors: so here be more Pleaders than Clients. This Chiquanerie (pettifogging) & multiplicity of pleaders, came first from the Pope's Court, when his Seat was at Avignon (as my Author saith) who in the same place calls these Advocates, 
Hail. l. 3.  les Sourris de Palais: The Mice of the Palace. These are they that Rabelais (the true Lucian of France) calls Doriphages. i devourers of bribes: whose badness he scoffingly taxeth, where he saith, that the devil was not chained, till such time as he did eat fasting one morning, the soul of one of the Officers of these Courts: whereupon he was so vexed with the Colic (saith he) finding a worse devil than himself rumbling in his belly, as there was no stir with the choleric Merchant, till he was bound.  
The processes and suits in these Courts throughout France, are innumerable, wherein we come nothing near them; and yet there is no want of these in England: for I have heard of 340. Nisi prius between parties tried at one Assize in Norff. (as many I think, as in half England besides.) But these are only twice in the year, that causes are tried at Assizes in our Country, whereas here they are tried every day in the year, that is not festival: So that it is not much unlikely, that here are as many Processes in seven years, as have been in England since the Conquest.  

Ordon. Henry the second. 1548.  An Advocate must use no injurious words, nor superfluous: he must plead briefly, and recite summarily: he may be compelled by the judge to plead a poor man's cause without fee: He must be a Graduate, and have taken the oath: He may not buy the lands in question of one of the parties: and besides many other inhibitions, he may not enter the Pladoye sans fair collation: the pleading place, till he have broken his fast: which in my opinion is needless, they are forward enough.  

Courts of bailiwicks and Sheriffalties. Hail. li. 3 Court of Eauës & Forests  There are besides these Courts of Chatellets in Cities, the Courts also of the Builliages & Seneschauses; that is, of bailiwicks and Sheriffalties, who, as Haillan saith, keep Courts in each Province, and judge in all matters civil and criminal.  
There is also the Court of the Eauës et Forests, kept at the Table of Marble in the Palace, and infinite others, which to speak particularly of, would be very tedious, and not very necessary. I will here only remember you of the two Counsels, which I must confess, not to have their due place: for I should have spoken of them next after the Court of Parliament, or if ye will, next after the Assembly.  
The chief of these, as being always about the King, is the counsel priué, or des affairs: Privy Council, 
Privy Council.  or Council of affairs: of these Counsellors (among which are his four Secretaries) he calleth certain every morning at his rising, to whom he communicates apart his principal and most importing affairs, where are read all letters which come from other Princes, and such like public business, & after a conclusion what is to be done, the dispatch thereof is committed to the Secretaries.  
The other, is the Grand counsel, or counsel d' Estate: 
Grand counsel.  Great Council, or Council of Estate: which at first was, as it were, a member of the Parliament, & consisted of the Princes of the Blood, & Nobility, having only to deal in the matters of the policy general of France, or of wars, or of the enacting & publishing of Edicts. But the faction of Orleans & Burgundy, caused it to be changed to a choice number of Counsellors, provisioned of 1000 crowns pension a piece yearly. Of this Counsel the Chancellor is chief, for neither the King himself, nor any Prince of the Blood comes there. This is the Court, of which the Frenchman saith, every time it is holden, it costs the K. 1000 crowns a day. And now, saith Haillan, he cannot keep them so cheap, so infinite is the number of them grown. Where he also complains, that this counsel d' Estate, which was wont only to determine public affairs, as the establishment of justice, the Reglement of Finances, & redressing of common grievances, is now so charged with private contentions, as the glory thereof is much diminished.  

Officers for th' execution of justice: over and besides the Lieutenants, Prevost-marshals, Precedents, Counsellors, Advocates, & c abovenamed. Chancellor. Hail. li. 4. Mon. Ragueau. Secretary Procopius.  Ye shall now note in a word, the Officers that execute and administer justice through France, wherein I will not be precise to name all, but according to the superficial course before taken, only to remember the chiefest.  
The Chancellor, anciently served as a Secretary, and so were called in the old charts of France, where he is likewise called the grand Referendaire. The Secretary doth sign, and the Chancellor doth seal. Some derive this word of (cancellare) which Haillan reproveth: others of cancellus. Cuias upon the Code saith, they be the same that Quaestores were in time of the Empire at Rome. Therefore he is sometime called Quaestor justitiae, & legum custos: Thesaurus famae publicae, & armarium legum: The judge of justice, and Keeper of the Laws, the Treasurer of public fame, and Storehouse of the Laws.  
Secretary is the next Office, who at first were called Clerks. Some old Writers call them Tôn aporretôn Grammateast. Suetonius calls them Ab Epistolis or Emanuenses. They are either of the Finances (which have their place among the Officers of the Finances, before remembered) or of Affairs, which we here speak of: Of these are four, which are called the principal, Monsieur Villeroy, Monsieur Gewre, Monsieur de Fresne, and Monsieur de Beaulieu.  

Governor and Lieutenant.  Governors and Lieutenants general of Cities and Provinces, are as it were Viceroys & Regent's of those places committed to them: & indeed the persons sustaining these charges, are much more Noble than those of the Secretaries, as being for the most part conferred upon the Princes of the Blood and Peers of France.  
The Governors of Cities were in old time called Dukes, and they of Provinces, Counts. They were at first only in frontier Provinces, but now since the troubles of France, they have had the command over Cities and Countries, even in the midst and bowels of the Land: So that now, saith Haillan, 
Hail. li. 3.  France is become Frontiere de tous costez à elle mesme, A Frontier to itself on every side.  
There are but few Cities, whereof anciently there were Governors, as Rochel, Calais, Peronne, Bologne, Mondidier, Narbonne, Bayonne, and two or three others: Others that had keeping of some small Castle or Fort, was only called the Keeper, or Captain at most. But now, saith Haillan, 
Hail. li. 4.  lib. 4. every paltry fellow that hath the keeping of a Colombier, Pigeon-house, must forsooth be called Monsieur le Governeur, My Lord the Governor; and my mistress his wife, Madame la Governarete, My Lady the Governess.  
The Governor of Daulphenie hath greatest privileges: for he giveth all Offices in his Province; in other places they can give none, except they have it by express words in their Patent. The Governor may not be absent above six months in a year; but the Lieutenant must never be absent, without leave of the Prince, except the Governor be present.  
There is yet an Office, whereof I must remember you, which is one of the chiefest in France, either for honuor or profit, 
Master of the Eauës and Forests.  called grand Maistre des Eauës & Forests. All matters concerning the King's Chases, Forests, Woods and Waters whatsoever, are determined by him, by the grand M. Enquesteur, and by the Reformateur, at the Table of Marble: under him are infinite sorts of Officers, as Les Maistres particuliers de chaque forest▪ leurs Lieutenants: les gr●yers, les grayers, segrayers, masters des guards, masters sergeants, guards des marteaux, procureurs, greffiers, arpenteurs, collecteurs des amends, and divers others: As the particular Masters of each Forest, their Lieutenants, Overseers of the sale of woods, and the other Officers here specified.  
But I will not load this short Relation, with reckoning up all the divers and infinite sorts of Officers, wherewith France herself seemeth to be overloaden, as partly ye have heard already: and ye shall read in Bodin, how he complains, not only of the multiplicity of Offices in general, but also, that even the Counsel of Estate is surcharged with number: where you may likewise observe, how he approves the Privy Counsel of England erected some four hundred and odd years since, 
Bodin. l. 3.  where are never, saith he, above twenty, by whose sage direction the Land hath long flourished, en armes et loix: In arms and laws. And for the execution of Laws, and administration of justice, ye may remember what hath been said before, that the Laws are good and just, but they be not, iustement exercez, justly executed. 
Hail. li. 2.  Where Haillan comparing the times, Alors (saith he) on punissoit les grands: depuis on n' a puny que les petits, et les grands demeurent impunis, Then great ones were punished, but since, only petty fellows, and the great ones go scotfree. So that now, the Laws of France are become like Spider's webs, 
Plut. Solen  which only catch the little Flies, and the great ones break thorough, 

I●ue●a●.  D●t veniam Coruis, vexat censura Columbas.  
Th'ensnaring Laws let Crows go free,  
While simple Doves entangled be.   
Having now related of the topography and Policy of France, it remaineth I speak somewhat of the economy, that is, of the people of France, comprised under the three Estates, of the Clergy, the Nobility, and Commonalty: of the several humour, profession, and fashion of each of them, which is the third and last branch of this Relation.  
The Church Gallicane, 
His Clergy  is holden the best privileged of all those of Christendom, that have not yet quit their subjection to the Pope. It hath always protested against the Inquisition; it is more free from payments to the Pope, than the Church of Spain, as also to the King: for here in France they only pay the Disme: but in Spain, the King hath his Tertias, subsidio, 
Hisp cui●s●am.  pila, and Escusado: in all, a moiety of the Church living. Indeed it is reported of this Catholic King, that he hath founded many Abbeys and Religious houses: but what saith his Subject? He steals the sheep, and gives the Tratters for God's sake.  
In this Church of France are twelve Archbishopprickes, one hundred and four bishoprics, five hundred and forty Archpriories, one thousand four hundred and fifty Abbeys: 
Bodin. li▪ 5  twelve thousand three hundred and twenty Priories, five hundred sixty seven Nunneries, one hundred and thirty thousand Parish Priests, seven hundred convents of Friars, and two hundred fifty nine Commendams of the order of the Knights of Malta. There are, 
Cabinet ●u Roy.  saith the (Cabinet du Roy) three millions of people that live upon the Church of France: where he particularly setteth down in each Diocese, the number of all sorts of Religious people, as also the number of their Whores, Bawds, Bastards, and servants of all sorts: And why not? (saith he) as well as the Magicians undertake in their Inventory of the Diabolique Monarchy, to set down the names and surnames of 76. Princes, and seven millions, four hundred and five thousand, nine hundred, twenty and six devils?  
The Church hath, for all this rabble, to live upon, these two things: 
The temporal livings of the Church.  First, her temporal Revenues, and secondly, her Spiritual, which they call the baise-mani. Of her temporal Revenues, divers men judge diversly.  
The Cabinet, who in all his computations makes of a Mouse, an Elephant, saith, that they are fourscore millions of Crowns the year, besides the baise-mani, which is as much more, and besides an infinite provision which they reserve, and is paid them over and except their Rents, by their Farmers and Tenants; as of Wheat, four millions, five hundred thousand septiers, quarters: of Rye, two millions, three hundred thousand septiers, quarters: of Oats, nine hundred thousand: of Barley, eight hundred thousand: of Pease and beans, eight hundred sixty thousand: Capons, one hundred sixty thousand: Hens, five hundred sixty thousand: Partridge, five hundred thousand: beeves, twelve thousand: Muttons, one million two hundred thousand: Wine, one million two hundred thousand cwes: Eggs, seven millions: Butter, two hundred thirty thousand quintaux: Cheese, five hundred thousand: Hogs, one hundred thirty six thousand: Pigs, three hundred forty thousand: Tallow, sixty thousand quintaux: hay, six hundred thousand loads: Straw, eight hundred thousand: Wood, two millions: with an infinite proportion of other necessaries, imaginary only, and incredible. And yet he there avoweth all things, with as great confidence, as if himself had had the true abstract from all the Books of Accounts in each Monastery and Benefice in this land. For how is it possible the Church should have two hundred millions of Crowns yearly rend, when as by the computation, here are but just so many Arpens of land in all France: which to rate one with another, at a crown an Arpen, comes to this account, which he allows the Clergy, and then is there nothing left for the other two States, of the Nobility and people?  
But in as much as the better half of their Revenue is by the baise-mani, there remaineth the better half of the land to the other two States: which notwithstanding is a proportion small enough.  
near unto this reckoning, cometh that which we read in Bodin, 
Bodin, li. 5.  of Alemant, a precedent of accounts in Paris, whose judgement must carry good authority in this case, as a thing belonging to his profession, and wherein he was best experienced: The Church Revenues in land, are reckoned ordinarily, at twelve millions and three hundred thousand livres: but I dare justify (saith he) that of twelve parts of the Revenues of France, the Church possess seven.  
This opinion Bodin seems to allow: But it is rather thought to be true, that the Comment de l'estat saith, who of the two hundred millions of Arpens, allows the Church forty seven millions, which by particulars of their Vineyards, Meadows, Arable, Pastures, and heaths, with their woods, is there set down: which here to follow in particular, were too tedious.  

The spiritual livings.  Besides this temporal, they have their Baise-mani (as is said) that consisteth in Church, christenings, Marriages, Burials, Holybread, Indulgences, Vows, Pilgrimages, Feasts, Processions, Prayers for cattle, for seasonable weather, for children, against all manner of diseases, and infinite such purposes; for which the superstitious people will have a Mass said, which they pay the Priest for, particularly: over and besides all this, there is scarce that Arpen in all France, upon which there is not some Dirige, or de profundis, some libera me, Domine, or some reckoning or other, liable.  
This sort of people are they, whose life is only spent in speculation, and their speculation such (as appeareth by their lives) as that of Guido Cavalc. whereof Boccace speaketh, 
Boccaci●. Novella. 9 Giornat 6  Questé sue speculatiory erano solo ni cercare, se tro●arsi potesse che Iddio non fusse: These his speculations were only spent in seeking, whether he could find that there was no God. These are they, of whom La Nouë speaketh, when he showeth the three causes of the miseries of France, which he findeth in the three States: Irreligion in those that make profession of Religion: Oppression in the Noblesse: And dissolution of manners in the Commonalty. For (saith he) Impieté ruin les conscienses: 
La Nouë  Injustice renuerse les Estates: Dissolution gast les familles: Impiety ruineth men's consciences: Injustice overthroweth the Commonwealth: And Dissolution marreth particular families.  

The reformed Religion.  Concerning them of the Reformed Religion, whom here in contempt they call Huguenots, ye may note, that the number is not small, considering that after the conference of Po●ssie, above thirty years since, here were found 2150. Churches of them, whereof not one hath escaped without some murders, or massacres: and we may imagine, that since that time, this number is much increased.  
Some say, they had the name of Huguenots, of the words wherewith they began their Oration, when they protested against the Church of Rome, which began thus, Huc nos venimus, etc. Hither we are come, etc. As they say, the Walloons were called of these words, ou allons nous? whither go we? when they were driven out of their own country, ask one another whither they should go. But this is not so likely as that of them, who say, that in Toures where they first began, there is one of the Gates, called Hugoes Port, out of which they of the Religion used to pass into the fields, to make their prayers in their private assemblies: whereupon they had first the name: for, that one Hugo should be the first of that opinion, is generally rejected.  
I shall not need to say in this place, that this difference in Religion, of these Catholics, and Huguenots, is clear from the slander which many lay upon them, they being the occasion of all these late troubles in France: for it hath been sufficiently already proved, that the ambition of the house of Guise, and the parts-taking with them, and those other of Bourbon, is guilty thereof.  
As for Religion, it hath only been the cloak, and shadow of their ambitious pretences, without the which, they could never have insinuated themselves so far into the hearts of the people, who are always the gros de la bataille: The main Battle: and without whom the Nobility may well quarrel, but they cannot fight.  

Comment. de l' Est.  And therefore ye shall read in some of the same Religion reform, That there were Huguenots, as well of Estate, as of Religion.  
These have now free permission to profess, and places allotted for exercise, with all liberty of Conscience possible, save that in the chief Cities of France they have no Churches allowed, neither can be buried in Christian burial (as they call it) if any of them die among the Catholics, with whom notwithstanding they now live peaceably, throughout the Country. They cannot have the favour that Xantippus allowed his Dog, 
Plut. The m●st.  who (as Plutarch saith) for following his master from Atticque to Salamine, and there dying, was solemnly interred, and had a monument raised over the place. And me thinks, they have here small reason to let them live together in a house, and not to suffer them to lie together in a Churchyard.  
But as for warring any longer for Religion, the Frenchman utterly disclaims it, he is at last grown wise, marry, he hath bought it somewhat dear: L' ●talten est sage advance la main, 
Comment. de l' Est.  l' Alemant sur le fa●ct, & le François, apres le coup: The Italian is wise beforehand; the Almaigne, in the doing; and the French, after the thing is done, saith one of their own Writers. Ictus piscator saepit.  
Concerning the Nobility of France, Elle est (saith La Nouë) tres valleureuse & courtoise: 
His Noblesse.  & n'y à Estat en la Chrestient●, ou elle soit en si grand number: They are exceeding valorous and courteous; and there is no State in Christendom, where they are in so great number.  
It hath been argued before in this Relation, that there be at least fifty thousand, able to bear Arms: but that is thought with the most. 
Du Fa●.  Monsieur du Fay thinks them about thirty thousand: in which number, ye must conclude all degrees of Gentlemen, from the highest to the lowest that bear Arms: for so the French call their Noblesse, whereas we in England make two distinct orders of the Nobility and Gentry (as they call it) Nobiles sunt, 
Const. Nea●  si modo longam annorum seri●m numerare possunt, quafeudum onusque militiae eis adnexum, in sua familia resea●rit: Those are Noble, which can prove a long tract of time, wherein a Fee and Knight's service thereto belonging, hath resided in their family. And another Writer saith, In Gallia Nobiles aestimantur ex genere & vita milit●ri: In France men are esteemed noble, by blood, and profession of Arms.  
And sure, if there be difference in Nobility, as there must needs be, because the causes be different; for some are ennobled by their valour and Martial knowledge, and others by their Offices and prudence in the manage of matters of Estate: I see no reason, but that these last should be holden the more noble Nobility, if I may so say: always giving the first place to them that are of Noble houses by Race.  
For of all these three sorts, the French writers speak, when they say: Ily a difference des Nobles: 1. Les vns par race, 2. Les autres par annoblissement: 
Cuias de feud.  et deux sortes d' annoblissement: les vns sont annob●is par letters deu●ment verefies en la Cour de Parliament, les autres par ●e moyen ●es offices dont ils sont pourueus. There is a difference of Nobles: The first, by Race: The second, by ennobling: and of Ennobling there are two sorts: One, by Patent duly proved in the Court of Parliament: The other, by means of Offices to which they are advanced.  
And howsoever Turquet hereof inferreth, that it is la vertu que fait la Noblesse, 
Turq. hist. Spag.  car il y a de nobles villains, et de villains nobles: Virtue which makes Nobility, for, there are noble Peasants, and peasantly Nobles. Yet sure it is, that the degenerating of one from the virtue of his Ancestors, cannot prejudice the Nobility, nor eclipse the glory of his succeeder, who, as Histories show, many times excel all the former of their house.  

Peers of France.  The highest degree of honour in France, is the Pairrie, in which order have been, sometimes 7. sometimes 11. never above seventeen, and most commonly 12. Whereupon they are called the Twelve Peers of France. These have the precedence before all the rest of the Nobility, and of these, they of the Blood, although they were latest called into the Pairrie. 
Hail. li. 3.  Of these Peers, there be six of the Clergy: 1. Archbishop & Duke of Rheims. 2. Bishop and Duke of Laon. 3. Bishop and Duke of Langres. 4. Bishop and Comte of Beawais. 5. Bishop and Comte of Noyon. 6. Bishop and Comte of chaalon's.  
Of temporal, 1. Duke of Burgundy. 2. Duke of Normandy. 3. Duke of Guyenne. 4. Comte of Tholouse. 5. Comte of Champagne. 6. Comte of Flanders. Since these were first instituted, many other houses have been admitted into the Pairrie, by the Kings of France, and the old worn out: As to them of Burgundy and Flanders, were added the Dukes of Bretagne, Bourbon, Anjou, Berry, Orleans, the Comtes of Arthois, Eureux, Alencon, Estampes, all of the Blond in Charles the fift's time.  
Since also, in the times of Charles the ninth, and Henry the third, have new Pairries been erected, as Nevers, Vandosme, Guise, Monpensier, Beaumond, Albret, Aumal, Memorency, Vzes, Pentheur, Mercoeur, joieuse, Espernon, Rets, Monbason, Vantadoure, and others.  
Ye must observe, that the five ancientest Pairries of the temporalty, are returned to the Crown, the sixth which is of Flanders, doth recognise it no longer, as now being Spanish.  
Some say, 
Tille●.  these Pairs (quasi pares inter se) as much as equal among themselves, were first erected by Charlemain: others, by Hugh Capet, & others (which is holden for the truest) by Lewes le ieune, 1179. to aid and assist the K. in his Council (saith Bodin. 
Bodin. l. 3. ) And therefore this Session of the King with his Pairs, was called Le Parliament sans queuë: The Parliament with addition: as the King's brothers and sisters are called Monsieur, and Madame sans queuë: Whereas all other sovereign Courts are named with an addition, as Le Parlement de Paris: le Parl. de Roven, etc.  
Ye may also observe, that they of the Laity have the right hand of the King, and the Clergy the left, in all assemblies or solemn Sessions whatsoever.  
I think, this division of the Pairrie, into these 2. sorts, was derived from that ancient order of the Gauls, of whom Caesar speaketh, Gallorum Nobilium genera duo, 
Caesar. Comment. l. 6.  Druids, Equites: Of the Nobility of Gallia, are two sorts, the Druids, and Gentlemen: Where he likewise discourseth of their divers Offices.  
This honour of Pair of France, was at first given for life only, afterwards for them and their heirs males, and lastly, to the women also, for default of Males: who likewise are called to sit in Councils and assemblies (as are the Queens of France) as at the Assembly at Blois, 
Darn. trou.  and at the Arrest of Count de Clermont, in the time of S. Lewes, where the Countess of Flanders is named present among the other Peers.  

Privileged. Hail. li. 3.  Ye must note, that Peers and Princes of the blood, On't privilege de n' estre point subjects à la cire verte, si non au cas du premier chef de leze majesty: They be privileged from being subject to any Writ, or Process, but in case of high Treason: and then also no Process can be commenced against them, before any other judges whatsoever, 
Sig. du Planche.  que par le Roy seant en sa Court de Parlement suffisamment garnie des pairs de France: But by the King sitting in his Court of Parliament, sufficiently assisted by the Peers of France. All other judges are incompetent.  
But to leave the discourse of this highest honour in France, and to speak of the Noblesse in general, ye shall read in History, that at the end of the second Race of Kings, they began to take their surnames of their principal Feifs: Since when, of later years, some have contrarily put their surnames upon their Feifs, which hath so confounded the Noblesse (saith Haillan) as it is now hard to find out the ancient and true Nobility. 
Hail. li. 3.   

Vnlettred La Nouë.  These are they, among whom the proverb is still currant, un homme de guerre ne deuoit sçavoir, si non escrire son nom: A man of War should have no more learning, but to be able to write his own name: And therefore their profession is only Arms & good horsemanship, wherein if they have attained any perfection, they little esteem other virtues, not caring what the Philosopher saith, 
Plutarch.  une seule anchre n' est par suffisante pour tenir ferme une grand navire: One only Anchor is not sufficient to hold a great Ship. Nor considering that the old Gallants of the world were wont to join the one with the other: and ancient Painters were accustomed to paint the Muses altogether in a troop, to signify, that in a Nobleman they should not be parted.  
Bodin saith, it is reported of Cato Censorius, 
Bodin.  that he was a valiant Captain, a sage Senator, an upright judge, and a great Scholar. The world reputes Caesar to have been a Politician, an Historian, an Orator, a Warrior, excellent in all. The Poet of Greece saith, 
Homer.  that Agamemnon was Amphontros basileus tò agathos, cratotrostò aichmetes: that is, a good Governor, and a tall Soldier. 
Dante.  And the Italian Poet saith of his great Captain, Non so se miglior Duca o Cavaliero: 
Resolve I cannot whether he,  
A better Chief, or Soldier be.   
Just the same with that other verse of Homer. And our most worthy English, 
Sir Philip Sidney.  not Poet (though he well deserve the title) but Captain and Scholar, both excellent, and titles which better become the nobleness of his heart and house, of whom the world hath the good name, and all Soldiers the loss: he, I say, when he would commend his Arcadian Gallant to the full, and yet in few words, saith, that he durst and knew: which well symbolizeth with those former commendations of others, and compriseth all requisite virtues in a Gentleman: for if he have not valour to dare, and wisdom to know how and when, he wanteth one of the principal supporters of his honour.  
The former of these, is, as it were, hereditary to many Noble houses, & continueth therein many descents; but the other is not natural; it is gotten by study and exercise, by reading books, and seeing of Countries, and therein curiously observing what ye see. So then, if by this your travel, you add knowledge and understanding to that other virtue, which is hereditary to your house, you shall resemble those your Ancestors, by whom it hath been raised to this greatness, and be most unlike this French Nobility (that this may not seem a digression) of whom, for the most part, we may say, 
Plut. Themist.  as Plato said of Cleophantus, Il estoit bien bon homme d' arms, mais au demevy an't il n' auoit rien de bon: He was a very tall man at arms, but he had no good quality besides.  
And sure, it is a lamentable case, or at least, misbeseeming, in a goodly Country, and full of Nobility, that the State should be governed, and all matters managed by them of the robbalonga, Advocates and Procureurs, and Pen & Inkhorn Gentlemen, and the Noblesse themselves for want of learning, not to have employment. I count him therefore a very lame Gentleman, that cannot go to serve his Country both in peace and war.  

La Nouë.  Saith La Nouë to a Gallant in Court, that was ever talking of wars, and making Hidalgo-like Rhodomontades, as being unfit to talk of any matter of learning, or undertake any Office of government: Sir (saith he) when the time of war is come, it is like ye shall be employed, mean while, having no quality fit for this time of peace, you shall do well, to lock yourself up till the wars, that ye be not rusty when you should be used.  
The occasion of this French humour, so much to esteem Arms, and nothing at all to regard learning, or it may be oftentimes to contemn both, is imputed to the careless indulgence of Parents, by Commines, 
Commines.  Ils nourissent leure enfants seulement à fair les sots, en habiliments & en parolles: de null lettre ils n'ont cognoissance: They bring up their children only to play the foundlings both in apparel and words, but of learning they have no knowledge at all.  
And therefore they cannot communicate with P. Aemilius, 
Plut. Aemilius.  in the commendation which Plutarch gives him, Il ne tenoit seulement de picqueurs & dompteurs des chevaux, mais aussi des Maistres de Grammaire, de Rhetoric, & Dialectique, etc. He kept not only Riders and Horsebreakers, but also Teachers of Grammar, Rhetoric and Logic, etc. And whereas the first instruction of the Nobility, should be, as one saith, 
Turquet.  La Religion, la vertu, les letters, les Ars, Religion, Virtue, learning, and the Arts: And then, L'Escuyrie, l'Escrime, la venery, la Fauconerie: Horsemanship, Fencing, Hunting, Hawking: they skip the first form, and spend all their time in the practice of the last: they prise at a high rate the lesser, & let pass the more worthy. Much like those Strangers in Rome, that carried young Whelps and Monkeys in their arms to play withal: What, saith Caesar, do these men's wives bear them no children? wisely taxing the folly of those, that leave the better for the worse.  
Hereof it cometh, that the French Noblesse glorying in their Arms, call themselves, Le bras de la patrie, les gardiens des arms, & la terreur des enemies: mais iamais ne s'appellent les professeurs de vertu, saith la Nouë: The Arm of their country, the Guardians of Arms, and terror of their enemies; but they never style themselves the Professors of virtue.  

Du Fay.  This Estate of the Nobility, saith one, is Le moindre en number des hommes, le moins rich de tous les trois Estates: of all the three Estates, the smallest in number of men, and poorest in living. Which no question must needs be true, after so long a civil War: and herewith acordeth he that wrote the late troubles: saith he, La Noblesse Françoise est decheue de ses anciennes richesses', 
Darn. troubls.  dont leurs maisons estoyent ornees sous les regus du Lois 12. & François 1. The French Noblesse is fallen from their ancient wealth, wherewith they were adorned in the times of Lewes 12. and Francis the first. To this purpose saith La Nouë, je oserois affermer, que si tous ceux qui portent ce titre estoyent en dix parts on troweroit que les huict sont incommodez par alienations de leurs biens, 
La Nouë.  engagements, ou autres debts: I durst affirm, that if all they that bear this Title, were divided into ten parts, eight of them are impaired by Sales, Mortgages, or other debts.  
The same Author yieldeth five reasons of the poverty of the Noblesse of France. 1. Les guerres civiles. 2. depenses superflues en habits. 3. depenses en meubles. 4. depenses in bastiments. 5. depenses de bouche & gross train: First, the civil wars. Secondly, superfluous expenses in apparel. Thirdly, household stuff. Fourthly, building. Fiftly, Diet and Followers. And in another place, taxing the extreme prodigality, and superfluity of the French in their apparel, building, and diet, he saith, Si les guerres nous ont apperte 4. onces de pawreté, nos folly nous en ont acquis douze: If the Wars have brought us four ounces of poverty, our own follies have gotten us twelve. I will not herein be mine own judge (saith he) but let us do as players at Tennis, be judged by all the lookers on, and they will confess, that by these excessive expenses, bon number de la Noblesse vont au pas, les autres au trot, et plusieurs en post, droict aux precipices de pawreté: A great number of the Noblesse go a footpace, others trot, and many run post to the donwfalls of poverty.  
You had an example hereof in this your late voyage down the River of Loire, at the Castle of Bury, a very goodly house, as any ye have yet seen in France, where ye heard it credibly reported, that Monsieur D'alluye, the owner of that place, had consumed above twenty thousand Crowns Revenue the year, only in diet and apparel, who now is forced to make his own house his prison, and stand watchfully upon his guard, for fear of Sergeants, as we well perceived by his ielouzy of us, when we came to see his house, until he was assured that we were strangers, and came for no such purpose.  
These three at this present, are reputed the richest in all France, the D. Monpensier in lands, the D. o' Espernon in Offices, and the Chancellor in money.  
I should in this relation of the French Nobility, do them great wrong, to believe and report for truth, what the Cabinet du Roy, one of their own Country, 
Cab. du roy  saith of them, who according to the several Provinces, giveth them several Epithets.  
The Noblesse of Berry (saith he) are Paillards, lechers: they of Tourraine, are voleurs, thieves: they of Guyenne, Coiners: they of Tholouse, Traitors: they of Narbonne, covetous: they of Provence, Atheists▪ they of Lionnois, treacherous: they of Rheimes, superstitious: they of Normandy, insolent: they of Picardy, proud: and so forth of the rest.  
I will do them more right, and conclude of them, that for privilege, and nobleness of Race, they may compare with any Nobility of Christendom. For proof of the first, 
Mons. du Fay.  Le Prince ne prendrien sur luy, que le service de l' espee. The King hath nothing of his Noblesse, but Sword-seruice. And for the second, saith another Author: 
Com. de l' Estate.  La Noblesse Françoise est composee de si illustres maisons, qu' il s'en trouue, une douzaine qui viennent de droict line de Roys, qui ont posse de paisiblement royaumes: The French Noblesse is composed of so famous houses, that there are a douzin of them descended by right line from Kings, that have peaceably possessed Kingdoms.  
Having briefly spoken of the two first Estates of France, the Clergy and Nobility: It last remaineth I speak of the People in general, 
His People.  and namely, of their freeness of speech, manner of diet, kinds of building, sorts of exercise, fashion of apparel, diversity of language, suddenness of apprehending, rashness in executing, impatience in deliberation, and divers other natures and humours proper to the Frenchmen; wherein ye shall not look for a methodical and large discourse, but a brief and compendious remembrance of such things, as I have read and observed in this Nation.  

Their liberty of speech.  It is incredible to believe, and odious to hear, how the Frenchman will talk, and impudently utter what he foolishly conceiveth, not only of all foreign States and Princes of the world, but even of their own State and King himself; of whom he will not spare to speak whatsoever he heareth, and sometimes also more than the truth; which insufferable vice of theirs, I here put in the first place, because I hold it of all others the most disloyal and unlawful. Hereof the wisest sort of them much complain, & wish reformation: but it is a thing so familiar and natural with them, as— Expellas furca licet usque recurret. 
Horac●. Darn. troubls.  Le Duc d' Espernon (saith one Author) se plaignoit de debordemens de ce siecle, et de l' infame licence des François à detracter de leur prince: Duke ● Espernon complained of the disorders of the time, and of the infamous liberty of the French, in detracting from their Prince.  
This infamous and dissolute liberty of theirs, deserveth to be censured and chastised by some severe Cato, or to be punished as those insolent soldiers of Aemilius, of whom Plutarch maketh mention. 
Plut. Aemilius.   
Boccace in his description of friar Onion his man, reckoneth up nine of his principal qualities, whereof the first is due to the Frenchman, as appear by this which hath already been said, Maldicente, disabediente, negligent, trascurato, smemorato, scostumato: sogliardo, bugiardo, tardo: First, railing: secondly, disobedient: thirdly, negligent: four, reckless: five, forgetful: sixtly, unmannerly: seventhly, slovenly: eightly, lying: and ninthly, slow: And I believe, by that time ye have read this whole discourse, ye will bate him but the last Ace of them all. For, that property of slowness, I must needs confess, no way is due to the French.  
He hath besides this liberty of speaking, 
Their hearkening after▪ news. Caesar. Comment. l. 4.  a property incident to such like natures: namely, an inquisitive listening and hearkening after news, which is an old fashion of theirs, & hath continued with them many hundred years. Est autem hoc Gallicae consuetudinis, ut & viatores etiam invitos consistere cogant, & quod quisque eorum de quaque re audierit aut cognoverit quaerant: & Mercatores in opidis vulgus circumsistat, quibus ex regionibus veniant quasq res ibi cognoverint pronunciare cogant: et his rumoribus atque aeuditionibus permoti, desummis saepe rebus consilia ineunt: quorum eos è vestigio poenitere est necesse: 
Id. l. 7.  It is usual with all the Gauls, both to constrain travelers (though unwilling) to stay, and to inquire of each of them, what he hath heard or understood of every matter: and with the populace in Towns, to flock about Merchants, and compel them to tell from what parts they come, and what news they heard there: and led by these rumours and heare-sayes, they determine many times of most weighty affairs, of which determinations they must needs eftsoons repent them.  
This vice of his, Caesar taxeth in another place, where he saith, Temeritas, quae maximè illi hominum generi convenit, ut levem auditionem habeant pro re comperta: It is a rashness familiar with that sort of people, to take a light hearsay, for an assured truth.  
Concerning the French diet, it is, to keep no diet: for they feed at all times, 
Their manner of Diet.  there being among them very few, which besides their ordinary of dinner and supper, do not gouster, as they call it, and make collations, three or four times the day, a thing as usual with the women as men, whom ye shall see in open streets before their doors, eat and drink together. No marvel therefore, though the Italian calls them the only gourmands: And no less reason have we to note their disordinate feeding, 
Commines  then Commines had to tax our nation of drinking, who saith of us, that he entered into a Tavern in Amiens, to observe the English man's fashion, ou ja avoient estè faictes cent et unze escots, et n' estoit pas encore neuf heures du matin: Where had been already made CXI. several shots, and yet it was not then 9 a clock in the morning: For it was no great wonder to have so many shots (as we call them) or reckonings in a morning, where there were five thousand English Soldiers in the town, who were newly come from the Camp, where they endured much want, and entertained with all kindness into the town, upon a final peace made between our King Edward the fourth, and theirs, Lewes the eleventh.  
But we may pay Commines with his own coin, and reply, that a Frenchman of all other (except the Dutch) hath least cause to tax us of drinking: for we may see by many of their noses, what pottage they love; and they have among them, a Proverb of their Priests (whom it worse beseemeth then a Soldier) when they will note a matter of difficulty, Il y a plus de difficulté, qu' a tirer un Prestre de village de la Tavern: 'tis a harder matter, then to draw a Country Priest from the Tavern.  
A Frenchman therefore of all others, hath least reason to find fault with drinkers, 
Quis tulerit Grauhos de seditione querentes? 
Juvenal.   
O who can keep his patience, when  
Poor Herringman scorns Fishermen?   
The French fashion (as you see daily) is to lard all meats, whose provision ordinary is not so plentiful as ours, nor his table so well furnished: howbeit, in banquets they far exceed us; for he is as friand (liquorish) as the Trencher-men of Media, or Aesop the Tragedian, who spent fifteen thousand Crowns at one feast, in the tongues of Birds only. He liveth not like the Italian, with roots chiefly and herbs: nor like the Lacedaemonian, qui port le poit rasé, iusques au cuir, 
Plut. Lycurg.  se baigne en eau froid, mange du pain bis, hume du brouët noir: That wears his hair shaven close to his skin, baths himself in cold water, eats brown bread, and sups black broth. Nor like the Scythian, who saith, Mihi pulpamentum fames, cubile solum, vestis ●●rarum cutis: Hunger is my best cheer; the ground, my bed; beasts skins, my clothing. 
Plut. Alcib.  But rather of Alcibiades, of whom Plutarch reporteth, Estoit trop delicate en son viure, dissolu en amours de folles femmes, desordoné en banquets, trop superflu & effeminé en habits: He was over-delicate in his diet, dissolute in love of wanton women, excessive in banquets, and over-superfluous and effeminate in apparel.  
As for the poor Peasant, he fareth very hardly, and feedeth most upon bread and fruits, but yet he may comfort himself with this, that though his fare be nothing so good, as the ploughman's, and poor Artificers in England, yet is it much better than that of the villan● in Italy.  

Their Building.  Of the French building, I have spoken before in the Relation of Paris, both that it is lately grown to be more magnificent, than it was in former times, and that many thereby have much weakened their estate.  
You may therefore observe, that as I there said, the City of Paris was better built then that of London: so are in general, all the Cities and villages in France, fairer than ours in England, comparing the one with the other: which the fairer they were, the more miserable spectacle do they yield to us now, to see them in many places defaced and ruined.  
As for the manner of building here, how beautiful soever it be to the eye, the Offices and rooms, me thinks, are not so well contrived as ours, to the use. One thing there is, by which they are much beautified, namely, the bluish kind of tile, which here they have in great quantity, the which is very hard, and therefore durable; and very thin and light, and therefore not so burdensome to a house, as is our Tile in England.  
Concerning the Frenchman's Apparel, 
Their Apparel.  if ye well observe that of the Citizen, both men and women, it is very seemly and decent: that of the Peasant, very poor, all whose apparel for the most part, is of linen: As for that of the Noblesse, ye shall hear what La Nouë saith, 
La Nouë.  Les despenses de la Noblesse en leurs habits sont excessives, & fort riches: The Noblesse in their expense in apparel, are excessive and very rich. And yet, me thinks, nothing so rich and costly as ours; the only excess whereof, is the greatest prejudice and hindrance to the Common wealth, and public benefit of our country.  
This Author reproveth two things in the French apparel. First, that every Gallant forsooth, must have many suits at once, and change often in the year: and therefore (saith he) if in the Court they spy one in a suit of the last years making, they scoffingly say, 
Id.  Nous le cognoissons bien, il ne nous mordra pas, c'est un fruit suranné: We know him well enough, he will not hurt us, he's an Apple of the last year.  
The second thing he dislikes, is this, that De deux ans en deux ans les façons changent: Every two year the fashion changeth. And hereof it cometh, that when ye see all other Nations painted in the proper habit of their Country, the French man is always pictured with a pair of shears in his hand, to signify, that he hath no peculiar habit of his own, nor contenteth himself long with the habit of any other, but according to his cappriccious humour, deviseth daily new fashions.  
This variety of fashions a man may well note in the Fripperies of Paris, 
La Nouë.  whereof saith la Nouë, if one would make a purtreict in a table, rien ne se pourrit voir plus plaisant: It would be the most sportful thing that may be.  
I am now by order to speak of his Exercises, wherein, 
Their exercises.  me thinks, the Frenchman is very immoderate, especially in those which are somewhat violent; for ye may remember, ye have seen them play Sets at Tennis in the heat of Summer, & height of the day, when others were scarce able to stir out of doors. This immoderate play in this unseasonable time, together with their intemperate drinking and feeding, is the only cause, that here ye see them generally itchy & scabbed, some of them in so foul a sort, as they are unfit for any honest table.  
Among all the exercises of France, I prefer none before the Palle-maille, 
Palle-maille.  both because it is a Gentlemanlike sport, not violent, and yields good occasion and opportunity of discourse, as they walk from the one mark to the other. I marvel, among many more Apish and foolish toys, which we have brought out of France, that we have not brought this sport also into England.  

Shooting in the Piece,  Concerning their shooting with the crossbow, it is used, but not very commonly. Once in a year, there is in each city a shooting with the Piece at a popinjay of wood, set upon some high steeple (as also they do in many places of Germany.) He that hitteth it down, is called the King for that year, and is free from all tax: besides, he is allowed twenty crowns towards the making of a Collation for the rest of the shooters. And if it happen, that three years together he carry the Prize, he is free from all tax and imposition whatsoever, all his life after.  
This custom, no question, is very laudable, whose end tendeth much to a public benefit: for by this practice and emulation, he groweth more ready and perfect in the use of his Piece, and so more able and fit to do his Country service. And I suppose, if in times past we had had like Prizes for the long Bow (the ancient glory of our English service) we had not so soon quit the exercise thereof, nor degenerate so far from ancient custom. So do I think, that in these days, wherein the Piece is only prized, if we had this fashion of France and Germany in England, to reward him in every place that should best deserve therein, that our Countryman would grow more perfect & expert in the use thereof, at whose unaptness and aukwardnesse in their first training, before they come to have served some time, I have often marveled.  
He hath also his sports of bowling, carding, dicing, and other unlawful, and unuseful games, whereof I will omit to speak, being too common both with them and us.  
As for the exercise of Tennis play, 
Tennis Play.  which I above remembered, it is more here used, then in all Christendom besides; whereof may witness the infinite number of Tennis Courts throughout the land, insomuch as ye cannot find that little Burgade, or town in France, that hath not one or more of them. Here are, as you see, threescore in Orleans, and I know not how many hundred there be in Paris: but of this I am sure, that if there were in other places the like proportion, ye should have two Tennis Courts, for every one Church through France. Me thinks it is also strange, how apt they be here to play well, that ye would think they were borne with Rackets in their hands, even the children themselves manage them so well, and some of their women also, as we observed at Blois.  
There is this one great abuse in this exercise, that the Magistrates do suffer every poor Citizen, and Artificer to play thereat, who spendeth that on the Holiday, at Tennis, which he got the whole week, for the keeping of his poor family. A thing more hurtful than our Alehouses in England, though the one and the other be bad enough. And of this I dare assure you, that of this sort of poor people, there be more Tennis Players in France, than Ale-drinkers, or Malt-wormes (as they call them) with us.  
You observe here, that their Balls are of cloth, which fashion they have held this seven years: before which time they were of leather, like ours. Much more might be said of this exercise, but I will not read you a Lecture in the School of Tennis, whom I confess the better Scholar.  

Dancing.  Neither should I speak of Dancing (for my dancing days are done) to you that are a Master in the Art: (like Phormio the rhetorician, to Hannibal, of the wars) save only, that I presume, ye will give me leave, for methods sake, having undertaken to speak of the French exercises, not to omit that of Dancing, wherein they most delight, and is most generally used of all others. And I am persuaded, were it not for this, that they of the Reformed Religion, may not Dance, being an exercise against which their straitlaced Ministers much inveigh, that there had long since many of the Catholics turned to their side: so much are they all in general addicted hereunto. For ye shall not only see the damoisels (Gentlewomen) and them of the better sort, but every poor Chapperonnieze (draggletayle) even to the cobblers daughter, that can Dance with good measure, & Art, all your Quarantes, Levalties, Bransles, & other Dances whatsoever: notsomuch but the Chambriere (Chambermaid) and poor Citizen's wife, Dance usually in the City streets, in a round, like our country lasses on their town green, about the Maypole, making music of their own voices, without any instrument. And rather than fail, the old women themselves, both Gentle & base, who have more toes than teeth, and these that are left, leaping in their heads, like jacks in Virginals, will bear their part. This argueth (I will not say a lightness & immodesty in behaviour) but a stirring spirit, & liveliness in the French nature: whereof also the Music and songs they have, is no small argument: 
Music  For there is not almost a tune in all France, which is not jonicke, or Lydian, of five or seven tunes: a note forbidden youth by Plato, and Aristotle, because, 
Bod. l. 4. rep.  saith Bodin, it hath Grande force et puissance d' amollir et lascher les caeurs des hommes: Great force and power to soften and effeminate men's minds. The tune Doric, which is more grave music, and was commanded for the singing of Psalms in the Primitive Church, their inconstant and stirring humour cannot brook by any means.  
It remaineth, I speak of their Language, of whom the Italian hath a proverb: 
Their Language  I Francesi nen parlane, ceme scriuene, nen cantane, ceme netane, nen pensane, ceme dicene: The French neither pronounce as they write, nor sing as they prick, nor think as they speak. In which first point, they differ from the Latin, Italian, Spanish, Greek, who fully pronounce every letter in the word: whereas the French, to make his speech more smooth, and ceulante (as he terms it) leaves out very many of his consonants, whereby it now is grown almost as sweet a tongue to the ear, as the Italian or Greek: which two, by reason of the many vowels, are questionless the most delicate languages of the world.  

Suetonius.  It is written of Augustus the Emperor, that he observed no Orthography, but wrote always as he spoke, which fashion begins now to be used by late writers: as ye may observe in many of their late impressions: a thing utterly condemned by them of best judgement: for saith one, 
Ludo. Regius.  While they divide the custom of writing from the nature of the word, ils ont tout renewer see l' escripture: They have utterly overthrown their Orthography.  

Rob. Steph  That which Scaliger, by the report of Stephanus, saith of the Greek tongue, that it is, redundans, redundant: the same may we say of the French, that it is babillard, full of tittle-tattle, nothing so grave or ponderous, as the Spanish, nor so stately as the Italian. And hereof I think it cometh, that they say commonly, the French is a tongue d'amours, Amorous: the Spanish, de la guerre, Warlike: and the Italian, de la Court, Courtly.  

Hail●. li. 3.  Much agreeing with this, is that of Haillan, where speaking of the battle of Agincourt, he saith, Les Anglois nous ont souuent vaincuz en batailles, mais nous les auons vaincuz en nos traictez de paix: tant be●●es et subtiles sont nos paroles, et pleines de mig●ardises: The English have often overcome us in battles, but we have overcome them in our Treaties of peace, so fair and subtle are our words, and so full of enticing delicacy. Whereby it should seem, it is a winning and persuading language. But this is only the opinion of themselves, who are dotingly more in love with their own tongue, then with any other: which is the reason, that ye have now almost all Histories, Greek, and Latin, translated into French, yea, and the Arts also: insomuch as now the Gentleman readeth these things in his own language only: a course in my opinion most prejudicial to all good learning.  
There is one reason, me thinks, above all other, why the Frenchman affects to have his tongue delicate and smooth, namely, for that rather than he will lose the niggardize thereof, contrary to all rules of Grammar, and all other tongues, he observeth no gender, where it may hinder the sweetness of the pronunciation (an Italian fault this, to take the Masculine for the Feminine: the more beast he.)  
It remaineth (this French tongue being no Mother tongue of itself) that we observe of what other tongues it borroweth. Caesar saith, Galli literis Graecis v●ebantur: 
Caes. Com. l▪ 6.  The Gauls used Greek Characters: which Character, as we read in Histories, hath been changed by three divers men, Wastaldus, Doracius, Hichius: where the same Writer saith, that Bede, our countryman, invented a particular Alphabet for the Normans.  
Howsoever the letter be changed, true it is, that they have here many words derived from the Greek, and agree very much also therewith in the phrase and manner of speaking. And therefore, as Lu. Regius saith well of our English, 
Lud. Regius.  that it is compounded of the French & Almain: so judgeth he rightly of the French, that it is the daughter of the Latin and Greek: for, as for that which it hath common with the Italian, both in word and phrase (which is very much) the Italian, no question, had it from hence, this French being the more ancient Language: and this nation having left in Italy, with the memory of many great victories, the use also of many of their words, as by all History appeareth, without which, at this day the Italian could not serve himself of his own.  
True it is, that now of late, the French, especially in the Court, have gotten many of theirs in use, for a grace forsooth, not of necessity; wherein they much resemble us of England, who (they say) send divers skins into other countries, which those people use to their necessity, and make toys and babbles of the tails, which they return back again to us, at as great a rate, as they bought the whole.  
Concerning the difference between the language used at this day, and that of former times, ye are to observe, that all things in this world have their beginnings, growings, perfection, corruption and alteration: As manners of living, forms of government, abrogation of Laws, change of Military service, newfanglenesse of habit, new fashion of building, diversities of Armour, new inventions of instruments, etc. And of all these, none more subject to change, than Language, nor no language in the world more than this of the French.  
For as Polybius sayeth of the Romans, that when they should conclude a Peace, after the second Punic war with them of Carthage, that they could not read the Articles of the first, so much was the Character: And as Livy saith of the song which the Sabin Priests used in their sacrifice, that they were so old Latin, they could not be understood: And as we may say of our English, that it very much differeth from that of Chaucer's time: so saith Lu. Regius of the French tongue, 
Lu. Regius.  that within these fifty years, it is almost grown a new language, and which still like the French apparel every year altered.  
If you ask me what Authors of the French I most approve? I durst commend Co●mines, Bodin, Plessie, Bertas, for History, Policy, Divinity and Morality, with the best: and great pity it is, that the History of the first is written in no better French. But if you demand the best Authors, for the language itself, I think, as Tuscaine hath a Duute and a Petrarch, Greece an Isocrates and a Demosthenes, Rome a Cicero and a Caesar, we a Sidney and a Chaucer: so, France hath a Bertas and a Romsart, in this kind most recommendable. For the place of best language, ye must ever observe, that the farther from Sea, the better speakers, as Athens in Graecia, Florence in Italy, Saxony in Almany, Perses in Asia, Castille in Spain, and Orleans here, and many other places.  
It now remaineth I speak of the French nature and humour: which by the change of his speech, apparel, 
Their nature and humour.  building, by his credulity to any tale which is told, & by his impatience & haste in matter of deliberation, 
1. In Deliberations. Bezade fra, lingua  whereof I shall not omit presently to speak, ye may judge to be very idle, wavering and inconstant. Saith one, Gallorum ut pronunciatio celerrima, ita quoque ingenia mobili● sunt: As the Frenchmens pronunciation is very fast, so are their wits very wavering. And ye shall read in Caesar's Commentaries very often, how he taxeth them of this legerity and suddenness: His de rebus Caesar certior factus, et infirmitatem Gallorum veritus (quòd sun● in consiliis capiendis mobiles, et novis plerunque rebus student) nihil his committendum existimavit: Caesar being informed of these matters, and fearing the unstableness of the Gauls (as being sudden and wavering in their resolutions, and generally desirous of innovation) he thought fit not to trust them. And in another place, Cum intelligeret Caesar omnes fere Gallos' novis rebus studere, 
Caes. Com. lib. 4.  & ad bellum mobiliter celeriterque incitari, etc. Caesar understanding, that almost all the Gauls were naturally hungry of change, and unconstantly, and suddenly stirred to war, etc. And again, Vt sunt Gallorum subita et repentina consilia: 
Com. li. 3. Ib.  As the resolution of the Gauls are sudden, and unlooked for, etc.  
To conclude, if ye will rightly know the nature & humour of the ancient Gauls, ye must read the sixth of these Commentaries, and you shall observe how strange it is, that though all other things in the world are subject to change, yet the same naturel of lightness and inconstancy still remains in the French. This is aptly showed by Haillan, 
Hail. li. 3.  in his description of Lewes the eleventh: Auoit ●l une choose? soudain ill avoit affection d' une autre: estaut vehement, actif et impatient: If he had one thing, he strait casts his affection to another, being violent, busy-headed and impatient.  
To this acordeth another of their own writers, 
2. In matter of war. Com. cap. 44.  La condition de la France est tell, que s' il n' y a debat par dehors country les grands, il faut qu' ell' eust avec ses domesticques, et que son esprit ne peut estre en repos: Such is the condition of France, that if she have no Wars abroad against powerful neighbours, she must have broils at home among her own Subjects, and her working spirits can never remain long quiet. And therefore Tacitus calls them, Levissima hominum genera: The most fickle kind of men; sudden to begin and more sudden to end, apt to apprehend the action, then comprehend the cause, ready to lay hold, not able to hold fast: as by the making and revoking of so many Edicts, 
Darn. troub. Guicciard lib. 5.  against the Reformed Religion in so few years, by the winning and losing of Naples and Milan in so short time, and by many other their actions appeareth.  
For ye must observe of the French, that he entereth a Country like thunder, and vanisheth out again like smoke: he resembleth the Wasp, who after the first stroke, loseth her sting, and can hurt no more.  
He showeth this his lightness and inconstancy, not only in matters of service and war, (whereof I have before made mention) but also even in other his actions and carriages: But in nothing more, then in his familiarity, 
3. In entertaining of friendship  with whom a stranger cannot so soon be off his horse, but he will be acquainted; nor so soon in his Chamber, but the other like an Ape will be on his shoulder: and as suddenly and without cause ye shall lose him also. A childish humour, to be won with as little as an Apple, and lost with less than a Nut: Quite contrary to the nature of the Italian, of whom ye shall in your travel shortly observe, that he is of too sullen and retired a fashion, & a loup-garou (as the French man calls him) wherein I would have you observe the virtue of the English man (for virtue is a mediocrity between two extremes) who is neither so childishly and Apishly familiar, as the French; nor so scornfully and Cynically solitary as the other.  

4. In managing a quarrel.  So are we in matter of duel and private quarrel, in a mean, me thinks, between these two Nations: for we are neither so devilishly mindful of revenge, as to tarry seven or ten years for an opportunity upon our enemy, as doth the Italian: nor so inconsiderately hasty, as we must needs either fight to day, or be friends to morrow, as doth the French. Hereat Rabelais scoffingly glanceth, where he telleth a tale of a Gascoigne, that having lost his money, would needs in the heat of his choler fight with any man that bore head: and for want of an enemy fell asleep. By that time he was waking, comes me another Rhodomonte, and upon like cause of loss, would have this fellow by the ears: but then the edge of this other was off. In conclusion (saith Rabelais) they went both to the Tavern, and there for want of money which they had lost at Dice, drunk themselves friends upon their swords, without farther mediation, or troubling of others to take up the quarrel.  
Of the French carriage and manage of a quarrel, how childish and ridiculous it is, ye have already seen two or three examples, wherein the parties have neither showed judgement, to know their own right, nor valour to revenge their wrong: whereas the English Gentleman, with mature deliberation disputeth how far his honour is engaged, by the injury offered, and judiciously determineth his manner of satisfaction, according to the quality of the offence: which done, he presently embarqueth himself into the action, according to the prescription of the old rule, Postquam consulueris, maturè opus est facto: 
Sallust.  Wise resolutions should be speedily executed.  
I will here remember you of one other instance more, wherein our Countrymen keep the golden mean, between the two extremes of defect and excess, and wherein these two Nations of Italy and France are culpable, and here worthily to be taxed.  
We may say of the Italian, 
5. In Governing his wife. Plut. Themist.  who maketh his house his wives prison, as Plutarch saith of the Persians, Sont de nature estrangement & cruellement ialouzes des femmes, non seulement de celles qu'ils ont espousées, mais aussi de leurs esclaves: & de leurs concubines, lesquelles ils gardent si estroittement que person ne les void iamais dehors, ains demeurent tousiours renfermées en leurs maisons: They are by nature strangely and cruelly jealous of their women, not only of their wives, but also of their slaves and Concubines, whom they guard so straightly, that they are never seen abroad, but remain always locked up in their houses: Whereas the French liberty on the other side is too much: for here a man hath many occasions offered upon any small entrance, to come acquainted; and upon every least acquaintance, to enter, where he may come to her house, accompany her arm in arm in the streets, court her in all places, & at all seasons, without imputation. Wherein, me thinks, the French married man doth as Plutarch reports of Pericles, 
Id. Pericl.  take away the walls & fences of his orchards & gardens, to th'end every man might freely enter and gather fruit at his pleasure.  
No marvel then, the bridle being left in their own hands, though sometimes they be saddled, & their husbands know not. You may observe therefore, that in this matter of wedlock also, the English use is better than either the Italian or French.  

6. In aptness to scoff.  It is also natural to the French, to be a great scoffer; for men of light and unsteady brains, have commonly sudden and sharp conceits. Hereto also their language well agreeth, as being currant and full of proverbs; to which purpose I will remember you of two answers, not long since made by two Frenchmen, with one of which you are well acquainted, wherein also you may observe, how little esteem they hold of the Roman Religion in heart, though they make profession thereof in show.  
The one of these being very sick, &, as was thought, in danger of death, his ghostly father comes to him with his Corpus domini, and tells him, that hearing of the extremity wherein he was, he had brought him his Saviour, to comfort him before his departure. The sick Gentleman withdrawing the Curtain, and seeing there the fat lubberly Friar with the Oast in his hand, answereth, I know it is our Saviour; he comes to me as he went to jerusalem, C' est un asne qui le port: He is carried by an Ass.  
The other Gentleman upon like danger of sickness, having the Friar come to him to instruct him in the Faith, and after, to give him the Oast, and then the extreme unction (it was on a Friday) told him that he must believe, that this Corpus domini which he brought, was the very real flesh, blood and bone of our Saviour. Which after the sick man had freely confessed, the Friar offered it him to receive for his comfort. Nay, quoth the other, Vous m'excuseré, car ie ne mange point de chair le vendredi: You shall excuse me, for I eat no flesh on Fridays. So that ye see the French will rather lose his god, than his good jest.  
The French humour also (saith one) est incompatible avec patience & modesty: 
Bold.  cannot away with patience & modesty. And therefore another saith of him, that he is as shamefast and modest, come un Page de la Cour: 
La Nouë. Plut. Alcib.  as a Page of the Court. Or as Hiperbolus, who, Plutarch saith, for his boldness and saucy impudence, was the only Subject in his time for all Satyrics and Commedians to work upon.  
He is also such a one, as Theophrastus calls, Duscherès, 
Uncleanly Theoph. Character  i. immundus, uncleanly, Qui lepra & utiligine laborans, unguesque habens prelongos inter homines versatur, ac dicit gentilitios esse hos morbos, nam & patrem & awm fuisse eis obnoxios: Who being leprous and scabby, and wearing long unpared nails, thrusts himself into company, and says, those diseases come to him by kind; for both his Father and his Grandfather were subject unto them.  
He is Adolèsches, i. loquax, Talkative, 
Talkative  Qui prae quavis Hirundine garrulus videri malit, quam tacere, adeo se irrideri fert patientem: Who had rather seem more chattering than a Swallow, then hold his peace; so willing is he to make himself ridiculous. With which people (it is strange) ye shall talk all day, & yet at night not remember whereof he hath talked; such multiplicity of words he hath, and so idle is the matter whereof he treateth.  
He is Acairos, i. intempestiws, 
Troublesome.  unseasonably troublesome, qui ad amicum occupatum accedens, vult re incommunicata cum illo deliberare: Who coming to his friend full of business, will give him counsel, before he have imparted the matter unto him: And therefore they themselves have here a proverb, Prendre quelqu' un de Gallico: To surprise one after the French fashion, when they take one of a sudden, coming unlooked for and unsent for. Of which kind of people, Theophrastus bids us beware, 
Id. ibid.  where he saith: Id genus homines demissis maenibus gran●ique gradu fugias oportet, quisquis febre career voles▪ difficile est enim cum iis durare, qui neque otij, neque negotij tempora distinguere nor●nt: If you will not be troubled with a fit of Ague, you must run as fast as your legs can carry you from such kind of men: for it is very troublesome living with fellows, that cannot distinguish the seasons of leisure and affairs.  
He is Microphilotimos. i. Ineptè circa res paruas superbus: Proud of trifles, 
Vainly proud.  qui, si bovem sacrificarit, solet anteriorem capitis eius partem magnis redimitam sertis prae●oribus in ipso introit● figere, ut intelligant qui ingrediuntur, bovem ab ipso mactatum. Et si minam argenti solvere debeat, laborat ut solue● in Aspero: Who, if he have sacrificed an Ox, useth to nail up the head and horns at his gate, that all that come to him, may take notice that he hath killed an Ox. And if he be to pay forty shillings, will be sure to pay it in new-coined money. This is he that comes to the Tennis Court, throws his P●rse full of coin at the line, which giveth a sound, as if there were no less than thirty or forty Crowns, when as sometimes by mischance, we have discovered that it was nothing, but Paper, and a few Sols, and doubles of Brass, that made it so swell, in all, scarce eighteen pence sterling.  
He is Alazôn. i. Ostentator, A Craker: Qui ad eos accedens qui generosos equos vendunt, velle se emere simulat: 
Boasting of things nothing worth.  et innundinis ad tentoria eorum qui merces vaenum exponunt, appropinquans, vestem sibi ostendi jubet duüm talentorum: demùm, (cum de precio convenit) puerum, quòd se sine auro sequatur, graviter obiurgat: Who coming to such as have great horses to sell, makes them believe he will buy some: And at great Fairs, drawing to their shops that sell apparel, calls to see a suit of an hundred pound: and when they are agreed of the price, falls out with his boy, for following him without his purse. Such a one was the gallant, of whom ye told me this other day, who in the midst of his discourse with you and other Gentlemen, suddenly turns back to his Lackey, Fetch me, saith he, my Horologe, Clock, it lies in my lodging in such or such a place, near such or such a jewel. The Lalero returns with a non est inventus. My French gallant straight bethinks himself that it is in his pocket (which he knew well enough before) which presently he pulls out, not so much to show how the time passeth, (whereof he takes little care) as the curiousness of the work, and the beauty of the case, whereof he is not a little brag & enamoured. To speak thus particularly of all his several humours and customs, would be very prolix, and not much necessary: I will only refer you to the fourth of Tully's Rhetorickes, 
Rhet. ad Herren. satire. l. 1. sa. 9  where he speaketh of a bragging Rhodomonte, and to the first book of Horace satires, speaking of an endless & needle's prater, a fastidious & irksome companion, where you shall see the French naturel, very lively & admirably well described.  
I will only speak of his impatience and precipitation in deliberations of War or Peace, 
Hasty to conclude a Peace.  and such other affairs of greatest importance, and so end. To this effect Bodin saith of him, 
Bodin. l. 5  Le naturel du François est si soudain & actif, qu'il quit ce qu'on demand, annuyé des allées & venuës, & de longueurs propres à l' Espagnol: The French is of so sudden & busy a disposition, that he quickly yields to that a man demands, being soon tired with messages to & fro, and other delays peculiar to the Spaniard. And in another place, On desire en l' Espagnol une promptitude plus grand qu'il n'a: 
Id. ibid.  & au François les actions & passions plus moderées. The Spaniard had need of a more ready dispatch than he hath, & the French of more moderation in his actions and passions. And whereas Commines saith of us, 
Commines  that we be not si subtiles en tra●ctez et appointements come les François: so crafty in our treaties & agreements, as the French. I think, saving the credit of so great an Author, he might better have said, si estourdez & precipitez: so headstrong and precipitate. But where he saith, that he that will treat & determine matters with us, must have un peu de patience, a little patience: I yield unto him, he hath good reason so to say; for his Countrymen, the French, can endure no delay; they must propound and conclude all in one day. Whether of these be more praisworthy Plutarch thus decideth: Agatharcus bragged of his ready and quick hand, & that he painted faster than any other: which Zeuxes understanding, And I, quoth he, quite contrary, do glory in this, that I am long in the doing: for ordinarily such suddenness and facility can not give either a lasting firmness, or a perfect beauty to the work. 
Seneca.  Therefore saith one very well, That should be long in deliberation, that must be resolved but once. To this agreeth the saying of Pericles to Tolmides, 
Plut. Peri.  We must tarry the time, which is the wisest Counsellor we can have.  
By this haste of theirs, they lost more, saith Bodin, 
Bodin. l. 5.  by one Treaty at Cambrey, Anno 1559. to the Spaniard, than he had before got of the French in forty years by War.  
And I see no reason, 
Of this peace of Fra. and Sp. in 98.  but this present Peace which the French hath made, is as advantageous to the Spanish State, as was that other, considering it is as great a gain to save that we are like to lose, as to get that from another, which is not our own. For as it is truly said of the Spanish King, that he hath not got upon the French (money by victories, but victories by money: 
Plut. P. Aemil. ) And as Plutarch saith of Philip of Macedon, It was not Philip, but his gold and silver, that took the towns of Greece: So may we say of his Treaties which he hath had with France, whereunto he hath of force been driven, 
Ennius.  even as Ennius saith of Fabius: 
Our State, which witless force made wain,  
His wise delays made wax again.   
For that this nation will rather yield the enemy what he demandeth, then be troubled with long deliberation: a thing so contrary to his nature, as nothing more.  
You may observe by the course of later Histories, that the Spaniards purpose was to deal with France, 
Plut. Alcib.  as Alcibiades said, the Athenians would deal by them of Patrae: They will eat you out by little and little. To which purpose, in all these late civil Wars, King Philip played the Firebrand, like the Priests of Mars, who, 
Bodin l. 4.  when two Armies were met, threw fire between them for a signal of battle, to set them together, and then retired themselves from the danger. He set the Popes on also to kindle this fire, who were but Barkers, and could not bite; their leaden Bulls did but butt; they could not hurt; abler to curse then to kill: whose force is like that of a Whetstone, 
Which though it sharpness lack,  

Plut. Peri.  Yet iron sharp can make.   
But when he saw that little England (which is to Spain, as Alcibiades said, the I'll Aegina was to Athens, une paille en l'ail, a mote in his eye) did trump in his way, and cross his designs: and when as he considered, that (as Henry the second of France, was the only cause of hindering his father Charles the fifth, from usurping upon all Germany, for which cause he is called in their public writings, The Protector of the Empire, and deliverer of the Princes:) So her Majesty, by defending the oppressed, and withstanding his Forces, deserveth the Title of Protectrix of France, and deliverer of the Estates: He was then content to motion a Peace, and like a false friend, when he could do no more hurt, to shake hands. Hereupon he did capitulate to render Cal●is, Durlens, Ardres, Blauet, and other places conquered or surprised upon the French. A course, no question, wisely taken by the Spaniard, considering the terms wherein he stood; the want of money he had, the credit he had lost in all Banks, the decrepit age wherein he was, and lastly, the sudden and incredible good fortunes of the French King and State, after so many years of misery and loss. As for the French, what could he have done, more dishonourable to himself, or profitable to his enemies, or prejudicial to his late Allies? what less agreeing with the time, with his cause, with his oath, then to yield to this peace? But it hath been an old trick of the French, to observe neither promise, nor oath, as Clovis the first saith, Hail. lib. 1. We may say of their purpose, as Plutarch of Lisander's: Children are deceived with chance▪ 
Plut. Pelop.  bones, and m●n with oaths. In this school of Fraud, Pope julius 2. was well read, who professed to his private friends, that all the Treaties which he made with the Princes of France, Germany, and Spain, was but to deceive the one of them by the other. But let the French take heed there come not a day of payment for this, who are so hasty to abandon their friends, and make peace with their foes, only upon a foolish naturel of theirs, to desire change, and to enjoy their present ease and pleasure, not foreseeing future dangers: like Schoolboys, who care not, so they may play to day, though they be breeched to morrow. When the Dukes of Burgundy, Berrie, and Bretaine, were combined against Lewes the 11. of France (as were lately England, France, and States against Spain) the counsel of Francis Zforce to the King, was, for the present, to agree to all things they desired, and after (saith he) in short time, ye shall have occasion when they are disleagued, to deal with them one by one. And we may well say of this King present, 
Commines cap. 24.  as the Count Charollois feared of the Duke of Berrie the French Kings brother: That he was a likely man to be soon drawn to agree, & leave us in the mire: forgetting the old sentence: 
Id.  It is the true sign of the approaching ruin of a Country, when those that should hold together, divide themselves, and abandon one another. And howsoever for the present, the French brag to be gainers by the bargain, I am sure, their Allies have no part of the Gasteau, Cake. It is true therefore, that Commines saith, There was never so plentiful a marriage feast, but some went without their dinners. Wherein, me thinks, we have great wrong, to bear a burden with them in their Wars, and not to partake with them in the benefit of their Peace. Maximilian the first Emperor said, he made Peace for no other end with Lewes the twelfth, but to be revenged of seventeen wrongs he had done him. The King present, by the policy of this age, and law Talionis, might say and do the like to the Spaniard, not for seventeen wrongs, but for seventeen years wrongs he hath received: which when he shall have done, it is but quittance, and the other shall be but justly served: 
Bod. lib. 4.  for saith Bodin, He which is falsely dealt with, having himself first played false, hath no cause to complain. And surely, the French must again shortly be doing, with him or some other, or at least one with another at home: he will soon be as weary of Peace, as he is now of war. 
La Nouë  La nation Françoise est insolent en pain, impatient de demurer long temps en la maison: The French nation is insolent in Peace, & impatient of tarrying long at home.  
¶ Thus have you a superficial survey of this Country and People of France; of whom we may conclude with La Nouë. 
Id.  Plus de la moitié de la Noblesse est perié, le peuple diminué, les finances espuisées les debts accreuës, la discipline renuersée, la pieté languisant, les moeurs desbordées, la justice corrumpuë, les hommes diuises: More than half the Noblesse is perished, the people diminished, the Treasure exhausted, the debts increased, good Order overthrown, Religion languished, manners debaucked, justice corrupted, and the men divided.  
I make no doubt, but to these slender observations, you will after add better of your own Collection, using this only as the pattern of a method, how to discourse of the Cosmography, Policy and economy of such other Countries wherein you shall travail.  
FINIS.