THE FIRST PART OF THE HISTORY Of England.  
BY SAMVEL DANYEL.  
LONDON, Printed by Nicholas Okes, dwelling near Holborn bridge. 1612.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR ROBERT CARR VISCOUNT ROCHEster, Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter, and one of his majesties most Honourable Privy Council.  
TO give a reason of my work, is in my part as well as to do it. And therefore my Noble Lord, why I undertook to write this History of England, I allege, that having spent much time of my best understanding, in this part of human Learning, history, both in foreign countries where especially I took those notions, as made most for the conduct of business in this kind, and also at home, where it hath been in my fortune (besides conference with men of good experience) to have seen many of the best discourses, negotiations, instructions and relations of the general affairs of the World: I resolved to make trial of my forces in the contexture of our own History, which for that it lay dispersed in confused pieces, hath been much desired of many. And held to be some blemish to the honour of our Country to come behind other Nations in this kind, when neither in magnificence of State, glory of action, or abilities of nature, we are any way inferior to them. Nor is there any Nation, whose Ancestors have done more worthy things, both at home and abroad; especially for matter of war. For since the Romans, no one people hath fought so many battles prosperously. And therefore out of the tender remorse, to see these men much defrauded of their glory so dearly bought, and their affairs confusedly delivered, I was drawn (though the least able for such a work) to make this adventure which howsoever it prove, will yet show the willingness I have to do my Country the best service I could; and perhaps, by my example induce others of better abilities, to undergo the same. In the mean time, to draw out a small substance of so huge a mass, as might have something of the virtue of the whole, could not be, but an extraction worthy the pains, seeing it concerns them most to know the general affairs of England, who have least leisure to read them.  
And the better to fit their use, I have made choice to deliver only those affairs of action, that most concern the government: dividing my work into three Sections, according to the Periods of those Ages that brought forth the most remarkable Changes: And every Section into three Books. Whereof the first, briefly relates the various mutations of State, plantation, and supplantation of the inhabitants in the chiefest part of this Isle, before the coming of the Norman. The second book contains the life and Reign of William the first. The third, the succession of William the second, Henry the first, and Stephan. And this part, I have here done.  
The second Section begins with Henry the second, the first of the royal family of Plantagenet, contains the lives of fourteen Princes of that Line, and takes up 339 years. A space of time that yields us a view of a wider extent of Dominion, by the accession of a third part of France to the Crown of England: more matter of action, with a greater magnificence, and glory of State then ever: in ermixt with strange varieties and turns of Fortune: the inflammation of three civil wars, besides popular insurrections: the deposing of four kings, and five usurpations which, in the end, so rend the State, as all the glory of foreign greatness, which that line brought, expired with itself.  
The third Section contains the succession of five Sovereign Princes of the Line of Tewdor, and the space of 129 years. A time not of that virility as the former, but more subtle, and let out into wider notions, and bolder discoveries of what lay hidden before. A time wherein began a greater improvement of the Sovereignty, and more came to be effected by wit then the sword: Equal and just encounters, of State, and State in forces, and of Prince, and Prince in sufficiency. The opening of a new world, which strangely altered the manner of this, enhancing both the rate of all things, by the induction of infinite Treasure, & opened a wider way to corruption, whereby Princes got much without their swords: Protections, & Confederations to counterpoise, & prevent over-growing powers, came to be maintained with larger pensions. Leidger Ambassadors first employed abroad for intelligences. Common Banks erected, to return and furnish moneys for these businesses. Besides strange alterations in the State Ecclesiastical: Religion brought forth to be an Actor in the greatest Designs of Ambition and Faction. To conclude, a time stored with all variety of accidents fit for example, and instructi-on. This is the scope of my design.-  
And this I address to you, my Noble Lord, not only as a testimony of my gratitude for the honourable regard you have taken of me: but also in respect you being now a public person, and thereby engaged in the State of England, as well as incorporated into the Body thereof, may here learn, by the observance of affairs past (for that, Reason is strengthened by the success of example) to judge the righter of things present: And withal, that herein, you, seeing many precedents of such as have run even and direct courses, like your own (howsoever the success was) never wanted glory, may thereby be comforted to continue this way of integrity, and of being a just servant both to the King and the Kingdom: nor can there be a better testimony to the world of your own worth, then that you love and cherish the same, (wheresoever you find it) in others.  
And if by your hand it may come to the sight of his Royal Majesty, whose abilities of nature are such, as whatsoever comes within his knowleldge is presently under the dominion of his judgement, I shall think it happy: and though in itself, it shall not be worthy his leisure, yet will it be much to the glory of his Reign, that in his days there was a true History written: a liberty proper only to Commonwealths, and never permitted to Kingdoms, but under good Princes. Upon which liberty notwithstanding I will not usurp, but tread as tenderly on the graves of his magnificent Progenitors, as possibly I can: Knowing there may (in a kind) be Laesa Maiestas, even against dead Princes. And as in reverence to them, I will deliver nothing but what is fit for the world to know, so through the whole work, I will make conscience that it shall know nothing but (as faithfully as I can gather it) Truth: protesting herein to have no other passion, than the zeal thereof, nor to hold any stubborna opinion, but liable to submission and better information.  
Your Lordships to command SAMVEL DANYEL.   

THE FIRST BOOK of the History of England. Containing, A brief relation of the State of this land, from the first knowledge we have thereof, to the coming of William the Norman.  
I Intent by the help of God, and your furtherance my noble Lord, Viscount Rochester, to write a brief History of the principal affairs temporal of England, especially from the coming of the Norman, to the end of the line of Tewdor. A work I know great, and difficult, being to be raised of many scattered pieces, variable & uncertain relations of times, diversly affected: wherein, notwithstanding, I vow to be of no other side, then of Truth, or as near truth-likelinesse as I possibly can get. Nor will produce any thing, but out of the best approved Monuments domestical and foreign. Holding it an impiety to misfashion the memory of times past, and suit them to our present liking, and discourse: or to mislead the credulity of men, by making up the opinion of Antiquity, with improbalities, considering we are not so tied to stand to the fame of things, as to suffer our understanding to be abused: nor yet so freed, to traffic, all upon our own conjectures, without custom of tradition: or so to undervalue the discretion of former times, as if ours were of a greater dimension: and peremptorily to censure those actions, whose causes, and counsels we know not, having nothing but the events, as dead carcases, to show us what their living motions were.  
And though I had a desire to have deduced this breviary, from the beginning of the first British Kings, as they are registered in their Catalogue, yet finding no authentical warrant how they came there, I did put off that desire with these considerations: that a lesser part of time, and better known, was more then enough for my ability: and it was but our curiosity to search further back into times past, than we might well discern, and whereof we could neither have proof nor profit: how the beginnings of all people, and states were as uncertain as the heads of great Rivers: and could not add to our virtue, and peradventure little to our reputation to know them. Considering how commonly they rise from the springs of poverty, piracy, robbery, and violence, how soever fabulous writers, to glorify their nations, strive to abuse the credulity of after ages with heroical or miraculous beginnings: Seeing states, as men, are ever best seen, when they are up, and as they are, not as they were. Besides, it seems, God in his providence, to check our presumption, wraps up all things in uncertainty, bars us out from long antiquity, and bounds our searches within the compass of a few ages, as if the same were sufficient, both for example, and instruction, to the government of men. For had we the particular occurrents of all ages, and all nations, it might more stuff, but not better our understanding. We shall find still the same corespondencies to hold in the actions of men: Virtues and Vices the same, though rising and falling, according to the worth, or weakness of Governors: the causes of the ruins, and mutations of states to be alike: and the train of affairs carried by precedent, in a course of Succession under like colours.  
But yet for that the chain of this business hath a link of dependency with those former times, we shall show the passage of things the better, if we take but a superficial view, of that wide, and uncertainly related state of this Land, since the candle of letters gave us some little light thereof. Which was, since the Romans made it a tributary Province to their Empire. For before, as it lay secluded out of the way, so it seemed out of the knowledge of the world. For julius Caesar, being but on the other side, in Gaul, could not attain to any particular information of the state of Britain, by any means he could use, but by certain Merchants (of whom he got together as many as he could) who told him something of the cost-townes, but of the state and condition of the indwellers, they could say nothing, either so incurious were they offurther knowledge than what concerned their trade, or the people here so wary, to keep their state reserved, & unknown to strangers. And yet Caesar gave out, that they sub-ayded the Gauls against him, and made it the occasion of his quarrel, and invasion of the Land, whereof he only subdued the South parts, and rather showed it, than won it, to the Roman Empire?  
But now what was the state and form of government among the Britain's before this subjection? the first certain notice we have is also by the same Caesar, who tells us how they were divided into many several states: nominates 
Caes. comment. libro. 5.  4. Princes of Kent by the title of Kings: how Cassevillaunus, by the common counsel was elected, in this their public danger, 
Complures sunt apud eos dominationes Strabo. lib. 4.  to have the principal administration of the state, with the business of war: and afterward how the cities sent their hostages unto him. Whereby we perceive it was no Monarchy, as it is reported to have been, but like to the Gauls, with whom it was then, one in religion, & much alike in fashion & language, divided into a multitude of petty regiments, without any entire rule, or combination. As now, we see all the west world (lately discovered) to be, and generally all other countries are, in their first and natural free nakedness, before they come to be taken in, either by some predominant power from abroad, or grow to a head, within themselves, of strength and understanding, to overmaster, and dispose of all about them; introducing such forms of rule, as ambition, or their other necessities shall beget. And such was then the state of Brityane, Gaul, Spain, Germany, and all the west parts of Europe, before the Romans (overgrowing first the people of Italy, in like manner divided) did by strength, and cunning unlock those liberties of theirs. And such as were then termed Kings, were but as their Generals in war, without any other great jurisdiction, within those small limits they held. So that to tell us of the state of a Monarchy in this Land, (before that time,) as if alone unlike, or more in State then all other nations, is to give entertainment to those narrow conceits as apprehend not the progresses in the affairs of mankind, and only the invention of such as take all their reason from the example and Idea of the present Customs they see in use. For had there been an absolute Monarch in these parts, which might have affronted the Romans, with the power of a well-united state, it had been impossible for them (having oftentimes much to do even with some poor Prince of a small territory) to have circumvented or confounded, with all their stratagems, & injustice, the peace and liberty of the world, in such sort as they did. And though the britains were then simple and had not that firebrand of letters, yet seemed they more just and honest, and brought forth on the stage of action, men as magnanimous, and touched with as true a sense of honour, and worthiness, as themselves. But having no firm combinements to chain them together in their public dangers, they lay loose to the advantage of the common enemy, working upon the factions, and emulations, usual to such divisions, and were made the instruments of their own subjection: for whilst every one defended them apart, the whole was overcome.  
So that with what credit, the account of above a thousand years from Brute to Cassevellaunus, in a line of absolute Kings, can be cleared, I do not see, and therefore will leave it on the book, to such as will be creditors, according to the substance of their understanding. And yet, let me crave pardon, least being but to report, I might seem to contend, if I make this inquiry: how the memory of those former times, came to be preserved and 
Cic. in Ep. ad Atticum ubi belli Britannici exiti● expectari scribit, nullius ex ea spem praedae, nisi ex mancipijs, ait. ex quibus nullos puto te, literis, aut musicis cruditos expectare.  delivered to posterity, if they had not the use of letters in this Land (as it seems by all probability they had not) before they were introduced by the Romans, who sure would have given us notice thereof, had they found them here at their coming, and especially of schools and the Greek tongue, reported to have been planted here for many ages before: but they tell us of no such thing: they inform 
Et lib. de Nat. Deorum, paris eos cum Scithis barbaries insimulat.  us how the druids, who were the ministers of Religion and justice, the especial men of knowledge, committed not their mysteries to writing, but delivered them by tradition, 
Ingenio Gallorum partim simileis sunt partim simplicioreis, & magis barbari. Srabo lib. 4.  whereby the memory of them after their suppression (first by Augustus, and after by Claudius) came wholly to perish with them. Which had they had letters & books, could never by all the power and authority of the Roman State, been so utterly extinct, but that we should have heard something more of them.  
Besides it is strange how the Greek tongue, and the knowledge of Philosophy, should be brought hither so far off, and so soon, seeing it was late, as Livy saith, before it came into Italy, being so near at hand. Moreover, it is considerable, how it made that transmigration, whether by Sea or Land? by Sea, Hercules had set Pillars that shut up the world, many ages after for passing that way. If by Land, Germany, and other Countries on that side, would have taken some part in the passing: but Germany then, we find had no letters at all. Only Merseilles, a Colony of the greeks being in the midway, might be a gate to let it into Gaul, and so hither 
And it was after the subjection of Gaul that they entertained Philosophers, and physicians for public Readins, and became a school for those parts as we may perceive by Strabo libro. 2. : but they say the Merseillans used only Greek Characters at first but for their private accounts & contracts in traffic, & no other wise: So that it seems then, the britains received first letters (with their subjection) from the Romans, and Agricola Praefect of the Province under Domitian caused them here to be taught, (as Cornelius Tacitus (his son in law) reports upon this occasion. Advice Was taken, saith he, that the people dispersed, rude, and so, apt to rebellion, should be enured to ease and quiet by their pleasures: and therefore they exhorted privately, and aided them publicly to the building of Temples, Bourses, Palaces; commending whom they found forward, and correcting the unwilling, so that the emulation of honour was for necessity: then they caused the principal men's sons to be taught the liberal Sciences, extolling their wits for learning, above the Gauls, in so much that they, who lately scorned the Roman tongue, now desired eloquence. Hereupon grew our habits in honour, the Gown frequent, and by degrees a general collapsion into those softenings of vices; fair houses, baths and delicate banquets, and that, by the ignorant, was termed humanity, when it was a part of servitude. Thus far he acquaints us with the introduction, and cause of the Roman learning in this Land. Which had it had the Greek tongue, so many hundred years before, would have been as forward in the liberal Sciences, as the Romans, and not needed this emollition by learning. Philosophy would have prepared them to a sufferance of subjection, that they could not have been so universally rude, and Barbarous as they are reported to have been. So that I fear me, of all that lies beyond this time, we can have no other intelligence, but by tradition. Which how we may credit for so long passed (when letters, for all the assurance they can make, break faith with us, in the information of things even present) let it be judged.  
And now for the time since (which seems to be all that amounts to our knowledge of the State of Britain) we find it, during the domination of the Romans, governed by their Prefects: and if they had Kings of the British nation, they were tributary, and had their whole authority depending on that Empire; which as the same Tacitus, (that free-tongued Roman) saith; made it now their custom to have Kings the instruments of servitude: speaking of Cogedunus, to whom Claudius gave certain Cities in Britain, with title of King. For now after Cesar had opened the passage, & made tributaric so much, as he subdued, the rest could not long hold out, against that all-incompassing State of Rome: although during the time of their civil wars, and change of government, 
Nostra aetate, inquit Strabo. lib. 4. Regulorum quidem Britanicorum, legationibus & officies amicitiam Augusti Caef. consecuti, donar●a in Capitolio dedicarunt: familiaremque Romanis totam pene insulam redigerunt. And at that time it seems by Strabo, held it not worth the guarding, for that it would not quit the charge.  from a Republic to a Monarchy, this Country lay neglected the space of 20. years: yet after Augustus had settled the sovereignty, and possessed all the wide obedience of that Empire, the Princes and Cities of Britain, fearing to be enforced, came in of their own accord, with their jousts and tributes, and the rather, for that as yet, they had found no other weight of subjection, than a tolerable tribute, which, it seemed, they were content to endure with the rest of their neighbours. But after Augustus' time, when the corruptions of that State, had bred miserable inflammations in all parts of the world, the britains, what with their own factions, and those of their Roman commanders, remained in an uncertain obedience till the time of Claudius the Emperor; who having much of the fume of glory, and little fire to raise it otherwhere: casts an especial eye on this Province, to make it the pompous matter of his triumph, and to prepare the way, without adventure of himself, fore-sends Publius Ostorius Scapula a great warrior, Propraetor into Britain, where he met with many turbulencies, and a people hardly to be driven, howsoever they might be lead: yet as one who well knew his mistier; and how the first events are those which incussed a dauntingnesse, or daring, employed all means to make his expeditions sudden, and his executions cruel. Notwithstanding did Carodocus, one of the British Kings, hold these great Romans work for 9 years together, and could not be surprised, till, betrayed by his own nation, he was delivered into their hands, and brought to Rome captive, with his wife and children, to be the subject of their triumph: whereof notwithstanding the glory was his.  
But Claudius had the honour of taking in the whole isle of Britain, to the Roman Empire which though thus won, was not, till a long time after, overcome. For now the britains (understanding the misery of their dissociation: how their submission brought but the more oppression) colleague themselves, against the Romans, taking their occasion upon the outrages, committed on the person, and State of Queen Voadicia, widow of Prasutagus King of the Iceni, a great and rich Prince; who at his death had left Nero his heir, and two daughters, hoping thereby to free his house from injury: but it fell out contrary; for no sooner was he dead, but his kingdom was spoiled by the Centurions, his house ranfacked by slaves, his wife beaten, and his daughters ravished. Besides the chief men of the Iceni (as if all the region had been given in prey) reft of their goods, and the King's kinsmen esteemed as captives, with which contumely, and fear of greater mischief, they conspire with the Trinobantes and others not yet enured to servitude, to resume their liberty. And first set upon the Garrisons of the Veteran soldiers (whom they most hated) defeated the ninth legion, whereof they slew all the foot, forced Cerialis the Legate, and leader to flight, and put to the sword 70. thousand komen & associates, inhabiting their municipal 
Camolodunum now Maldon.  towns, London, Virolame, and Camolodunum; before Suetonius Governor of the Province could assemble the rest of the dispersed forces, to make head against their Army consisting of 12000 britains, conducted by Voadicia, who (with her two daughters, brought into the field to move compassion and revenge) incites them to that noble, and manly work of liberty: which to recover she protests to hold herself there, but as one of the vulgar, without weighing her great honour and birth, resolved either to win or die. Many of their wives were likewise there, to be spectators and encouragers of their husband's valour, but in the end Suetonius got the victory with the slaughter of 80. thousand britains, whereupon Voadicia poisons herself, and the miserable country with their heavy loss, had also more weights laid upon their servitude. And yet after this made they many other defections, and bravely struggled with the Romans, upon all advantages they could apprehend, but the continual supplies, ever ready from all parts of that mighty Empire, were such, as the britains, having no means, but their own sword, in an uncomposed State laid all open to invasion, & spent their blood in vain. And in the end, growing base with their fortune (as losing their virtue with their liberty) became utterly quailed, and miserably held down to subjection, by the powerful hand of 14. garrisons, disposed in several limits of the Land, with their companies, consisting of sundry strange nations, 
Noticia.  computated in all to be 52. thousand foot, and 300. horse, besides 37. companies containing 23. thousand foot, and 1300 horse; which continually guarded the North parts, where that, which is now Scotland, and obeyed not the Roman Empire, was excluded from the rest with a wall or trench, first raised by Agricola, after reëdified by Adrian, Severus and others.  
And in this sort continued the State of Britain, whilst the Romans held it; enduring all the calamities that a dejected nation could do, under the domination of strangers, proud, greedy and cruel. Which not only content, by all tyrannical means, to extort their substance, but also constrain their bodies to serve under their ensigns, when, or wheresoever their quarrellous ambition would expose them. And besides the being at the will of their rulers, in their obedience, they were forced to follow them also in their rebellions. For after the election of the Emperors grew to be commonly made by the Armies, many possessing those mighty Roman forces here, were proclaimed Caesar's, & put for the whole Empire. As first Carausius, & after him Alectus, whom Constantius (the associate of Maximianus, in the Empire) at his first coming into Britain, by Asclepiodorus the Praetorian Praefect, vanquished, with all such as took part with him. After that, the Caledonians, and Picts, made eruptions into the State, and much afflicted the britains: whom to repress, Constantius, (than sole Emperor of the west) came the second time into this Land; and in an expedition to the north parts, died at York; whether his son Constantine (a little before his death) repaired out of Illiria, escaping a train, laid for him by Galerius, Emperor of the East, with whom he was in wars against the Sarmatians, when his father came first into Britain, against Alectus; & here was he now first saluted Emperor, for which it seems he much esteemed the Country, as that which gave birth to his dignity. And re-ordring the government thereof, for a future security, divides it into. 5. Provinces, to be ruled by one vicegerent; 5. Rectors, 2. Consulars, and 3. Precedents. After whose time, we have no certain nor important mark to direct us, which way the Sat went, till the reign of Valentinian the elder; who sends Theodosius (the father of him who was after Emperor of that name) into Britain, against the eruptions of the Picts, Attacotti, Scoti, saxons & Eranci, which of all sides invaded and spoiled the Country: and after Theodosius had by the forces of the Battavi, and Heruli, cleared it, Civilis was sent to govern the Province, and Dulcitius the Army: Men of fair names for such offices.  
In these wars with Theodosius, was one Maximus, a man borne in Spain, but of Roman education, who after, in the time of the younger Valentinian, having the charge of the Army, was here proclaimed Caesar, and to subvert the present Emperor, transports the whole power of Britain: and first in his way subdues Gaul, and there furnishes every place of defence with British soldiers; and they say, peopled the whole Country of Armorica, (now called Britain in France) with the same nation: which yet retains their language, in somekinde, to this day. And having spread one arm to Spain, the other to Germany, embraced so great a part of the Empire, as he drove Valentinian to seek aid of Theodosius, Emperor of the East, after the vanquishment and death of his brother Gratianus at Lions. And by this immoderate vent, both of the Garrisons, and the ablest people of the Land, he disfurnished and left it in that impotency, as it never recovered like power again. All those great forces he took with him, either left in Gaul, or perishing with him at Aquileia, where he was overthrown by Valentinian.  
And yet again in the time of Honorius the Emperor, the Colony of the Veteran soldiers, fearing the invasion of the Vana'ales, made another defection, and tumultuarilie proclaimed Emperor, one Marcus, whom shortly after they slew, than Gratianus, who likewise within 4. months being murdered, they gave the title to one Constantine, not so much for his merit, as the omination of his name. This Constantine taking the same course that Maximus did, whatsocuer strength was left, or lately in any sort recovered, he emptied it wholly, and made himself of that power, as he subdued many of the western Provinces: gave his son Constans (a Monk) the title of Augustus, and after many fortunes, and encounters with the forces of Honorius came vanquished, and executed at Arles. Where also perished the whole power he brought out of Britain. And so the State having all the best strength exhausted, and none, or small supplies from the Romans, lay open to the rapine and spoil of their northern enemies: who taking the advantage of this disfurnishment, never left till they had reduced them to extreme miseries: which forced them to implore the aid of Aetius, Praefect of Gaul under Valentinian 3. and that in so lamentable manner, their Ambassadors in torn garments (with sand on their heads to stir compassion) as Aetius was moved to send forces to succour them, and caused a wall to be raised upon the trench (formerly made by Adrian) from Sea to Sea of 8. foot thick, and 12. high inter-set with Bulwarks, which the Roman soldiers, and an infinite number of britains (fitter for that work then war) with great labour effected. And so Aetius left them again, once more freed and defended from their enemies, advising them from thenceforth, to enure and employ their own forces, without any more expectation of succour from the Romans, who overwrought with other business could not attend affairs that lay so far off.  
No sooner had the enemy intelligence of the departure of these succours, but on they came, (notwithstanding this fortification) battered down the wall, overthrew the defenders, and harrowed the country worse than before. Whereupon, again this miserable people send to Aetius, using these words: To Aetius thrice Consul, the sighs of the britains, and after thus complain: The barbarous enemy beats us to the Sea, the Sea beats us back to the enemy: between these two kind of deaths, we are either murdered or drowned. But their implorations prevailed not, for Aetius at that time, had enough to do, to keep his own head, and Valentinian the Empire: which now endured the last convulsions of a dying State, having all the parts and Provinces thereof, miserably rend and torn with the violences of strange nations. So that this was also in the fate of Britain to be first made known; to perish by, and with the Roman State. Which never suffering the people of this Land, to have any use or knowledge of arms, within their own country, left them (upon their dissolution) naked and exposed to all that would assail them.  
And so ended the Roman Government in 
The end of the Romans Government in Britain Anno. 447.  Britain, which from their first invasion by julius. Caesar to this Valentinianus 3. had continued the space of 500 years. In all which time, we find but these 7. British Kings, nominated to have reigned: Theomantius, Cunobelinus, Guiderius, Arviragus, Marius, Coelus, and lastly Lucius, who is crowned with immortal honour for planting Christian religion within this Land. All other from Lucius to Vortigern, (who succeeds this relinquishment) were Roman governors.  
This is briefly so much of especial note, as I can collect out of the Roman history, concerning the State and government of Britain: finding elsewhere little certainty, and from hence forth (during their short possession of this Land) far less: Whereof Gildas, the Britain complains, laying the cause on the barbarism of their enemies, who had destroyed all their monuments & memorial of times 
Gildas de excidio Britaniae.  past. And though himself wrote, about 40. years after the invasion of the Saxons, and was next these times we come now to remember, yet hath he left (in his enigmatical passions) so small light thereof as we discern very little thereby. Nor hath the britains any honour by that antiquity of his, which overblacks them with such ugly deformities as we can see no part clear: accusing them to be neither strong in peace, nor faithful in war, and universally casts those aspersions on their manners, as if he laboured to inveigh, not to inform. And though, no doubt, there was, as ever is, in these periods of States, a concurrency of disorder, and a general looseness of disposition, that met with the fullness of time; yet were there, no doubt, some mixtures of worth, and other notions of that age, wherewith aftertimes, would have been much pleased to have had acquaintance. But it seems his zeal (in that respect) wider than his charity, took up the whole room of his understanding, to whom the reverence of antiquity, and his title of Sapiens doth now give Sanctuary, & we must not presume to touch him.  
Such was the State of Britain, left without arms or order, when Vortigern, either by usurpation or faction, became King, and is said to be the author of the first calling in, or employing, being in, the Saxons, to make good his own extablishment, and the safety of his kingdom, against the Picts and Scots.  
The Saxons at this time, possessed the third 
The State of the Saxons.  part of Germany, holding all the country between the Rivers Rhine, and Elbe, bounded on the North by the Baltic Sea, and the Ocean: on the south by Silva Hircinia, and divided by the river Visurgis into Ostphalia, and Westphalia: governed by an optimacy of 12. Princes, with an election of a sovereign leader for the business of war. This being so spacious, populous, and near a country, well furnished with shipping (which the britains had not) yielded ever plentiful means to supply the undertakers of this action, which were first 2. brothers, Hengist and Horsa, with all necessary provisions upon every fit occasion. After they had been here a while, as stipendaries, and finding the debility of Prince & people, their number soon increased. And first they had the Isle of Thanet allowed them to inhabit: then the whole country of Kent, was made over to Hengist by transaction, under covenant, to defend the Land against the Picts, and Scots. And upon the marriage of Vortigern, with the daughter or niece of Hengist, an exceeding beautiful lady, (brought over of purpose to work on the dotage of a dissolute Prince) larger privileges were granted: so that, by this alliance, and the fertility of the Land, were drawn in, so many of this populous and military nation, that Kent, in short time, grew too narrow for them, and Hengist, to distend their power into other parts, advised Vortigern, to plant a Colony of them in the North beyond Humber, to be a continual guard against all invasions that way. Which being granted, he sends for Otha, his brother, and son Ebusa, with great supplies out of Saxony, to furnish that diseigne. And so came the Saxons to have first domination in Kent, and Northumberland, which contained all the country from Humber to Scotland. And now began of servants, masters; to contemn their enterteynors, and commit many insolences. Whereupon the British nobility 
Vortigern is deposed.  combine themselves, depose Vortigern (the author of this improvident admission) and 
Vortimer elected King of Britain.  elect Vortimer his son, a Prince of great worth, who (whilst he lived, which was not long) gave them many fierce encounters: but all prevailed not, for the Saxons being possessed of the principal gate of the Land, lying open on their own country, to receive all supplies without resistance; had the advantage to wear them out of all in the end. And beside force, they are said to have used treachery in murdering 300 of the British nobility at an assembly of peace at Amesburie, where they took their King prisoner, and would not release him, but upon the grant of three Provinces more. Also the long life of Hengist, a politic leader (of almost 40. years continuance) made much for the settling here of their estate: which yet they could not effect, but with much travail, and effusion of blood. For the britains, now made martial, by long practice, and often battles, grew in the end so enraged, to see their country surprised from under their feet; as they sold the inheritance thereof at a very dear rate. Wherein we must attribute much to the worthiness of their leaders (whence the spirit of a people is raised) who in these their greatest actions, were especially Ambrose the last of the Romans, and 
King Arthur.  Arthur, the noblest of britains: A man in force and courage above man, and worthy to have been a subject of truth to posterity, and not of fiction, as legendary writers have made him: for whilst he stood, he bore up the sinking State of his country, and is said to have encountered with the Saxons, in 12. set battles: wherein he had either victory, or equal revenge. In the end, himself overthrown by treason; the best men consumed in the wars, and the rest unable to resist, fled into the mountains, and remote deserts of the west parts of the Isle, and left all to the invaders, daily growing more and more upon them.  
For many principal men of Saxony, seeing the happy success and plantation here of Hengist, entered likewise on divers coasts, to get Estates for themselves, with such multitudes of people, as the britains making head in one place, were assaulted in another, and everywhere overwhelmed with new increasing numbers.  
For after Hengist had obtained the dominion of Kent, (which from him became to be 
The several entries made by the Saxons.  a kingdom) and Otha, and Ebuse possessed of all the North countries from Humber to Scotland: Ella, and his sons conquered the South-Easte parts and began the kingdom of the south Saxons, containing Sussex, and part of Surrey. Then Cerdic and his sons landed at Portsmouth, invaded the South, and west parts, and began the kingdom of the west Saxons, which after contained the countries of Hamsheire, Berkesheire, Wiltshire, Dorcetshire; Somersetshire, and Devonshire. And about the same time, Vffa, invaded the North cast parts, and began the kingdom of the East Angles, containing Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and the Isle of Eley: Erkenwin, began the kingdom of the East Saxons, containing Essex, Middlesex, and a part of Hertfordshire.  
Having thus, in a manner, surrounded the best of the whole State of Britain; they after invaded the inner, & middle part. And Cridda began the kingdom of Mercna-land, or middle Angels, containing Lincolnshire, North-hamptonshire, Huntingdonshire, Rutlandshire, Bedford, Buckinghan, Oxfordshire, Chesshire Derbie, Nottingham, and Staffordshire, with part of the shires of Hereford, & Hartford: Warwick, Shropshire, Lancaster, and Gloucestershire.  
And with all these Princes, and leaders, before they could establish their dominions, the Britain's so desperately grappled, as plant they could not, but upon destruction, and desolation of the whole country, whereof in the end they extinguished, both the religion, laws, language, and all, with the people and name of Britain. Which having been so long a Province of great honour and benefit to the Roman Empire, could not but partake of the magnificence of their goodly structures, Thermes, Aquaductes, High ways, and all other their ornaments of delight, ease, and greatness: which all came to be so utterly razed and confounded by the Saxons, as there is not left standing so much as the ruins, to point us where they were: for they, being a people of a rough breeding, that would not be taken with these delicacies of life, seemed to care for no other monuments but of earth, and as borne in the field, would build their fortunes only there. Witness so many entrenchments, Mounts and Borroughs raised for tombs and defences upon all the wide champions and eminent hills of this Isle, remaining yet as the characters of the deep scratches made on the whole face of our country, to show the hard labour our Progenitors endured to get it for us.  
Which general subversion of a State, is very seldom seen: Invasion, and devastation of Provinces have often been made, but in such sort as they continued, or recovered, with some commixtion of their own, with the generation of the invaders. But in this, by reason of the vicinage, and innumerous populacy of that nation (transporting hither both sexes) the incompatibility of Paganism & Christianity, with the immense blood shed on both sides, wrought such an implacable hatred, as but one must possess all. The conquest made by the Romans, was not to extirpate the nation; but to master it. The Danes, which afterward invaded the Saxons, made only at the first depredations on the coast, and therewith for a time contented themselves. When they grew to have further interest, they sought not the subversion, but a community, and in the end, a sovereignty of the State; matching with the women they here found, bringing few of their own with them. The Normans dealt the like with the Province of Nuestria in France: and after they had the dominion, and what the victory would yield them in England, were content to suffer the people here, to have their being, intermatched with them, and so grew in short space into their body. But this was an absolute 
The absolute subversion of Britain.  subversion, and concurred with the universal mutation, which about that time happened in all these parts of the world; whereof, there was no one country, or Province, but changed bounds, inhabitants, customs, language, and in a manner all their names.  
For upon the breaking up of the Roman Empire (first divided into two, and then by faction disjointed in each part) employing the forces of many strange nations to fortify their sides; were made so wide ruptures in the North, and North East bounds of that Empire; as there burst out infinite streams of strange people, that overranne, and laid open the world again to liberty, other forms and limits of State: whereupon followed all these transmigrations & shift of people, from one country to another. The Francs and Burgognons dispossessed the Gauls, and gave the names of France and Burgogne to their Province. The Gauls transplanted themselves on some coasts of Spain, where they could find, or make their habitation: and of them had Gallicia and Portugal their names. The Huns and Auari subdued Pannonia, and there to gave the name of Hungary. The Longbeardes, a people of Germany, bordering upon the Saxons, entered Italy, got the greatest part thereof, and left there their name to a principal Province, remaining to this day. The Goths and Vandals, miserably afflicted the rest, sacked Rome, and after subdued, peopled, and possessed Spain. So that it was not in the fate of Britain alone, to be undone, but to perish, almost, with the general dissolution of other States, which happened about the same age.  
Wherefore, we are now here to begin with a new Body of people, with a new State, and government of this Land, which retained nothing of the former, nor held other memory but that, of the dissolution thereof: where scarce a City, Dwelling, River, Hill, or Mountain, but changed names. Britain itself was now no more Britain, but New Saxony, and shortly after either of the Angles (the greatest people of the invaders) or of Hengist, called Engist-Land, or England. The distance, made by the rage of war, lay so wide between the conquering and conquered people, that nothing either of laws, rites and customs, came to pass over unto us from the britains: nor had our Ancestors any thing from them, but their country: which they first divided into eight kingdoms: all which, continued to the last extermination of the britains under Caretius their King, with whom they were driven over Severne, 136. years after the first entertainment of Hengist. And soon after, the Saxons, encroaching upon each others parts, or States (which never held certain bounds) and the stronger usurping upon their weaker neighbours, reduced them to seven kingdoms; that of the Northanimbrians, being made one of two: and then to six (the west Saxons taking in the kingdom of Sussex to their dominion.) And so it continued about 250 years.  
At the first, by the space of 150 years, they were merely governed by their own laws, without mixture of any other. But after Augustine the Monk, sent with 40 others, by Pope Gregory, had converted Aethelbert, King of Kent, and some other, they all shortly after received the Christian faith, and had their laws and rites ordered according to Ecclesiastical constitutions. Many of their Kings, when their stern asperity grew mollified by humility of the religion, began to raise presently so many and great monuments of their piety, in all parts of the Land, as if they strived who should exceed therein, and had no other glory: divers of them renounced their; temporal dignities for Spiritual, solitude, and became Monks; as Aetheldred, and Kindred, Kings of Merena-Land; Offa King of the East Saxons; Kadwalla, and Ina, Kings of the west Saxons; Eadberte King of the Northumbrians. etc.  
At length the kingdoms of Merc-naland, and west Sax, so far overgrew the others in power, as between them two it lay, who should have all. For Ina, a martial, wise, and religious Prince, governing the west Saxons, first advanced that kingdom to a pre-eminency, & did much to have subdued Mercna-land: but yet Offa, (afterwards King thereof) was in fair possibility to have swallowed up both the west Saxons, and all the rest of the kingdoms. For whilst he lived, which was in the time of Carolus Magnus, (with whom he held league and amity) he was esteemed as the especial King of the Land. But the many wrongs he did, and the murder committed in his house, upon Aethelbert, King of the East Angles, coming to him under public faith, and a suitor to his daughter, were justly revenged upon his posterity, which after him declining, in the end lost all. For Egbert, descended from Inegild, the brother of Ina, attaining the kingdom of the west Saxons, began the way to bring all the rest into subjection. And being a Prince, who from a private fortune, wherein he lived below, with, and not above other men, had learned sufferance and moderation; and by the Estate of an exile, experience, grew to have great advantages over the time, and others borne fortunes, and rose by these means.  
Ina, his great uncle, renouncing the world, with his kingdom, and dying without issue, left the succession embroiled, and out of the direct royal line as he found it. So that those four Kings of the west Saxons, who severally succeeded him. Ethelard, Sigibert, Kinulph and Britric, were rather Kings by election, and their own power, then by right of descent. And Britric knowing the weakness of his title, and the much promising forwardness of Egbert; with his propinquity in blood, to the former Kings, practised to have him made away; which he perceiving, fled first to Offa, King of Mercna-land, where finding little security, in regard Britric had (to strength himself) married the daughter of that king, he escaped into France, and there remained till the death of Britric, and then returning, obtains the kingdom of the Westsaxons; subdues Cornwall, inhabited by the britains; and after sets upon Bernulph, newly invested in the kingdom of Mercna-land; a State by the rupture of the Royal line, likewise grown tottering. For Egferth, the son of Offa, enjoyed but. 4. months, the inheritance of his father's immanity: whereby that kingdom descended collaterally to Kennulph, who left it to Kenelm a child, after murdered by his sister Quinred. Ceolulph, brother to Kennulph, succeeding, after his first years reign, was expelled by Bernulph, and Bernulph by Egbert, who made that kingdom 
Egbert obtained the kingdom, which by him was named EngLind. Anno. 802.  tributary to the west Saxons, as he did after that of the South, and East Saxons, with the kingdom of Northumberland. And by this means, in a manner, attained to a sovereignty of the whole. But the Danes imbroiling his peace in the end of his reign, held him back from enjoying such a fullness of power, as that we may account him the absolute Monarch of the kingdom, nor yet any of his successors so long as the Danes continued unsubiected. For they having first made eruptions into the State, in the reign of the late King Britric (his predecessor) ever after held a part thereof, and afflicted the whole, till they had attained the absolute sovereignty to themselves.  
The Danes were a people of Germany, next 
The description of the Danes  neighbours to the Saxons, and of language and manners little different. possessing besides Cimbrica Chersonesus (now called Denmark) all the Isles adjacent in the Baltic Sea, and sometimes the kingdom of Norway, A mighty, rough, and martial nation; strong in shipping, through their exercise of piracy, and numerous in people for all supplements. Who perceiving here the happy success, and plantation of the Saxons, were drawn with desire and emulation, likewise, to put in for a part, the coast lying open to invasion, and the many divisions of the Land, with the discord of Princes, making them an easy way thereunto. So that in a manner, as soon as the Saxons had ended their travails with the britains, and drew to settling of a Monarchy, the Danes, as if ordained to revenge their slaughters, began to assault them with the like anfflictions. The long, the many, and horrible encounters between this two fierce nations, with the bloodshed, and infinite spoils committed in every part of the Land, are of so disorded and troublous memory, that what with their asperous names, together with the confusion of place, times, and persons, intricately delivered, is yet a war to the reader to overlook them. And therefore to favour mine own pains and his, who shall get little profit thereby, I pass them over.  
After the death of Egbert, Aethelwolph, his son succeeded in the State, with the title of King of the west Saxons only, and was a Prince more addicted to devotion then action: as may be seen by his donation of the tenth part of his kingdom (with exemption of all regal service) for the service of God: besides an annuity of 300 marks, to be bestowed in pious uses at Rome; whither he went twice in person, with his youngest son Alfred, whom he especially loved; and whom Pope Leo 4 anointed a King at eleven years of age, as if divining of his future fortune.  
Upon his last journey, and whole years stay at Rome; Aethelbald, his eldest son, combined with the nobility of the Westsaxons, to keep him out, and deprive him utterly of his government, and wrought so, as notwithstanding the great love his people bore him, he was brought to yield up the kingdom of the Westsaxons, to Aethelbald, and retain only the kingdom of the East Angles, (a State of far less dignity) to himself. After which, reigning but two years, Aethelbald succeeded in the whole, and with great infamy, marrying his father's widow, judith, daughter to Charles le Chauue, King of France, enjoyed it but two years and a half; when Aethelred, the second son of Aethelulph, entered to the government, which he held 5 years in continual conflict, with the Danes.  
After whom, Alfred, the mirror of 
Alfred. 872.  Princes (made a King before he had a kingdom) at 22 years of his age, and in a year wherein eight several battles had been given to the Danes, by the Saxons; began his troublous reign, wherein he was perpetually in war, either against his enemies, or else against vices.  
First after a great danger to lose all, he was forced to yield up a part of the kingdom (which was that of the East Angles and Northumberland) to Guthrun, leader of the Danes, whom upon his baptization, he made his confederate, and owner of that by right, which before he usurped by violence.  
And notwithstanding all the continual, and intricate toil he endured amidst the clattering and horror of arms, he performed all noble actions of peace: collecting first the laws of his predecessors, and other the Kings of the Saxons, (as if Offa, King of Merena-land, and Aethelbert the first christian english King) of which, by the grave advise, and consent of his States assembled, he makes choice of the fittest; antiquates those of no use, and adds other according to the necessity of the time.  
And for that the wildness of war, by reason of these perpetual conflicts with strangers, had so let out the people of the Land, to unlawful riots and rapine; that no man could travail without convoy: he ordained the divisions of shires, hundreds, and tithings: that every Englishman (now the general name for all the Saxons) living legally, might be of a certain hundred or tithing, out of which he was not to remove without security: and out of which, if he were accused of any crime, he was likewise to produce sureties for his behaviour, which if he could not find, he was to endure the punishment of the law. If any malefactor, before or after he had put in sureties escaped; all the Tithing or Hundred were fined to the King, by which means he secured travailers, and the peace of his country.  
The opinion he had of learning made him often complain the want thereof: imputing it amongst his greatest infortunes to have been bred without it, and to have his kingdom so utterly destitute of learned men, as it was, through the long continuance of this barbarous war: which made him send out for such, as were any way famous for letters, and having gotten them, he both highly preferred them, and also (as they do, who know not to much themselves) held them in great veneration: rareness then, setting a higher price on meaner parts, than after, plenty did on more perfections. Grimbald, and Scotus, he drew out of France: Asser (who wrote his life) out of wales; others from other parts: he was the first lettered Prince we had in England; by whose means and encouragement public schools had here, either their reviving, or beginning.  
Those wants of his own, made him take a greater care for the education of his sons, with whom were bred, under most deligent masters, almost all the children of the Nobility within his kingdom.  
All his own time he could clear from other business, he bestowed in study, and did himself, and caused others, to translate many things in the vulgar tongue: which he laboured, it seems, much to adorn, and especially affected the Saxon metres: whereby 
Mat. Westm.  to glorify that of a King, he attained the title of Poet.  
The natural day, consisting of 24 hours, he cast into 3 parts: whereof eight he spent in prayer, study, and writing: eight in the service of his body, and eight in the affairs of his States. Which spaces (having then no other engine for it) he measured by a great wax light, divided into so many parts, receiving notice by the keeper thereof, as the several hours passed in the burning.  
With as fair an order did he proportion his revenues, equalling his liberalities to all 
The first furuay of the kingdom.  his other expenses: whereof to make the current run more certain, he took a precise notice of them, and made a general survey of the kingdom, and had all the particulars of his estate registered in a book which he kept in his treasury at Winchester. And within this circumference of order, he held him in that irregularity of fortune, with a weak disposition of body, and reigned 27 years, leaving his son Edward, a worthy succestor, to maintain the line of nobleness thus begun by him.  
EDward, though he were far inferior to 
Edwardus Senior. 900.  him in learning, went much beyond him in power: for he had all the kingdom of Mercna-land, in possession: whereof Alfred had but the homage, and some write, held sovereignty over the east Angles, and Northumbrians: though we find in the joint laws that he and Guthrun made together, they held the same confederation fore-concluded by Alfred. He also subdued the britains in wales: fortified and furnished with garrisons divers towns in England, that lay fit to prevent the incursions of the Danes; and was all his reign of 23 years, in continual action, and ever before hand with fortune. And surely his father, he, and many that succeeded, during this Danicque war, though they lost their ease, won much glory and renown. For this affliction held them so in, as having little outlets, or leisure, for ease and luxury, they wear made the more pious, just and careful in their government: otherwise it had been impossible to have held out against the Danes, as they did: a people of that power and undauntable stomach, as no fortune could deter, nor make to give over their hold. And the imbecility of some unactive Prince at that time, had been enough to have let them quite into the whole: which may be the cause, that in the succession of some of these Kings, were certain ruptures made out of course, in respect of their ableness. As first after the death of this renowned King Edward Senior, his son Athelstan of full years, and 
Anno. 924.  spirit, was (notwithstanding the brack in his birth) preferred before his legitimate son Edmond, under age: Nor did Athelstan disappoint the kingdom in this work, but performed all noble parts of religion, justice, and magnanimity, after 16 years reign, dying without issue, Edmond his brother succeeded 
Edmond. 940.  him. A Prince likely to have equalled the worth of his predecessors, had he not untimely perished by the hand of a base outlaw in his own house, at a festival, amidst his people, that dearly loved and honoured him. And though he left two sons, yet was Edred his brother preferred to the kingdom before 
Edred or Eldred 946.  them: who making no variation from the line of virtue, continued by his ancestors, was held perpetually in work by the Danes, during the whole time of his reign, which was of 10 years.  
Edwin, his nephew, the eldest son of 
Edwin.  Edmond, succeeded him, an irregular youth, who interrupting the course of goodness, lived dissolutely, and died wishedly. Otherwise had Edgar (the other son of Edmond) continued that rare succession of good Princes, without the interposition of any ill.  

959.  Edgar, though he were but 16 years of age, yet capable of council, was by the grave advise of his Bishops (who in that time of zeal held especially the rains on the hearts and affections of men) put and directed in the way of goodness, and became a most heroical Prince.  
Amongst other his excellent actions of government, he provided a mighty Navy, to secure his coasts from invasion; which now he found (though late) was the only mean to keep out these miseries from within, that thus lamentably afflicted the land, ever before negligent, or not enured to sea-affaires. For when the Romans first subdued the same, there was no shipping, but a few small vessels made of wicker, and covered with hides: whereby they, and after the Danes, both mighty (as those times gave) in shipping, found that easy footing they had: Yet Egbert is said to have provided a strong Navy, about the year 840. And Alfrid 30 or 40 years after did the like. But either now dis-used, or consumed by the enemy, Edgar re-edifies, and sets forth a Fleet consisting (as some write) of 1600 sail, others a far greater number, and those he divides and places in four parts of the Realm, making his progresses yearly, with part of this mighty Navy, round about the whole Isle, whereof he assumed the title of king.  
And to reduce it all to one name and Monarchy, he was entitled, king of all Albion; as testifies his Charter granted to the Abbey of Maldesmesbury, in these ' words: Ego Edgarus totius Albionis Basileus nec non Maritimorum seu insulanorum Regum circum habitantium, etc. For he having first of all other made peace with the Danes, and granted them quiet cohabitation through all his dominions; had the sovereignty over them: And Kenneth, king of Scots did him homage, whether for Cumberland and Westmoreland, given to that Crown by king Edmond his father, or for his whole kingdom; I cannot say. And five kings of Wales did the like for their country, and came all to his Court at Cardiff.  
So that he seems the first and most absolute Monarch of this land that hitherto we find: The general peace that held all his time, honoured his name with the title of Pacificus: and rendered his kingdom, never before acquainted with the glory of quietness, very flourishing.  
But as if the same had been given to show, and not to use, like a short calm betwixt storms, it lasted but little beyond his reign of sixteen years: being too short to close the dissevered joints of a commixed kingdom; which was only to have been the work of Time: and that none of these late Princes (who were best like to have advanced and confirmed the State of a Monarchy,) were ordained to have. But all (as if things would another way) were put off from their ends, by their untimely deaths: as was this glorious young Prince, in the 32 year of his age: 
Saint Edward.  leaving his son Edward, a child, to undergo 
975.  the miseries of nonage, to be made a sacrifice 
Elfred his stepmother is said to have murdered him, hunting in the Isle of Purbeck.  for ambition, and a Saint by persecution, through the hand of a stepmother; who to advance her own son Ethelred, broke in, over the bounds of nature and right, to make his way: and is said, herself to have murdered him, coming to her house, estrayed, in hunting, and discompanied.  
But Ethelred, as if ill set, prospered not 
Ethelred.  on this ground: the entrance to whose 
978.  reign was blood; the middle, misery; and the end, confusion: They write, Saint Dunstan preaching at his Coronation, prophetically foretold him of these calamities would follow this transgression: saying: For that thou hast aspired to the Crown, by the death of thy brother, murdered by thy mother; thus saith the Lord: the sword shall never depart from thy house, raging against thee all the days of thy life, slaying those of thy seed, till the kingdom be transferred to another, whose fashion and language thy people shall not know. Nor shall thy sin, nor the sin of thy ignominious mother, with her councillors, be expiated, but by long avengement. And this (whether so uttered or not) was ratified in the event. For either this unjust disordering the succession, or the concurrency of hidden causes meeting with it, so wrought, as this late begun Monarchy fell quite asunder, and begat the occasion of two conquests, by foreign nations, within the space of 50 years.  
For the Danes, having now been so long inmates with the English, dispread over all parts by intermatching with them, and multiplying with the late peace and confederations, had their party, (though not their rule) greater then ever: so that this opportunity of a young and unsettled Prince, in a new & branling State, drew over such multitudes of other of the same nation: as every coast and part of the Land, were miserably made the open roads of spoil and saccage: in such sort, as the State knew not where to make any certain head against them: for if encountered in one place, they assailed another, and had so sure intelligence what, and where all preparations were raised, as nothing could be effected available to quail them; Whereupon Ethelred, in the end, was fain, seeing he could not prevail with the sword, to assail them with money, and bought a peace for ten thousand pounds: which God wot, proved after, a very dear pennyworth to the common wealth, showing the seller thereof, how much was in his power, and the buyer, at how hard a rate his necessity was to be served; and yet not sure of his bargain, longer than the contractor would. Who having found the benefit of this market, raised the price thereof almost every year. And yet had not Ethelred what he paid for: the Land in one part or other, never free from spoil and invasion, but rather the more now oppressed, both by the 
The original of Dane gelt the first imposition laid upon the kingdom.  war, and this taxation. Which was the first we find in our annals laid upon the kingdom, (and with heavy grievance raised in a poor distressed State,) continuing many ages after the occasion was extinct: And in the end (though in another name) became the usual supplement in the dangers of the kingdom, and the occasions of Princes.  
And hereby Ethelred both enlarged the means and desire of the enemy, so that at length came Swain, King of Denmark, and Aulafe, King of Norway, in person, as if likewise to receive hire for committing outrage, and were both returned with great sums, and Aulafe of a milder disposition, with baptism.  
These calamities from abroad, were made more, by the disloyalties at home: faith and respect (being seldom found safe in lost fortunes) held not in most of the principal men employed in the defence. Aelfric, Admiral of the Navy, is said to have given intelligence of all Sea-preparations, and disappointed that work. The Earls Fran, Frithigist, Godwin, and Turkettle, descended of Danicke progeny, and of greatest command, deceived the armies by Land, and were the authors of discouragement to the people they led. Edric Earl of Mare-land, after them made General of the King's forces, is branded with everlasting ignominy, and the title of False, for his barbarous disloyalty, frustrating all attempts wherein he was employed.  
Wolnod, a nobleman, for his misdemeanour outlawed, made depredations on the coasts, with 20 ships, and was the cause that 80 more sent to take him in, were utterly consumed.  
This defection of his nobility, howsoever it might be by their own discontent, emulation, corruption, or affection, is laid to the pride of Ethelred, whom yet we find more unfortunate than weak, howsoever they have set his mark: and neglected no occasion to make resistance and reparations against all events, bringing often his affairs to the very point of dispatch, and yet put by, at an instant from all, as if nothing went with him, burr his will to do worthily: which howsoever it were (besides the misery to lose) he must have (that which accompanies infelicity) Blame, and Reproach. Though the many and desperate battles he made; the good constitutions for the government; the provisions to supply all important occasions, show, that he was not much behind the best Princes, but only in fortune.  
By the example of Edgar his father, he procured a mighty Navy, causing of every 310 hide or plough-land throughout the kingdom, a ship to be built, and of every eighth, a corselet to be found: Yet all this shipping stood him in little stead, but was either quashed with tempest, consumed with fire by the enemy, or otherwise made unuseful by neglect, or ignorance: whereby the hope and infinite charge of the State were disappointed. Famine, and mortality, the attendants of war, with strange inundations, wrought likewise their part, as if conspirators of destruction, and all concurred to make a dismal season.  
Many years it was not, ere Swain king of Danes returned to raise again new sums by new afflictions; and totmenting here this poor turmoiled people, more than ever; receives a fee for bloodshed, to the sum of 48000 pounds; granted in the general assembly of the States at London, and a peace, or rather paction of servitude concluded; with quiet cohabitation, use of like liberties, and a perfect union between the two nations, confirmed by oaths of either part, and hostages delivered of ours.  
But this as a breathing time, scarce held out the year. When the occasion of greater mischiefs was given by a universal massacre of the Danes suddenly here contrived: and effected by the king's commandment, upon the suggestion of Hune, a great Commander, and a violent warrior of that time. Urging the insolency of the Danes, that now grown haughty with this peace; Committed many outrages, violating the wives and daughters of great men, with many other intolerable disorders.  
Such, and so sudden was the general execution 
The massacre of the Danes.  of this act, throughout all parts of the kingdom at one instant, as showed the concurrency 
1002.  of an inveterate rancour, and incompatability of these two nations, impossible to be conjoined. So that neither Temples, Altars, Supplications, nor any band of alliance, were available to save them from slaughter. Wherein to incense the more their king, Gunild, his sister, a woman of masculine, courage, who had a little before received Christendom, a mediator & pledge of the peace, having first her husband and son slain in her sight, rather with a threatening, than appalled countenance, met her death, making imprecation for revenge, and foretelling her blood would, as it did, cost England dear.  
Soon was the notice of this enormous act, given to Swain, and as soon armed with rage and power, re-entered he the kingdom, having now a fairer show to do foully, then ever: wrong had made him a right, who had none before: and the people of the Land, not so forward to maintain their act, as to commit it, rather were content to give him the possession of their country, then that he should win it: the greatest part of the kingdom submitting themselves unto him; only the city of London, which Ethelred held fortified made noble resistance till he left them; and, conveyed himself first into the Isle of Wight, and after into Normandy, whither he had sent Emma his Queen, with their 2 sons, Aelfrid and Edward, before, from the rage of this tempest. But within 2 months he was recalled home by the people of England, upon the death of Swain, who at the point to have been crowned King, and had generally taken hostages and oaths of fealty, died suddenly: leaving his son Knute to succeed his fortunes, and accomplish what he intended.  
Ethelred returning, was soon furnished with an Army, sets upon Knute in Lindsey, where he lay with his father's shipping, and Hostages, and drove him to take the seas: wherewith enraged, making about to Sandwich, he miserably mangled, and dismembered those hostages, and so sent them home: himself, with the spoils his father and he had gotten, returned to his country, to make greater preparations for the prosecution of his purpose.  
Ethelred in the mean time, to increase the sum of revengement with more wrath, at a general Assembly at Oxford, caused many of the Danicque Nobility to be murdered: Among which were Sigifrith, and Morchar, Earls of Northumberland, whom the false Edric (who had a hand on each side for mischief) inviting them to his lodging, under pretence of feasting, barbarously caused to be slain: their followers, after they had so long as they could desperately defended themselves and their masters, fled into a Church, where they were with the same burnt. Knute armed with the greatest of his own & neighbour's powers made his confederates, landed again, within the year, at Sandwich, & without resistance, had all the West parts rendered unto him, with pledges for their obedience, and furnishment with horse and armour. Here the false Edric leaves his Liege-lord, & yields up 40 ships, and his perjured faith to Knute. Ethelred, languishing in mind and body, Edmond his son, surnamed Ironside (to oppose youth to youth) was employed against this rabious invader. A Prince worthy of a better time, and had he found faith, had made it so, and delivered his country at that turn, from the worst of miseries, the conquest by strangers.  
But now upon the death of Ethelred (whose 37 years reign, shows that infelicity shall have time too much, and happiness too little.) Knute was by most of the Clergy and Nobility chosen king: only the City of London, with some of the Nobility thereabout, made election of Edmond 
Edmond Ironside son to Ethelred, by his first wife Ethelgina. , and furnished him with that power, as thereby, with the courageous ardour of his youth (which commonly 
1016.  is most in the first attempts) he had the better in three imminent battles, within. 3 months, and had likewise obtained the fourth at Essendon (likely to have been the last with the Danes) but that the disloyal Edric (late renouncing his new Lord, seeing edmond's part in possibility to prevail) again betrayed his trust, & withdrew himself, and the charge he had, to the enemy. This fatal battle lost England: here perished the best flower of honour it then had: Here amongst the rest was slain, Vlkill, an Earl of Essex, of ever memorable worth, who had long stood up for the kingdom, and in the time of Swain, was the first that showed there was hope and possibility to quail the enemy, had there been an union in loyalty.  
From this bloody work, Edmond escapes to Gloucester, to recollect new forces, nor was he so forsaken with this fortune, but that he soon recovered another army, to reassaile the enemy, that might be idle upon this victory. But Knute, as provident in the prosecution of his business, as fortunate therein, makes after: Here when both Armies were at the point to encounter, a motion of peace was propounded: Some say the two Kings, by single combat consented to decide their fortunes, and the overcommer to take all: and that in an Isle of the river Severn (their Armies on either shore, spectators of the act) they tried the mastery for the prize of a kingdom: After long and equal fight, finding each others worth, they cast away their weapons, embraced and concluded the peace: But howsoever, it seems both sides tired with the misery of a consuming war, never like to be ended, but by the utter extirpation of the one, and considering the danger of either, and incertainty of the future, were easily persuaded to embrace a present agreement: which was made by parting England betwixt them two, and confirmed by Oath and Sacrament: putting on each others Apparel, and Arms, as a ceremonic to express the atonement of their minds, as if they made transaction of their persons each to other. Knute became Edmond, and Edmond, Knute. A fatal exchange for so free and magnanimous a Prince as Edmond: who indeed was now no more himself; and being but half a king, was in so few days after, none: as makes this peace show fouler than war: for that armed him for life, this exposed him naked to death, which was shortly after treacherously given 
The death of King Edmond Ironside at Oxford.  him at Oxford; some say by the son of Edric (as if to show he would be the heir of his father also in Treason) whereby both the hope, and the other half of England were utterly lost, as determinable with his reign: which (with all we have else of his magnanimous actions) took up scarce the circuit of one whole year: And yet had that been space enough for gloric (whose measure is to be taken rather by the profundity, than the length, which seldom holds long and even) could he have had that clear, and better for his renown to have died at the battle of Essendon with England, then descended to have made it half Denmark, and live.  
But by this means Knute attained the absolute 
Knute the first Danic King.  dominition of the whole kingdom, which he governed with better justice than he got, conforming his native roughness, to 
1018.  a more civil and regular fashion of life: And to have England see that now he was hers; he sends away his Navy, & stipendiary soldiers, home to their countries, and puts himself wholly, upon this people, taking the way of mildness, a better means for his establishment, than force: but the Land paid for the remuneration of his people, & this evacuation of Strangers, 83000 pounds of silver; which it rather consented to do at once, then to have them a daily burden, to pester the Statefor ever.  
At his first coming to the Crown, he sought to rid himself, as well of his friends as of those might prove his enemies. Edric who came first to salute him sole King of England (as if to tell, that he made him so) he caused his head to be set on the highest part of the Tower of London, therein performing his promise of advancing him above any Lord of the Land, and thereby discharged himself of such a debt, which though he should have paid, would never yet be held fully cleared; giving a general satisfaction to the people, that rejoiced to see Treason so justly rewarded. Like compensation had shortly after, the Earl's Turkil, & Erick, who being banished the Land, were executed upon their arrival in Denmark.  
But the love, and high opinion of justice he got in these, were lost again in those actions, wherein he took counsel only of his fears, for the extirpation of all those of the Royal blood of England; As of Edwin, and Edward, the sons of the late King Edmond (to whom appertained the moiety of the kingdom by contract) & of Edwin his brother; which three, he sent to be murdered abroad, to beguile the rumour at home: But, which is strange, those times, though rough, afforded not yet an instrument for the execution of his desire: and all these Princes were preserved and conveyed out of danger by those who should have made them away. The two last were bred by Solomon, King of Hungary, where Edward (surviving his brother) married Agatha, sister to that Queen. (And some write, daughter to the Emperor Henry 3) by whom he had two sons, Edmond and Edgar, daughters, Margaret and Christina.  
Aelfred, and Edward, sons of King Ethelred, by Emme, were preserved by Richard, Duke of Normandy their uncle, and so lay out of his way.  
This private injustice (which often may be more in compassion, then hurt to the State) he sought to recompense with all public satisfactions: repairing the naufrage of the commonwealth (made by the rage of war) both in ornament and order: erecting Churches and Monasteries, with large patents of provisions, both for the expiation of his inmanities' fore-committed, and to memorise the places of his victories with his thankfulness to God. The Constitutions Ecclesiastical and Civil, divulged in the language of that time, testify his tender piety, and care of justice: and are so full of religious admonitions, as it seems, he held the best means to have laws observed, was, to have them first enacted in the consciences of men. Amongst others, he inflicted exact punishment on all intemperances' of his people, and offences committed against public manners. Severe he was, but not cruel: few of his laws sanguinary, as being not the custom of the time: which though rough, yet found means to maintain public order, without the luctuall remedy of blood. No punishments capital, unless conspiracies: the rest were all pecuniaric mulcts, banishments, bondage or imprisonment.  
To show his clemency, this (amongst many) is one example: there was a law, that whosoever had committed thest, and the goods found in his house, all his family were made bond, even to the child in the cradle: This he antiquates as most unjust, and ordains, that only the malefactor, and such as could aid him, should endure the punishment: and that the wife, unless the thing stolen, were found under her lock, should not be guilty of her husband's offence.  
Thus was he to his people, with whom, he is said to have so well cleared himself (howsoever he did with God) that he became King of their affections, as well as of their country. And to maintain this opinion, he did many popular acts: as first all rites of honour and reverence to the memory of the late King Edmond, his confederate: beside: the executing all such as could be found to have had any hand in that murder. Then married he here at home, Emme, late wife to King Ethelred (though it were more for his honour then hers, to accept his bed, that had been the persecutor of her husband and children) whereby he held the Duke of Normandy from attempting any thing for his nephews, in regard his sister might have other by him.  
Having thus established this mighty kingdom, occasion prepares him another. The people of Norway, contemning the debility of their King, and conspiring to depose him, grew into faction: whereupon he fastens; and with the great forces he brought out of England, the might of money, and high estimation of his worthiness, so prevailed, as he soon obtained that kingdom; and was now the most renowned and potent Prince in all these parts of the world: entitled, King of England, Denmark and Norwey.  
Herewithal grew his magnificence, as wide as his power, and was especially extended to the Church, which he laboured most to gratify, either for the conscience of his deeds, or that his people, (generally addicted to devotion) might be made the more his. And holding it not enough to pour out his immense bounty here within the land, seeks to make Rome also feel the fullness thereof; whither he went in person, and performed many famous works of charity and honour; both there, and in all his voyage. He freed the Saxon school, his predecessors of England had founded, from all imposition: as he did likewise all straits and passages, where travelers were with rigour constrained to pay toll.  
Of his entertainment at Rome with the Pope, Conrade the Emperor, and diverse other Princes of the Christian world, himself writes to the Bishops and Nobility of England, and withal exhorts them very powerfully to have an especial regard to the due administration of justice, to all his subjects alike, without doing the least wrong for his gain, having no need to advance his revenue by sin: And also charges them to see all Chirchscot and Romescot fully cleared before his return.  
The active virtue of this Prince, being the mightiest, and most absolute Monarch that ever yet appeared in this kingdom, the author of a close, and first of a new Government, is such; as shows he strived by all worthy ways, to lay the groundwork of a State; which according to his frame, was either to hold good to his posterity, or not. And as likely was he, to have been the root of a succession, spreading into many descents, as was afterward the Norman; having as plentiful an issue masculine, as he: beside, he reigned near as long; far better beloved; of disposition more bountiful, and of power larger to do good. But it was not in his fate; his children miscarried in the succession, and all this great work fell in a manner with himself.  

1038.  Herald, the eldest son of Knute (some 
Harald.  write by his father's ordinance, others by the election of the Danicque Nobility, in an assembly at Oxford) was made king: whereas Godwin Earl of Kent, and the Nobility of England, would have chosen Hardiknute, borne of Queen Emme, or else Alfride, the son of Ethelred, who is said to have come out of Normandy, upon the death of Knute, to claim the Crown; But Harald, being at hand carried it; The first act of whose reign, was the banishment, and surprising all the Treasure of his stepmother Queen Emme: Then the putting out the eyes of Alfrid her son, his competitor: and committing him to a loathsome prison, where he died. For which deed, the Earl Godwyn bears a foul mark, as betraying him. Queen Emme repairs to Baldovin, Earl of Flanders, her kinsman, where she remained during the reign of Harald, which was but offoure years, and then with her son Hardiknute (who came out of Denmark, as it seems prepared for some thing else, then to visit her at Bridges) returned into England.  
THis Hardiknute invested in the Government, 
Hardiknute,  soon frustrated the hope and opinion 
1041.  fore-conceived of him: and first in like sort began with that degenerous act of revenge (wherein none are said so much to delight in, as women) causing the body of the late king to be untombed, the head cut off, & thrown into Thames; Then makes inquisition for such as were guilty of the death of Alfride, his brother by the mother: whereof Earl Godwyn and the Bishop of Worcester are accused; The Bishop is disposest his Sea: and the Earl with a rich and rare devised present, in form of a ship of gold, appeased that fury: making public protestation of his innocency before the whole Nobility, with whom in respect his deep root had spread so many branches, he stood firm, and all the blame was laid to the violence and rancour of the late king.  
Besides the offending these great men, he added a general grievance to the whole kingdom, by a prodigal largesse, giving to every Mariner of his Navy eight Marks, and to every Master ten, which he imposed to be paid by the State. But after having called home Edward his other half-brother, out of Normandy, he lived not long, for farther violences; Dying suddenly the second year of his reign, in the celebration of a marriage at Lambeth in his greatest jollity, not without suspicion of poison.  
ANd with him ended the government of the Danes in England, having only continued 
The reason of the extinction of the Danes in England.  26 years under these three last Kings: and that without any crack or noise, by reason the nation had no predominant side, that might sway the State in respect of the remission of 
Anno 1043.  their power home in the first year of Knute, and no great admission of others after: and that such, as were here before, were now so incorporated with the English, as they made one body: and most of them planted in the remote parts of the kingdom, that lay over against Denmark: where by, that which with all the struggling, no power or diligence of man could resist, expired of itself: leaving England to a King of her own, and Denmark to civil discord about the succession, Norwey likewise returning obedience to a son of Olaue, recovered quietness, & a home borne King.  
BY which occasion, Edward, the son of 
Edward the Confessor.  Ethelred, succeeding in the government, reigned 24 years in peace (which besides a 
1043.  few months, was all the space that lay betwixt, the two gulfs of stranger's domination) and was a Prince more necessary than profitable: fit for no other than the calm time he had. For having been so long brought up with the Nuns at jumieges, in Normandy, he scarce knew to be a man when he came into England. And to show how little he understood himself; they note how in a great anger he said to a base fellow that disturbed his game in hunting, I would punish thee were I able. And as if he had vowed their continency with whom he was bred, was so far from knowing other women (either thorough conscience or debility) as his own wife, after his death, protested herself free from any carnal act done by him, and yet lived he with her in all formal show of marriage.  
The soft simplicity of this King, gave way to the greatness of the Earl Godwyn, and his children, who for that he would seem the especial man in his preferment to the Crown, and by matching his daughter Edith to him, swayed chiefly the wheel of that time: and yet not without opposition: For Syward, Earl of Northumberland, and Leofrike, Earl of Hereford, men of as great State and spirit, seeing him most for himself, became more for the King, and had their turn in performing very noble actions. Nor did their emulation but much conduce to the present benefit both of the King and State; For the Earl Syward, would not be behind hand in effecting as brave deeds in the North, as Harold, Earl of Westsex, the son of the Earl Godwyn performed against the welsh in the west: For the first deprived of life and Crown, Macbeth, an usurper, and invested Malcolin, in the kingdom of Scotland, the other defeated Ris, and Griffine, two brothers, Kings of Wales, and subdued that Province to this Crown.  
Besides the Earl Godwyn, had to struggle with an archbishop of Canterbury, Robert, a Norman, preferred, from a Monk, first to London, and after to that Sea, by the King, inwardly affecting most that nation, as being part of their blood, and bred amongst them. Of whom it seemed he had many about his person, whose nearness, being strangers, whatsoever they did, could not avoid to be thought to do ill offices against the Earl, and the English in general: whereby, what went not right in the line of menn's desires, was thought to be their cause. And in stomachs full charged, this occasion gave more fire. Eustace Earl of Bullogne, who had married Goda the King's sister, having been at the Court, and returning into France, his harbinger in taking up lodgings at Dover, upon his peremptory behaviour, was by a citizen slain; The Earl arriving with all his train, pursues, and slew the homicide, with 18 other. The City seeing this, took arms, and in the bickering, the Earl lost 22 of his men whereupon, back he hasts to the King, aggravates the insolency of the Citizens so far, that the Earl Goawyn is sent for, and commanded with a power of men, to make against the City of Dover, to chastise the people. The Earl considering it was upon the information of one side; advised the King rather to send for the chief of the City, to understand what they could say for themselves, and accordingly to proceed, which being taken for a coldness in the business, and of favour to his countrymen, gave the King and his enemies occasion to suspect his affection. Shortly after, the Earl is summoned to an Assembly at Gloucester, where neither he, nor any of his sons would appear; and suspecting some practice against him by his enemies, raises forces, pretending to suppress the Welsh, who were not found to offend, whereupon the Assembly removes to London, summons him again to make his appearance, to dismiss his forces, and to come only attended with 12 persons. He sends them word, to dismiss his forces he was content, or any thing else the King would command him, so it were with the safety of his life and honour; but to come disaccompanied, was for neither. Then was he commanded within 5 days to depart the Realm, which he did, and with Toustayne and Swain his sons, gets him into Flaunders, where Toustayne married the daughter of the Earl Baldovin 5. Harald his eldest son, departs into Ireland: the King puts from him the Queen, to be partaker of the disgrace, and misery of her house. The Earl Godwin in this desperate fortune, whilst the French and his enemies possessed the King, fell to piracy, disturbed the coasts, approached London, by the river, and being so popular, as no forces would oppose against him, made at length his own peace with power; in such sort, as the French fearing revenge, forsook both the Court and kingdom.  
This (as fore-pointing to a storm that was gathering on that coast) began the first difference with the French nation: which thus acquainted with the distraction of the kingdom, and factions of great men, wrought on those advantages, and were instruments to draw on the fatal enterprise that followed.  
The weakness of the king, and the disproportionate greatness of the Earl Godwyn, being risen up from so great a fall (learning thereby, to look better to his feet, and make his sides strong) increased these discontentments, and partialities in the State: wherein many acts of injustice, by the sway of power and passion, were committed, which did much blacken that time of peace, and made a good man (not by doing, but enduring ill) held to be a bad king.  
And it is said, that Emme the Queen mother, had her part of much affliction in his reign, suffering both in her goods and fame: and how to purge herself of a scandal raised on her with Alwyn, Bishop of Winchester, she underwent the trial of Fire-Ordeall (which was to pass blindfold, with bare feet, over certain ploughshares, made red hot, and laid an uneven distance one before the other) which she safely performed. And the reason why, both her son and the State so little respected this great Lady (whose many years had made her an actor in diverse fortunes) was, for that she never affected king Ethelred, nor the children she had by him: and for her marriage with Knute, the great enemy and subduer of the kingdom, whom she ever much more loved living, and commended dead.  
It seemed these private grudges, with men's particular ends, held these times so busied, that the public was neglected, and an issueless King, gave matter for ambition and power, to build hopes and practices upon: though for his own part, he showed to have had a care for the succession, in sending for his nephew Edward, entitled the Outlaw, with his children, out of Hungary. But Edward, shortly after his arrival died, and Edgar his son (surnamed Atheling) to say the noble Edgar) either by reason of his youth, which yet was no bar to his right, or being borne and bred a stranger, little knowing, or known to the kingdom, had his claim neglected upon the death of this pious king.  
ANd Harald, son to the Earl Godwin 
Harald the Second.  
1066.  (the next day after) was preferredto the Crown, whether by any title he might pretend from the Danicque kings, as descended from that nation (and as some report, son to Githa, sister to Swain) or by mere election of the greater part of the Nobility, we cannot say: but it seems, the pressing necessity of the time, that required a more man, to undergo the burden of war, and that trouble, the world was like to fall into, by reason of the claims now made both by the Dane and Norman, cast it suddenly upon him, as the most eminent man of the kingdom, both by the experience of his own deservings, and the strength of his alliance. Neither did he fail but in fortune, to make good this election, taking all the best courses both for the well-ordering of the State, and all provisions for defence, that a politic and active Prince could do. But being to deal in a broken world, where the affections of men were all disjointed, or dashed with the terror of an approaching mischief, failing (as usually is seen) in these public fears, both in their diligence and courage to withstand it, soonefound more then enough to do.  
And the first man, which began to disturb his new government, was his own younger brother Toustayne, who in the time of the late king Edward, having the government of Northumberland, was for his pride and immanities' showed in those parts, banished the kingdom, and now by reason of his former conceived hatred against his brother, easily set on, by the Duke of Normandy, and Baldovin, Earl of Flanders (whose two daughters the Duke and he had married) assails first the Isle of Wight, and after sets upon the coast of Kent, whence he was chased by the power of Harald, and forced to withdraw into the North parts, and there seeking to land, was likewise repulsed, by the Earls Morchar and Edwin (whose sister Harald had married.) Then craves he aid of the Scots, and after of Harald surnamed Harfager, king of Norwey, being then taking in, the Orchades, and exercising piracy in those parts, whom he induced with all his forces to invade England. And landing at Tinmouth (discomfiting their first encounters) they marched into the heart of the kingdom without resistance. near Stamford, king Harald of England met them with a puissant army; and after long and eager fight, ended the day with victory, and the death of his brother Toustayne, and the king of Norwey.  
But from hence was he called with his wearied and broken forces, to a more fatal business in the South. For now William Duke of Normandy, pretending a right to the Crown of England, by the testament of the late king Edward his kinsman, upon the advantage of a busy time, and the disfurnishment of those parts, landed at Pemsey, not far from Hastings in Sussex: near to which place, was tried by the great Assize of God's judgement in battle, the right of power, between the English and Norman Nation. A battle the most memorable of all other, and howsoever miserably lost, yet most nobly fought, on the part of England; and the many wounds of Harald there slain, with the heaps of thousands of the English show, how much was wrought to have saved their country, from the calamity of foreign servitude.  
And yet, how so great a kingdom as England then was, could with one blow be subdued by so small a province as Normandy; in such sort, as it could never after come to make any general head against the Conqueror, might seem strange, did not the circumstances forenoted, and other concurrent causes, in the next book to be declared, give us fair and probable reason thereof: Besides the indisposition of a diseased time (as it is described by such as lived nearest it) may give us great evidence in this examination. For they say, the people of this kingdom, were, by their being, secure from their former enemy the Dane, and their long peace; which had held in a manner from the death of king Edmond Ironside, almost 50 years; grown neglective of arms, and generally debaushed with luxury, and idleness: the Clergy licentious, and only content with a tumultuary learning: The Nobility given to gluttony, venery and oppression: the common sort to drunkenness, and all disorder: And they say, that in the last action of Harald at Stamford, the bravest men perished, and himself growing insolent upon the victory, retaining the spoils, without distribution to his soldiers, not enured to be commanded by martial discipline, made them discontent and unruly: and coming to this battle with many mercenary men, and a discontented Army, gave great occasion to the lamentable loss thereof.  
Besides, the Normans had a peculiar fight with long bows, wherewith the English (than altogether unacquainted.) were especially overthrown. And yet their own Writers report how the main battalion of the English consisting of Bills (their chief and ancient weapon) held in a body so close locked together, as no force could dissolve them: till the Normans, feigning to fly, drew them to a disordered pursuit. And so they excuse the fortune of the day.  
And thus my noble Lord, have I, in the straightest course, the uneven compass of Antiquity could direct me, got over the wide and intricate passage of those times, that lay beyond the work I purpose more particularly to deliver.  
The end of the first Book.   

THE SECOND BOOK of the History of England  
The life of William. 1.  
I Come now (my noble Lord of Rochester) to write of a time, wherein the State of England received an alteration of laws, customs, fashion, manner of living, language writing, with new forms of fights, fortifications, buildings, and generally an innovation in most things but Religion. So that from this mutation, which was the greatest it ever had, we are to begin with a new account of an England, more in dominion abroad, more in State and ability at home, and of more honour and name in the world then heretofore: which by being thus undone, was made, as if it were in her fate to get more by her losses, than her better fortunes. For as first the conquest of the Danes; brought her to the intyrest Government, she ever possessed at home, and made her most redoubted of all the kingdoms of the North: so did this of the Norman by coming in upon her, make a way to let her out, and stretch her mighty arms over the Seas, into the goodly Provinces of the South; For before these times, the English nation from their first establishment in this Land, about the space of 500 years, never made any sally out of the Isle, upon any other part of the world, but busied at home in a divided State, held a broken government with the Danes, and of no great regard, it seems, with other nations, till Knute lead them forth into the kingdom of Norwey, where they first showed effects of their valour, and what they would be, were they employed.  
But the Normans having more of the sun, and civilitic by their commixtion with the English, begat smother fashions, with quicker motions. And being a nation free from that dull disease of drink, wherewith their former conquerors were naturally infected, induced a more comely temperance, with a nearer regard of reputation & honour: For where as before, the English lived loose, in little homely cottages, where they spent all their revenues in good fare, caring for little other gaitie at all. Now after the Norman manner, 
Malmsbury.  they build them stately houses, provide furnishments, erect Castles, after the architecture of France, which before were otherwise. They enclose parks for their private pleasure, being debarred the general liberty of hunting, which heretofore they enjoyed: whereupon all the terms of building, hunting, tools of workmen, names of most handicrafts appertaining to the delights & adornments of life, came all to be in French. And withal, the Norman habits, & fashion of living, became generally assumed, both in regard of novelty, & to take away the note of difference, which could not be well looked on, in this change.  
And though the body of our language remained the Saxon, yet it came so altered in the apparraile of the French tongue, as now we hardly know it in the ancient form it had; and not so much as the character wherein it was written, but was altered to that of the Roman, and French now used.  
But to the end we may the better know the man, and the nation that thus subdued us; we must take our course up to the head of their originals.  
The Normans, we find to have issued out 
The original of the Normans  of Norway and Denmark, and were of like manners, as the rest of those Northern countries: which by reason of the apt mixture of their phlegmatic and sanguine complexions, with their promiscuous engendering, without any tie of marriage, yielded that continual surchargement of people, as they were forced to unburden themselves on other countries, wheresoever their violence could make them room. And out of this redundancy, Roul, or Rou, a great Cmmaunder amongst them, furnished a robustious power, in the time of King Alfrid, and first landed in England, (that ever lay in the Road to all these invaders) where finding no room empty, nor any employment, was content (upon some relief received) to use his forces otherwhere; which he did against Rambalt, Duke of Prize, & Reignier Duke of Chaumont, and Hennalt: with whom he had many violent encounters, and committed great spoils in their countries. Which done; he passed along the coast of France, entered the mouth of Seine, and sacked all the country up to Rouen: where the people having been lately before miserably afflicted by Hasting, (another invader of the same Nation) were so terrified by the approach of these new forces, that the archbishop of Rouen, by the consent of the people, offered him the obedience of that City, and the Country about, on condition, he would defend them, and minister justice according to the laws of CHRIST, and the Customs of the Country. For Charles the Simples, than King of France, yielding no present succour, being otherwise embroiled about the right of his Crown, gave him the opportunity to plant him in that place, and to grow so powerful, as shortly after he attempted the conquest of Paris, and gave many notable defeits to the French Leaders. So that in the end, Charles was fain to buy his peace with the price of an alliance, and the whole country of Nuestria (or Westrish) which of the Normans, was after called Normandy. And thereupon Roul became a Christian, and baptised, had the name of Robert, given by Robert, brother to Eudes late King of France, who then stood in competition for that Crown with Charles the Simples, and is said to have under-aided Roul secretly, of purpose to make him friend his diseignes; though after he urged it an article against Charles, the giving away his Country, and the favouring of strangers.  
And thus came Roul to establish a State to his posterity, ordering the same with that judgement and equity, as he left his name in a perpetual reverence, and his successors a firm foundation to plant upon. From him, in a direct line, descended six Dukes of Normandy in the space of 120 years: William, the first, Richard 1. Richard 2 who had two sons, Richard and Robert, that successively inherited the Dukedom.  
Robert after having governed eight years, (either merely for devotion,) which charity ought rather deem) or expiation for some secret guilt, wherewith his conscience might stand charged, about his brother's death, (which because it was untimely, might be thought unnatural) resolves to visit the holy Sepulchre. And acquainting his Nobility therewithal, was by them much dissuaded, in regard he had no issue: and that already they said, Alain, Earl of Britain, and the Earl of Burgogne, were in contestation, who should succeed him in the Duchy: so that upon his death, and their strife the Country was like to become a prey to the Soldier, from which in conscience he was bound by his best means to secure it. The Duke willed them to be content. I have (said he) a little Bastard, of whose worthiness, I have great hope, and I doubt not but he is of my begetting: him will I invest in the Duchy as mine heir: And from hence forth I pray you take him for your Lord. The Earl of Britain (notwithstanding his competition) to show the affiance I have in him, I will constitute his governor, and Seneschal of Normandy; the King of France shallbe his Guardian, and so I will leave him to God and your loyalties.  
Shortly after, the Bishops and Barons did their homage to this base son, named William, who was the sixth Duke of Normandy after Roll, begotten on Arlette, a mean woman of Falaise. And Duke Robert taking his intended journey, delivers the child with his own hand, to Henry 1. King of France: whom before he had mainly aided in preserving his Crown (left him by his father King Robert's Testament) against his elder brother, and his mother Consiance, which with a great side of Nobility, stood for the right of Primogeniture, according to the custom of France: And therefore might the more presume (if good turns done to Princes could weigh so much, as their selfe-respects would not turn the scale) to have had a fair discharge of his trust; and him for a protector, whose power was best able to be so. And causing the child to do homage for his Duchy of Normandy, commits him to his Royal faith; departs his Court, and shortly after his life, in Asia. Whereupon his successor, but 9 years of age, became obnoxious to all the miseries that afflict Princes in their pupillage: besides the reproach of his birth; which though his honour and virtue might get over, yet lay it ever a bar in his way, and hindered his standing clear, stood he never so high.  
The nobles of Normandy soon after his father's death, by much entreaty, got him out of the French Kings hands, thinking the having him amongst them would add more grace to his Counsellors, and such as were in office: and the State of a Court, awe his State the better. But soon they found, the having his person without his power was but to put them out into more discord and faction.  
For presently followed the murdering and poisoning of Governors, displacing Officers, intrusion, supplantation, surprizing, and recovering of his person, by a Nobility, stubborn, haughty, and incompatible of each others precedency or nearness. But this was the least, as being done all for his person. Now followed more dangerous practices against it. His right was quarreled by competitors, clear in blood, and great in means. Whereof the first (though farthest off in descent) was Roger de Tresny, bringing a fair line from Roll, and much proof of his own worth, by having gotten great experience in the Sarazine war in Spain: whereby upon his return, entertaining and feasting the great and especial men of worth, he was grown powerful, well followed, and beloved of many: in so much that at length, measuring his own height, he urges what wrong it was that a Bastard, and a child, should be preferred before him in the succession of that Duchy his ancestors had nobly gotten: and what a shame the Normans, a people of that worth, would endure to be so governed; seeing they had others of the renowned race of Roll, William and Richard, Dukes of Normandy, of a lawful and direct line, if they held him unworthy to inherit the State: and impatient (as is ambition that ever rides without rains) of any long delay, brings his claim to a strong battle in the field, which by the valiancy of Roger de Beaumount, was utterly defeated, and himself with his. 2. brethren slain. Whereby all fear, that way, was extinguished, and the reputation of the Duke and his, so much advanced, as the King of France, (notwithstanding his tutelary charge) took from him the Castle of Thuilliers, and demolished it, pretending the insolences committed there, by the Garrisons, upon his subjects: and makes show as yet, only to keep things even. But long it was not, ere he plainly bewrayed his mind; aiding in person William Earl of Arques, brother to Duke Robert, and son to Richard. 2. making his claim to the Duchy, and brings a mighty army to succour Arques, assieged by Conte Guiffard the Duke's General; who by a stratagem so trained the French into an ambush, as he overthrew their whole power, and returns the King to Paris, with great loss and dishonour: leaving Arques the first Arch of triumph to this conqueror (not yet arrived to 17 years of age) and the discomfeited competitor, to seek his fortunes with Eustace Earl of Bologne, finding upon his return little grace in Court, where fortune ever altars credit, and few regard men overthrown.  
This storm overpast, another succeeds more dangerous; there lived with Duke William, a young Lord of like years, named Guy, son to Regnalt, Earl of Borgogne, and Alix, daughter to Richard. 2. who coming to be sensible of his interest, was advised by some stirring spirits, to attempt for the Duchy, which they said appertained to him in right, and was wrongfully usurped by the Bastard: And to advance his purpose, happens deadly hostility between two of the greatest Lords of Normandy, Viconte Needle, and the Earl of Bessin, whose debate Duke William did not, or could not pacific. This Guy (lately made Earl of Bryorn, and Vernon, interposed himself to compose this discord; and by the advice of Grimoult de Plessis (a principal mover in this work) so wrought, that either of these Lords, turned the point of their malice upon him, who in their quarrel favouring neither, made both to hate him; and easily conspire with Guy to murder him at unawares: which they had done, had not a certain Fool (whom, for being held a natural they suspected not) noting their preparations, got away in the dead of the night to Valogne, knocking and crying at the gate, till he was admitted to the Duke's presence, whom he willed in all haste to fly, or he would be murdered. The Duke seeing the Fool in this affright, thought dangers were not be weighed by the worth of the reporter, but by their likelihood; and knowing his fortune was liable unto all sudden assasinations; instantly takes horse and all alone posts to Fallaise, his especial place of strength: on the way, his horse being tired, about break of day, he comes to a little village called Rye, where, by good fortune, the gentleman of the place, was standing at his door ready to go abroad; of whom the Duke inquires the next way to Fallaise: The gentleman perceiving who he was (though as then very unwilling to be known) humbly craves the cause of his so strange and untimely riding alone: The Duke seeing himself discovered, tells the occasion: the gentleman whose name was Robert de Rye, furnishes him with a fresh horse, and sends two of his sons to conduct him the nearest way to Fallaise: No sooner was he gone out of sight, but after post the conspirators, inquiring of the same gentleman, whether he saw the Duke; who answered, that he was gone a little before, such a way (showing them a divers path) and road on with them, offering his service to Conte Bessin; of whom he held that village under the Duke, and so long he lead them about, that the Duke had recovered Fallaise; Whereupon, disappointed of their purpose, they returned into the Countries of Constantin, and Bessin; where they made themselves so powerful, as the Duke withdrew him to Rouen, and from thence to the King of France, to crave his aid, putting him in mind of, the faithful service his father had done him: how he was his homager, under his tutelary charge, and had no other sanctuary of succour to fly unto, in this case of his mutinous and turbulent nobility; the effect whereof was of dangerous consequence to that Crown. And so far urged the importancy of relief, as the King at length (who seems was yet content to have him be, though not too strong, and peradventure rather him than his competitor Guy de Burgogne) aided him in person with a puissant army against these competitors, whom they found in the vale of Dunes with as great power and resolution to bid them battle, as they to assail them. Here one Guilleson, uncle to Viconte Neel by the mother, forced his horse into the battalion of the French, and made at the King, & struck him down with his Lance: which Conte Saint Paul perceiving, hastes to encounter him with that violence, as both fell to the earth: but Guilleson soon gets up, and though his horse was slain under him, by Chastillon, he escapes out of the press, and after fled into Apulia with others. The King recovered, and more enkindled with this affront, spared not his person, to avenge his wrath. Duke William likewise (as it stood him most upon) showed effects of an all-daring and magnanimous Prince. And yet had not Ralph de Tesson been false to his fellows to recover faith with him, he had not carried (as he did) the victory. After which divers of the conspirators (who had too great hearts to yield) passed the mountains into Italy, to Robert Guiscard their countryman, (who of a private gentleman, was now by his prowess, become Lord of Apulia, Calabria, and Cicile, within the space of 12 years) to whom they were exceeding welcome, and especially Guilleson, for having encountered with a King in the midst of his battle, which made him of wider note.  
But the better to know, what star these Norman spirits had, as borne for the revolutions of those times, it shall not lie out of our way to show, how they first came into Italy, upon this occasion. There happened a debate between one Osmond Drengot, and William Repostell, gentlemen both valiant, and of great parentage in Normandy, who as they hunted in the forest of Rowerie (near Rovan) with Duke Robert; Drengot slew Repostell, in his presence, and fearing the fury of the Duke, and the friends of the slain, fled to Rome, and so to Naples, where he, with his small company of Normans that followed him, was entertained of the Duke de Benevento, to serve him against the Saracens, and Africans, which miserably infested Apulia, and Calabria, at that time. The bruit of which entertainment was no sooner spread in Normandy, but divers valiant Gentlemen and Soldiers, alured with the hope of good fortune, passed the Alps, got to their nation, & so wrought, as they grew formidable to these Barbarians, and in the end, utterly chased and extinguished them. The Calabrians and Apulians, seeing themselves rid of their enemies, would have been glad likewise (their turn served) to be rid of their friends, and either using them, more unkindly then of custom, or they presuming more of desert, turned their sword upon their intertayners. And first got a little place, which they fortified for their Rendezvous, and receipt of booty: And so augmenting still their win, obtained Territories, Cities, and Fortresses. After the death of Drengo, succeeded other gallant leaders, and at length Tancred Signor de Hauteville, in Constantine, with his. 12. sons, came into Apulia, of whom his third son Robert, surnamed Guiscard, attained the command, and was a man of a fair stature, clear judgement, and indefatigable courage. He conquered all Apulia, Callabria and Cicile, passed the Sea into Greece; relieved Michael Diocrisius, Emperor of Constantinople, defeated Nicephorus that usurped the Empire, and shortly after Alexius attempting the like: and in one year vanquished two Emperors, the one of Greece, the other of Germany: Swayed the whole Estate of Italy, and was in a fair way to have attained the Empire of Constantinople for himself, had he not died in the expedition.  
Beomond his eldest son, by his first wife, became after Prince of Antioch, and is much renowned in the holy wars. Roger (of his second marriage with the daughter of the Prince of Salerno) succeeded in the States of Italy, as more theirs by birth and blood. His daughters were all highly married; Thus from a private gentleman, came this famous Norman to leave a succession of Kings, and Princes after him, and died the same year as did this William, his concurrent in the love and favour of fortune.  
And to this man fled all the discontented and desperate Normans during these civil wars the Duke had with so many competitors: and every overthrow he gave them, augmented Guiscards forces in Italy; and especially this battle of Dunes; which ended not the Duke's travails, for Guy de Burgogne escaping the fight, fortified the Castles of Briorn and Verneville, but in the end was fain to render them both, and himself, to the Duke's mercy, and became his pensioner, who was his competitor; which act of clemency in the Duke, brought in many other to submit themselves; whereby they re-obteyned their signories, but had their Castles demolished.  
Having ended this work, new occasion to keep him in action, was ministered by Geoffry Martle, Earlc of Anjou, who warring upon the Poictovins, encroached also upon his neighbour's States, & usurped Alencon, Dampfront, and Passais, members of the Duchy of Normandy: which to recover, the Duke levies an Army, and first got Alencon, where, for that he was opprobriously scorned by the besieged (who when they saw him, would cry La Pel, La Pel, in reproach of the baseness of his mother, and the trade of the place of his birth) he showed extreme cruelty. Then lays he siege to Dampfront; which to relieve, Conte Martel comes with his greatest forces: and the Duke to take notice of his strength, sends out Roger de Mongomerie, with. 2. other knights to deliver this message to the Earl, that if he came to victual Damfronte, he should find him there the Porter to keep him out: whereto the Earl returns this answer: Tell the Duke, to morrow by day break, he shall have me there on a white horse, ready to give him the combare, and I will enter Damfront if I can; And to the end he shall know me, I will were a shield d'or, without any devise.  
Roger replies, Sir you shall not need to take that pains, for to morrow morning, you shall have the Duke in this place, mounted on a bay horse; And that you may know him, he shall were on the point of his Lance, a streamer of taffeta, to wipe your face. Herewith returning, each side prepares for the morning: when the Earl, busy in ordering his battles, was advertised by two horsemen, that came crossing the field, how Damfronte, for certain, was rendered to the Duke; whereupon in great rage, he presently departs with his army: whereof a part, was (in passing a straight) cut off, by Viconte Neel, who for that service, redeemed his former offence, and was restored to the Duke's favour, whom ever after he faithfully served. Those of Damfronte, desperate of succour, presently yield themselves to the Duke, who with his engines and forces removes from thence to Hambrieres, a frontier town of Conte Martels, and by the way (had it not been by himself discovered) he had been utterly overthrown by an ambush, which gave him much to do, and lost him very many brave men. Wherewith he grew so enraged, that he forced into the troops of his enemies; made at Conte Martel, stracke him down with his sword, clave his helmet, and cut of an ear: but yet he escaped out of the press, though divers were taken, and the Aniowins utterly defeated.  
Whilst thus he was travailed with an outward enemy, two more, were found at home, to conspire against him. william Guelan, Earl of Mortagne, descended from Richard the second. And William Earl of Yew, and Montreul, issuing from William, the brother of the same Richard, and of Esselin, Countess of Montreul: the first upon suspicion, the other upon proof, of an intention, was banished, and their estates seized: the Earldom of Mortaigne he gave to Robert: that of Yew to Odo, (after Bishop of Bayeux) both his brethren by the mother.  
These assaults from abroad, these scorns, conspiracies, and under-workings at home, he passed before he was full. 22 years of age: and thus his enemies made him, that sought to undo him. But now, more to underset and strengthen his State, against future practices, he convokes an assembly of his Prelates, Barons, and Gentlemen, causing them to receive their oath of fealty, and raze their castles. which done, he married Matilde, the daughter of Baldovin, 5. Earl of Flaunders, but not without contrast and trouble: for his uncle maugre, Archbyshope of Rouen, excommunicates him, for matching within the forbidden degrees of kindred: she being daughter to Elinor, daughter to Richard the. 2. and so his father's sister's daughter. To expiate for which offence, (upon a dispensation from Pope Victor) they were enjoined the building of certain Hospitals for blind people: and two Abbeys, the one for men, the other for women: which were erected at Caen.  
This match, and the overmatching his enemies, set him so high a mark of envy in the eye of France, which naturally loved not the Normans (whom in reproach they usually called Trewans) as they easily incensed their King, who of himself was forward enough, to abate a power, grown so out of proportion, with the rest of the Princes of his dominions, to find a quarrel (which confiners easily do) to set upon him: and to make it look the fairer, pretends to correct the insolences of the Normans, committed on his territories, and to relieve Count Martel, oppressed by the Duke; besides alleging, it concerned him in honour and justice, to have that Province, which held of his Crown, to be governed by a Prince of lawful blood, according to Christian order and laws Ecclesiastical: and therefore resolveth utterly to exterminate the Duke, and establish a legitimate Prince in the Duchy. For which effect, two armies are gathered from all parts of his kingdom; the one sent along the river Sein, the other into the Country of Bessin, as meaning to encompass him.  
The Duke likewise divides his forces into 2. parts: sends his brother Odo, Earl of Yew, Walter Guifford Earl of Longueuill, and others with the one, to the Country of Caux, himself with the other takes towards Eureux, (to make head to the King that was at Mante) and withdraws all cattle and provisions out of the flat Country, into Cities and Fortresses, for their own store, and disfurnishment of the enemy. The King's army marching from Beawois, to Mortimer, and finding there a fat country full of all provisions, betook them to make good cheer, and rests there all that night; thinking the Norman forces were yet with the Duke at Eureux; which the army in Caux, conducted by Odo understanding, marched all night, and by break of day, gave them so hot an alarm, and so sudden, as put them all in rote, leaving horse, and armour, and all to the assailants; who made such a destruction of them, as of. 40. thousand, not the fourth part escaped.  
With this deseiture, the King of France is again returned home, with great rage and grief, and the Duke, with the redemption of the prisoners, recovers his peace, and the Castle of Thuilliers, taken from him in his underage. Cont Martell though much dismayed, with the King's overthrow, yet leaves not to make some attempts for the recovering his Towns; but with no success. The Duke he saw was too well beloved and followed, for him to do any good without a stronger arm. Wherefore the next spring, he goes, again to importune the King of France, to aid him against the Duke: who (he said) was now grown so insolent upon this peace, and the victory he had stolen, and not won, that there was no living for his neighbours near him: besides the Normans had the French in such derision, and base esteem, as they made their act at Mortimer their only sport, and the subject of their rhymes: as if a King of France, upon the loss of a few men, was retired, and durst not break a dishonourable peace.  
With which instigation, and being stung with the touch of reproach, he raises another Army far mightier than before, wherein were three Dukes, and twelve Earls, and notwithstanding the solemn peace made, and so lately sworn with the Duke, he enters Normandy in the harvest time, overrunnes and spoils all the Country, along the Coast to Bessin: from whence marching to Bayeux, and Caen, with purpose to pass the river Dive at Varneville, to destroy the Countries of Auge, Liseux, and Roumoys, even to Rouen: and finding the case-way long, and the bridge narrow, caused his vanguard to pass over first: and, to secure his Arierguard, conducted by the Duke of Berry, himself stays behind in Caen, till his people, and their carriages were passed. Duke William, who all this while, stores his fortresses with men and victual, makes himself as strong in the Town of Falaise, as he could; hath no army in the field, but a running camp to be ready to take all advantages: le's the fury of the storm spend itself, and having advertisement of this passage, marched all night with. 10. thousand men, and in the morning early, sets upon the Arrierguard, with so sudden a cry and fury, as they who were before on the Case-way hearing this noise behind, thrust forward their fellows, hasting to get over the bridge, with such a crowd and press, as they broke it, & many were drowned in the river. They who were gotten over, could not return to aid the rest; nor the King, (by reason of the Marshes on both sides) yield any succour to his people; but stood a spectator of their slaughter, and the taking of six of his Earls, of whom one was the exiled Earl of Yew, whom the King (favouring his great worth) had made Conte De Soissons.  
The grief of this overthrow, shortly after gave the King of France his death, and the Duke of Normandy a joyful peace, which he nobly employed in the ordering and adorning his State: building, endowing, and decking Monasteries & Churches: gathering relics from all parts to furnish his Abbeys at Caen, (where he also erected a Tomb for himself and his wife) feasting and rewarding his Nobles and men of worth: whereby he so possessed him of the hearts of all his people generally, as they were entirely his, for what he would.  
During this calm of his life, he makes a journey over into England, as if to visit King Edward his kinsman: who, in regard of the preservation, and breeding he had in Normandy, by Duke Richard the second, (Grandfather to them both) gave him most royal entertainment: And here he showed himself; and here no doubt he found matter for his hopes to work on. In this interview he discovered England, being to be presupposed, he came not to gather cockleshells, on the shore. Nor was it long after cre Harald, (whether of purpose to ratify some paction closely contrived betwixt them: or by casualty of weather driven into France, (and so same to make it seem a journey of purpose to the Duke) is not certainly delivered) was gallantly entertained in Normandy, presented with all shows of Arms, brought to Paris, and there likewise feasted in that Court. And at his return to Roven, something was concluded, either in likelihood to divide the Kingdom between them, or that Harald being a coast-dweller, and had the strongest hand in the State, should let in the Duke, and do his best to help him to the Crown, upon conditions of his own greatness, or whatsoever it was; promises were made and confirmed by oaths upon the Evangelists, and all the sacred Relics at Roven, in the presence of divers great persons. Besides for more assurance, Harald was fianced to Adeliza, the Duke's daughter, and his brother Wolnot, left a pledge for the performance.  
This intercourse made the trans-action of the fate of England, and so much was done, either by King Edward or Harald (though neither's act, if any such were, was of power to prejudice the State, or alter the course of a right succession) as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown, by a donation made by Testament, which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom, could be of no validity at all. For the Crown being held, not as Patrimonial, but in a succession by remotion (which is a succeeding to another's place) it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositine and testamentary will, the right descending to the next of blood, only by the Custom and Law of the Kingdom: For the Successor is not said properly to be the heir of the King, but the Kingdom, which makes him so, and cannot be put from it by any act of his Predecessor. But this was only his claim; the right was of his own making, and no otherwise. For as soon as he had heard of the death of King Edward, with the Election, and Coronation of Harald, (for they came both together) he assembles the States of Normandy, and acquaints them with the right he had to England, soliciting an extension of their utmost means for his recovery thereof, and avengement of the perjured Usurper Harald; showing them apparent probability of suceesse, by infallible intelligence he had from the State, his strong party therein, with the debility and distraction of the people; What glory, wealth, and greatness, it would add to their Nation, the obtaining of such a Kingdom, as was thus opportunely laid open for them, if they apprehended the present occasion. All which remonstrances notwithstanding, could induce but very few to like of this attempt, and those such who had long followed him in the wars, exhausted their estates, and content to run upon any adventure that might promise likelihood of advancement. The rest were of divers opinions: some that it was sufficient to hold and defend their own country; without hazarding themselves, to conquer others; and these were men of the best ability: others were content to contribute, but so sparingly, as would little advance the business: and for the most part they were so tired with the formerwarres, and so desirous to embrace the blessing of peace, as they were unwilling to undergo a certain trouble for an uncertain good. And with these oppositions, or faint offers, the Duke's purpose, at first, had so little way, as did much perplex him: At length, seeing this protraction, and difficulty in general: he deals with his nearest and most trusty friends in particular, being such as he knew affected the glory of action, and would adventure their whole estates with him. As William fitz Auber, Conte de Brettevile, Gnalter Guifford Earl of Logueville, Roger, Signor de Beaumond, with others, especially his own brothers, Odo Bishop of Bayeux, and Robert Earl of Mortaigne: these in full assembly he wrought to make their offers: which they did in so large a proportion; and especially William fitz Auber (who made the first offer, to furnish forty ships with men and munition; the Bishop of Bayeux. 40. the Bishop of Mans. 30. and so others, according or beyond their abilities) as the rest of the assembly, doubting if the action succeeded without their help (the Duke aryving to that greatness) would bear in mind, what little mind they showed to advance his desires, began to contribute more largely.  
The Duke finding them yielding, though not in such sort as was requisite for such a work; dealt with the Bishops and great men a part, so effectually, as at length he got of them severally that, which of altogether he could never have compassed, and causing each man's contribution to be registered; enkindled such an emulation amongst them, as they who lately would do nothing, now strived who should do most.  
And not only won he the people of his own Provinces, to undertake this action, but drew by his fair persuasions and large promises, most of the greatest Princes and Nobles of France, to adventure their persons, and much of their estates with him; as Robert fitz Haruays, Duke of Orleans, the Earls of Bretaigne, Ponthicu, Bologne, Poictou, Maine, Nevers, Hiesms, Aumal; Le Signors de Tours, and even his mortal enemy Martel, Earl of Anjou, became to be as forward as any. All which, he sure could never have induced, had not this virtues and greatness gained a wide opinion and reputation amongst them.  
Although in these advancements and turns of Princes, there is a concurrency of dispositions, and a constitution of times prepared for it: yet is it strange, that so many mighty men of the French nation, would adventure their lives and fortunes to add England to Normandy, to make it more than France, and so great a Crown to a Duke, who was too great for them already. But where mutations are destined, the counsels of men must be corrupted, and there will fall out all advantages to serve that business.  
The King of France, who should have strangled this design in the birth, was a child, and under the curature of Baldovin, Earl of Flanders, whose daughter the Duke had married, and was sure to have rather furtherance than any opposition that way: Besides, to amuse that Court, and dazzle a young Prince, he promised faithfully, if he conquered this kingdom; to hold it of the King, as he did the Duchy of Normandy, and do him homage for the same; which would add a great glory to that Crown. Then was he before hand with Pope Alexander, (to make religion give reputation and avowment to his pretended right) promising likewise to hold it of the Apostolic Sea, if he prevailed in his enterprise. Whereupon the Pope sent him a Banner of the Church, with an Agnus of gold, and one of the hairs of Saint Peter. The Emperor Hen. 4 sent him a Prince of Almaigne with forces, but of what name, or his number, is not remembered: so that we see it was not Normandy alone that subdued England, but a collected power out of all France and Flanders with the aids of other Princes. And by these means made he good his undertaking, and within eight months was ready furnished with a powerful army at Saint Valerie in Normandy, whence he transported the same into England in. 896. ships, as some write. And this was the man, and thus made to subdue England.  
And now having gotten, the great and difficult battle, before remembered, at Hastings, the fourteenth of October. 1066. he marched without any opposition to London, where Edwin and Morchar, Earls of Northumberland, and Mercland, brothers of eminent dignity and respect in the kingdom, had laboured with all their power to stir the hearts of the people for the conservation of the State, and establishing Edgar Atheling, the next of the Royal issue, in his right of the Crown: whereunto other of the Nobility had likewise consented; had they not seen the bishops averse or wavering. For, asthen, to the Clergy, any King (so a Christian) was all one: they had their Province a part, divided from secular domination: and of a Prince (though a stranger) who had taken up so much of the world before hand, upon credit and fame of his piety and bounty, they could not but presume well for their estate: and so were content to give way to the present Fortune.  
The Nobility, considering they were so borne, and must have a King: not to take him that was of power to make himself, would show more of passion than providence: and to be now behind hand to receive, with more than submission, was as if to withstand: which (with the distrust of each others faith) made them strive and run headlong who should be first to preoccupate the grace of servitude, and intrude them into foreign subjection.  
The Commons, like a strong vessel that might have been for good use, was hereby left, without a stern, and could not move but irregularly. So that all estates in general either corrupted with new hopes, or transported with fear, forsook themselves, and their distressed Country. Upon his approach to London the gates were all set open: the Archbyshope of Canterbury, Stigand, with other Bishops, the Nobility, Magistrates, and people, rendering themselves in all obedience unto him: and he returning plausible protestations of his future government, was on Christmas day, than next following, crowned King of England at Westminister, by Aldred, archbishop of York, for that Stigand was not held canonically invested in his Sea: and yet thought to have been a forward mover of this alteration.  
here, according to the accustomed form, at his Coronation, the Bishops and Barons of the Realm, took their oath, to be his true and loyal subjects, and he reciprocally (being required thereunto by the Archbyshope of York) made his personal oath, before the Altar of Saint Peter, to defend the holy Churches of God, and the Rectors of the same: to govern the Universal people, subject unto him, justly: to establish equal laws, and to see them ducly executed. Nor did he ever claim any power by conquest, but as a regular Prince, submitted himself to the orders of the kingdom: desirous rather to have his Testamentary title (howsoever weak) to make good his succession, rather than his sword. And though the Style of Conqueror by the flattery of the time, was after given him, he showed by all the course of his government he assumed it not: introducing none of all those alterations, (which followed) by violence, but a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State, and the occasions offered, and that by way of reformation. And now taking hostages for his more security, and order for the defence and government of his kingdom, at the opening of the spring next, he returns into Normandy, so to settle his affairs there, as they might not distract him from his business in England, that required his whole powers.  
And to leave here all sure behind him, he commits the rule of the kingdom, to his brother the Bishop of Bayeux, and to his cousin Fitz Auber, whom he had made Earl of Hereford, 
Or Osborne.  taking with him all the chief men of England, who were likest to be heads to a revolt. As Edger Atheling, the Archbishop Stigand, lately discontented : Edwin, and Morchar, with many other Bishops and Noble men: Besides to unburden his charge, and dis-impester his Court; he took back with him all the French adventurers, and such as were unnecessary men, rewarding them as far as his treasure would extend, and the rest he made up in fair promises.  
In his absence, which was all that whole summer, nothing was here attempted against him, but only that Edric, surnamed the Forester, in the County of Hereford, called in the kings of the Welsh, to his aid, and foraged only the remote borders of that country. The rest of the kingdom stood quiet, expecting what would become of that new world, wherein as yet they found no great alteration, their laws and liberties remaining the same they were before, and might hope by this accession of a new Province, the state of England would be but enlarged in dominion abroad, and not impaired in profit at home, by reason the nation was but small, and of a plentiful, and not overpeopled country, likely to impester them.  
Having disposed his affairs of Normandy, he returns towards winter, into England, where he was to satisfy three sorts of men; first such adventurers, with whom he had not yet cleared: Secondly, those of his own people, whose merits or nearness, looked for recompense, whereof the number being so great, many must have their expectations fed, if not satisfied: Thirdly, the people of this kingdom, by whom he must now subsist, for being not able with his own nation, so to empeople the same, as to hold and defend it (if he should proceed to an extirpation of the natural inhabitants) he was likewise to give them satisfaction.  
Wherein he had more to do then in his battle at Hastings; seeing all remunerations, with supplies of money, must be raised out of the stock of the kingdom, which could not but be irksome to the State in general, and all preferments and dignities conferred on his, to be either by vacancies, or displacing others, which must needs breed very feeling grievances in particular. And yet we find no great men thrust out of their rooms, but such as put themselves out, by revolting, after his establishment, and their fealty given. So that it seems, he contented himself and his, for the time, only with what he found here ready, and with filling up their places, who were slain in the battle, or fled, as many were, with the sons of Harald out of the kingdom. Such Gentlemen as he could not presently prefer, and had a purpose to advance, he dispersed abroad into Abbeys, there to live till places fell out for them: and 24 he sent to the Abbey of Eley: whereby he not only lessened the multitude of attendants and suitors at Court; eased that eyesore of strangers, but also had them a watch over the Clergy, who then were of great and eminent power in the kingdom; and might much prevail with the people.  
But the English Nobility, incompatible of these new concurrents; found notwithstanding, such a disproportion of grace, and darkening of their dignities, by the interposition of so many, as must needs lessen their splendour; that many of the chiefest, doubting to be more impaired in honour and estate, conspired together, and fled some into Scotland, and some into Denmark, to try if by aid from abroad, they might recover themselves, and their lost fortunes again at home 
The English Nobility forsake the kingdom. . Amongst which, the chief was Edgar Atheling, (termed, England's Darling, which showed the people's zeal to his blood) who with his mother Agatha, and his two sisters Margaret and Christin, intending to retire into Hungary, (their native Country) were driven by tempest on the coast of Scotland, where they were with all Hospitable comfort entertained by Malcolin. 3. whose former sufferings in his exile, had taught him to compassionate others like distresses; and whom it concerned now to look to his own, his neighbour's house being thus on fire: and to foster a party against so dangerous an in-commer, that was like to thrust them all out of door. Which induced him not only to entertain this Prince, dispossessed of his right, but to enter league with him for the public safety; And to enchain it the stronger, he takes to wife Margaret, the sister of Edgar, (a Lady endued with all blessed virtues) by whom the blood of our ancient Kings was preserved, and conjoined with the Norman in Hen. 2. and so became English again. Unto Edgar in Scotland, repaired the Earls Edwin and Morchar, Hereward, Gospatric, Siward, with others: and shortly after Stigand and Aldred, archbishops, with divers of the clergy: who in the third year of this King's reign, raised very great commotions in the North, beyond Humber, and wrought most eager to recover their lost Country: but being now to late, and the occasion not taken before the settling of the govern meant, whilst it was new and branling, they prevailed nothing, but gave advantage to the conqueror, to make himself more than he was: For all conspiracies of subjects, if they succeed not, advance the sovereignty: and nothing gave root to the Norman planting here, more than the petty revolts made by discattred troops, in several parts, begun without order, and followed without resolution; whereas nothing could be done for a general recovery, but by a general sullevation of the people: for which all wary prevention was used; and they had waits enough laid on, to hold them down. And though these Lords embroiled themselves, and held him doing in the North, yet he having all the South parts settled under his domination, with well practised and prepared forces, there could be little hope of good, whilst all their great estates furnished the Normans, both in state and means to ruin them; The Earldom; and all the Lands which Edwin held in Yorkshire, were given to Alain, Earl of Britain, kinsman to the Conqueror; The Arch-byshopricke of Canterbury, conferred on Lanfranc, Abbot of Caen. That of York, on Thomas his Chapline, and all the rest both of the Clergy and others, which were out, had their places within, supplied by Normans.  
And after King William had appeased a commotion in the West, which the sons of Herald, with forces out of Ireland had raised, and also repressed the rebellions of Excester, and Oxford; he takes his journey in person Northward with all expedition, lest the enemy there, should grow too high in heart and opinion, upon the great slaughter of his people, made at York; and the defeiture of his Brother & Lieutenant, Robert Earl of Mortaigne, slain with. 700. Normans at Durham: where, at his first coming he so wrought, that he either discomfeited, or corrupted the generals of the Danicque forces, newly arrived to aid the Lords; andsent by Swain, King of Denmark, under the conduct of his two sons, Herald and Knute, with a Navy of. 300. sail: and after sets upon the army of the Lords, weakened both in strength and hope, by this departure of their confederates, and puts them to slight: Which done, he utterly wasted, and laid desolate, all that goodly Country between York and Durham, the space of 60. miles, that it might be no more a succour to the enemy: And the like course he used on all the Coasts where any apt landings lay for invasions; and so returns to London.  
Most of the Lords after this great defeit, came in, upon public faith given them, and were conducted to Barkehamsted, by the Abbot Fredricke; where, upon their submission, and oath of allegiance retaken, they had their pardon, and restitution of grace granted by the King, who it seems was so willing to acquit them, that again he takes his personal oath before the archbishop Lanfranck, and the Lords, to observe the ancient laws of the Realm, established by his Noble predecessors, the Kings of England, and especially those of Saint Edward. Whereupon these stormy dispositions held calm a while.  
But long it was not ere many of these Lords (whether upon intelligence of new hopes, from Edgar (who was still in Scotland) or grown desperate with new displeasures, at home, finding small performance of promises, made rupture of oath, & all other respects, and broke out again. The Earl Edwin, making towards Scotland, was murdered by his own people. The Lords Morchar, & Hereward, betook them to the Isle of Eley, meaning to make good that place for that winter; whether also repaired the Earl Syward, and the Bishop of Durham out of Scotland. But the King, who was no tyme-giver unto growing dangers, beset all the Isle with flat boats on the East, and made a bridge of two miles long on the West, and safely brought in his people upon the enemy; who seeing themselves surprised; yielded all to the King's mercy, except Hereward, who desperately marched with his people through the Fens, and recovered Scotland: The rest were sent to divers prisons, where they died, or remained during the King's life.  
Those Lords who persisted loyal upon this last submission, were all employed and well graced with the King, as Edric the Forester, (and first that rebelled in his reign) was held in clear trust, and near about him. Gospatrice he made Earl of Northumberland, and sent him against Malcolin, who in this time, subdues the Countries of Tisdall, Cleveland, and Comberland: Waltheof, son to the Earl Syward, he held so worthy to be made his, as he married him to his niece judith, though he had been a principal actor in the Northern commotion, (and in defending the City of York against him: is said to have stricken off the heads of divers Normans, one by one, as they entered a breach, to the admiration of all about him) showing therein that true touch of the noblest nature, to love virtue, even in his enemies.  
And now seeing Scotland to be the especial retreat for all conspirators, and discontented in his kingdom, yielding them continual succour, and assistance, and where his competitor Edgar lived, to beget and nurse perpetual matter for their hopes, and at hand for all advantages; he enters that kingdom with a puissant Army: which, encountering with more necessities than forces, soon grew tired, and both Kings, considering of what difficulties the victory would consist, were willing, to take the safest way to there ends, and upon fair overtures, to conclude a peace; Articling for the bounds of each kingdom, with the same title of dominion, as in former times: All delinquents, and their partakers generally pardoned.  
here with the universal turn of alteration, thus wrought in England, Scotland being a part of the body of this Isle, is noted to have 
Scotland before this time generally spoke a Kind of Irish.  likewise had a share; and as in the Court of England, the French tongue became generally spoken; so in that of Scotland did the English, by reason of the multitude of this Nation, attending both the Queen and her brother Edgar, and daily repairing thither for their safety, and combination against the common enemy: of whom diverse, abandoning their native distressed Country, were by the bounty of that King preferred: and there planted spread their offspring into many noble families, remaining to this day: The titles for distinguishing degrees of honour; as of Duke, marquess, Earl, Baron, Rider or Knight, were then (as is thought) first introduced: and the nobler sort began to be called by the title of their Signories (according to the French manner) which before bare the name of their Father, with the addition of Mac, after the fashion of Ireland. Other innovations, no doubt, entered there likewise at the opening of this wide mutation of ours: fashion and imitation like weeds easily growing in every soil.  
Shortly after this late made peace, Edgar 
Edgar Atheling submitted himself to King William.  Etheling voluntarily came in, and submitted himself to the King, being then in Normandy, and was restored to grace, and a fair maintenance, which held him ever after quiet. And it made well at that time for the fortune of the King, howsoever for his own, being thought to have ill-timed his affairs (either through want of seasonable intelligence, or despair of success) in making too soon that submission, which was latter or never to have been done. For in this absence of the King, Roger fits Auber, the young Earl of Hereford, contrary to his express commandment, gave his sister in marriage to Ralph Waher, Earl of Norfolk, and Suffolk, and at the great solemnisation thereof, the two Earls conspired with Eustace Earl of Boulogne (who secretly came over to this festival) and with the Earl Waltheof, and other English Lords, to call in the Danes, and by main power to keep out and dispossess the King. Who having thus passed over so many gulfs of foreign dangers, might little imagine of any wrack so near home; and that those, whom he had most advanced, should have the especial hand in his destruction: But no rewards are benefits, that are not held so, nor can ever clear the accounts with them that overvalue their merits. And had not this conspiracy been opportunely discovered (which some say was by the Earl Waltheof, moved with the ugliness of so foul an ingratitude) they had put him again to the winning of England. But now the fire bewrayed before it flamed, was soon quenched by the diligence of Odon the King's Vicegerent, the Bishop of Worcester and others, who kept the conspirators from joining their forces: So that they never came to make any head, but were either surprised, or forced to fly: The Earl Roger fitz Auber was taken, and some say executed; and so was shortly after the Earl Waltheof, whose dissent from the act, could not get him pardon for his former consent, though much compassion in respect of his great worthiness. But the wide distent of these tumours, fed from many secret veins, seemed to be of that danger, as required this extremity of cure, especially in a part so apt for infection, upon any the like humours.  
For this conspiracy seems to take motion from a general league of all the neighbour Princes here about, as may well be gathered by their several actions. First in the King of France by defending Dole in Britain (a Castle of Ralph de Waher) against the King of England, and in likelihood, employing the Earl of Boulogne towards the conspirators: In Swayne King of Denmark, by sending a Navy of two hundredth sail, under the conduct of his son Knut, and others. In Drone King of Ireland, by furnishing the sons of Harald with 65 ships. In Malcoline, and the Kings of Wales, by their readiness to assist. But the Danes being on the coast, and hearing how their confederates had sped, with the great preparations the king had made, after some pillage taken upon the shores of England and Flanders, returned home, and never after arrived to disturb this land. Though in Anno Reg. 19 Knute, than king of Denmark, after the death of Swain, intending to repair the dishonour of his two last adventures past, and put for the Crown of England, his predecessors had holden, prepared a Navy of a thousand sail, and was aided with six hundredth more by Robert le Frison Earl of Flanders (whose daughter he had married.) But the winds held so contrary for two years together, as utterly quashed that enterprise, and freed the king and his successors for ever after from future molestation that way.  
But this business put the State to an infinite charge, the king entertaining all that time, besides his Normans, Hugh, brother to the king of France, with many companies of French. Finding the English (in respect of many great families allied to the Danes) to incline rather to that nation, than the Norman, and had experience of the great and near intelligence continually passing between them.  
And these were all the wars he had within the kingdom, saving in Anno Regni 15. he subdued Wales, and brought the kings there, to do him homage.  
His wars abroad, were all about his dominions in France, first raised by his own son Robert, left Lieutenant governor of the Duchy of Normandy, & the County of Main, who in his father's absence, tasting the glory of command, grew to assume the absolute rule of the Province, causing the Barons there, to do him homage as Duke, not as Lieutenant, and leagues him with the King of France, who working upon the easiness of his youth and ambition, was glad to apprehend that occasion to disjoinct his estate, who was grown too great for him. And the profuse largesse and disorderly expense whereto Robert was addicted, is nourished by all ways possible, as the means to imbrake him in those difficulties of still getting money, that could not but needs yield continual occasion to entertain both his own discontent, and theirs, from whom his supplies must be raised. And though thereby he purchased him the title of Courtois, yet he lost the opinion of good government, and constrained the estates of Normandy, to complain to his father of the great concussion, and violent exactions he used amongst them.  
The King understanding the fire thus kindled in his own house, that had set others all in combustion, hastes with forces into Normandy, to have surprised his son; who advertised of his coming, furnished with. 2000 men at arms, by the King of France, lay in ambush where he should pass; sets upon him, defeated most of his people, and in the pursuit happened to encounter with himself, whom he unhorsed, and wounded in the arm, with his Lance; but perceiving by his voice, it was his father, he hasted to remount him, humbly craving pardon for his offence: which the father (seeing in what case he was) granted, howsoever he gave; and upon his submission, took him with him to Roven; whence, after cured of his hurt, he returned with his son William (likewise wounded in the fight) into England.  
Long was it not ere he was again informed of his sons remutyning, and how he exacted upon the Normans, usurped the entire government, and urged his father's promise thereof, made him before the King of France, upon his Conquest of England: which caused his little stay here, but to make preparations for his return into those parts: whether in passing, he was driven on the Coast of Spain, but at length arriving at Bordeaux, with his great preparations, his son Robert came in, and submitted himself the second time: whom he now took with him into England, to frame him to a better obedience, employing him in the hard and necessitous wars of Scotland, (the late peace being between the two Kings again broken) and after sent him back, and his young son Henry, with the association of charge and like power (but of more trust) to the government of Normandy.  
After the two Princes had been there a while, they went to visit the King of France at Conflance, where feasting certain days, upon an after dinner, Henry wan so much at chess, of Lovis, the King's eldest son, as he, growing into choler, called him the son of a Bastard, and threw the Chess in his face. Henry takes up the Chesse-bord, and struck Lovis, with that force, as drew blood, and had killed him, had not his brother Robert come in the mean time, and interposed himself: Whereupon they suddenly took horse, and with much ado they recovered Pontoise, from the King's people that pursued them.  
This quarrel arising, upon the intermeeting of these Princes (a thing that seldom breeds good blood amongst them) re-inkindled a heat of more rancour in the fathers, and began the first war between the English and French. For presently the King of France, complots again with Robert (impatient of a partner) enters Normandy, and takes the City of Vernon. The King of England invades France, subdues the Country of Zaintonge and Poictou, and returns to Roven, where the third time, his son Robert is reconciled unto him, which much disappoints and vexes the King of France, who thereupon, summons the King of England, to do him homage for the kingdom of England, which he refused to do, saying, he held it of none but God and his sword. For the Duchy of Normandy he offers him homage: but that would not satisfy the King of France, whom nothing would, but what he could not have, the Mastery: and seeks to make any occasion the motive of his quarrel: and again invades his territories, but with more loss than profit. In the end, they conclude a certain crazy peace, which held no longer than King William had recovered a sickness, whereinto (through his late travail, age, and corpulency) he was fallen: at which time, the King of France, then young and lusty, jesting at his great belly, whereof he said, he lay in, at Roven, so irritated him, as being recovered, he gathers all his best forces, enters France in the chiefest time of their fruits, making spoil of all in his way, till he came even before Paris; where the King of France then was; to whom he sends, to show him of his upsitting, and from thence marched to the City of Mants, which he utterly sacked, and in the destruction thereof, gate his own, by the strain of his horse, among the breaches, and was thence conveyed sick to Roven, and so ended all his wars.  
NOw for his government in peace, and the 
His government in peace.  course he held in establishing the kingdom thus gotten; first after he had repressed the conspiracies in the North, and well quieted all other parts of the State (which now being absolutely his, he would have to be ruled by his own law) began to govern all by the Customs of Normandy. Whereupon the aggrieved Lords, and sad people of England, tender their humble petition, beseeching him, in regard of his oath made at his Coronation: And by the soul of Saint Edward, from whom he had the Crown and kingdom; under whose laws they were borne and bred; That he would not add that misery, to deliver them up to be judged, by a strange law they understood not. And so earnestly they wrought, that he was pleased to confirm that by his Charter, which he had twice forepromised by his oath: And gave commandment to his justiciaries to see those laws of Saint Edward (so called, not that he made them, but collected them out of Merchen-law, Dane law, and Westsex law) to be inviolably observed throughout the kingdom. And yet notwithstanding this confirmation, and the Charters afterward granted by Hen. 1. Hen 2. and King john, to the same effect, there followed a general innovation both in the laws and government of England: So that this seems rather done to acquit the people with a show of the continuation of their ancient customs, then that they enjoyed them in effect. For the little conformity between those laws of former times, and these that followed upon this change of State, show from what head they sprang. And though there might be some veins issuing from foreigner originals, yet the main stream, of our Common law, with the practice thereof, flowed out of Normandy, notwithstanding all objections can be made to the contrary. For before these collections of the Confessors, there was no universal law of the kingdom, but every several Province held their own customs: all the inhabitants from Humber to Scotland used the Danicque law: Merchland, the middle part of the Country, and the State of the West Saxons, had their several constitutions, as being several dominions: And though for some few years there seemed to be a reduction of the Heptarchy, into a Monarchy, yet held it not so long together (as we may see in the succession of that broken government) as to settle one form of order current over all; but that every Province, according to their particular founders, had their customs a part, and held nothing in common (besides religion, and the constitutions thereof) but with the universality of Meum & Tuum, ordered according to the rites of nations, and that ius innatum, the Common law of all the world, which we see to be as universal, as are the cohabitations and societies of men, and serves the turn to hold them together in all Countries, howsoever they may differ in their forms.  
So that by these passages, we see what way we came, where we are, and the furthest end we can discover of the original of our Common law; and to strive to look beyond this, is to look into an uncertain vastness, beyond our discerning. Nor can it detract from the glory of good Customs, if they bring but a pedigree of 600. years to approve their gentility; seeing it is the equity, and not the antiquity of laws that makes them venerable, and the integrity of the professors thereof, the profession honoured. And it were well with mankind, if days brought not their corruptions, and good orders were continued with that providence, as they were instituted.  
But this alteration of the laws of England bred most heavy doleances, not only in this King's time, but long after: For whereas before, those laws they had, were written in their own tongue, intelligible to all; now are they translated into Latin and French, and practised wholly in the Norman form and language; thereby to draw the people of this kingdom, to learn that speech for their own need, which otherwise they would not doc; And seeing a difference in tongue, would continue a difference in affections; all means was wrought to reduce it to one Idiom, which yet was not in the power of the Conqueror to do, without the extirpation or overlaying the Land-bred people; who being so far in number as they were above the invaders, both carry the main of the language, and in few years, have those who subdued them, undistinguishablie theirs. For notwithstanding the former conquest by the Danes, and now this by the Norman, the solid body of the kingdom, still consisted of the English, and the accession of strange people, was but as Rivers to the Ocean, that changed not it, but were changed into it. And though the king laboured what he could to turn all to French, by enjoining their children here to use not other language, with their Grammar in schools, to have the laws practised in French, All petitions and business of Court, in French, No man graced but he that spoke French, yet soon after his days, all returns natural English again, but law, and that still held foreign, and became in the end wholly to be enclosed in that language: nor have we now other mark of our subjection and invassellage from Normandy, but only that, and that still speaks French to us in England.  
And herewithal new Terms, new Constitutions, new forms of Pleas, new Offices and Courts are now introduced by the Normans; a people more enured to litigation, and of spirits more impatient, and contentious, then were the English: who by reason of their continual war (wherein law is not borne) and labour to defend the public, were more at unity in their private: and that small time of peace they had, devotion and good fellowship entertained.  
For their laws and constitutions before, we see them plain, brief, and simple, without perplexities, having neither fold nor plaite, commanding, not disputing: Their grants and transactions as brief and simple, which showed them a cleere-meaning people, retaining still the nature of that plain realness they brought with them, uncomposed of other fashion, than their own, and unaffecting imitation.  
For their trials in cases criminal, where manifest proofs failed, they continued their ancient custom, held from before their Christianity, until this great alteration: which trials they called Ordeal (Or signifying right, Deal, part) whereof they had these kinds: Ordeal by fire, which was for the better sort, and by water for the inferior: That of Fire was to go blindfold over certain ploughshares, made red hot, and laid an uneven distance one from another. That of Water was either of hot or cold: in the one to put their arms to the elbow, in the other to be cast headlong. According to their escapes or hurts, they were adjudged: such as were cast into the rivers, if they sank were held guiltless, ifnot, culpable, as ejected by that Element. These trials they called the judgements of God, and they were performed with solemn Orisons. In some cases, the accused was admitted to clear himself by receiving the Eucharist, or by his own oath, or the oaths of two or three; but this was for especial persons, and such whose livings were of a rate allowable thereunto, the usual opinion persuading them, that men of ability held a more regard of honesty.  
With these they had the trial of Campe-fight, or single combat (which likewise the Lumbards', originally of the same Germane nation, brought into Italy) permitted by the law in cases either of safety and fame, or of possessions. All which trials show them to be ignorant in any other form of law, or to neglect it; Nor would they be induced to forego these customs, and determine their affairs by Imperial or Pontificial Constitutions, no more than would the Lumbards' forsake their duellary laws in Italy, which their Princes, against some of their wills, were constrained to ratify, as Luytprandus, their king, thus ingeniously confesses. We are uncertain of the judgement of God, and we have heard many by fight, to have lost their cause without just cause; yet in respect of the custom of our nation, we cannot avoid an impious law. But all these forms of judgements and trials had their seasons; Those of Fire and Water, in short time after the Conquest, grew disused, and in the end utterly abrogated by the Pope; as derived from Paganism; That of combat continues longer-lived, but of no ordinary use: And all actions now, both criminal and real, began to be wholly adjudged by the verduit of 12 men, according to the custom of Normandy, where the like form is used, and called by the name of inquest, with the same cautions for the jurors, as it is here continued to this day. Although some hold opinion that this form of trial was of use in this kingdom from all antiquity, and allege an ordinance of king Ethelred (father to the Confessor) willing in their Gemote, or conventions, monthly held in every hundred, twelve grave men of free condition, should with the Greut, the chief Officer amongst them, swear upon the Evangelists, to judge every man's cause aright. But here we see twelve men were to be assessors with the grieve to judge, and no jurors, according to this manner of trial now used; Besides, had there been any such form, we should aswell have heard thereof in their laws and practice, as of those other kinds of Ordeal, only and usually mentioned.  
But whatsoever innovations were in all other things; the government for the peace and security of the kingdom (which most imported the King to look unto) seems to be continued as before, and for that business he found here better laws established, by the wary care of our former kings, than any he could bring. Amongst which especially was the Boroh law, whereby every free man of the Commons stood as surety for each others behaviour, in this sort.  
The kingdom was divided into Shires or Shares, every Shire consisting of so many Hundreds, and every Hundred of a number of Boroughs, Villages, or tithings, containing ten householders, whereof if any one should commit an unlawful act, the other nine were to attach and bring him to reason: If he fled, 31 days were enjoined him to appear: If in the mean time apprehended, he was made to restore the damage done; otherwise the Free-boroughead (to say the Tythingman) was to take with him two of the same Village, and out of three other Villages next adjoining as many (that is, the Tythingman, and two other of the principal men) and before the officers of that hundred purge himself and the village of the fact, restoring the damage done with the goods of the malefactor, which if they sufficed not to satisfy, the Free-boroh, or tithing, must make up the rest, and beside take an oath to be no way accessary to the fact; and to produce the offendor, if by any means they could recover him, or know where he were. Besides every Lord and Master, stood Boroh, for all his family, whereof if any servant were called in question, the Master was to see him answer it in the hundred where he was accused. If he fled, the Master was to yield such goods as he had to the King. If himself were accused to be aiding or privy to his servants flight, he was to clear himself by. 5. men, otherwise to forfeit all his goods to the King, and his man to be outlawed.  
These links thus intermutually fastened, made so strong a chain to hold the whole frame of the State together in peace and order, as, all the most politic regiments upon earth, all the interleagued societies of men, cannot show us a straighter form of combination. This might make the Conqueror, coming upon a people thus lawbound hand and foot, to establish him, so soon and easily as he did; This Boroh-law, being as a Citadel built to guard the Common wealth, coming to be possessed by a conquering Master, was made to turn all this ordinance upon the State, and batter herself with her own weapon: and this law may be some cause, we find no popular insurrection before the Conquest. For had not this people been borne with these fetters, and an idle peace, but lived lose, and in action, it is like they would have done as nobly, and given as many, and as deep wounds ere they lost their Country, as ever the Britons did, either against the Romans, or the Saxons, their predecessors, or themselves had done against the Danes; a people far more powerful, and numerous than these. The Conqueror, without this, had not made it the work of one day, nor had Normandy ever been able to have yielded those multitudes for supplies, that many battles must have had.  
But now. 1. the strict executing this law, 2. disweapning the Commons. 3. Preventing their night-meetings with a heavy penalty, that every man at the day closing, should cover his fire, and depart to his rest. 4. Erecting divers fortresses in fit parts of the kingdom. 5. And collating all offices, both of command, and judicature, on such as were his; made his domination such as he would have it.  
And where before the Bishop and the Alderman were the absolute judges to determine all business in every shire, and the Bishop in many cases shared in the benefit of the mulcts with the King, now he confined the Clergy, within the Province of their own Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, to deal only in business concerning rule of souls, according to the Cannons, and laws Episcopal.  
And whereas the causes of the kingdom were before determined in every shire, and by a law of King Edward Senior, all matters in question should, upon especial penalty, without further deferment, be finally decided in their Gemote, or conventions held monthly in every hundred: now he ordained that four times in the year, for certain days, the same businesses should be determined in such place as he would appoint, where he constituted judges to attend for that purpose, and also others, from whom, as from the bosom of the Prince, all litigators should have justice; and from whom was no appeal. Others he appointed for the punishment of malefactors, called justiciarij Pacis.  
What alteration was then made in the tenure of men's possessions, or since introduced, we may find by taking note of their former usances. Our Ancestors had only two kind of tenors, Boke-land, and Folkland, the one was a possession by writing, the other without. That by writing was as freehold, and by charter, hereditary, with all immunities, and for the free and nobler sort. That without writing, was to hold at the will of the Lord, bound to rents and services, and was for the rural people. The inheritances descended not alone, but after the Germane manner, equally divided amongst all the children, which they called Landskiftan, to say Part-land, a custom yet continued in some places of Kent, by the name of Gavel kin, of give eal kin: And hecreupon some write how the people of that Country, retained their ancient laws and liberties by especial grant from the Conqueror: who after his battle at Hastings, coming to Dover, to make all sure on that side, was encompassed by the whole people of that Province, carrying boughs of trees in their hands, and marching round about him like a moving wood. With which strange and sudden show being much moved, the Archbishop Stigand, and the abbot Egelsin, (who had raised this commotion by showing the people in what danger they were, utterly to lose their liberties, and endure the perpetual misery of servitude under the domination of strangers) present themselves, and declared how they were the universal people of that Country, gathered together in that manner, with boughs in their hands, either as Olive branches of intercession, for peace and liberty, or to entangle him in his passage, with resolution rather to leave their lives, then that which was dearer, their freedom. Whereupon they say the Conqueror granted them the continuation of their former Customs and Liberties: whereof notwithstanding they now retain no other than such as are common with the rest of the kingdom.  
For such as were Tenants at the will of their 
Geruasius, Tilburiensis.  Lords (which now grown to a greater number, and more miserable than before) upon their petition, and compassion of their oppression he relieved: their case was this: All such as were discovered to have had a hand in any rebellion, and were pardoned, only to enjoy the benefit of life, having all their liuclihood taken from them, became vassals unto those Lords to whom the possessions were given, of all such lands forfeited by attaindors. And if by their diligent service, they could attain any portion of ground, they held it but only so long as it pleased their Lords, without having any estate for themselves, or their children, and were oftentimes violently cast out upon any small displeasure, contrary to all right: whereupon it was ordained that whatsoever they had obtained of their Lords by their obsequious service, or agreed for, by any lawful pact, they should hold by an inviolable law during their own lives.  
The next great work after the ordering his laws, was the raising and disposing of his revenues, taking a course to make, and know the utmost of his estate, by a general survey of the kingdom, whereof he had a precedent by the Dome book of Winchester, taken before by king Alfride. But as one day informs another, so these actions of profit grew more exact in their after practice: and a larger Commission is granted, a choice of skilfuller men employed, to take the particulars both of his own possessions, and every man's else in the kingdom, the nature and the quality of their lands, their estates, and abilities; besides the descriptions, bounds, and divisions of Shires and Hundreds, and this was drawn into one book, and brought into his treasury, then newly called the Exchequer (according to the sovereign court of that name of Normandy) before termed here the Talee, and it was called the Dome book (Liber iudiciarius) for all occasions concerning these particulars.  
All the Forests and Chases of the kingdom, he seized into his proper possession, and exempted them from being under any other law then his own pleasure, to serve as Penetralia Regum, the withdrawing chambers of kings, to recreate them after theirserious labours in he State, where none other might presume to have to do, and where all punishments and pardons of delinquents were to be disposed by himself, absolutely, and all former customs abrogated. And to make his command the more, he increased the number of them in all parts of the Land, and on the South coast dispeopled the country for above thirty miles' space, making of old inhabited possessions, a new Forest, inflicting most severe 
The new Forest in Hamshire.  punishments for hunting his Deer, and thereby much advances his revenues. An act of the greatest concussion, and tyranny, he committed in his reign, and which purchased him much hatred: And the same course held almost every king near the Conquest, till this heavy grievance was allayed by the Charter of Forests, granted by Henry 3.  
Besides these, he imposed no new taxations on the State, and used those he found very moderately, as Dangelt, an imposition of two shillings upon every hide or plough-land, (raised first by king Ethelred, to bribe the Danes, after to war upon them) he would not have it made an Annual payment, but only taken upon urgent occasion, and it was seldom gathered in his time, or his successors (saith Geruasius) yet we find in our Annals, a tax of 6. shil. upon every hide-land, levied presently after the general surucy of the kingdom.  
Escuage (whether it were an imposition formerly laid, though now newly named, I do not find) was a sum of money, taken of every Knight's fee: In after times, especially raised for the service of Scotland; And this also, saith Geruasius, was seldom levied but on great occasion, for stipends, and donatives to soldiers; yet was it at first a due, reserved out of such lands as were given by the Prince for service of war; according to the custom of other nations. As in the Romans time we find lands were given in reward of service to the men of war, for term of their lives, as they are at this day in Turkey: After they became Patrimonial, & hereditary to their children. Severus the Emperor was the first who permitted the children of men of war, to enjoy their Fiefs, provided that they followed Arms. Constantine to reward his principal Captains, granted them a perpetuity in the lands assigned them. The estates which were but for life, were made perpetual in France, under the last kings of the race of Charlemagne. Those Lords who had the great Fiefs of the king, subdivided them to other persons, of whom they were to have service.  
Mulctuary profits, beside, such as might arise by the breach of his Forest-lawes, he had, few or none new, unless that of Murder, which arose upon this occasion. In the beginning of his reign, the rancour of the English towards the newcome Normans, was such, as finding them single in woods, or remote places, they secretly murdered them; and the deed doers, for any the severest courses taken, could never be discovered: whereupon it was ordained, that the Hundred, wherein a Norman was found slain, and the Murderer not taken, should be condemned to pay to the king, some 36 pounds, some 28 pounds, according to the quantity of the Hundred, that the punishment, being generally inflicted, might particularly deter them, and hasten the discovery of the malefactor, by whom so many must otherwise be interessed.  
For his provisionary revenues, he continued the former custom held by his predecessors, which was in this manner. The king's Tenants, who held their lands of the Crown, paid no money at all, but only Victuals, Wheat, Beifes, Muttons, Hay, Oates, etc. and a just note of the quality and quantity of every man's ratement was taken throughout all the Shires of the kingdom, and levied ever certain, for the maintenance of the king's house; Other ordinary income of ready moneys was there none, but what was raised by mulcts, and out of Cities and Castles where Agriculture was not used.  
What the Church yielded him, was by extent of a power that never reached so far before, and the first hand he laid upon that side, which weighed heavily, was his seizing upon the Plate, jewels, and Treasure within all the Monasteries of England, pretending the rebels, and their assistants, conveyed their riches into these religious houses (as into places privileged, and free from seizure) to defraud him thereof.  
Besides this, he made all bishoprics, and Abbeys that held Baronies (before that time free from all secular services) contributory to his wars, and his other occasions. And this may be the cause why they, who then only held the Pen (the Sceptre that rules over the memory of kings) have laid such an eternal imposition upon his name, of rigour, oppression, and even barbarous immanity, as they have done. When the nature and necessary disposition of his affairs (being as he was) may advocate, and in many things much excuse his courses. But this name of Conquest, which ever imports violence and misery, is of so harsh a sound, and so odious in nature, as a people subdued cannot give a Conqueror his due, how ever worthy, and especially to a stranger, whom only time must naturalise and incorporate by degrees into their liking and opinion: And yet therein this king was greatly advantaged, by reason of his twenty years government, which had much impaired the memory of former customs in the younger sort, and well enured the elder to the present usances and form of State, whereby the rule was made more easy to his sons: who though they were far inferior to him in worth, were somewhat better beloved than he; and the rather for that their occasions made them somewhat to unwrest the Sovereignty from that height whereunto he had strained it.  
How he was underset with able ministers 
His Councillors.  for the managing of these great affairs of his, though time hath shut us out from the knowledge of some of them (it being in the fortune of kings, to have their ministers like rivers in the Ocean, buried in their glory) yet no doubt, being of a strong constitution of judgement, he could not but be strongly furnished in that kind, for weak kings have weak sides, and the most renowned Princes are ever best stored with able ministers. The principal of highest employment, were Odon, Bishop of Bayeux, and Earl of Kent: Lanfranke, Archbishop of Canterbury, and William Fitz Auber, Earl of Hereford: Odon supplied the place of Viceroy in the king's absence, and had the management of the Treasury. A man of a wide and agile spirit, let out into as spacious a conceit of greatness, as the height of his place could show him: And is rumoured by the infinite accumulation of money (which his avarice, and length of office had made) either to buy the Popedom, or purchase the people of England, upon the death of the his brother: who understanding a purpose he had of going to Rome, and seeing a mighty confluence of followers, gathering unto him, made a close prison stay his journey: excusing it to the Church, that he imprisoned not a Bishop of Bayeux, but an Earl of Kent, and Officer and accountant unto him. Yet upon his deathbed (shortly following) after many obsecrations, that he would, in respect of blood and nature, be a kind mean for the future peace of his sons, he released him. But the Bishop failed his request therein, and became the only kindle-fire to set them all into more furious combustion. The motive of his discontent (the engine wherewithal Ambition evermore turns about her intentions) was the envy he bore to Lanfranc, whose council, in his greatest affairs, the king especially used: and to oppose and overbear him, took he all the contrary courses, and part with Robert, his nephew, whom (after many fortunes) he attended to the holy war, and died in the siege of Antioch.  
Lanfranc was a man of as universal goodness as learning, borne in Lombardy, and came happily a stranger, in these strange time to do good to England; upon whose observance, though the King might (in regard he raised him) lay some tie, yet his affections could not but take part with his piety and place: in so much as he feared not to oppose against Odon, the King's brother, seeking to gripe from the State of his Church: And in all he could, stood so between the kingdom and the King's rigour, as stayed many precipitious violences, that he (whose power lay as wide as his will) might else have fallen into. For the Conqueror, howsoever austere to others, was to him always mild and yielding, as if subdued with his gravity and virtue.  
He reform the irregularity and rudeness of the Clergy, introducing a more Southern formality and respect, according to his breeding, and the custom of his Country: concurring herein likewise to be an actor of alteration (though in the best kind) with this change of State. And to give entertainment todevotion, he did all he could to furnish his Church with the most exquisite ornaments might be procured: added a more State and conveniency to the structure of religious houses, and began the founding of Hospitals. Having long struggled, with indefatigable labour, to hold things in an even course, during the whole reign of this busy new state-building King. And after his death, seeing his successor in the Crown (established especially by his means) to fail his expectation, out of the experience of worldly causes, divining of future mischiefs by present courses, grew much to lament with his friends the tediousness of life, which shortly after he mildly left, which such a sickness, as neither hindered his speech nor memory: a thing he would often desire of God.  
William Fitz Auber, (as is delivered) was a principal councillor and instrument in this action for England; wherein he furnished 40. ships at his own charge. A man of great means, yet of a heart greater, and a hand larger than any means would well suffice. His profuse liberalities to men of arms, gave often sharp offence to the King, who could not endure any such improvident expenses. Amongst the laws he made (which shows the power these Earls than had in their Provinces) he ordained that in the County of Hereford, no man of arms (or soldier) should be fined for any offence whatsoever, above 7. shillings when in other Counties, upon the least occasion of disobeying their Lords will, they were forced to pay. 20. or 25. shil. But his estate seeming to bear no proportion with his mind, and enough it was not to be an eminent Earl, an especial Councillor, in all the affairs of England and Normandy, a chief favoritie to so great a Monarch; but that larger hopes drew him away; designing to marry Richeld, Countess dowager of Flanders, and to have the government of that Country, during the non age of Arnulph her son; of whom, with the King of France, he had the tutelary charge, committed by Baldovin the sixth, Father to Arnulph; whose estate, Robert Le Frison, his uncle, called by the people to the government, upon the exactions inflicted on them by Richeld, had usurped. And against him Fitz Auber opposing, was with Arnulph, surprised and slain.  
And this was in the fate of the Conqueror, to see most of all these great men, who had been the especial actors in all his fortunes, spent and extinct before him; As Beaumond, Monsort, Harcourte, Hugh de Gourney, Viscount Needle, Hugh de Mortimer, Conte de Vennes etc. And now himself, after his being brought sick to Rovan, and there disposing his estate, ended also his act, in the. 74. year of his age, and the. 21. of his reign.  
Three days the Corpses of this great Monarch is said to have lain neglected, while his servants attended to imbessill his movables: in the end, his youngest son Henry, had it conveyed to the Abbey of Cane; where first at the entry into the Town, they who carried the Corpses, left it alone, and ran all to quench the fire: Afterward brought to be entombed, a Gentleman stands forth, and in stern manner, forbids the interment in that place, claiming the ground to be his inheritance, descended from his ancestors, taken from him at the building of that Abbey, and appeals to Row, their first founder, for justice: whereupon they were fain to compound with him for an Annual rent. Such ado had the body of him after death (who had made so much in his life) to be brought to the earth; and of all he attained, had not now a room to contain him, without being purchased at the hand of another, men esteeming a living Dog more than a dead Lyon.  
He had a fair issue by Maude his wife, four sons, and five daughters. To Robert his eldest, he lest the Duchy of Normandy: to William the third son, the kingdom of England: to Henry the youngest, his treasure, with an annual pension to be paid him by his brothers. Richard who was his second son, and his darling, a Prince of great hope, died in his youth, of a surfeit taken in the new Forest, and began the fatalnesse that followed in that place, by the death of William the second, there slain with an arrow, and of Richard, the son of Robert Duke of Normandy, who broke his neck.  
His eldst daughter Cicilie, became a Nun, Constance married to the Earl of Britain: Adula to Stephen Earl of Blois, who likewise rendered herself a Nun in her age; such was then their devotion, and so much were these solitary retires, affected by the greatest Ladies of those times: the other two died before marriage.  
Now what he was in the circle of himself in his own continent, we find him of an even stature, comely parsonage, of good presence, riding, sitting, or standing, till his corpulency increasing with age, made him somewhat unwieldy, of so strong a constitution, as he was never sickly till a few months before his death. His strength such, as few men could draw his bow, and being about 50 of his age, when he subdued this kingdom, it seems by his continual actions, he felt not the weight of years upon him, till his last year.  
What was the composition of his mind, we see it the fairest drawn in his actions, and how his abilities of Nature, were answerable to his undertakings of Fortune, as preordained for the great work he effected. And though he might have some advantage of the time, wherein we often see men prevail more by the imbecility of others, than their own worth; yet let that season of the world be well examined, and a just measure taken of his active virtues, they will appear of an exceeding proportion: Nor wanted he those encounters and concurrencies of sufficient able Princes, to put him to the trial thereof: Having one side the French to grapple withal; on the other the Dane, far mightier in people, and shipping then himself, strongly sided in this kingdom, as eager to recover their former footing here, as ever, and as well or better prepared.  
For his devotion and mercy, the brightest stars in the Sphere of Majesty, they appear above all his other virtues, and the due observation of the first, the Clergy (that loved him not) confess: the other was seen, in the often pardoning, and receiving into grace, those who had forfeited their loyalties, and dangerously rebelled against him; as if he held submission satisfactory, for the greatest offence, and sought not to defeit men, but their enterprises: For we find but one Noble man executed in all his reign, and that was the Earl Waltheof, who had twice falsified his faith before: And those he held prisoners in Normandy, as the Earls Morchar and Siward, with Wolfnoth, the brother of Harald, & others (upon compassion of their endurance) he released a little before his death.  
Besides, he was as far from suspicion, as cowardice, and of that confidence (an especial note of his magnanimity) as he gave Edgar his competitor in the Crown, the liberty of his Court: And (upon his suit) sent him well furnished to the holy war, where he nobly behaved himself, and attained to great estimation, with the Emperors of Greece and Almain, which might have been held dangerous, in respect of his alliances that way, being as some write, grandchild to the Emperor Henry 3. But these may be as well virtues of the Time, as of Men, & so the age must have part of this commendation.  
Magnificent he was in his Festivals, which with great solemnity and ceremony (the formal entertainers of reverence and respect) he duly observed. Keeping his Christmas at Gloucester, his Easter at Winchester, and Penticost at Westminster: whither he summoned his whole Nobility; that Ambassadors and Strangers might see his State, and largeness. Nor ever was he more mild and indulgent, then at such times. And these ceremonies his next Successor observed; but the second omitted.  
The end of the second Book.   

THE THIRD BOOK of the History of England.  

William the second.  
WIlliam, second son to William 1. not attending his Father's funerals, hastes into England to recover his Crown, where, by the especial mediation of the archbishop Lanfranc, his own large bountic and wide promises he obtained it, according to his father's will, to whom, by his obsequiousness he had much endeared himself, especially after the abdication of his elder brother Robert.  
He was a Prince more gallant than good, and having been bred with the sword, always in action, and on the better side of fortune, of a nature rough, and haughty, whereunto, his youth, and sovereignty added a greater wideness. Coming to succeed in a government, fore-ruled by mature, and grey counsel, he was so overwhelmed with his father's worth and greatness, as made him appear of a lesser Orb than otherwise he would, and then the shortness of his reign, being but of 13. years, allowed him not time to recover that opinion, which the errors of his first government had lost, or his necessities caused him to commit. For the succession in right of Primogeniture, being none of his, and the elder brother living, howsoever his father's will was, he must now be put, and held in possession of the Crown, by the will of the kingdom, which to purchase, must be by large conditions of relievements in general, and profuse gifts in particular. Wherein he had the more to do, being to deal with a State consisting, of a twofold body, and different temperaments, where any inflammation of discontent, was the more apt to take, having a head whereto it might readily gather. Which made, that unless he would lay more to their hopes then another, he could not hope to have them firmly his. And therefore seeing the best way to win the Normans was by money, and the English with liberties, he spared not at first, to bestow on the one, and to promise the other, more than fitted his estate, and dignity, which, when afterward failing both in supplies (for great givers must always give,) and also in performances, got him far more hatred than otherwise he could ever have had, being forced to all the dishonourable shifts for raising moneys that could be devised, and even to resume his own former grants.  
And to begin at first to take the course to be ever needy, presently after his Coronation he goes to Winchester, where his Father's treasure lay, and empties out all that which with gteat providence was there amassed, whereby, though he won the love of many, he lost more, being not able to content all. And now although his brother Robert had not (this great engine of men) money, he had to give hopes: and there were here of the Normans, as Oáon his uncle, Roger de Mongomerie Earl of Shrewesbury, with others, who were mainly for him, and work he doth all he can, to batter his brother's fortunes, upon their first foundation. And for this purpose borrows great sums of his younger brother Henry (to whom the father and mother had left much treasure) and for the same, engages the Country of Constantine, and levies an Army for England. But William newly invested in the Crown, though well prepared for all assaults, had rather purchase a present peace by mediation of the Nobles on both sides, till time had better settled him in his government then to raise spirits that could not easily be allayed. And an agreement between them is wrought, that William should hold the crown of England during his life, paying to Robert 3. thousand Marks Per annum.  
Robert having closed this business, resumes by force the Country of Costantin out of his brother Henry's hands, without discharge of those sums, for which he had engaged it. Whereupon King William obrayds Henry with the great gain he had made by his usury in lending money to deprive him of his Crown. And so Henry got the hatred of both his brothers, and having no place safe from their danger where to live, surprised the Castle of Mount Saint Michael, fortifies him therein gets aid of Hugh Earl of Britain and for his money was served with Bretons, who committed great spoils, in the Countries of Costantin and Bessin.  
Odon, Bishop of Bayeux, returning into England after his imprisonment in Normandy, and restored to his Earldom of Kent, finding himself so far under what he had been, and Lanfranc his concurrent, now the only man in council with the King, complots with as many Norman Lords as he found, or made to affect change and a new master, and sets them on work in divers parts of the Realm to distract the King's forces: as first Geoffery Bishop of Constans, with his nephew Robert de Mowbray Earl of Northumberland fortify themselves in Bristol, and take in, all the Country about: Roger de Bigod, made himself strong in Norfolk: Hugh de Grandmenill about Leicester: Roger de Mongomerie Earl of Shrewsbery with a power of Welshmen, and other there about, sets out accompanied with William Bishop of Durham; Bernard de Newmarch, Roger Lacie, and Raulfe Mortimer, all Normans, and assail the City of Worcester, making themselves strong in those parts. Odon himself fortifies the Castle of Rochester, makes good all the coast of Kent, solicits Robert to use what speed he could to come with all his power out of Normandy: which had he done in time, and not given his brother so large opportunity of prevention, he had carried the kingdom; but his delay yields the King time to confirm his friends, under-worke his enemies, and make him strong with the English, which he did by granting relaxation of tribute, with other relievements of their doleances, and restoring them to their former freedom of hunting in all his woods and forests, a thing they much esteemed; whereby he made them so strongly his, as he soon broke the neck of all the Norman conspiracies (they being eager to revenge them of that nation) and here they learned first to beat their Conquerors, having the fair advantage of this action, which cut the throats of many of them.  
Mongomerie, being won from his complices, and the several conspirators in other parts repressed, the King comes with an Army into Kent, where the head of the faction lay, and first won the Castle of Tunbridge, and that of Pemsey, which Odon was forced to yield, and promise to cause those which defended that of Rochester, which were Eustace, Earl of Bologne, and the Earl of Mortaigne, to render likewise the same. But being brought thither to effect the business, they within, receiving him, detained him, as he pretended, prisoner, and held out stoutly against the King upon a false intelligence given of the arrival of Duke Robert at Southampton, but in the end they were forced to quit the place, and retire into France, and Odon to abjure England.  
And to keep off the like danger from hence he transports his forces into Normandy, there to waste and weaken his brother at home. So, as might hold him from any future attempts abroad for ever after. Where first he obtains Saint Valery, and after Albemarle with the whole Country of Yew, Fescampe, the Abathie of monte Saint Michael, Cherburge, and other places. Robert seeks aid of Philip King of France, who comes down with an Army into Normandy; but overcome with the power of money wherewith King William assailed him, did him little good, and so retired.  
Whereupon Duke Robert, in the end, was driven to a dishonourable peace, concluded at Caen, with these Articles. 1. that King William should hold the County of Yew, Fescampe, and all other places, which he had bought, and were delivered unto him, by William Earl of Yew, and Stephen Earl of Aumal, sister's son to William the first. 2. He should aid the Duke to recover all other pieces which belonged to his Father, and were usurped from the Duchy. 3. That such Normans, as hadlost their estates in England, by taking part with the Duke, should be restored thereunto 4. That the survivor of either of them should succeed in the dominions both of England and Normandy.  
After this peace made, by the mediation of the King of France, whilst William had a strong Army in the field, Duke Robert requested his aid against their brother Henry; who still kept him in the fort of mount Saint Michael, upon his guard, holding it best for his safety: For being a Prince that could not subsist of himself, as an earthen vessel set amongst iron pots, he was every way in danger to be crushed, and seeing he had lost both his brothers by doing the one a kindness; if he should have took to either, their turn being served, his own might be in hazard; and so betook him to this defence. Forty days the 2. Princes laid siege to this Castle, and one day, as the King was alone on the shore, there sallies out of the Fort, a company of horse, whereof three ran at him so violently, and all struck his horse together with their lances, as they broke pectoral, girses, and all, that the horse slips away and leaves the King and the saddle on the ground: the King takes up the saddle with both hands, and therewith defends himself till rescue came, and being blamed by some of his people for putting himself thus in peril of his life to save his saddle, answered: it would have angered him, the Bretons should have bragged, they had won the saddle from under him, and how great an indignity it was for a King to suffer inferiors to force any thing from him.  
In the end Henry grew to extreme want of drink and water; although he had all other provision sufficient within his fort, and sends to Duke Robert that he might have his necessity supplied: the Duke sends him a Tun of wine, and grants him truce for a day to furnish him with water. Wherewith William being displeased, Duke Robert told him: it was hard to deny a brother meat, and drink which craved it, and that if he perished, they had not a brother. Wherewith William likewise relenting, they sent for Henry, and an agreement is made, he should hold in mortgage the Country of Costantine till the money was paid, and a day appointed to receive it at Roven.  
Which accord King William the rather wrought, to draw as much from Robert as he might, whom by this voyage he not only had wasted, but possessed himself of a safe and continual landing place, with a part of his Duchy: caused him to put from him and banish out of Normandy, Edgar Etheling, whom Robert held his Pensioner, and as a stone in his hand upon all occasions to threaten William with another's right, if his own prevailed not: And beside, he wrought so as either through promise of money, or some farther ratification to be made here, he brought his brother Robert with him over into England, and took him along in an expedition against Malcolin, who had encroached upon his territories, during his absence. Which business ebing determined without battle, Robert, soon after, returns much discontented into Normandy, and as it seems, without money to satisfy his brother Henry. Who repairing to Roven at his day appointed, in stead of receiving it, was committed to prison, and before he could be released, forced to renounce the country of Costentine, and swear never to claim any thing in Normandy.  
Henry complains of this gross injustice, to Philip king of France, who gave him a fair entertainment in his Court. Where he remained not long, but that a knight of Normandy, named Hachard, undertaking to put him into a Fort (maugre his brother Robert) within the Duchy, conveyed him disguised out of the Court, and wrought so, as the Castle of Damfronc was delivered unto him, whereby shortly after, he got all the country of Passays, about it, and a good part of Costentine, by the secret aid of king William, Richard de Rivieres, and Roger de Mannevile.  
Duke Robert levies forces, and eagerly wrought to recover Damfronc, but finding how Henry was underset, inveighes against the perfidy of his brother of England: in so much as the flame of rancour burst out again more than ever. And over, passes king William with a great Army, but rather to terrify, then do any great matter; as a Prince that did more contend then war, and would be great with the sword, yet seldom desired to use it, if he could get to his ends by any other means, seeking rather to buy his peace then win it.  
Many skirmishes interpassed, with surprisements of Castles, but in the end a treaty of peace was propounded: wherein to make his conditions, what he would, king William seems hard to be wrought, and makes the more show of force, sending over into England for an Army of 30000 men, which being brought to the shore, ready to be shipped, an offer was made to be proclaimed by his Lieutenant, that giving ten shillings a man, whosoever would might depart home to his dwelling. Whereby was raised so much as discharged his expense, and served to see the king of France, underhand, for his forbearing aid to Duke Robert, who seeing himself left by the French, must needs make his peace as the other would have it.  
Now for his affairs at home, the uncertain wars with Wales, and Scotland, gave him more business than honour. Being driven in the one to encounter with mountains in stead of men, to the great loss and disadvantage of his people, and in the other with as many necessities. Wales he sought to subdue, Scotland so to restrain as it might not hurt him. For the last, after much broil, both kings, seeming more willing to have peace then to seek it, are brought to an interview. Malcolin upon public faith, and safeconduit came to Gloucester; where, upon the haughtiness of king William, looking to be satisfied in all his demands, and the unyeeldingnesse of king Malcolin, standing upon his regality within his own, though content to be ordered for the confines, according to the judgement of the Primare of both kingdoms; nothing was effected but a greater disdain, and rancour in Malcolin, seeing himself despised, and scarce looked on, by the king of England. So that upon his return, armed with rage, he raises an Army, enters Northumberland, which four times before he had depopulated, and now the fifth, seeking utterly to destroy it, and to have gone farther, was, with his eldest son Edward slain, rather by the fraud then power of Robert Mowbray Earl of that County: The grief of whose deaths gave Margueret, that blessed Queen, hers. After whom the State 
Roger Hovedew  elected Dufnald, brother to Malcolin, and chased out all the English, which attended the Queen, and were harboured, or preferred by Malcolin. King William to set the line right, and to have a king there which should be beholding to his power, aides Edgar, the second son to Malcolin (who had served him in his wars) to obtain the Crown due unto him in right of succession: by whose means Dufnald was expelled, and the State received Edgar, but killed all the aid he brought with him out of England, and capitulated that he should never more entertain English or Norman in his service.  
This business settled, Wales struggling for liberty, and revenge, gave new occasion of work: whither he went in person, with purpose to depopulate the country: but they retiring into the Mountains and the Isle of Anglesey, avoided the present fury. But afterward, Hugh Earl of Shrewsbury, and Hugh Earl of Chester, surprising the Isle, their chicfest retreat, committed there, barbarous examples of cruelty, by excoecations, and miserable dismembering the people, which immanity was there suddenly avenged on the Earl of Shrewsbury with a double death, first shot into the eye, and then tumbling overboard into the sea, to the sport and scorn of his enemy the king of Norway, who either by chance, or of purpose, coming upon that coast from taking in the Orchades, encountered with him and that force he had at sea.  
These were the remote businesses, when a conspiracy broke out within the body of the kingdom, complotted by Robert Mowbray Earl of Northumberland, William d' Ou, and many other, which gave the King more trouble than danger: for by the speedy and main prosecution of the business, wherein he used the best strength of England, it was soon ended, with the confusion of the undertakers. But it wrought an ill effect in his nature, by hardening the same to an extreme rigour: for after the fear was past, his wrath, and cruelty were not, but, which is hideous in a Prince, they grew to be numbered amongst incurable diseases.  
Many accusations of great men followed upon this act, and were easily believed, howsoever proved. William de Aluerie, a man of goodly parsonage, his Aunt's son, and his Sewer was, at a Council holden at Salisbury, condemned to be hanged: when both in his confession to Osmond the Bishop there, and to all the people as he passed to his execution, he left a clear opinion of his innocency, and the wrong he had by the king.  
But now whilst these fractures here at home the unrepairable breaches abroad, were such, as could give the king no longer assuredness of quiet then the attempters would: and that all the Christian world was out, either at discord amongst themselves, or in faction, by the schism of the Church; Pope Vrban, assembling a general Council at Cleirmont in Awergne, to compose the affairs of Christendom, exhorted all the Princes thereof, to join themselves in action, for the recovery of the holy land, out of the hands of infidels. Which motion by the zealous negotiation of Peter the Hermit, of Amiens, took so generally (meeting with the disposition of an active, and religious world) as turned all that flame; which had else consumed each other at home, upon unknown nations that undid them a broad.  
Such and so great grew the heat of this action, made by the persuasion of the justice thereof, with the state and glory it would bring on earth, and the assuredness of heaven to all the pious undertakers, that none were esteemed to contain any thing of worth which would stay behind. Each gives hand to other to lead them along, and example adds number. The forwardness of so many great Princes, passing away their whole estates, and leaving all what the dearness of their Country contained, drew to this war 300000 men; all which, though in arms, passed from diverse countries and ports, with that quietness, as they seemed rather Pilgrims than Soldiers.  
Godefroy of Bovillon, nephew and heir to the Duke of Lorraine, a generous Prince, bred in the wars of the Emperor Henry 4. was the first that offered up himself to this famous voyage, and with him his two brothers, Eustace, and Baudovin, by whose examples were drawn Hugh le Grand, Count de Vermendois, brother to Philip king of France. Robert Duke of Normandy, Robert le Frison, Earl of Flanders. Stephen Earl of Blois, & Chartres. Aimar Bishop of Puy. William Bishop of Orange: Raimond Earl of Tholouse: Baudovin Earl of Hainaut, Baudovin, Earl of Rethel, and Garnier Earl of Gretz: Harpin Earl of Bourges: Ysoard Earl of Die: Ramb and Earl of Orange: Guillaum Conte de Forests, Stephen Conte de Aumaul: Hugh Earl of Saint Pol; Rotron Earl of perch, and others. These were for France, Germany, and the Countries adjoining. Italy had Bohemond Duke of Apulia; and England, Beauchampe, with others, whose names are lost: Spain only had none, being afflicted at, that time with the Saracens.  
Most of all these Princes and great personages to furnish themselves for this expedition, sold, or engaged their possessions. Godefroy sold the Duchy of Bologne to Aubert Bishop of Liege, and Metz to the Citizens: beside he sold the Castle of Sarteney, and Monsa to Richard Bishop of Verdun: and to the same Bishop, Bandovin, his brother, sold the Earldom of Verdun. Eustace likewise sold all his livelihood to the Church. Herpin Earl of Bourges, his Earldom to Philip King of France: and Robert mortgaged his Duchy of Normandy, the Earldom of Maine, and all he had, to his brother King William of England.  
Whereby the Pope not only weakened the Empire, with whom the Church had, to the great affliction of Christendom, held a long, and bloody business, about the investitures of Bishops; took away and infeobled his partisans, abated, as if by Ostrocisme, the power ofany Prince that might oppose him, but also advanced the State Ecclesiastical by purchasing these great temporalties, (more honourable for the sellers than the buyers) unto a greater means than ever. For by advising the undertakers, seeing their action was for CHRIST and his Church, rather to make over their estates to the Clergy, of whom they might again redeem the same, and be sure to have the fairest dealing; then unto lay men; he effected this work. Whereby the third part of the best Fiefs in France came to be possessed by the Clergic: and afterward upon the same occasion, many things more sold unto them in England, especially when Richard 1. undertook the voyage, who passed over divers Manors to Hugh Bishop of Durham, and also for his money created him Earl of Durham. 
An Emperor of Germany, 2. Kings of France with their wives, a King of England, and a King of Norwey went all thither in person.   
This humour was kept up, and in motion above 200. years, notwithstanding all the discouragements, by the difficulties in passing, the disasters there, through contagion arising from a disagreeing clime: and the multitudes of indigent people, cast oftentimes into miserable wants. It consumed infinite treasure, and most of the bravest men of all our West world, and especially France. For Germany, and Italy, those who were the Pope's friends, and would have gone, were stayed at home by dispensation to make good his party against the Emperor, who notwithstanding still struggled with him, but in the end, by this means the Pope prevailed. But these were not all the effects this voyage wrought: the Christians; who went out to seek an enemy in Asia, brought one thence: to the danger of all Christendom, & the loss of the fairest part thereof. For this long keeping it in a war, that had many intermissions with fits of heats and coldnesses, (as made by a league, consisting of several nations, emulous, and unconcurrent in their courses) taught such, as were of an entire body, their weaknesses, & the way to conquer them. This was the great effect, this voyage wrought.  
And by this means king William here was now rid of an elder brother, and a Competitor, had the possession of Normandy during his reign, and a more absoluteness, and irregularity in England. Where now, in making up this great sum to pay Robert, he used all the extreme means could be devised: as he had done in all like businesses before. Whereby he incurred the hatred of his people in general, and especially of the Clergy, being the first king which showed his successors an evil precedent of keeping their livings vacant, and receiving the profits of them himself, as he did that of Canterbury, four years after the death of Lanfranc: and had holden it longer, but that being dangerously sick at Gloucester, the sixth year of his reign, his Clergy, in the weakness of his body, took to work upon his mind, so as he vowed, upon his recovery to see it furnished, which he did, but with so great ado, as showed that having escaped the danger he would willingly have deceived the Saint. And Anselm, an Italian borne, though bred in Normandy, is in the end preferred to that Sea. But, what with his own stiffness, and the kings standing on his regality, he never enjoyed it quietly under him. For between them two, began the first contestation about the investitures of Bishops, and other privileges of the Church, which gave much to do, to many of his successors. Anselm not yielding to the Kings will, forsook the Land, whereupon his Bishopric was reassumed and the King held in his hands at one time, besides that of Canterbury, the Byshopricks of Winchester, Sarum, and eleven Abayes whereof he took all the profits.  
He usually sold all spiritual preferments to those would give most, and took fines of Priests for fornication, he vexed Robert Bluet Bishop of Lincoln, in suit, till he paid him 5000. pounds.  
And now the Clergy, upon this tax, complaining their wants, were answered, that they had Shrines of gold in their Churches, and for so holy a work, as this war against infidels, they should not spare them. He also took money of jews, to cause such of them as were converted, to renounce Christianity, as making more benefit by their unbelief, than their conversion. Wherein he discovered the worst piece of his nature, irreligion.  
Besides his great taxations laid on the Laity, 
The antiquity of Informers.  he set informers upon them, and for small transgressions made great penalties. These were his courses for raising moneys, wherein he failed not of fit ministers to execute his will, among whom was chief, Ranulph Bishop of 
This Ranulph gave a thousand pounds for his Bishopric, and was the King's Chancellor.  Durham, whom he had corrupted with other Bishops to counterpoise the Clergy, awe the Laity, and countenance his proceedings. All which means, he exhausted, either in his buildings, which were the new Castle upon Tine, the City of Carlisle, Westminster Hall, and the walls of the Tower of London, or else in his prodigal gifts to strangers. Twice he appeased the king of France with money, and his profusion was such, as put him evermore into extreme wants.  
This one act, which shows, both his violence and magnanimity, remains: As he was one day hunting, a messenger comes in all haste out of Normandy, and tells him how the City of Man's was surprised by Hely Conte de la Flesche (who by his wife pretended right thereunto, and was aided by Fouques d' Angiers, the ancient enemy of the Dukes of Normandy) and that the Castle which held out valiantly for him, was, without present succour, to be rendered. He sends back the messenger instantly, wills him to make all the speed he could to signify to his people in the Castle, that he would be there within eight days, if Fortune hindered him nor. And suddenly he asks of his people about him, which way Man's lay, & a Norman being by, showed him: Presently he turns his horse towards that coast, and in great haste, rides on: when some advised him to stay for fit provisions, and people for his journey, he said, They who love me will follow me. And coming to embark at Dartmouth, the master told him the weather was rough, and there was no passing, without eminent danger, Tush, said he, set forward, I never yet heard of king that was drowned.  
By break of day, he arrived at Harfleu, sends for his Captains, and men of war to attend him all at Man's, whither he came at the day appointed. Conte de la Flesche, having more right than power, after many skirmishes, was taken by a stratagem, and brought prisoner to Roven: where, more enraged, then dismayed with his fortune, he let fall these words: that had he not been taken with a wile, he would have left the king but little land on that side the sea; and were he again at liberty, they should not so easily take him. Which being reported; theking sent for him, set him at liberty, gave him a fair horse, bade him go his way, and do his worst. Which act overcame him more than his taking, and a quiet end was made between them.  
The King returns into England, with great jollity, as ever bringing home better fortune out of Normandy, then from any his Northern expeditions: Feasts his Nobility with all magnificence in his new hall, lately finished at Westminster; wherewith he found much fault for being built too little: saying, it was fitter for a chamber then a Hall for a king of England, and takes a plot for one far more spacious to be added unto it. And in this gaytie of state, when he had got above all his businesses, betakes him wholly to the pleasure of peace, and being hunting with his brother Henry in the new Forest, Walter Terrill, a Normand, and his kinsman, shooting at a Dear (whether mistaking his mark, or not, is uncertain) struck him to the heart. And so fell this fierce king, in the 43 year of his age. A Prince, who for the first two years of his reign, whilst, held in, by the grave counsel of Lanfranc, and his own fears; bore himself most worthily, and had been absolute for State, had he not after sought to be absolute in power; which meeting with an exorbitant will, makes both Prince, and People miserable.   

Henry the First.  
HEnry the youngest son of William the first, being at hand, and borne in England, (which made much for him) was elected and crowned, within four days after his brother's death it being given out, that Robert, who should have succeeded William, was chosen king of jerusalem, and not like to give over that kingdom for this. Wherefore to settle Henry in the possession of the Crown, all expedition possible was used, lest the report of Roberts returning from the holy wars (being now in Apulia coming home) might be noised abroad to stagger the State; which seemed generally willing to accept of Henry.  
The first actions of his government tended all, to bait the people, and sugar their subjection, as his predecessor, upon the like interposition had done, but with more moderation and advisedness: this being a Prince better rectified in judgement, and of a nature more allayed, both by his sufferings, having sighed with other men under the hand of oppression, that taught him patience, and also by having somewhat of the book, which got him opinion, and the title of Beauclerke.  
First to fasten the Clergy, he furnishes with fit men, all those vacancies his brother had kept empty: recalls Anselm home to his Bishopric of Canterbury, and restores them to all whatsoever privileges had been infringed by his predecessor. And for the Laity, he not only pleased them in their relieuments, but in their passion, by punishing the chief ministers of their exactions, which evermore eases the spleen of the people, glad to discharge their Princes of the evils done them (knowing how they cannot work without hands) and lay them on their officers, who have the active power, where themselves have but the passive, and commonly turn as they are moved.  
Raulfe Bishop of Durham chief counsellor to the late King, a man risen by subtlety, and his tongue from infimous condition, to the highest employments, was committed to a straight and loath some prison, being famed to have put his master into all these courses of exaction, and irregularities, and remains amongst the examples of perpetual ignominy. All dissolute persons are expelled the Court: the people eased of their impositions, and restored to their lights in the night, which after the Coverfeu Bell were forbidden them upon great penalty, since the beginning of William I. Many other good orders, for the government of the kingdom are ordained, and beside to make him the more popular, and beloved, he matches in the royal blood of England, taking to wife Matilde, daughter of Margueret, late Queen of Scots, and niece to Edgar Atheling, descended from Edmond Ironside. A Lady that brought with her, the inheritance of goodness she had from a blessed mother, and with much a do was won from her cloister, and her vow to God, to descend to the world, and be a wife to a King.  
Thus stood he entrenched in the State of England, when his brother Robert returning from the holy wars, and received with great applause into his Duchy of Normandy, shakes the ground of all this business: the first year threatening, the second arriving with a strong Army at Portsmouth, to recover the Crown, appertaining to him by the course of right, having a mighty party in England of the Norman Nobility; who either moved with conscience or their discontent (a sickness rising of self opinion & over-expectation) made any light occasion the motive of revolt. The Armies on both sides meet, and are ready to encounter, when, for avoiding Christian blood, a treaty of peace was moved, and in the end concluded with these articles: that seeing Henry was borne since his father was King of England, which made him the eldest son of a King, though the last of a Duke, and now invested in the Crown by the act of the kingdom, he should enjoy the same during his life, paying to Robert 3000. marks, per annum, and Robert, surviving, to succeed him: that all who had taken part with Robert should have their pardon and receive no detriment.  
This business thus fairly passed over; Robert of a generous, and free nature, stays and feasts with his brother here in England, from the beginning of August till Michaelmas, and then returns into Normandy: When Henry, rid of this fear, takes to a higher strain of regality, and now stands upon his Prerogative, for the investitures of Bishops, and collation of other Ecclesiastical estates within his kingdom, oppugned by Anselm, who refused to consecrate such as he preferred: alleging it to be a violation of the sacred rites and Ceremonies of the Church, lately decreed concerning this business: in so much as the King dispatches an Embassage to Pope Paschal, with declaration of the right he had to such investitures, from his predecessors, the Kings of England, who evermore conferred the same, without interruption, till now of late.  
Anselm follows after these Ambassadors, goes likewise to Rome, to make good the opposition. The King banishes him the kingdom, and takes into his hands the Bishopric. The Pope stands stiffly to the power assumed by the Church, but in the end, seeing the King fast, strong, and lay too far off, out of his way to be constrained, and having much to do at that time with the Emperor and other Princes, about the same business, takes the way of persuasion to draw him to his will, soliciting him with kind letters, full of protestations, to further any designs of his, that might concern his state, if he would desist from this proceeding.  
The King, priest with some other occasions, that held him in, and having purposes of that nature, as by forbearance of the Church, might be the better effected, consents to satisfy the Pope's will: and becomes an example to other Princes, of yielding in this case. Anselm is recalled, after a years banishment, and the Ambassadors return with large remunerations.  
Whilst these things were managing at Rome, there burst out here a flame, which consumed the parties that raised it, and brought the king more easily to his ends, than otherwise he could ever have expected. Robert de Belesme, Earl of Shrewsbury, son to Roger de Mongomery, a fierce youth, presuming of his great estate, and his friends, fortifies his Castles of Shrewsbury, Bridgenorth, Tickhill, and Arundel, with some other pieces in Wales belonging to him, and combines with the Welsh, to oppose against the present State, out of a desire to set all in combustion, for his own ends, that were uncertain: which put the king to much travail and charge: but within 30. days, by employing great forces, and terrors mixed with promises, he scattered his complices, and took all his Castles, except that of Arundel, which rendered upon condition, that the Master might be permitted to retire safe into Normandy: which the king easily granted, seeing now he was but the body of a silly naked creature, that had lost both feathers and wings. And it made well for the king, his going thither. For, from the losing of his own estate in England, and thereby advancing the king's revenues, he goes to lose Normandy also, and bring it to this Crown. For as soon as he came thither, he fastens amity with one of like condition, and fortune as himself, an exiled man, whose insolency had likewise stripped him out of all his estate in England, and much wasted that in Normandy, which was William Earl of Mortaigne, son to Robert, half brother to King William I. Who being also Earl of Cornwall made suit likewise, to have that of Kent, Which his uncle Odon lately held, but being denied it, and also evicted by law, of certain other parcels of Land, which he claimed, retires with great indignation into Normandy, where not only, he assaults the King's Castles, but also usurps upon the State of Richard, the young Earl of Chester, than the King's ward.  
These two Earls combine themselves, and with their adherents committed many outrageous actions, to the great spoil and displeasure of the Country, whereof, though they complained to Duke Robert, they found little remedy. For, he being now grown poor by his out-lavishing humour, began, it seems, to be little respected: or else fallen from action, & those greatnesses his expectation had showed him, was (as commonly great minds dashed with ill fortunes are) fallen likewise in spirit, and given over to his ease. Whereupon the people of Normandy make their exclamations to the King of England, who sends for his brother Robert, reprehends him for the sufferance of these disorders; advises him to act the part of a Prince and not a Monk: and in conclusion, whether by detention of his pension, or drawing him, being of a facile nature, to some act of releasing it, sends him home so much discontented, as he joins with these mutinous Earls; and by their instigation was set into that flame, as he raised all his utmost forces to be revenged on his brother.  
The King, touched in conscience with the foulness of a fraternal war, which the world would take (he being the mightier) to proceed out of his designs; stood doubtful what do, when Pope Pasehall, by his letters (written with that eloquence, saith Malmesbury, wherein he was quick) persuaded him, that herein he should not make a civil war, but do a noble, and memorable benefit to his Country. Whereby (paid for remitting the investitures) he held himself countenanced in this business, Whereon, now he sets with more alacrity and resolution. And after many difficulties, and loss of divers worthy men, in a mighty battle, near the Castle of Tenerchbray, his enemies, with much a do, were all defeated. Whereby England, won Normandy, and on the same day, by computation, wherein 40. years before, Normandy overcame England: such are the turnings in affairs of men.  
And here Robert, who stood in a fair possibility of two Crowns, came to be deprived of his Duchy, and all he had, brought prisoner into England, and committed to the Castle of Cardiff. Where, to add to his misery, he had the misfortune of a long life: surviving, after he lost himself, 26. years, whereof the most part he saw not, having his eyes put out, whereby he was only left to his thoughts, a punishment barbarously inflicted on him, for attempting an escape.  
He was a Prince, that gave out to the world, very few notes of his ill, but many of his nobleness and valour, especially in his great voyage, where he had the second command, and was in election to have been the first, preferred to the Crown of jerusalem, and miss it hardly. Only the disobedience, in his youth, showed to his father (which yet might proceed from a rough hand borne over him, and the animation of others, rather than his own nature) set a stain upon him: and then his profusion (which some would have, liberality) showed his impotency, and put him into those courses, that overthrew him. All the revenues of his Duchy, which should serve for his maintenance, he sold or engaged, and was upon passing the City of Rouen to the Citizens: Which made him held unfit for the government; and gave occasion to his brother to quarrel with him.  
And thus came Henry freed from this fear, and absolute Duke of Normandy: had many years of quiet, gathered great treasure, and entertained good intelligence with the neighbour Princes. Scotland, by his Match, and doing their Princes good, he held from doing him hurt; clearing them from usurpations. Wales, though under his title, yet not subjection, gave him some exercise of action; which he ordered with great wisdom. First he planted with in the body of that Country a Colony of Flemings, who at that time much pestered this kingdom: being admitted here in the reign of King William 1. marrying their Country woman, and using their help in the action of England, where they daily increased, in such sort, as gave great displeasure to the people. But by this means, both that grevance was eased, and the use of them made profitable to the State: for being so great a number and a strong people, they made room for themselves, & held it in that sort, as they kept the Welsh, all about them, in very good awe. Besides the King took for Hostages the chief men's sons of the Country, and hereby quieted it. For France he stood secure so long as Philip 1. lived, who, wholly given over to his ease and luxury, was not for other attempts, out of that course: but his son he was to look unto, whensoever he came to that Crown.  
With the Earl of Flanders he had some debate, but it was only in words, and upon this occasion. King William the first, in retribution of the good, his father in law Bald●●in 5. had done, by aiding him in the action of England, gave him yearly 300 marks, and likewise continued it to his son after him. Now, Robert, Earl of Flanders, of a collateral line, returning empty from the holy wars, and finding this sum paid out of England to his predecessors, demands the same of king Henry, as his due; who not easy to part with money, sends him word; that it was not the custom of the kings of England to pay tribute: If they gave pensions they were temporanie, and according to desert. Which answer so much displeased the Earl, that though himself lived not to show his hatred, yet his son did, and aided afterward William, the son of Robert courteous, in his attempts, for recovery of the Duchy of Normandy, against king Henry.  
Thus stood this king in the first part of his reign: in the other, he had more to do abroad then at home, where he had by his excellent wisdom so settled the government, as it held a steady course without in interruption, all his time. But now Lewis le Gros, succeeding his father Philip the first, gave him warning to look to his State of Normandy: and for that he would not attend a quarrel, he makes one; taking occasion about the City of guysor's, situate on the river Epre, in the confines of Normandy, whilst Louis was travailed with a stubborn Nobility, presuming upon their Franchises, within their own Signories, whereof there were many, at that time, about Paris, as the Contes of Crecy, Pissaux, Dammartin, Champagne, and others, who by example, and emulation, would be absolute Lords, without awe of a master, putting themselves under the protection of Henry: who being near to assist them, fostered those humours, which in sick bodies, most show themselves. But after Louis, by years, gathering strength, dissolved that compact, and made his means the more, by their confiscations.  
Now to entertain these two great Princes in work, the quarrel between the Pope, and the Emperor, ministered fresh occasion. The Emperor Henry 5. having (by the Pope's instigation) banded against his father, Henry 4. who associated him in the Empire, and held him prisoner in that distress, as he died, touched afterward with remorse of this act, and reproach of the State, for abandoning the rights of the Empire, levies sixty thousand foot, and thirty thousand horse, for Italy; constrains the Pope & his College to acknowledge the rights of the Empire, in that form as Leo 4. had done to Otho 2. and before that, Adrian, to Charlemaigne, according to the decree of the Council of Rome, and made him take his Oath of fidelity, between his hands, as to the true and lawful Emperor. The Pope, so soon as Henry was departed home, assembles a Council, nullifies this acknowledgement, as done by force, and shortly after, deceased. The Emperor to make himself the stronger, against his successor, enters into alliance with the King of England, taketh to wife his daughter Maud, being but five years of age. After this Calixte, son of the Conte de Borgogne, coming to be Pope, and being French, (to their great applause) assembles a Council at Rheims: where, by Ecclesiastical sentence, Henry 5. is declared enemy of the Church, and degraded of his Imperial dignity. The King of England, seeing this Council was held in France, & composed chiefly of the Galicane Church, desirous to overmaister Louis, incenses his son in law the Emperor (stung with this disgrace) to set upon him) as the Pope's chief pillar) on one side, and he would assail him on the other. The Emperor easily wrought to such a business, prepares all his best forces: the King of England doth the like.  
The King of France seeing this storm coming so impetuously upon him, wrought so with the Princes of Germany, as they, weighing the future mischief of a war, undertaken in a hear, with the importance of a kind neighbourhood, advise the Emperor not to enter there into, till he had signified to the King of France, the causes of his discontent.  
Where upon an Embassage is dispatched: the King of France answers, that he grieved much to see the two great pillars of the Church thus shaken with these dissensions, whereby might be feared, the whole frame would be ruined: that he was friend to them both, and would gladly be an inter-dealer for concord, rather than to carry wood to a fire too fierce already, which he desired to extinguish, for the good and quiet of Christendom.  
This Embassage wrought so, as it disarmed the Emperor, glad to have Louis a mediator of the accord between the Pope and him: to the great displeasure of the King of England, who expected greater matters to have risen by this business. The accord is concluded at Worms, to the Pope's advantage, to whom the Emperor yields up the right of investitures of Bishops and other Benefices. But this was only to appease not cure the malady.  
The King of England disappointed thus of the emperors assistance, proceeds notwithstanding in his intentions against Louis. And seeing he failed of outward forces, he sets up a party in his kingdom, to confront him: aiding Theobald, Conte de Champagne, with so great power, as he stood to do him much displeasure: beside he obtained a strong side in that kingdom, by his alliances: for Stephen, Earl of Blois, had married his sister Adela, to whom this Theobald was near in blood, and had won Foulke, Earl of Anjou (an important neighbour, and ever an enemy to Normandy) to be his, by matching his son William to his daughter.  
Louis on the other side, fails not to practise all means to under-worke Henry's estate in Normandy, and combines with William, Earl of Flanders, for the restoring of William, the son of Robert courteous, to whom the same appertained by right of inheritance: and had the fairer show of his actions, by taking hold on the side of justice.  
Great, and many, were the conflicts between these two Princes, with the expense of much blood and charge. But in the end, being both tired, a peace was concluded, by the mediation of the Earl of Anjou. And William, son to King Henry, did homage to Louis for the Duchy of Normandy: And William, the 
Anno Reg. 20.  son of Robert courteous, is left to himself, and desists from his claim.  
Upon the fair close of all rhese troubles, there followed presently an accident, which seasoned it with that sourness of grief, as overcame all the joy of the success. William the young Prince, the only hope of all the Norman race, at 17 years of age, returning into England, in a ship by himself, accompanied with Richard his base brother, Marry, Countess of Perch, their sister, Richard, Earl of Chester, with his wife the king's Niece, and many other personages of honour, and their attendants, to the number of 140. besides 50 Mariners, setting out from Harflew, were all cast away at Sea 
Queen Maud lived not to see this disaster, Anno Reg 21 . The Prince had recovered a Cockboat, and in possibility to have been saved, had not the compassion of his sisters cries drawn him back to the sinking ship to take her in, and perish with his company.  
Which sudden clap of God's judgement, coming in a calm of glory, when all these bustlings seemed passed over, might make a conscience shrink with terror, to see oppression and supplantation repaid with the extinction of that, for which so much had been wrought, and the line masculine of Normandy expired in the third heir, as if to begin the fate laid on all the future succession, wherein never, but once, the third, in a right descent, enjoyed the Crown without supplantation or extinction, to the great affliction of the kingdom and himself, to leave his other issue subject to the like overturning; which may teach Princes to observe the ways of righteousness, and let men alone with their rights, and God with his providence.  
But in hope to repair this loss, King Henry within 5 months after, married Adalicia, a beautiful young Lady, daughter to the Duke of Louvain, and of the house of Lorraine, but never had issue by her, nor long rest from his troubles abroad. For this rent at home, cracked all the chain of his courses in France. Normandy itself became wavering, and many adhered to William the Nephew: his great confederates are most regained to the king of France: Foulke, Earl of Anjou, quarrels for his daughter's dower: Robert de Mellent, his chief friend & councillor, a man of great employment, fell from him, conspired with Hugh, Earl of Monfort, and wrought him great trouble.  
But such was his diligence and working spirit, that he soon made whole all those ruptures again. The two Earls himself surprises, and Anjou, death: which being so important a neighbour, as we may see, by matching a Prince of England there; the King fastens upon it with another alliance, and descends to marry his daughter, (and now only child, which had been wife to an Emperor, & desired by the Princes of Lombary and Lorraine) to the now Earl Geffrey Plantagenet, the son of Foulke.  
The King of France to fortify his opposition, entertains William the Nephew, where now all the danger lay: and aids him in person with great power to obtain the Earldom of Flanders, whereunto he had a fair Title, by the defailance of issue of the late Earl Baldovin, slain in a battle in France against King Henry. But William, as if heir also of his father's fortunes, admitted to the Earldom, miscarried in the rule, was deprived, and slain in battle; and in him all of Robert courteous perished.  
And now the whole care of king Henry, was the settling of the succession upon Maude (of whom he lived to see two sons borne) for which he convokes a Parliament in England, wherein, an oath is ministered to the Lords of this land, to be true to her & her heirs, and acknowledge them as the right inheritors of the Crown. This oath was first taken by David, king of Scots, unkleto Maude, and by Stephen, Earl of Bollogne, and Mortaine, Nephew to the King, on whom he had bestowed great possessions in England, and advanced his brother to the Bishopric of Winchester. And to make all the more fast, this oath was afterward ministered again at Northampton in another Parliament.  
So that now all seems safe and quiet, but his own sleeps, which are said to have been very tumultuous, and full of affrightments, wherein he would often rise, take his sword, and be in act, as if he defended himself against assaults of his person, which showed all was not well within.  
His government in peace, was such as ranks 
His government in peace  him in the list amongst our Kings of the fairest mark: holding the kingdom so well ordered, as during all his reign, which was long, he had ever the least to do at home. At the first, the competition with his brother, after, the care to establish his succession, held him in, to observe all the best courses, that might make for the good and quiet of the State; having an especial regard to the due administration of justice, that no corruption or oppression might disease his people, whereby things were carried with that cuennes, between the Great men and the Commons, as gave all satisfaction. He made divers progresses into remote parts of the Land, to see how the State was ordered. And for that purpose, when so ever he was in England, he kept 
The cause of Progresses.  no certain residence, but solemnized the great festivals in several, and far distant places of the kingdom, that all might partake of him.  
And for that he would not wrest ny thing 
The beginning of Parlements  by an imperial power from the kingdom, 
The first Parliament at Salisbury Anno. Reg, 15.  (which might breed ulcers of dangerous nature) he took a course to obtain their free consents to serve his occasions, in their general Assemblies of the 3. estates of the Land, which he first, and often convoked: and which had, from his time, the name of Parliament, according to the manner of Normandy, and other States, where Princes keep within their circles to the good of their people, their own glory, and security of their posterity.  
He was a Prince that lived formally himself, 
His reformations.  and repressed those excesses in his subjects which those times interrayned, as the wearing of long hair, which though it were a gaytie of no charge, like those sumptuous braveries, that waste kingdoms in peace, yet for the undecency there of, he reform it, and all other dissoluteness.  
His great businesses, and his wants taught 
His means to raise moneys.  him frugality, and wariness of expense, and his wars being seldom invasive, and so not getting, put him often to use hard courses for his supplements of treasure. Towards the marriage of his daughter with the Emperor, and the charge of his war, he obtained (as it might seem at his first Parliament at Salisbury) Anno. Reg. 15. three shillings upon every hide-land, but he had no more in all his reign, except one supply for his wars afterward in France.  
He kept Byshopricks and abbeys void in his hands, as that of Canterbury, 5 years together.  
By an act of Parliament at London. Anno. Reg. 30. he had permission to punish marriage, and incontinency of Priests, who for fines notwithstanding, he suffered to enjoy their wives, but hereby he displeased the Clergy and disappointed that reformation.  
Punishments which were mutilation of member, he made pecuniary. And by reason of his often, and long being in Normandy, those provisions for his house, which were used to be paid in kind, were rated to certain prices and received in money, by the consent of the State, and to the great content of the subject; who by reason that many dwelling far off throughout all shires of England, were much molested with satisfying the same otherwife. He resumed the liberties of hunting in his Forests, which took up much fair ground of the kingdom; and besides renewing former penalties, made an Edict, that if any man in his own private woods, killed the King's Deer should forfeit his woods to the King. But he permitted them enclosures for Parks, which under him seems to have their original, by the example of that of his at Woodstoke, and after their multitude grew to be a disease.  
His expenses were chiefly in his wars, and his many and great fortifications in Normandy. His buildings were the abbey of Reading, the Manor of Woodstoke, and the great enclosure about that Park.  
The most eminent men of his Council 
His Councillors.  were, Roger Bishop of Sarum, and the Earl of Mellent, both, men of great experience in the affairs of the world. Roger was ever as Viceroy, had the whole management of the kingdom in his absence, which was sometimes three, and four years together. He had managed the King's moneys and other affairs of his house, when he was a poor Prince, and a private man; whereby he gained an especial trust with him ever after, and discharged his part with great policy and understanding; had the title of justiciarius totius Anglia. Of whose magnificence and spacious mind, we have more memorial left in notes of stone, then of any one Man, Prince, or other of this kingdom. The ruins yet remaining of his stately structures, especially that of the devices in Wiltshire, thews us the carcase of a most Roman-like Fabric. Besides he built the Castles of Malmsburie and Shirburne, two strong and sumptuous pieces: new walled and repaired the Castle of Salisbury, but all these he lived to see rend from him, and seized into the next King's hands, as being things done out his part, and lie now deformed heaps of double. But the goodly Church of Salisbury, a work appertaining to his function, remains, as of another fate.  
Robert Earl of Mellent, was the son of Roger Beaumond; who of all the great men which followed William I. in his civil wars of Normandy, refused to attend him in his expedition for England, though with large promises invited thereunto, saying: The inheritance left him by his predecessors, was sufficient to maintain his estate at home; and he desired not to thrust himself into other men's possessions abroad. But his son Robert was of another mind, and had a mighty estate both in England and Normandy. Was a man of great direction in Council, and ever used in all the weighty affairs of the State. His parsimony, both in apparel and diet, was of such example, being a man of eminent note, as did much good to the kingdom in those days. But in the end he fell into disgrace, the fate of Court, and eminency; opposed against the king, and died bereft of his estate.  
Besides these, this king was served with a potent and martial Nobility, whom his spirit led to affect those great designs of his in France, for the preservation of his state in Normandy. Whither in the 32 year of his reign, he makes his last voyage to die there, and in his passage thithe, happened an exceeding great Eclipse of the Sun, which was taken to foresignify his death; for that it followed shortly after in the thirty five year of his reign.  
He was of a graceful parsonage, quicke-eyed, 
His parsonage  brown hair, (a different complexion from his brothers) and of a close compacted temperament, wherein dwelled a mind of a more solid constitution, with better ordered affections. He had, in his youth, some taste of learning; but only, as if to set his stomach, not to overcharge it therewith. But this put many of his subjects into the fashion of the Book, and divers learned men flourished in his time.   

King Stephen.  
THE Line Masculine of the Norman extinct, and only a daughter left, and she married to a Frenchman: Stephen, Earl of Bologne, and Mortagne, son of Stephen, Earl of Blois, and of Adela, daughter to William I. was (notwithstanding the former oath taken for Maud) elected by the State, and invested in the Crown of England, within 30 days after the death of Henry. Upon what reasons of Council, we must gather out of the circumstances of the courses held in that time.  
Some imagine, the state refused Maude; for not being then the custom, of any other kingdom Christian (whose Kings are anointed) to admit women to inherit the Crown; and therefore they might pretend to be freed from their oath, as being unlawful. But Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, one of the principal men then in council, yielded another reason for the discharge of this oath, which was, that seeing the late King had married his daughter out of the Realm, and without the consent thereof, they might lawfully refuse her. And so was Stephen, having no Title at all, by mere election, advanced to the Crown. For if he should claim any right in the Succession, as being the son of Adela, then must Theobald, Earl of Blois, his elder brother, have been preferred before him: and Henry Fitz Empress (if they refused the mother) was nearer in blood to the right Stem, then either. But they had other reasons that ruled that time. Stephen was a man, and of great possessions, both in England and France, had one brother, Earl of Bloss, a Prince of great estate: another, Bishop of Winchester (the Pope's Legate in England, of power eminent) was popular for his affability, goodly parsonage, and activeness: and therefore acceptable to the Nobility, who, at that time, were altogether guided by the Clergy, and they, by the working of the Bishop of Winchester, induced to make choice of him, having an opinion, that by preferring one, whose Title was least, would make his obligation the more to them, and so they might stand better secured of their liberties, then under such a one, as might presume of an hereditary succession. And to be the more sure thereof, before his admittance to the Crown, he takes a private oath before the Bishop of Canterbury, to confirm the ancient liberties of the Church, and had his brother to undertake, betwixt God and him, for the performance thereof.  
But being now in possession of the kingdom, and all the treasure his uncle had in many years gathered, which amounted to one hundred thousand pounds of exquisite silver, besides plate and jewels, of inestimable value, after the funerals performed at Reading, he assembles a Parliament at Oxford, wherein herestored to the Clergy, all their former liberties, and freed the laity from their tributes, exactions, or whatsoever grievances oppressed them, confirming the same by his Charter, which, faithfully to observe, he took a public oath before all the Assembly: where likewise the Bishops swore fealty unto him, but with this condition; so long as he observed the tenor of this Charter.  
And now as one that was to make good the hold he had gotten, with power, & his sword, prepares for all assaults, which he was suit to have come upon him. And first grants licence, to all that would, to build Castles upon their own Lands, thereby to fortify the Realm, and break the force of any overrunning invasion, that should master the field. Which in settled times might be of good effect, but in a season of distraction, and part-taking very dangerous. And being to subsist by friends, he makes all he could, creates new Lords, gives to many great possessions, and having a full purse spares for no cost to buy love, and fidelity: a purchase very uncertain, when there may be other conucyances made of more strength to carry it.  
Two ways he was to look for blows: from Scotland on one side, and France on the other: Scotland wanted no instigators: David their King, moved both with nature and his oath to his Niece, turns head upon him: Stephen was presently there with the show of a strong Army, and appeased him with the gift of Cumberland, and his son Henry, Prince of Scotland with the Earldom of Huntingdon; the last took an oath of fealty unto him, which the father refused as having first sworn to Maude, wherein he satisfied not the King, who returning from this voyage, found some defection of his Nobility, which presently put him into another action, that entertained him sometime. After which, he falls dangerously sick, in so much as he was noised to be dead, by which sickness, he lost more than his health: For his friends, put in danger thereby, cast to seek another party to bear them up: it wakened Anjou, and sets him on to surprise certain pieces in Normandy, to prepare for the recovery of his wives right: and made all this kingdom waver. Thus was his first year spent, which showed how the rest of 18. would prove, wherein we are to have no other representations, but of revoltes, besieging of Castles, surprizing, recovering, loosings again, with great spoils, and destruction; in brief a most miserable face of a distracted State, that can yield us no other notes of instruction, but such as are general in all times of like disposition: and therefore herein we may the better forbear the rehearsal of many particulars, being all under one head of action, and like nature.  
The King, having recovered, would make the world know he was alive, and presently passes with forces into Normandy, overcame the Earl of Anjou in battle: after makes peace with him, and upon renouncing of the claim of Maude, covenants to give them 5000. marks per annum: he entertains amity with King Louis 7. and causes his son Eustace to do him homage for the Duchy of Normandy, wherein he was invested: beside to content his elder brother Theobald, Earl of Blois, he gives him a pension of 2000 marks and so returns again into England, to a war against Scotland, which, in this mean time, made incursions on the kingdom; where whilst he was held busy in work, Robert Earl of Gloucester, base son to Henry 1. a man of high spirit, great direction and indefatigable industry (an especial actor that performed the greatest part, in these times, for his sister Maude) had surprised the Castle of Bristol, and procured confederates to make good other pieces abroad in divers parts: as William Talbot the Castle of Hereford; Paynel the Castle of Ludlow; Lovel that of Cary: Moune the Castle of Dunstor: Robert de Nichol, that of Warham, Eustace Fitz john that of Walton, and William Fitz Allan the Castle of Shrewsbury.  
Stephen leaves the prosecution of the Scottish wars to Thurstan Archbishop of York, whom he made his lieutenant, and furnished with many valiant leaders, as Walter Earl of Albemarle, William Peuerell of Nottingham; Walter and Gilbert Lacy's. Himself bravely attended, bends all his power to repress the conspirators, which he did in one expedition, recovers all these Castles (by reason of their distances, not able to succour one another) and drove the Earl of Gloucester home to his sister into Anjou.  
No less success had his forces in the North, against the Scots, whom in a great battle they discomfeited and put to flight, which great fortunes meeting together in one year, brought forth occasion of bad, in that following: for now presuming more of himself, he fell upon those rocks that rend all his greatness. He calls a Council at Oxford, where occasion was given to set him out with the Clergy, that had only put him into the State. The Bishops upon the permission of building Castles, so outwent the Lords in magnificence, strength and number of their erections, and especially the Bishop of Salisbury that their greatness was much maligned by them, putting the King in head, that all these great Castles, especially of Salisbury, the vieth, Shirburne, Malmsbury, and Newwark, were only to entertain the party of Maude, whereupon the King, whose fears were apt to take fire, sends for the Bishop of Salisbury (most suspected) to Oxford. The Bishop, as if foreseeing the mischief coming to him, would gladly have put off this journey, and excused it by the debility of his age, but it would not serve his turn: thither he comes, where his servants, about the taking up of lodgings, quarrel with the servants of the Earl of Britain, and from words fall to blows, so that in the bickering, one of them was slain, and the nephew of the Earl dangerously wounded. Whereupon the King sends for the Bishop, to satisfy his Court, for the breach of peace, made by his servants: The satisfaction required, was the yielding up the keys of his Castles, as pledges of his fealty, but that being stood upon, the Bishop, with his nephew, Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, were restrained of their liberty, and shortly after sent as prisoners to the Castle of the devices, whither the Bishop of Eley, another of his Nephews, had retired himself before. The King seizes into his hands his Castles of Salisbury, Shyrburne, Malmesbury, and after 3. days assault the devices was likewise rendered, beside he took all his treasure, which amounted to 40. thousand marks.  
This action, being of an extraordinary strain, gave much occasion of rumour: some said: The King had done well in seizing upon these Castles; it being unfit, and against the Cannons of the Church, that they who were men of religion, and peace, should raise fortresses for war, and in that sort as might be prejudicial to the King. Against this, was the Bishop of Winchester, the Pope's Legate, taking rather the part of his function, then that of a brother: saying: that if the Bishops had transgressed, it was not the King, but the Cannons, that must judge it: that they ought not to be deprived of their possessions, without a public Ecclesiastical Counsel; that the King had not done it, out of the zeal of justice, but for his own benefit, taking away that which had been built upon the Lands, and by the charge of the Church, to put it into the hands of lay men, little affected to religion: And therefore to the end, the power of the Cannons might be examined, he appoints a Counsel to be called at Winchester, whither the King is summoned: and thither repair most of all the Bishops of the Kingdom, where first is read the Commission of the Legatine power, granted by Pope Innocent to the Bishop of Winchester, who there openly urges the indignity offered to the Church, by the imprisoning of these Bshops: An act most heinous and shameful for the King, that in the peace of his Court, thorough the instigation of evil ministers, would thus lay hands upon such men, and spoil them of their estates. Which was a violence against God, And that seeing the King would yield to no admonitions, he had at length called this Council; where they were to consult what was to be done: that for his part, neither the love of the King, though his brother, nor the loss of his living, or danger of his life, should make him fail in the execution of what they should decree.  
The King, standing upon his cause, sends certain Earls to this Council, to know why he was called thither: answer was made by the Legate: that the King, who was subject to the faith of CHRIST, ought not to take it ill, if by the ministers of CHRIST, he was called to make satisfaction, being conscious of such an offence as that age had not known: that it was for times of the Gentiles, for Bishops to be imprisoned, and deprived of their possessions, and therefore they should tell the King, his brother, that if he would vout safe to yield consent to the Council, it should be such, by the help of God, as neither the Roman Church, the Court of the King of France, nor the Earl Theobald, brother to them both (a man wise, and religious) should, in reason dislike it: that the King should do advisedly to render the reason of his act, and undergo a Canonical judgement: that he ought in duty to favour the Church, into whose bosom being taken, he was advanced to the Crown without any military hand.  
With which answer the Earls departed, attended with Alberic de Ver, a man exercised in the law, and having related the same, are returned with the Kingsreply, which Alberic utters, and urges the inuries' Bishop Roger had done to the King: how he seldom came to his Court: that his men, presuming upon his power, had offered violence to the Nephew and servants, of the Earl of Britain, and to the servants of Herui de Lions, a man of that Nobility and stoutness, as would never vouchsafe to come upon any request to the late King, and yet for the love of this, was desirous to see England: where, to have this violence offered was an injury to the King, and dishonour to the Realm, that the Bishop of Lincoln, for the ancient hatred to the Earl of Britain, was the author of his men's sedition: that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly favoured the King's enemies; and did but subtly temporize, as the King had found by divers circumstances: especially, when Roger de Mortimer, sent with the King's forces, in the great danger of Bristol, he would not lodge him one night in Malmsbury: that it was in every man's mouth, as soon as the Empress came, He and his nephews would render their Castles unto him. That he was arrested, not as a Bishop, but a servant to the King, and one that administered his procurations, and received his moneys. That the King took not his Castles by violence, but the Bishop voluntarily rendered them, to avoid the calumny of their tumult rayfed in his Court: if the King found some money in his Castles, he might lawfully seize on it, in regard that Roger had collected it, out of the revenues of the King his uncle, and predecessor: and the Bishop willingly yielded up the same, as well as his Castles, through fear of his offences; and of this, wanted not witnesses of the Kings, who part desired that the covenants, made between him, and the Bishop, might remain ratified.  
Against this, Bishop Roger opposes: That he was never servant to the King, nor recesued his moneys; and withal, added threatenings, as a man, not yet broken, though bend with his fortunes: that if he found not justice for his wrongs in that Council, he would bring it to the hearing of a greater Court.  
The Legate, mildly, as he did other things, said: That all what was spoken against the Bishops, ought first to be examined in the Ecclesiastical Council, whether they were true or no, before sentence should have been given against them, contrary to the Canons: and therefore the King should, as it is lawful in judicial trials, revest the Bishops in their former estates, otherwise, by the law of Nations, being dissaised, they shall not hold their Plea.  
After much debate the King's cause was, upon a motion, put off till the next day, to the end the Archbishop of Rouen, an especial instrument for the King, might be there; who delivering his opinion, said: That if the Bishops could rightly prove by the Canons, they ought to have Castles, they should hold them; but if they could not, it proceeded of great improbity to strive to do otherwise. And be it, said he, their right to have them, yet in a suspected time, according to the manner of other Nations, all great men ought to deliver the keys of their Fortresses, to be at the King's pleasure, who is to fight for the peace of all. But it is not their right, by the decree of the Canons, to have Castles; and if, by the Prince's indulgence, it be tolerated, yet in a time of necessity, they ought to deliver the keys.  
The Lawyer Alberic adds: That it was signified to the King, how the Bishops threatened, and had furnished some to go to Rome against him. But, said he, the King would have you know, that none of you presume to do it: for if any go out of England, contrary to his will, and the dignity of the kingdom, it will be hard returning. In conclusion the Council broke up, nothing was done. The Bishops durst not excommunicate the King, without the Pope's privity: and beside, they saw the swords to busy about them: yet failed not the Legate, and the Archbishop to prosecute their parts, and from authority fell to prayer, and at the King's feet, in his chamber, besought him, that he would pity the Church, pity his own soul, and his fame, not to suffer dissension to be between the kingdom and the Priesthood. The king returned them fair words, but held what he had gotten.  
Shortly after, through grief, died the Bishop of Salisbury, and (according to the fate of over-eminent and greedy Officers) unpitied. He was a man, in his latter time, noted of much corruption, and unsatiable desire of having. For whom, the present King in the beginning of his reign, had done very much, making one of his nephews Chancellor, the other Treasurer, and, upon his suit, gave to himself the Borough of Malmesbury; insomuch as the King would say to his familiars about him: If this man will beg thus, still; I will give him half the Kingdom but I will please him: and first shall he be weary of craving, ere 1 of granting. And sure the King had great reason to suspect his adhering to Maud, whose part he began to favour: only, out of the hatred he bore to Winchester, who yet was content to forsake his own brother, in regard, by his engagement he was preferred to the Crown, rather than to lose his good will, and the rest of the Clergy.  
But yet this breaking of the King into the Church, which had made him, utterly dissolved him. For presently here upon all his power fell asunder: the Empress found now a way open to let her in, and the Earl of Glocefter presuming of a sure side, conducted her into England, only with 150. men, puts her into the Castle of Arundel, and himself, attended but with 12. horse, passed away clear through all the country, to Bristol, and from thence to Gloucester, where he had leisure, without opposition, to raise all the country, to take part with the Empress; who, from Arundel castle, was afterward, by the Legate himself, and the King's permission, conveyed to Bristol, received with all obedience, grew daily in strength, as she went and came, at length to her brother, (who had taken in Hereford, made himself strong with the Welsh, and settled those parts) to gather up more of the kingdom by showing herself and her power in divers places.  
Stephan, having no part clear, by reason the Castles, upon which he spent, both his time and means, lay so thick blocks in his way, as he could not make that speed to stop this stream, as otherwise he would, holding it not safe to go forward, and leave dangers bebehinde, that might overtake him. And first he lays siege to the Castle of Wallingford, which Brian, son to the Earl of Gloucester, held against him: then to the Castle of Bristol, and other places, working much, but effecting little: which seeing, to get time, and stagger the swift proceeding of this new received Princess, he causes a treaty of peace to be propounded at Bath, where the Legate, (who likewise earnestly solicited the same) with the Archbishop of Canterbury, were appointed Commissioners for the King; and the Earl of Gloucester for the Empress; but nothing was effected, both return to make good their sides. The Empress seeks to recover more, the King what he had lost. And lest the North parts might fall from him, and the King of Scots come on, he repairs thitherward: and finding the Castle of Lincoln possessed by Ralph, Earl of Chester, who had married a daughter of the Earl of Gloucester, and holding it not safe to be in the hands of such a master, in such a time, seeks to take it in by force. The Earl of Chester, who held Neutral, attempting nothing against the King, took it ill and stood upon his defence: but being overlaid by power, conveys himself out of the Castle, leaves his brother & wife within, to defend it, and procures aid of his father in law, the Earl of Gloucester, to succour him.  
The Earl takes in hand this business, sets out of Gloucester with an Army of Welshmen and others, attended with Hugh Bigod, and Robert de Morley, joins with the Earl of Chester, marches to Lincoln, where, in the battle, King Stephan was taken, carried prisoner to Gloucester, presented to the Empress, and by her sent to be kept in the Castle of Bristol; but in all honourable fashion, till his attempts to escape laid fetters on him.  
Hereupon the Empress (as at the top of her fortune) labours the Legate to be admitted to the kingdom, as the daughter of the late King, to whom the Realm had taken an oath to accept for sovereign in the succession; and wrought so, as a Parle was appointed for this purpose, on the Plain near to winchester, where in ablustring sad day, like the fate of the business, they met, and the Empress swore, and made affidation to the Legar, that all the great businesses, & especially the donation of bishoprics and Abbeys, should be at his disposing, if he (with the Church) would receive her as Queen of England, and hold perpetual fidelity unto her. The same oath and affidation took likewise her brother Robert, Earl of Gloucester, Brian his son, Marquis of Wallingford; Miles of Gloucester (after Earl of Hareford) with many others for her. Nor did the Bishop stick to accept her as Queen, (though she never came to be so) and with some few other, made like wife affidation for his part, that so long as she infringed not her covenant, he would also hold his fidelity to her. The next day she was received with solemn procession into the Bishop's Church at Winchester, the Bishop leading her on the right hand, and Bernard, Bishop of Saint David's, on the left. There were present many other Bishops, as Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, and Nigel Bishop of Ely (the nephews of Roger, lately imprisoned) Robert Bishop of Bath, and Robert Bishop of Worcester, with many Abbots.  
Within a few days after came Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, to the Empress, invited by the Legate; but deferred to do fealty unto her, as holding it unworthy his person and place, without having conferred first with the king. And therefore he, with many Prelates, and some of the Laity, by permission obtained, went to the king to Bristol. The Council broke up: the Empress keeps her Easter at Oxford, being her own town. Shortly upon Easter a Council of the Clergy is again called to Winchester, where the first day the Legate had secret conference with every Bishop apart, and then with every Abbot, and other which were called to the Council: the next day he makes a public speech, Showing how the cause of their Assembly was, to consult for the peace of their country, in great danger of utter ruin. Repeats the flourishing reign of his uncle: the peace, wealth and honour of the kingdom in his time: and how that renowned king, many years before his death, had received an oath both of England and Normandy, for the succession of his daughter Maude and her Issue. But, said he, after his decease, his daughter being then in Normandy, making delay to come into England, where (for that it seemed long to expect) order was to be taken for the peace of the country, & my brother was permitted to reign. And although I interposed myself a surety between God and him, that he should honour and exalt the holy Church, keep and ordain good laws; Yet, how he hath behaved himself in the kingdom, it gricues me to remember, and I am ashamed to repeat. And then recounts he all the King's courses with the Bishops, and all his other misgovernments. And then, said he, every man knows I ought to love my mortal brother, but much more the cause of my immortal Father: & therefore seeing God hath showed his judgement on my brother, and suffered him, without my knowledge, to fall into the hand of Power: that the kingdom may not miscarry for want of a Ruler; I have called you all hither by the power of my Legation. Yesterday the cause was moved in secret, to the greatest part of the Clergy, to whom the right appertains to elect and ordain a Prince. And therefore after having invoked, as it is meet, the Divine aid, we elect for Queen of England the daughter of the peaceful, glorious, rich, good, and in our time the incomparable king, and to her we promise our faith and allegiance.  
When all, who were present, either modestly gave their voice, or by their silence contradicted it, the Legate adds: The Londoners, who are, in respect of the greatness of their City, as among the optimacy of England, we have by our messengers summoned, and I trust they will not stay beyond this day; to morrow we will expect them.  
The Londoners came, were brought into the Council, showed, How they were sent from the Commonalty of London, not to bring contention, but prayer, that the King their Lord might be fred from captivity, and the same did all the Barons (received within their Liberties) earnestly beseech of my Lord Legate, and all the Clergy there present. The Legate answers them at large, and loftily, according to his speech the day before, and added, That the Londoners, who were held in that degree in England, ought not to take their parts, who had forsaken their Lord in the war, by whose Council the Church had been dishonoured, and who favoured the Londoners but for their own gain.  
Then stands there up a chaplain to Queen Maude, wife to Stephan, and delivers a letter to the Legate, which he silently read, and then said aloud, that it was not lawful in the assembly of so many reverend and religious persons the same should be publicly read, containing matter reprehensible. The chaplain not to fail in his message, boldly reads the letter himself, which was to this effect: That the Queen earnestly entreats all the Clergy there assembled, & namely the Bishop of Winchester, the brother of her Lord, to restore him unto the kingdom, whom wicked men, which were also his subjects, held prisoner.  
To this the Legate answers, as to the Londoners, and shortly after the Council broke up; where in many of the King's part were excommunicated, namely William Martell, an especial man about the King, who had much displeased the Legat.  
Hereupon a great part of England willingly accepted of Maude, in whose businesses her brother Robert employs all his diligence and best care, reforming justice, restoring the Laws of England, promising relievements, and whatsoever might be to win the people; the Legate seconding all his courses.  
But now, she being at the point of obtaining the whole kingdom; all came suddenly dashed by the practice of the Londoners, who, adhering to the other side, began openly to inveigh against her, who, in something, whatsoever it were, had displeased them, and they had plotted to surprise her in their City, whereof she having notice, secretly withdrawing herself, accompanied with her uncle David King of Scots (who was come to visit her) and her brother Robert, unto Oxford, a place of more security. The Legate himself takes, or makes an occasion to be slack in her cause, upon her denying him a suit for his Nephew Eustace, the son of Stephan, about the inheritance of his Earldom of Mortaigne in Normandy. Besides the Queen regnant, watchful over all opportunity, found means to parley with the Legate, sets upon him with her tears, entreaty, promises, and assurances for the King's reformation; in so much as she recalled him to the affections of nature, brought him about again to absolve such of the King's part as he had lately excommunicated.  
The Earl of Gloucester seeing this sudden and strange relapse of their affairs, strives by all means to hold up Opinion, and requicken the Legates disposition, which to keep sound, was all. He brings the Empress to Winchester, settles her, and her guard, in the Castle, where she desires to speak with the Legate, who first delays, then denies to come. Whereupon they call their best friends about them. Queen Maude and the Lords encompass the Town, and cut off all victual from the Empress, so that in the end, the Earl of Gloucester wrought means to have her conveyed from thence to the vieth, but himself was taken and in him most of her.  
This sets the sides both even again into the Lists of their trial: the two prisoners are to redeem each other: The disproportion of the quality between them, showed yet there was an evenness of power, and the Earl would not consent to the King's delivery (who only in that was to have the precedence) but upon most secure cautions. The Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Legate, undertook to yield themselves prisoners for him, if the King released him not, according to his promise: But that would not serve the turn, till they both had written their Briefs to the Pope, to intimate the course that was taken herein, and delivered the same unto him, under their hands and seals. So that, if the King should, as he might not care, to hold the Bishops in prison: yet the Pope, if hard measure were offered, might relieve him. Which shows the advantage of credit in the business, lay on this side, and the king was to have his fetters, though at liberty. The Queen and Eustace, her son, the Prince, upon the enlargement of Stephan, remain pledges in the Castle of Bristol till the Earl were released, which was done upon the kings coming to Winchester. Where the Earl in familiar conference, was, by all are possible, solicited to forsake the party of Maude, with promise of all preferments of honour and estate: but nothing could move him being fixed to his courses, & rather would he have been content to remain a perpetual prisoner, then that Stephan should have been released, had not his sister wrought him to this conclusion.  
The Legate, after this, calls a Council at London, where the Pope's letters, written unto him, are openly read, which argue him, (but mildly) of some neglect of his brother's releasing, and exhort him to use all means Ecclesiastical, and Secular, to set him at liberty.  
The King himself came into the Council, complains, how his subjects, to whom he had never denied justice, had taken him, and reproachfully afflicted him even to death. The Legate, with great eloquence, labours to excuse his own courses: alleging, How he received not the Empress by his will, but necessity: that presently upon the king's overthrow, whilst the Lords were either fled, or stood in suspense attending the event, she and her people came thundering to the walls of Winchester: and that, what pact soever he had made with her for the right of the Church, she obstinately broke all: beside, he was certainly informed, that she and hers had plotted, both against his dignity, and life: But God in his mercy, contrary to her desire, had turned the business so, as he escaped the danger, and his brother was delivered out of bands. And therefore he, from the part of God, and the Pope, willed them, with all their utmost power, to aid the King, anointed by the consent of the People, and the Sea Apostolic, and to Excommunicate all the disturbers of the peace that favoured the Countess of Anjou.  
There was in the Council a Lay Agent for the Empress, who openly charged the Legate, That in respect of the faith he had given the Empress, to pass no act there, prejudicial to her Honour: having sworn unto her never to aid his brother with above twenty Soldiers: that her coming into England, was upon his often Letters unto her: and his cause it was, that the King was taken and held prisoner. This, and much more said the Agent with great austerity of words, wherewith the Legate seemed not to be moved at all, nor would stoop to reply.  
Both parts thus set at liberty, were left to work for themselves, holding the State broken between them; and no means made to interpose any bar to keep them asunder. Their borders lay every where, and then the engagements of their Partakers, who look all to be saviours, or to recover their stakes, when they were lost, (which makes them never give over) entertain the contention. But the best was, they were rather troubles, than wars, and cost more labour than blood. Every one fought with Bucklers, and seldom came to the sharp in the field, which would soon have ended the business.  
Some few months after these enlargements, stood both sides at some rest, but not idle, casting how to compass their ends. The Empress at the vieth with her Council, resolves to send over her brother into Normandy to solicit her husband the Earl of Anjou, to come to aid her, with forces from thence: Her brother, the better to secure her in his absence, settles her in the Castle of Oxford, well furnished for all assaults: and takes with him the sons of the especial men about her, as pledges to hold them to their fidelity. Stephan seeks to stop the Earl's passage, but could not, and then lays siege to the Castle of Oxford; which held him all the time the Earl was abroad. Geffrey Earl of Anjou, desirous rather to have Normandy, where of, in this mean time, he had attained the most part, and in possibility of the rest, then to adventure for England, which lay in danger, refused to come in person, but sends some small aid, and his eldest son Henry, being then but eleven years of age, that he might look upon England, and be showed to the people, to try if that would move them to a consideration of his right: which proved of more effect than an Army.  
The Earl of Gloucester safely returning, makes towards Oxford to relieve the Empress, who had secretly conveyed herself disguised out at a postern gate, only with four persons, got over the Thames, passed a foot to Abington, and from thence conveyed to Wallingford, where her brother and son met her, to her more comfort after hard distresses.  
Stephan seeing his enemy thus supplied, and like to grow, labours to win friends, but money fails, which made divers of his Lords, and especially his mercenaries, whereof he had many out of Flanders, to fall to the rifling of abbeys, which was of dangerous consequence: And for Armies there was no means; only about Castles, with small powers, lay all the business of these times, and they being so many were to small effect, but only to hold them doing, which was for many years.  
The Earl of Gloucester, the chief pillar of the Empress, within 2. years after his last coming out of Normandy died, and shortly after Miles Earl of Hereford, an especial man of hers, which had utterly quashed her, but that in stead of a brother she had a son grew up to be of more estimation with the Nobility, and shortly after of ableness to undergo the travails of war. His first expedition at 16. years of age was Northward to combine him with David King of Scots his great uncle, to whom his mother had given the Country of Northumberland. After him follows Stephan with an Army to York, lest he should surprise that City, and to intercept him in his return: but according to his usual manner, and French-like, after the first heat of his undertakings, which were quick and brave, he quails: nothing was effected, and both return without encountering.  
Now to advance the State and means of Henry, fortune, as if in love with young Princes, presents this occasion. Louis 7. King of France going in person to the holy wars, and taking with him his wife Elinor, the only daughter and heir of William Duke of Guien, grew into such an odious conceit of her, upon the notice of her lascivious behaviour in those parts, as the first work he doth upon his coming back he repudiates, and turns her home with all her great dowry, rather content to lose the mighty estate she brought then to live with her. With this great Lady matches Henry, before he was 20. years of age (being now Duke of Normandy, his father deceased, who had recovered it for him) and had by her the possession of all those large and rich Countries appertaining to the Duchy of Guien, beside, the Earldom of Poicton. Whereupon Louis enraged to see him enlarged by this great accession of State, who was so near, and like to be so dangerous and eminenta neighbour, combines with Stephan, and aids Eustace his son, with main power, for the recovery of Normandy, wherein he was first possessed. But this young Prince, furnished now with all this powerful means, leaves the management of the affairs of England to his friends, defends Normandy, wrought so, as the King of France did him little hurt; and Eustace, his competitor, returned home into England, where shortly after he died, about 18. years of his age, borne never to see out of the calamities of war, and was buried at Feversham with his mother, who deceased a little before, and had no other joy nor glory of a Crown but what we see.  
Stephan, whilst Duke Henry was in Normandy, recovers what he could, and at length besieges Wallingsord, which seems in these times to have been a piece of great importance, and impregnable, and reduced the Defendants to that extremity, as they sent to Duke Henry for succour, who presently thereupon, in the midst of winter, arrives in England with 3000. foot, and 140. horse. Where first, to draw the King from Wallingford, he lays siege to Malmesbury, and had most of all the great men in the West, and from other parts coming in unto him. Stephan, now resolved to put it to the trial of a day, brings thither all the power he could make; and far over-went his enemy in number: but floods and storms, in an unseasonable winter, kept the Armies from encountering, till the Bishops, doubtful of the success, and seeing how dangerous it was for them, and the whole State, to have a young Prince get the mastery by his sword mediated a peace, which was after concluded in a Parliament at Winchester, upon these conditions.  

1 That King Stephan, during his natural life, should remain King of England, and Henry enjoy the Dukedom of Normandy, as descended unto him from his mother, and be proclaimed heir apparent to the kingdom of England, as the adopted son of King Stephan.  
2 That the partisans of either should receive no damage, but enjoy their estates according to their ancient rights and titles.  
3 That the king should resume into his hands all such parcels of inheritance belonging 
Presumptions.  to the Crown, as had been aliened by him, or usurped in his time. And that all those possessions which by intrusion had been violently taken from the owners since the days of king Henry, should be restored unto them who were rightly possessed therein when the said king reigned.  
4 That all such Castles as had been built by the permission of Stephan, and in his time (which were found to be 1117) should be demolished, etc.   
There is a Charter of this agreement in our Annals, which hath other Articles of reservation for the estates of particular persons. And first for William, the second son of Stephan, to enjoy all the possessions his father held before he was king of England, and many other particulars of especial note.  
After this pacification, and all business here, settled, Duke Henry returns into Normandy, and likewise there concludes a peace with the king of France, and for that he would be sure to have it, buys it, with twenty thousand Marks.  
And now king Stephan having attained (that he never had) Peace (which yet, it seems he enjoyed not a year after) uses all the best means he could to repair the ruins of the State, maketh his progresses into most parts of the kingdom, to reform the mischiefs that had grown up under the sword: and after his return calls a Parliament at London, to consult of the best means for the public good. After the Parliament, he goes to meet the Earl of Flanders at Dover, who desired conference with him, and having dispatched him, 
1154.  falls presently sick, dies within few days after, 
He reigned 18 years and 10 months.  and was buried (in the Abbey he founded) at Feversham, with the unfortunate Princes.  
A man so continually in motion, as we cannot take his dimension, but only in passing, and that but on one side, which was war: on the other, we never saw but a glance of him, which yet, for the most part, was such, as showed him to be a very worthy Prince for the government. He kept his word with the State concerning the relievement of Tributes, and never had Subsidy that we find.  
But which is more remarkable, having his sword continually out, and so many defections and rebellions against him, he never put any great man to death. Besides it is noted, that notwithstanding all these miseries of war, there were more abbeys built in his reign then in 100 years before, which shows though the times were bad, they were not impious.   
The end of the third Book.   

Errata.  
For the Faults committed herein, Charitable Reader, know they are not the Printers (who hath been honestly careful for his part) but merely mine own: freely confessing myself to be more an honourer than searcher of antiquities, that lie far off from us, and only studious of the general notions, which especially concern the succession of affairs of action, which is the part I have undertake. And therefore I trust all worthy spirits in that respect will pardon me and reform my knowledge, rather by way of conference than detraction; for no man truly ingenious is malignant. And (if Ilive) after this private impression, which is but of a few copies for my friends, I will amend what is amiss in the public. I have got over the worst and roughest part of this work and am now come into a more plain and open passage, where I shall be better able to stand to answer for what shall be done, and I trust, have more helps of my friends, and all worthy men that are furnished with matter of this nature, whom I invoke to assist me, and who, seeing my honest ends, I trust will not deny their Country the knowledge of what they have. And especially herein I rely upon the aid of the right worthy and well-deserving knight, Sir Robert Cotton, who, out of his choice, and excellent store, can best furnish this work.  
FINIS.