A Special Privilege, Licence and Authority, is granted by the King's majesties Letters Patents, unto the Author Samuel Daniel, one of the Grooms of the Queen's Majesties most Honourable privy Chamber, for him his Executors, Administrators, Assigns or Deputies, to Print, or cause to be Imprinted, and to sell, assign, and dispose, to his, or their benefit, This Book entitled The Collection of the History of England, with an Appendix to the same, hereafter to be printed. Straightly forbidding any other to imprint or cause to be imprinted, to import, utter or sell, or cause to be imported, uttered, or sold, the said Book or Books, or any part thereof, within any of his majesties Dominions, upon pain of his majesties high displeasure, and to forfeit Five pounds lawful English Money for every such Book or Books, or any part thereof, printed, imported, uttered, or sold, contrary to the meaning of this Privilege, besides the forfeiture of the said Book, Books, etc. as more at large appeareth by his majesties said Letters Patents, dated at Westminster, the 11. of March, in the Fifteenth year of his Reign of England, and of Scotland the one and fiftieth.   


THE COLLECTION of the History of England.  
By S. D.  
LONDON, Printed by Nicholas Okes, dwelling in Foster-lane for the Author.  
Cum Privilegio.    

TO THE MAJESTY OF ANNE OF DENMARK, QUEEN OF ENGLAND, Scotland, France and Ireland.  
queens, the Mothers of our Kings, by whom is continued the blessing of succession that preserves the Kingdom, having their parts running in the times wherein they live, are likewise interressed in the Histories thereof, which contain their memories and all that is left of them, when they have left to be in this world. And therefore to you, great Queen of England (and the greater by your love to the nation, and the blessing you have brought forth for the continuation of the future good thereof) do I your humblest servant address this piece of our History; which, as it is a work of mine, appertains of right to your Majesty, being for the most part done under your Roof, during my attendance upon your sacred person: and if ever it shall come to be an entire work, and merit any acceptation in the world, it must remain among the memorial of you, and your time, as brought forth under the splendour of your goodness. Howsoever, this which is done shall yet show how desirous I have been to lay out my time and industry, as far as my ability would extend to do your Majesty, and my Country service in this kind.  
And though at high Altars, none but high Priests ought to sacrifice, yet vouchsafe mighty Queen, to accept this poor oblation from the hand of your majesties  
Humblest servant, Samuel Danyel.   

Certain Advertisements to the Reader.  
THis Piece of our History, which here I divulge not, but impart privately to such Worthy persons as have favoured my endeavours therein, should long since have been much more: and come abroad with Dedication, Preface, and all the Compliments of a Book, had my Health and Means been answerable to my desire: But being otherwise, I must entreat my Friends, to be content to be paid by pieces, as I may, and accept my willingness to yield as much as mine ability can perform. It is more than the work of one man (were he of never so strong forces) to Compose a passable contexture of the whole History of England. For, although the inquisition of Ancient times, written by others be prepared, yet the Collection and Disposition I find most Laborious: and I know, quam sit magnum dare aliquid in manus hominum, especially in this kind, wherein more is expected then hath been delivered before. Curiosity will not be content with Ordinaries. For mine own part I am so greedy of doing well, as nothing suffices the appetite of my care herein. I had rather be Master of a small piece handsomely contrived, then of vast rooms ill proportioned, and unfurnished: and I know many others are of my mind.  
Now for what I have done, which is the greatest part of our History (and wherein, I dare avow, is more together of the main, then hath been yet contracted into one piece) I am to render an account whence I had my furniture: which if I have omitted to charge my Margin withal, I would have the Reader to know, that in the lives of William the First, William the Second, Henry the First, and Stephan; I have especially followed William Malmsbury, Ingulphus, Roger Howeden, Huntingdon, with all such Collections, as have been made out of others for those times. In the lives of Henry the Second, Richard the First, john, and Henry the Third: Giraldus Cambrensis, Rushanger, Mat. Paris, Mat. Westminst. Nich. Trivet, Caxton, and others. In the lives of Edward the First, Edward the Second, and Third: Froissart and Walsingham, with such collections as by Pollidore Virgile, Fabian, Grafton, Hall, Holingshead, Stow and Speed, diligent and famous Travailors in the search of our History, have been made and divulged to the world. For foreign businesses (especially with France, where we had most to do) I have for Authors, Paulus AEmilius, Haillan, Tillet, and others, without whom we cannot truly understand our own affairs. And where otherwise I have had any supplies extraordinary, either out of Record, or such Instruments of State, as I could procure, I have given a true account of them in the Margin. So that the Reader shall be sure to be paid with no counterfeit Coin, but such as shall have the Stamp of Antiquity, the approbation of Testimony, and the allowance of Authority, so far as I shall proceed herein.  
And for that I would have this breviary to pass with an uninterrupted delivery of the especial affairs of the Kingdom (without embroiling the memory of the Reader) I have in a body apart, under the title of an Appendix, Collected all Treaties, Letters, Articles, Charters, Ordinances, Intertainments, provisions of Armies, businesses of Commerce, withother passages of State appertaining to our History; which assoon as I have means to Print, shall, for the better satisfying of such Worthy persons, as may make use of such Materials, accompany this Collection: and to this Appendix, I have made references in the Margin, as occasion requires.  
For the Work itself I can challenge nothing therein but only the sowing it together, and the observation of those necessary circumstances, and inferences which the History naturally ministers: desirous to deliver things done, in as even, and quiet an order, as such a heap will permit, without quarreling with the Belief of Antiquity, depraving the actions of other Nations to advance our own, or keeping back those Reasons of State they had, for what they did in those times: holding it fittest and best agreeing with integrity (the chiefest duty of a Writer) to leave things to their own Fame, and the Censure thereof to the Reader, as being his part rather than mine, who am only to recite things done, not to rule them.  
Now for the errors herein committed, either by mine own mistake, or the Printers oversight, I must crave a pardon of course, it is a Fate common to Books and Bookmen, and we cannot avoid it: For besides our own failings, we must here take up many things upon other men's credits, which often comes imperfect to our hands: as the sums of moneys, numbers of Soldiers, Ships, the slain in Battle, Computation of times, differences of Names and Titles etc. wherein our Authors agree not. And it were to be wished that we had more assured notes of these particulars than we have, especially for sums of Monies (in regard it serves much for instruction) wherein I doubt many of our Collectors have been but ill Acountants, reckoning Marks for Pounds, and Pounds for Marks. The Computation of times is not of so great moment, figures are easily mistaken, the 10. of july, and the 6. of August, with a year over or under, makes not a man the wiser in the business then done, which is only that he desires. But these things being but of the By, the understanding Reader will not much care to set at them, and therefore I refer him to the Main of more important consideration.   

THE COLLECTION OF THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND: CONTAINING BRIEFLY THE ESPECIAL AFFAIRS OF THE GOVERNMENT: COMPIled by SAMVEL DANYEL, one of the Grooms of the Queen's Majesties most Hononrable privy Chamber.  

Undertaking to collect the principal affairs of this Kingdom, I had a desire to have deduced the same from the beginning of the first British King's, as they are registered in their Catalogue: but finding no authentical warrant how they came there, I did put off that desire with these considerations: that a lesser part of time, and better known (which was from William the first, Surnamed the Bastard) was more then enough for my ability: and how it was but our curiosity to search further back into times past, than we might well discern, and whereof, we could neither have proof, nor profit: how the beginnings of all people, and states were as uncertain, as the heads of great Rivers: and could not add to our virtue, and peradventure little to our reputation to know them. Considering, how commonly they rise from the springs of poverty, piracy, robbery, and violence, howsoever fabulous writers (to glorify their nations) strive to abuse the credulity of after ages with heroical, or miraculous beginnings. For states (as men) are ever best seen, when they are up, and as they are, not as they were. Besides (it seems) God in his providence to check our presumptuous inquisitions, wraps up all things in uncertainty, bars us out from long antiquity, and bounds our searches within the compass of a few ages, as if the same were sufficient, both for example, and instruction to the government of men. For had we the particular occurrents of all ages, and all nations, it might more stuff, but not better our understanding. We shall find still the same correspondencies to hold in the actions of men: Virtues, and Vices the same, though rising, and falling, according to the worth, or weakness of Governors: the causes of the ruins, and mutations of states to be alike: and the train of affairs carried by precedent, in a course of Succession, under like colours.  
But yet, for that the chain of this collection hath a link of dependency with those former times, we shall show the passage of things the better: if we take but a superficial view of that wide, and uncertainly-related state of this Land, since the candle of letters gave us some little light thereof. Which was, since the Romans made it a tributary Province to their Empire. For before, as it lay secluded out of the way, so it seemed out of the knowledge of the world. For julius Caesar, being but on the other side in Gaul, could not attain to any particular information of the state of Britain, by any means he could use, but by certain Merchants (of whom he got together as many as he could) who told him something of the coast-townes, but of the state, and condition of the indwellers, they could say nothing: either so incurious were they of further knowledge than what concerned their trade, or the people here so wary to keep their state reserved and unknown to strangers. And yet Caesar gave out, that they sub-ayded the Gauls against him, and made it the occasion of his quarrel, and invasion of the Land, whereof he only subdued the South parts, and rather showed it, than won it to the Roman Empire.  
But now, what was the state, and form of government among the Britons before 
Of the form of Government among the Britain's.  this subjection, the first certain notice we have (is also by the same Caesar) who tells us how they were divided into many several states: nominates four Princes of Kent by the title of Kings: how Cassevellaunus, by the common council was elected, in this their public danger, to have the principal administration of the state, 
Caes. Comment. lib. 5.  with the business of war: and afterward, how the cities sent their hostages unto him. Whereby we perceive it was no Monarchy, as it is reported to have been, but like to the Gauls, with whom it was then one in religion (and much a like in 
Complures sunt apud eos dominationes Strabo lib. 4.  fashion, and language) divided into a multitude of petty regiments, without any entire rule, or combination. As now, we see all the west world (lately discovered) to be, and generally all other Countries are in their first, and natural free nakedness, before they come to be taken in; either by some predominant power from abroad, or grow to head within themselves, of strength, and understanding to overmaister, and dispose of all about them; introducing such forms of rule, as ambition, or their other necessities shall beget. And such was then the state of Britain, Gaul, Spain, Germany, and all the west parts of Europe, before the Romans (over-growing first the people of Italy in like manner divided) did by strength, and cunning, unlock those liberties of theirs. And such as were then termed Kings, were but as their Generals in war, without any other great jurisdiction, within those small limits they held. So that to tell us of the state of a Monarchy in this Land before that time (as if alone unlike, or more in State then all other nations) is to give entertainment to those narrow conceits, as apprehend not the progresses in the affairs of mankind, and only the invention of such, as take all their reason, from the example, & Idea of the present Customs they see in use. For had there been an absolute Monarch in these parts, which might have affronted the Romans with the power of a well-united state, it had been impossible for them (having oftentimes much to do even with some poor Prince of a small territory) to have circumvented, or confounded (with all their stratagems, and injustice) the peace, and liberty of the world in such sort as they did. And though the Britons were then simple, and had not that firebrand of letters, yet seemed they more just, and honest, and brought forth on the stage of action men as magnanimous (and touched with as true a sense of honour, and worthiness) as themselves. But having no firm combinements to chain them together in their public dangers, they lay lose to the advantage of the common enemy; working upon the factions, and emulations, usual to such divisions, and were made the instruments of their own subjection: for whilst every one defended them apart, the whole was overcome.  
So that with what credit, the account of above a thousand years from Brute to Cassevellaunus (in a line of absolute Kings) can be cleared I do not see; and therefore will leave it on the book to such as will be creditors, according to the substance of their understanding. And yet, let me crave pardon lest being but to report, I might seem to contend, if I make this inquiry: how the memory of those former times, came to be preserved and delivered to posterity, if they had not the use of letters in 
Cic. in Ep. ad Atticum ubi belli Britannic exitum expectari soribit, nullius ex ea spem praede, nisi ex mancipijs, ait. ex quibus nullos puto te, literis aut musicis cruditos expectare. Et lib. de Nat. Deorum, paris eos sum Scithis barbaries insimulat.  this Land (as it seems by all probability they had not) before they were introduced by the Romans, who (sure would have given us notice thereof) had they found them here at their coming, and especially of schools and the Greek tongue, reported to have been planted here for many ages before: but they tell us of no such thing: they inform us how the Drnydes, who were the ministers of Religion and justice, the especial men of knowledge) committed not their mysteries to writing, but delivered them by tradition, whereby the memory of them after their suppression (first by Augustus, and after by Claudius) came wholly to perish with them. Which had they had letters and books, could never by all the power and authority of the Roman State, been so utterly extinct, but that we should have heard something more of them.  
Besides it is strange how the Greek tongue, and the knowledge of Philosophy, should be brought hither so far off, and so soon; seeing it was late (as Livy saith) before it came into Italy, being so near at hand. Moreover, it is considerable, how it made that transmigration, whether by Sea or Land? By Sea, Hercules had set Pillars 
Ingenio Gallor●● partim similes sunt partim sunpliciores, & magis barbari. Strabo lib. 4.  that shut up the world, many ages after, for passing that way. If by Land, Germany, and other Countries on that side, would have taken some part in the passing: but Germany then, we find had no letters at all, only Merseilles, a Colony of the Greeks' being in the midway; might be a gate, to let it into Gaul, and so hither: but they say the Merseillans 
And it was after the subjection of Gaul that they entertained Philosophers, and Physicians for public Readins, and became a school for those parts as we may perceive by Strabo libro. 2.  used only Greek Characters at first, but for their private accounts and contracts in traffic, and no otherwise. So that it seems then, the Britons received first letters (with their subjection) from the Romans, and Agricola, Praefect of the Province under Domitian, caused them here to be taught, (as Cornelius Tacitus (his son in law) reports upon this occasion. Advice was taken, saith he, that the people dispersed, rude, and so, apt to rebellion, should be enured to ease and quiet by their pleasures: and therefore they exhorted privately, and aided them publicly to the building of Temples, Bourses, Pallaees; commending whom they found forward, and correcting the unwilling, so that the emulation of honour was for necessity: then they caused the principal men's sons to be taught the liberal Sciences, extolling their wits for learning, above the Gauls in so much as they who lately scorned the Roman tongue, now desired eloquence. Hereupon grew our habits in honour, the Gown frequent, and by degrees, a general collapsion into those softenings of vices; fair houses, hathes, and delicate banquets, and that, by the ignorant, was termed humanity, when it was a part of servitude. Thus far he acquaints us with the introduction, and cause of the Roman learning in this Land. Which (had it had the Greek tongue, so many hundred years before) would have been as forward in the liberal Sciences, as the Romans, and not needed this emollition by learning. Philosophy would have prepared them to a sufferance of snbiection, that they could not have been so universally rude, and barbarous as they are reported to have been. So that I fear me, of all that lies beyond this time, we can have no other intelligence, but by tradition. Which how we may credit for so long passed (when letters, for all the assurance they can make, break faith with us in the information of things even present) let it be judged.  
And now for the time since, (which seems to be all that amounts to our knowledge of the State of Britain) we find it, during the Domination of the Romans, governed by their prefects: and if they had Kings of the British Nation, they were tributary, and had their whole authority depending on that Empire; which as the same Tacitus saith; 
Nostra aetate, inquit Strabo. lib. 4. Regulorum quidem Britanicorum, legationibus & officijs arnicitiam Augusti Caes. consecuti, donaria in capitolio dedicarunt: familiaremque Romanis totam pene insulam redigerunt. And at that time it seems by Strabo, held it not worth the grading; for that it would not quit the charge.  made it now their custom to have Kings the instruments of servitude: speaking of Cogedunus, to whom Claudius gave certain Cities in Britain, with title of King. For now after Caesar had opened the passage, and made tributary so much, as he subdued; the rest could not long hold out, against that all encompassing State of Rome: although during the time of their civil wars, and change of government, from a Republic to a Monarchy, this Country lay neglected, the space of twenty years: yet, after Augustus had settled the sovereignty, and possessed all the wide obedience of that Empire, the Princes and Cities of Britain (fearing to be enforced) came in of their own accord, with their gifts and tributes, and the rather; for that as yet, they had found no other weight of subjection, than a tolerable tribute, which, it seemed, they were content to endure with the rest of their neighbours. But after Augustus' time, when the corruptions of that State, had bred miserable inflammations in all parts of the world, the Britons, what with their own factions, and those of their Roman commanders, remained in an uncertain obedience, till the time of Claudius the Emporor; who having much of the fume of glory, and little fire to raise it otherwhere: casts an especial eye on this Province, to make it the pompous matter of his triumph. And, to prepare the way, without adventure of himself, foresends Publius Ostorius Scapula a great warrior, Propraetor into Britain, where he met with many turbulencies, and a people hardly to be driven, howsoever they might be led: yet as one who well knew his métier; and how the first events are those which incusse a dauntingnesse, or daring, employed all means to make his expeditions sudden, and his executions cruel. Notwithstanding did Carodocus (one of the British Kings) hold these great Romans work for nine years together, and could not be surprised, till betrayed by his own Nation, he was delivered into their hands, and brought to Rome captive, with his wife and children, to be the subject of their triumph: whereof notwithstanding the glory was his.  
But Claudius had the honour of taking in the whole Isle of Britain, to the Roman Empire, which though thus won, was not, till a long time after, overcome. For now the Britons (understanding the misery of their dissociation: how their submission brought but the more oppression) colleague themselves against the Romans, taking their occasion upon the outrages, committed on the person, and State of Queen Voadicia, widow of Prasutagus King of the Iceni, a great, and rich Prince, who (at his death) had left Nero his heir, and two daughters, hoping theeeby to free his house from injury: but it fell out contrary; for no sooner was he dead, but his kingdom was spoiled by the Ceuturions, his house ransac'kt by slaves, his wife beaten, & his daughters ravished. Besides the chief men of the Iceni (as if all the Region had been given in prey) were reft of their goods, and the King's kinsmen esteemed as captives: with which contumely, and fear of greater mischief, they conspire with the Trinobantes and others (not yet enured to servitude) to resume their liberty. And first set upon the Garrisons of the Veteran soldiers (whom they most hated) defeated the ninth legion, whereof they slew all the foot, forced Cerialis the Legate, and leader to flight, and put to the sword seventy thousand Romans and associates, inhabiting their municipal Towns, London, Virolame, 
Camolodunum now Maldon.  Camolodunum; before Suetonius Governor of the Province could assemble the rest of the dispersed forces, to make head against their Army (consisting of 12000 Britons) conducted by Voadieia, who (with her two daughters, brought into the field to move compassion and revenge) incites them to that noble, and manly work of liberty: which to recover (she protests to hold herself there) but as one of the vulgar (without weighing her great honour and bir●h) resolved either to winoe or die. Many of their wives were likewise there, to be spectators and encouragers of their husband's valout; but in the end Suetovius got the victory with the slaughter of four score thousand Britain's, whereupon Voadicia poisons herself, and the miserable Country with their heavy loss, had also more weights laid upon their servitude. And yet after this made they many other defections, and bravely struggled with the Romans, upon all advantages they could apprehend, but the continual supplies, ever ready from all parts of that mighty Empire, were such, as the Britain's (having no means, but their own swords, in an uncomposed State, laid all open to invasion) spent their blood in vain. And in the end, growing base with their fortune (as losing their virtue with their liberty) became utterly quailed, and miserably held down to subjection, by the powerful hand of fourteen Garrisons, disposed in several limits of the Land, with their companies, consisting of sundry strange nations, computated in all to be 52. 
De Notitia, utr. Imper. Pancioroul.  thousand foot, and 300. horse; besides 37. companies containing 23. thousand foot, and 1300 horse; which continually guarded the North parts, where (that, which is now Scotland, and obeyed not the Roman Empire) was excluded from the rest with a wall or trench, first raised by Agricola, after re-edified by Adrian, Severus and others.  
And in this sort continued the state of Britain whilst the Romans held it; enduring all the calamities that a dejected nation could do under the domination of strangers proud, greedy, and cruel: Who not only content by all tyrannical means to extort their substance, but also constrain their bodies to serve under their ensigns, 
The misery of the Britons under the Romans.  when, or wheresoever their quarrelous ambition would expose them. And beside they being at the will of their rulers in their obedience, they were forced to follow them also in their rebellions. For after the election of the Emperors grew to be commonly made by the Armies, many possessing those mighty Roman force here, were proclaimed Caesar's, and put for the whole Empire. As first Carausius, and after him Alectus whom Constantius (the associate of Maximianus in the Empire) at his first coming into Britain by Asclepiodorus the Praetorian Praefect vanquished, with all such as took part with him. After that, the Caledonians, and Picts, from the North parts, made eruptions into the State, and much afflicted the Britain's; whom to repress, Constantius (then sole Emperor of the West) came the second time into this Land; and in an expedition made against them died at York, whither his son Constantine (a little before his death) repaired out of Illiria, escaping a train laid for him by Galerius Emperor of the East, with whom he was in the wars against the Sarmatians, when his father came first into Britain against Alectus. And here was he now first saluted Emperor, for which it seems he much esteemed the Country, as that which gave birth to his dignity. And re-ordring the government thereof (for a future security) divides it into five Provinces to be ruled by one Vicegerent, five Rectors, two Consulars, and 
De Notitia utrinsque Imper.  three Precedents. After whose time we have no certain nor apparent mark to direct us which way the State went, till the reign of Valentinian the elder, who sends Theodosius (the father of him who was after Emperor of that name) into Britain against the irruption of the Picts, Attacotti, Scoti, saxons & Franci, which of all sides invaded and spoiled the Country: and after Theodosius had by the forces of the Battavi, and Heruli cleared it, Civilis was sent to govern the Province, and Duleitius the Army: men of fair names for good offices.  
In these wars with Theodosius was one Maximus, a man borne in Spain, but of Roman education, who after, in the time of the younger Valentinian, having the charge of the Army, was here proclaimed Caesar, and to subvert the present Emperor, transports 
The people of Britain consumed in the factions of the Emperors.  the whole power of Britain: and first in his way subdues Gaul, and there furnishes every place of defence with British shoulders: and they say, peopled the whole Country of Armorica (now called Britain in France) with the same nation: which yet retains their language, in some kind to this day. And having spread one Arm to Spain, the other to Germany, embraced so great a part of the Empire, as he drove Valentinian to seek aid of Theodosius Emperor of the East, after the vanquishment and death of his brother Gratianus at Lions. And by this immoderate vent, both of the Garrisons, and the ablest people of the Land, he disfurnished and left it in that impotency, as it never recovered like power again. All those great forces he took with him, either were left in Gaul, or perished with him at Aquileia, where he was overthrown by Valentinian.  
And yet again in the time of Honorius the Emperor, the Colony of the Veteran soldiers fearing the invasion of the Vandals, made another defection, and cumultuarilie proclaimed Emperor one Marcus, whom shortly after they slew, than Gratianus, who likewise within four months being murdered, they gave the title to one Constantine, not so much for his merit, as the omination of his name. This Constantine taking the same course that Maximus did, whatsoever strength was left, or lately in any sort recovered, he emptied it wholly, and made himself of that power, as he subdued many of the Western Provinces, gave his son Constans (a Monk) the title of Augustus, and after many fortunes, and encounters with the forces of Honorius became vanquished, and executed at Arles. Where also perished the whole power he brought out of Britain. And so the State (having all the best strength exhausted, and none, or small supplies from the Romans) lay open to the rapine, and spoil of their Northern enemies: who taking the advantage of this dis-furnishment, never left till they had reduced them to extreme miseries: which forced them to implore the aid of Aetius, Praefect of Gaul under Valentinian 3. and that in so lamentable manner (their Ambassadors in torn garments, with sand on their heads to stir compassion) as Aetius was moved to send forces to secure them, and caused a wall to be raised upon the trench (formerly made by Adrian from Sea to Sea) of eight foot thick, and twelve high, inter-set with Bulwarks, which the Roman soldiers, and an infinite number of Britain's (fitter for that work then war) with great labour effected. And so Aetius left them again once more freed, and defended from their enemies: advising them from thence forth to invre and employ their own forces without any more expectation of succour from the Romans, who (overwrought with other business) could not attend affairs that lay so far off. No sooner had the enemy intelligence of the departure of these succours, but on they came (not with standing this fortification) battered down the wall, overthrew the defenders, and harrowed the Country worse than before. Whereupon, again this miserable people send to Aetius, using these words: To Aetius thrice Consul, the sighs of the Britain's, and after thus complain: The barbarous enemy beats us to the Sea, the Sea beats us back to the enemy: beiweexe these two kinds of deaths, we are either murdered, or drowned. But their implorations prevailed not, for Aetius at that time had enough to do to keep his own head, and Valentinian the Empire: which now endured the last convulsions of a dying State; having all the parts, and Provinces thereof miserably rend, and torn with the violences of strange nations. So that this was also in the fate of Britain to be first made known to perish by, and with the Roman State: Which never suffering the people of this Land to have any use, or knowledge of Arms within their own Country, left them (upon their own dissolution) naked, and exposed to all that would assail them. 
The end of the Romans government in Britain.   
And so ended the Roman Government in Britain, which (from their first invasion by julius Caesar to this Valentinianus the third) had continued the space of five hundred years. In all which time we find but these seven British Kings nominated to have reigned: Theomantius, Cunobelinus, Guiderius, Arviragus, Marius, Choelus, & lastly Lucius, who is crowned with immortal honour, for planting Christian Religion within this 
Anno 443.  Land. All other from Lucius to Vortigern, (who succeeds this relinquishment) were Roman governors.  
This is briefly so much of especial note, as I can collect out of the Roman history, concerning the State, and government of Britain: finding elsewhere little certainty, and from hence forth (during their short possession of this Land) far less. Whereof Gildas the Britain complains, laying the cause on the barbarism of their enemies, who 
Gildas de excidio Britaniae.  had destroyed all their monuments, and memorial of times past. And though himself wrote, about forty years after the invasion of the Saxons, and was next these times we come now to remember, yet hath he left (in his enigmatical passions) so small light thereof, as we discern very little thereby. Nor hath the Britons any honour by that antiquity of his, which overblacks them with such ugly desormities as we can see no part clear: accusing them to be neither strong in peace, nor faithful in war: and universally casts those aspersions on their manners, as if he laboured to inveigh, not to inform. And though no doubt there was (as ever is) in these periods of States a concurrency of disorder, and a general looseness of disposition that met with the fullness of time; yet were there no doubt, some mixtures of worth, and other notions of that age, wherewith aftertimes would have been much pleased to have had acquaintance. But it seems his zeal and passion (in that respect) wider than his charity took up the whole room of his understanding, to whom the reverence of antiquity, and his title of Sapiens doth now give Sanctuary, and we must not presume to touch him.  
Such was the State of Britain left without Arms, or order; when Vortigern (either 
Anno 450.  by usurpation, or faction) became King, and is said to be the author of the first calling in (or employing, being in) the Saxons to make good his own establishment, and the 
Vortigern calls in the Saxons.  safety of his Kingdom against the Picts and Scots.  
The Saxons at this time possessed the third part of Germany, holding all the Country between the Rivers Rhine, and Elbe, bounded on the North by the Ballique Sea, and the Ocean: On the South by Silva Hircinia, and divided by the river Visargis into Ostphalia, and Westphalia: governed by an optimacy of twelve Princes, with an election, 
A description of the State of the Saxons.  of a Sovereign leader for the business of war. This being so spacious, populous, and near a Country, well furnished with shipping (which the Britons had not) yielded, ever plentiful means to supply the undertakers of this action (which were first two brothers Hengist, and Horsa) withal necessary provisions upon every fit occasion. After they had been here a while as stipendaries, and finding the debility of Prince, & people their number soon increased. And first they had the Ifle of Thanet allowed them to inhabit: then the whole Country of Kent was made over to Hengist by transaction, 
Hengist and Horsa the Leaders of the Saxons.  under covenant, to defend the Land against the Picts, and Scots. And upon the marriage of Vortigern with the Daughter, or Niece of Hengist, an exceeding beautiful Lady, (brought over of purpose to work on the dotage of a dissolute Prince) larger privileges were granted: so that by this alliance, and the fertility of the Land were drawn in so many of this populous, and military nation, that Kent in short time grew too narrow for them, and Hengist (to distend their power into other parts) advised 
Their first plantation.  Vortigern to plant a Colony of them in the North beyond Humber to be a continual guard against all invasions that way. Which being granted he sends for Otha his brother, and son Ebusa, with great supplies out of Saxony to furnish that design. And so came the Saxons to have first domination in Kent, and Northumberland, which contained all the Country from Humber to Scotland.  
And now became they of servants masters, to contemn their entertainours, and 
Vortigern is deposed.  commit many insolences. Whereupon the British nobility combine themselves, depose Vortigern (the Author of this improvident admission) and elect Vortimer his son, 
Vortimer elected King of Britain.  a Prince of great worth, who (whilst he lived, which was not long) gave them many fierce encounters: but all prevailed not, for the Saxons (being possessed of the principal gate of the Land, lying open on their own Country to receive all supplies without resistance) had the advantage to wear them out of all in the end. And besides force, they are said to have used treachery (in murdering three hundred of the British Nobility) at an assembly of peace at Amesbury, where they took their King prisoner, and would not release him, but upon the grant of three Provinces more. Also the long life of Hengist (a politic leader) of almost forty years continuance made much for the settling here of their estate: which yet they could not effect, but with much travail, and effusion of blood. For the Britons (now made martial by long practice, and often battles) grew in the end so enraged to see their Country surprised from under their feet, as they sold the inheritance thereof at a very dearcrate. Wherein we must attribute much to the worthiness of their Leaders (whence the spirit of a people is raised) who in these their greatest actions were, especially Ambrose the last of the Romans, and Arthur the noblest of Britain's: A man in force, & courage above man, 
King Arthur.  and worthy to have been a subject of truth to posterity, and not of fiction (as legendary writers have made him) for whilst he stood, he bore up the sinking State of his Country, and is said to have encountered the Saxons in twelve set battles: wherein he had either victory, or equal revenge. In the end, himself overthrown by treason, the best men consumed in the wars, and the rest unable to resist fled into the mountains, and remote deserts of the West parts of the Isle, and left all to the invaders daily growing more, and more upon them.  
For many principal men of Saxony (seeing the happy success, and plantation here of Hengist) entered likewise on diverse coasts to get Estates for themselves, with such multitudes of people, as the Britain's making head in one place were assaulted in another, and every where overwhelmed with new increasing numbers.  
For after Hengist had obtained the dominion of Kent (which from him became to be a kingdom) and Otha, and Ebuse possessed of all the North-countries from Humber 
The several entries made by the Saxons.  to Scotland: Ella, and his sons conquered the Southeast parts, and began the kingdom of the South Saxons, containing Sussex, and part of Surrey. Then Cerdic, and his sons landed at Portsmouth, invadeth the South, and West parts, and began the kingdom of the West Saxons, which after contained the Countries of Hamshire, Berkeshire, Wiltshire, Dorcetshire, Somersetshire, and Devonshire. And about the same time, Vffa invaded the north-east parts, and began the Kingdom of the East Angles containing Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and the Isle of Ely: Erkenwin began the Kingdom of the East Saxons, containing Essex, Middlesex, and a part of Hartfordshire.  
Having thus (in a manner) surrounded the best of the whole State of Britain; they after invaded the inner, and middle part. And Cridda began the Kingdom of Mercna-land, or middle Angles, containing Lincolnshire, North-hamptonshire, Huntingdonshire, Rutlandshire, Bedford, Buckingham, Oxfordshire, Cheshire, Derbie, Nottingham, and Staffordshire, with parts of the shires of Hereford, and Hartford: Warwick, Shropshire, Lancaster, and Glocestershire.  
And with all these Princes, and Leaders before they could establish their dominions, the Britons so desperately grappled, as plant they could not, but upon destruction, and desolation of the whole Country, whereof in the end they extinguished both the Religion, Laws, Language, and all, with the people and name of Britain. Which having been so long a Province of great honour, and benefit to the Roman Empire, could not but partake of the magnificence of their goodly structures, Thermes, Aquaducts, Highways, and all other their ornaments of delight, ease, and greatness: all which came to be so utterly razed, and confounded by the Saxons as there is not 
The Britons utterly subdued by the Saxons.  left standing so much as the ruins to point us where they were: for they being a people of a rough breeding that would not be taken with these delicacies of life, seemed to care for no other monuments but of earth, and as borne in the field would build their fortunes only there. Witness so many entrenchments, Mounts, and Borroughs raised for tombs, and defences upon all the wide champions, and eminent Hills of this Isle, remaining yet as characters of the deep scratches made on the whole face of our Country, to show the hard labour our Progenitors endured to get it for us.  
Which general subversion of a State is very seldom seen: Invasion, and devastation of Provinces have often been made, but in such sort as they continued, or recovered, with some commixtion of their own with the generation of the invadors. But in this, by reason of the vicinage, and innumerous populacy of that Nation (transporting hither both sexes) the incompatibility of Paganism, and Christianity, with the immense bloodshed on both sides, wrought such an implacable hatred, as but one Nation must possess all. The conquest made by the Romans, was not to extirpate the Natives, but to master them. The Danes, which afterward invaded the Saxons, made only at the first depredations on the coast, and therewith for a time contented themselves. When they grew to have further interest, they sought not the subversion, but a community, and in the end a Sovereignty of the State, matching with the women they here found, bringing few of their own with them. The Normans dealt the like with the Province of Nuestria in France, who also after they had the dominion, & what the victory would yield them in England, were content to suffer the people here to have their being, intermatched with them, and so grew in short space into their body. But this was an absolute subversion, and concurred with the universal mutation, 
The absolute subversion of Britain, concurred with the general mutation of other States of the world.  which about that time happened in all these parts of the world; whereof, there was no one Country, or Province but changed bounds, inhabitants, customs, language, and in a manner, all their names.  
For upon the breaking up of the Roman Empire (first divided into two, and then by faction disjointed in each part) employing the forces of many strange Nations to fortify their sides, were made so wide ruptures in the North, and north-east bounds of that Empire, as there burst out infinite streams of strange people that overranne, and laid open the world again to liberty, other forms, and limits of State: whereupon followed all these transmigrations, and shift of people from one Country to another. The French and Burgognons dispossessed the Gauls, and gave the name of France, and Burgogne to their Province. The Gauls transplanted themselves on some coasts of Spain, where they could find, or make their habitation: and of them had Gallicia and Portugal their name. The Huns and Auari subdued Pannonia, and thereto gave the name of Hungary. The Longbeards, a people of Germany, bordering upon 
Lombardy so called of the Longberds.  the Saxons, entered Italy, got the greatest part thereof, and left there their name to a principal Province, remaining to this day. The Goths and Vandals, miserably afflicted the rest, sacked Rome, and after subdued, peopled, and possessed Spain. So that it was not in the fate of Britain alone, to be undone, but to perish, almost, with the general dissolution of other States, which happened about the same age.  
Wherefore, we are now here to begin with a new Body of people, with a new State, and government of this Land, which retained nothing of the former, nor held other memory but that of the dissolution thereof: where scarce a City, Dwelling, River, Hill, or Mountain, but changed names. Britain itself was now no more Britain, but New Saxony, and shortly after, either of the Angles (the greatest people of the invaders) or of Hengist, called Engist-Land, or England. The distance, made by the rage of war, lay so wide between the conquering and conquered people, that nothing either of Laws, Rites and Customs, came to pass over unto us from the Britons: nor had our Ancestors any thing from them, but their Country: which they first divided into eight kingdoms: all which, continued to the last extermination of the Britons under Caretius their King, with whom they were driven over Severne, 136. years after the first entertainment of Hengist. And soon after, the Saxons, encroaching upon each others parts, or States (which never held certain bounds) and the stronger usurping upon their weaker neighbours, reduced them to seven kingdoms; that of the Northanimbrains, being made one of two: and then to six (the West Saxons taking in the kingdom of Sussex to their dominion.) And so it continued about 250 years.  
At the first, by the space of 150 years, they were merely governed by their own Laws, without mixture of any other. But after Augustine the Monk, sent with forty others, by Pope Gregory, had converted AEthelbert, King of Kent, and some other, they all shortly after received the Christian faith, and had their Laws and Rites ordered according to Ecclesiastical constitutions. Many of their Kings, when their stern asperity grew mollified by humility of the Religion, began to raise presently so many and great monuments of their piety, in all parts of the Land, as if they strived who should exceed therein, and had no other glory: divers of them renounced their temporal dignities for Spiritual solitude, and became Monks; as Aetheldred, and Kindred, Kings of Merena-Land; Offa King of the East Saxons; Kadwalla, and Ina, Kings of the West Saxons; Eadberte King of Northumbrians, etc.  
At length the kingdoms of Merc-naland, and West Sax, so far over-grew the others in power, as between them two it lay, who should have all. For Ina, a martial, wise, and religious Prince, governing the West Saxons, first advanced that Kingdom to a pre-eminency, and did much to have subdued Merc-naland: but yet Offa, (afterwards King thereof) was in fair possibility to have swallowed up both the West Saxons, & all the rest of the Kingdoms. For whilst he lived, which was in the time of Carolus Magnus, (which whom he held league & amity) he was esteemed as the especial King of the Land. But the many wrongs he did, and the murder committed in his house upon Aethelbert K. of the East Angles, coming to him under public faith, and a suitor to his daughter, were justly revenged upon his posterity, which after him declining, in the end lost al. For Egbert, descended from Inegild, the brother of Ina, attaining the kingdom of the West Saxons, began the way to bring all the rest into subjection. And being a Prince, who (from a private fortune, wherein he lived below, with, and not above other men) had learned sufferance and moderation; and by the Estate of an exile, experience; grew to have great advantages over the time, and others borne-fortunes, and rose by these means.  
Ina, his great Uncle, renouncing the world, with his kingdom, and dying without issue, left the succssion embroiled, and out of the direct royal line as he found it. So that those four Kings of the West Saxons, who severally succeeded him. Ethelard, Sigibert, Kinulph and Britric, were rather Kings by election, and their own power, then by right of descent. And Britric knowing the weakness of his title, and the much promising forwardness of Egbert; with his propinquity in blood, to the former Kings, practised to have him made away; which he perceiving, fled first to Offa, King of Mercna-land, where finding little security, in regard Britric had (to strength himself) married the daughter of the King, he escaped into France, and there remained till the death of Britric, and then returning, obtains that kingdom of the Westsaxons; subdues Cornwall, inhabited by the Britons; and after sets upon Bernulph, newly invested in the Kingdom of Mercna-land; a State (by the rapture of the Royal line) likewise grown tottering. For Egferth, the son of Offa, enjoyed but four months, the inheritance of his father's immanity: whereby that Kingdom descended collaterally to Kennulph, who left it to Kenelm a child, after murdered by his sister Quinred. Ceolulph, brother to Kennulph, succeeding, after his first years reign, was expelled by Bernulph, and Bernulph by Egbert, who made that Kingdom tributary 
Egbert obtained the kingdom, which by him was named England.  to the West Saxons, as he did after that of the South, and East Saxons, with the Kingdom of Northumberland. And by this means (in a manner) attained to a sovereignty of the whole country. But the Danes imbroiling his peace in the end of his reign, held him back from enjoying such a fullness of power, as that we may account him the absolute Monarch of the Kingdom, nor yet any of his successors, so long as the Danes 
Anno 802.  continued unsubiected. For they having first made eruptions into the State, in the reign of the late King Britric (his predecessor) ever after held a part thereof, and afflicted the whole, till they had attained the absolute sovereignty to themselves.  
The Danes were a people of Germany, next neighbours to the Saxons, and of language and manners little different: Possessing besides Cimbrica Chersonesus (now called Denmark) 
The description of the Danes.  all the Isles adjacent in the Baltic Sea, and sometimes the kingdom of Norway: A mighty, rough, and martial Nation; strong in shipping, through their exercise of piracy, and numerous in people for all supplements. Who perceiving here the happy success, and plantation of the Saxons, were drawn with desire and emulation, likewise, to put in for a part; the coast lying open to invasion, and the many divisions of the Land, with the discord of Princes, making them an easy way thereunto. So that in a manner, as soon as the Saxons had ended their travails with the Britons, and drew to settling of a Monarchy; the Danes, as if ordained to revenge their slanghters, began to assault them with the like afflictions. The long, the many, and horrible encounters between these two fierce Nations, with the bloodshed, and infinite spoils committed in every part of the Land, are of so disordered and troublous memory, that what with their asperous names, together with the confusion of place, times, and persons, intricately delivered, is yet a war to the reader to overlook them. And therefore to favour mine own pains and his, who shall get little profit thereby, I pass them over.  
After the death of Egbert, Aethelwolph, his son succeeded in the State, with the title of King of the West Saxons only, and was a Prince more addicted to devotion then action: as may be seen by his donation of the tenth part of his Kingdom (with exemption of all regal service) for the service of God: besides an annuity of three hundred marks, to be bestowed in pious uses at Rome; whither he went twice in person, whi●h his youngest son Alfred, whom he especial loved; and whom (Pope Leo the fourth) anointed a King, at eleven years of age, as if divining of his future fortune.  
Upon his last journey, and whole years stay at Rome; Aethelbald, his eldest son, combined with the Nobility of the West Saxons, to keep him out, and deprive him utterly of his government, and wrought so, as notwithstanding the great love his people bore him, he was brought to yield up the Kingdom of the West Saxons, to Aethelbald, and retain only the Kingdom of the East Angles, (a State of far less dignity) to himself. After which, reigning but two years, Aethelbald succeeded in the whole, and with great infamy, marrying his father's widow, judith, daughter to Charles le Chauue, King of France, enjoyed it but two years and a half; when Aethelred, the second son of Aethelulph, entered to the government, which he held five years in continual conflict with the Danes. After whom, ALFRED, the mirror of Princes (made a King before he had a kingdom) at 
An. 872.  two and twenty years of his age (& in a year wherein eight several battles 
Alfred.  had been given to the Danes by the Saxons) began his troublous reign, wherein he was perpetually in war, either against his enemies, or else against vices.  
First after a great danger to lose all, he was forced to yield up a part of the kingdom (which was that of the East angles, and Northumberland) to Guthrum, leader of the Danes, whom (upon his baptization) he made his confederate, and owner of that by right, which before he usurped by violence.  
And notwithstanding all the continual, and intricate toil he endured amidst the clattering and horror of arms, he performed all noble actions of peace, collecting first 
K. Alfred first made collection of the Saxon Laws.  the Laws of his predecessors, and other the Kings of the Saxons (as those of Offa, King of Mercna-land, and Aethelbert the first Christian English King) of which, by the grave advise, and consent of his States assembled, he makes choice of the fittest (abrogates those of no use) and adds other according to the necessity of the time.  
And for that the wildness of war, by the reason of these perpetual conflicts with strangers, had so let out the people of the Land to unlawful riots, and rapine, that no man could travail without convoy: he ordained the division of shires, Hundreds, 
The first division of the Land into Shires, Hundreds, and Tithings.  and Tithings, that every Englishman (now the general name for all the Saxons) living legally might be of a certain Hundred, or Tithing, out of which, he was not to remove without security: and out of which, if he were accused of any crime, he was likewise to produce sureties for his behaviour, which if he could not find, he was to endure the punishment of the Law. If any malefactor before, or after he had put in sureties escaped, all the Tithing, or Hundred were fined to the King, by which means he secured travailers, and the peace of his Country.  
The opinion he had of learning made him often complain the want thereof, imputing it amongst his greatest infortunes to have been bred without it, and to have his kingdom so utterly destitute of learned men, as it was, through the long continuance of this barbarous war: which made him send out for such, as were any way famous for letters, and having gotten them, he both highly preferred them, and also (as they do, who know not to much themselves) held them in great veneration: Rareness then, setting a higher price on meaner parts, then after Plenty did on more 
Public Schools first erected.  perfections. Grimbald, and Scotus, he drew out of France: Asser (who wrote his life) out of Wales, other from other parts: he was the first lettered Prince we had in England, by whose means and encouragement public Schools had here, either their reviving, or beginning.  
Those wants of his own, made him take a greater care for the education of his sons, with whom (were bred under most diligent masters) almost all the children of the Nobility within his kingdom.  
All his own time he could clear from other business, he bestowed in study, and did himself, and caused others to translate many things in the vulgar tongue, which he laboured (it seems) much to adorn, and especially affected the Saxon metres, 
Mat. Westm.  whereby to glorify that of a King, he attained the title of Poet.  
The natural day, consisting of 24 hours, he cast into three parts: whereof eight he spent in prayer, study, and writing, eight in the service of his body, & eight in the affairs of his State. Which spaces (having then no other engine for it) he measured by a great wax light, divided into so many parts, receiving notice by the keeper thereof, as the several hours passed in the burning.  
With as fair an order did he proportion his revenues, equalling his liberties to all 
The first survey of the kingdom.  his other expenses, whereof to make the current run more certain, he took a precise notice of them, and made a general survey of the kingdom, and had all the particulars of his estate registered in a book, which he kept in his treasury at Winchester. And within this circumference of order, he held him in that irregularity of fortune, with a weak disposition of body, and reigned 27 years, leaving his son Edward, a worthy successor to maintain the line of Nobleness thus begun by him.  
EDWARD, though he were far inferior to him in learning, went much beyond him in power: for he had all the kingdom of Mercna-land 
An. 900.  in possession, whereof Alfred had but the homage, & some writ, held 
Edwardus Senior.  sovereignty over the East Angles, & Northumbrians: though we find (in the joint Laws that he, and Guthrum made together) they held the same confederation fore-concluded by Alfred. He also subdued the Britons in Wales: fortified, & furnished with garrisons diverse towns in England that lay fit to prevent the incursions of the Danes: and was all his reign of 23 years in continual action, and ever beforehand with fortune. And surely his father, he, and many that succeeded during this Danicque war, though they lost their ease, won much glory, & renown. For this affliction held them so in, as having little outlets, or leisure for ease, & luxury; they were made the more pious, just, & careful in their government: otherwise it had been impossible to have held out against the Danes, as they did being a people of that power, & undauntable stomach, as no fortune could deter, or make to give over their hold. And the imbecility of some unactive Prince at that time had been enough to have let them quite into the whole. Which may be the cause, that in the succession of some of these Kings were certain ruptures made out of course, in respect of their ableness. As first, after the death of this renowned King Edward Senior, his son  
ATHELSTAN of full years, and spirit, was (notwithstanding the brack 
An. 924.  in his birth) preferred before his legitimate son Edmond under age: Nor 
Athelstan a Bastard preferred before the lawful son.  did Athelstan disappoint the kingdom in this work, but performed all noble parts of Religion, justice, and Magnanimity, & after sixteen years reign died without issue.  
EDMOND his brother succeeded him. A Prince likely to have equalled 
An. 940.  the worth of his Predecessors, had he not untimely perished by the hand of a base Outlaw in his own house, at a festival, amidst his people that dearly 
Edmond.  loved, and honoured him. And though he left two sons, yet was  
EDRED his brother preferred to the kingdom before them: who (making 
An. 946.  no variation from the line of Virtue continued by his ancestors) was 
Edred or Eldred.  held perpetually in work by the Danes during the whole time of his reign, which was of ten years.  
EDWIN his nephew, the eldest son of Edmond, succeeded him (an irregular 
Edwin.  youth) who interrupting the course of goodness lived dissolutely, & died wishedly. Otherwise had Edgar (the other son of Edmond) continued that rare succession of good Princes, without the interposition of any ill, which is not in the Fate of a kingdom.  
EDGAR, though he were but sixteen years of age, yet capable of counsel, 
An. 959.  was by the grave advise of his Bishops (who in that time of zeal held especially 
Edgar.  the rains on the hearts, and affections of men) put, & directed in the way of goodness, and became a most heroical Prince.  
Amongst other his excellent actions of government, he provided a mighty Navy 
Edgar provides shipping  to secure his coasts from invasion, which now he found (though late) was the only mean to keep out those miseries from within, that thus lamentably afflicted the land ever before negligent, or not enured to Sea-affaires. For when the Romans first subdued the same, there was no shipping but a few small vessels made of wicker, and covered with hides: whereby they, and after the Danes (both mighty, as those times gave, in shipping) found that easy footing they had. Yet Egbert is said to have provided a strong Navy, about the year 840. And Alfred thirty, or forty years after did the 
A most useful progress.  like. But either now dis-used, or consumed by the enemy, Edgar re-edifies, and sets forth a Fleet consisting (as some writ) of 1600 sail, others a far greater number, & those he divides, and places in four parts of the Realm, making his progresses yearly, with part of his mighty Navy, round about the whole Isle, whereof he assumed the title of King.  
And to reduce it all to one name, & Monarchy, he was entitled King of all Albion, as testifies his Charter granted to the Abbey of Maldesmesbury, in these words: Ego Edgarus totius Albionis Basileus, nec non Maritimorum, seu insulanorum Regum circum habitantium etc. For he having first of all other made peace with the Danes, and granted them quiet cohabitation through all his dominions; had the sovereignty over them: And Kenneth, King of Scots did him homage, whether for Cumberland, and Westmoreland given to that Crowae by King Emond his father; or for his whole Kingdom; I cannot say. And five Kings of Wales did the like for their Country, and came all to his Court at Cardiff.  
So that he seems the first, and most absolute Monarch of this land, that hitherto we find: The general peace that held all his time, honoured his name with the title of Pacificus: and rendered his Kingdom (never before acquainted with the glory of quietness) very flourishing. But as if the same had been given to show, and not to use (like a short calm betwixt storms) it lasted but little beyond his reign of sixteen years: being too short to close the dissevered joints of a commixed 
He reigned 16. years.  Kingdom; which was only, to have been the work of Time: and that none of these late Princes (who were best like to have advanced, and confirmed the State of a Monarchy) were ordained to have. But all (as if things would another way) 
Saint Edward.  were put off from their ends, by their untimely deaths: as was this glorious young 
An. 975.  Prince, in the two and thirtieth year of his age: leaving his son Edward, a child, to undergo the miseries of nonage, to be made a sacrifice for ambition, and a Saint by persecution, through the hand of a step mother; who to advance her own Ethelred, broke in, over the bounds of Nature and right, to make his way: and is said, herself to have murdered him, coming to her house, estrayed, in hunting, and discompanied, in the Isle of Purbeck.   

Ethelred.  
BUT Ethelred, as if ill set, prospered not on this ground: the entrance 
An. 978.  to whose reign was blood; the middle, misery; and the end, confusion: They writ, Saint Dunstan preaching at his Coronation, prophetically (foretold him) of the calamities would follow this transgression: saying: For that thou hast aspired to the Crown, by the death of thy brother, murdered by thy mother; thus saith the Lord: the sword shall never departed from thy house, raging against thee all the days of thy life, slaying those of thy seed, till the Kingdom be transferred to another, whose fashion, and language, thy people shall not know. Nor shall thy sin, nor the sin of thy ignominious mother, with her Councillors, be expiated, but by long avengement. And this (whether so uttered or not) was ratified in the cuent. For either this unjust disordering the succession, or the concurrency of hidden causes meeting 
Two conquests of this Kingdom in fifty years.  with it, so wrought, as this late begun Monarchy fell quite asunder, and begat the occasion of two Conquests, by foreign Nations, within the space of fifty years.  
For the Danes, having now been so long inmates with the English, dispread over all parts by intermatching with them, and multiplying with the late peace and confederations, had their party (though not their rule) greater then ever: so that this opportunity of a young and unsettled Prince, in a new and brangling State, drew over 
The spoils made by the Danes.  such multitudes of other of the same Nation: as every coast and part of the Land, were miserably made the open roads of spoil and saccage: in such sort, as the State knew not where to make any certain head against them: for if encountered in one place, they assailed another, and had so sure intelligence what, and where all preparations were raised, as nothing could be effected available to quail them; Whereupon Ethelred, in the end, was feign, seeing he could not prevail with the sword, to assail them with money, & bought a peace for 10000 pounds: which God wots, proved after, a very dear pennyworth to the common wealth, showing the seller thereof, how much was in his power, & the buyer, at how hard a rate his necessity was to be served; & yet not sure of his bargain, longer than the contractor would. Who having sound the benefit of this market, raised the price thereof almost every year. And yet had not Ethelred what he paid for: the Land in one part or other, never free from spoil and invasion; but rather the more now oppressed, both by the war, and this taxation. Which was the 
The original of Dane gelt, the first imposition laid upon the kingdom.  first we find in our Annals, laid upon the Kingdom (and with heavy grievance raised in a poor distressed State) continuing many ages after the occasion was extinct: And in the end (though in another name) became the usual supplement, in the dangers of the Kingdom, and the occasions of Princes.  
And hereby Ethelred both enlarged the means, and desire of the enemy, so that at length, came Swain, King of Denmark, and Aulafe, King of Norway, in person, as if likewise to receive hire for committing outrage, and were both returned with great sums, and Aulafe of a milder disposition, with baptism. These calamities from abroad, were made more, by the disloyalties at home: faith and respect (being seldom found safe in lost fortunes) held not in most of the principal men employed in the defence. Aelfric, Admiral of the Navy, is said to have given intelligence of all Sea-preparations, and disappointed that work. The Earls Fran, Frithigist, Godwin, and Turkettle, descended of Danike progeny, and of greatest command, deceiucd the armies by Land, and were the authors of discouragement to the people they led. Edric Earl of Marc-land, after them made General of the King's forces, is branded with everlasting ignominy, and the title of False, for his barbarous disloyalty, frustrating all attempts wherein he was employed.  
Wolnod, a Nobleman, for his misdemeanour outlawed, made depredations on the coasts, with twenty ships, and was the cause that fourscore more sent to take him in, were utterly consumed. This defection of his Nobility, howsoever it might be by their own discontent, emulation, corruption, or affection, is laid to the pride of Ethelred, whom yet we find more unfortunate than weak, howsoever they have set his mark: and neglected no occasion to make resistance and reparations against all events, bringing often his affairs to the very point of dispatch, and yet put by, at an instant from all, as if nothing went with him, but his will to do worthily: which howsoever it were (besides the misery to lose) he must have (that which accompanies infelicity) Blame, and Reproach. Though the many and desperate battles he made; the good constitutions for the government; the provisions to supply all important occasions, show, that he was not much behind the best Princes, but only in fortune  
By the example of Edgar his father, he procured a mighty Navy; causing of every three hundred and ten Hid or Plough-land throughout the Kingdom, a Ship to be built, and of every eight, a corselet to be found: Yet all this shipping stood him in little stead, but was either quashed with tempest, consumed with fire by the enemy, or otherwise made unuseful by neglect, or ignorance: whereby the hope and infinite charge of the State were disappointed. Famine, and mortality, the attendants of war, with strange inundations, wrought likewise their part, as if conspirators of destruction, and all concurred to make a dismal season.  
Many years it was not, ere Swain King of Danes, returned to raise again new sums, by new afflictions; and tormenting here this poor turmoiled people, more than ever; receives a fee for bloodshed, to the sum of 48000 pounds; granted in the general assembly of the States at London, and a peace, or rather paction os servitude concluded; with quiet cohabitation, use of like liberties, and a perfect union between the two Nations, confirmed by oaths of either part, and hostages delivered of ours.  
But this as a breathing time, scarce hold out the year. When the occasion of greater mischiefs was given by a universal massacre of the Danes suddenly here contrived: and effected by the King's commandment, upon the suggestion of Hune, a great Commander, and a violent warrior of that time. Urging the insolency of the Danes, that now grown haughty with this peace; Committed many outrages, violating the Wives and Daughters of great men, with many other intolerable disorders.  
Such, and so sudden was the general execution of this act, throughout all parts 
The massacre of the Danes.  of the kingdom at one instant, as showed the concurrency of an inveterate rancour, and incompatability of these two nations, impossible to be conjoined. So that neither 
An. 1002.  Temples, Altars, Supplications, nor any band of alliance, were available to save them from slaughter. Wherein to incense the more their king, Gunild, his sister, a woman of masculine courage, who had a little before received Christendom, a mediator and pledge of the peace, having first her husband and son slain in her sight, rather 
Cunild slain.  with a threatening, than appalled countenance, met her death, making imprecation for revenge, and foretelling her blood would, as it did, cost England dear.  
Soon was the notice of this enormous act, given to Swain, and as soon armed with rage and power, re-entered he the kingdom, having now a fairer show to do foully, then ever: wrong had made him a right, who had none before: and the people of the Land, not so forward to maintain their act, as to commit it, rather were content to give him the possession of their country, then that he should win it: the greatest 
Swain wins England.  part of the Kingdom submitting themselves unto him; only the City of London, which Ethelred held fortified, made Noble resistance till he left them; and conveyed himself first into the Isle of Wight, and after into Normandy, whither he had sent Emma 
Etheldred flies into Normandy.  his Queen, with their two sons, Aelfrid and Edward, before, from the rage of this tempest. But within two months he was recalled home by the people of England, upon the death of Swain, who at the point to have been crowned King, and had generally 
Swains death.  taken hostages and oaths of fealty, died suddenly: leaving his son Knute to succeed his fortunes, and accomplish what he intended.  
Ethelred returning, was soon furnished with an Army, sets upon Knute in Lindsey, 
Etheldred returns.  where he lay with his father's shipping, and Hostages, and drove him to take the seas: where with enraged, making about to Sandwich, he miserably mangled, and dismembered those hostages, and so sent them home: himself, with the spoils his father and he had gotten, returned to his Country, to make greater preparations for the prosecution of his purpose. Ethelred in the mean time, to increase the sum of revengement with more wrath, at a general assembly at Oxford, caused many of the Danique Nobility to be murdered: Among which were Sigifrith, and Morchar, Earls of Northumberland, whom the false Edric (who had a hand on each side for mischief) inviting to his lodging, under pretence of feasting, barbarously caused to be slain: their followers, after they had so long as they could desperately defended themselves and their masters, fled into a Church, where they were with the same burnt. Knute, armed with 
Knute returns.  the greatest of his own and neighbours powers made his confederates, landed again, within the year, at Sandwich, and without resistance, had all the West parts rendered unto him, with pledges for their obedience, and furnishment with horse and armour. Here the false Edric leaves his Liege-lord, and yields up forty ships, and his perjured faith to Knute. Ethelred, languishing in mind and body, Edmond his son, surnamed Ironside 
Etheldreds' death.  (to oppose youth to youth) was employed against this rabious invader. A Prince worthy of a better time, and had he found faith, had made it so, and delivered his Country at that turn, from the worst of miseries, the conquest by strangers.   

Knute. Edmond Ironside.  
BUT now upon the death of Ethelred (whose 37 years reign, shows that infelicity shall have time too much, and happiness too little.) Knute was by most of the Clergy and Nobility chosen king: only the City of London, with some of the Nobility there about, made election of Edmond, 
Edmond Ironside son to Ethelred, by his first wife Ethelgina.  and furnished him with that power, as thereby, with the courageous ardour of his youth (which commonly is most in the first attempts) he had the better in three imminent battles, within three months, and had likewise obtained the fourth at Essendon (likely to have been the last with the 
An. 1016.  Danes) but that the disloyal Edric (late renouncing his new Lord, seeing edmond's part in possibility to prevail) again betrayed his trust, and withdrew himself, and the charge he had, to the enemy. This satal battle lost England: here perished the best flower of honour it then had: Here amongst the rest was slain, Vlkill, an Earl of Essex, of ever memorable worth, who had long stood up for the Kingdom, and in the time of Swain, was the first that showed there was hope and possibility to quail the enemy, had there been an union in loyalty.  
From this bloody work, Edmond escapes to Gloucester, to recollect new sources, nor was he so forsaken with this fortune, but that he soon recovered another army, to reassaile the enemy, that might be idle upon this victory. But Knute, as provident 
edmond's single combat with Knute.  in the prosecution of his business, as fortunate therein, makes after: Here, when both Armies were at the point to encounter, a motion of peace was propounded: Some say the two Kings, by single combat consented to decide their fortunes, and the overcommer to take all: and that (in an Isle of the river Seuern their Armies on either shore, spectators of the act) they tried the mastery for the prize of a Kingdom, 
Peace concluded.  After long and equal fight, finding each others worth, they cast away their weapons, embraced, and concluded the peace. But howsoever; it seems (both sides tired with the misery of a consuming war, never like to be ended, but by the utter extirpation of the one; and considering the danger of either, and incertainty of the future) were easily persuaded to embrace a present agreement: which was made, by parting England 
England divided between them.  betwixt them two, and confirmed by Oath and Sacrament: putting on each others Apparel, and Arms, as a ceremony to express the atonement of their minds, as if they made transaction of their persons each to other. Knute became Edmond, and Edmond, Knute. A fatal exchange, for so free and magnanimous a Prince, as Edmond: who indeed, was now no more himself; and being but half a King, was in so few days after, none: as makes this peace show fouler than war: for that, armed him for life, this exposed him naked to death, which was shortly after treacherously given him 
The death of King Edmond Ironside at Oxford.  at Oxford; some say, by the son of Edric (as if to show he would be the heir of his father also in Treason) whereby both the hope, and the other half of England were utterly lost, as determinable with his reign: which (with all we have else of his magnanimous actions) took up scarce the circuit of one whole year: And yet had that been space enough for glory (whose measure is to be taken rather by the profundity, than the length, which seldom holds long and even) could he have had that clear: And better for his renown, to have died at the battle of Essendon with England, then descended to have made it half Denmark, and live.   

Knute.  
BUT by this means, Knute attained the absolute dominion of the whole 
An. 1018.  Kingdom, which he governed with better justice than he got it, conforming 
Knute the first Da●ique King.  his native roughness, to a more civil, and regular fashion of life: And to have England see, that now he was hers; he sends away his Navy, and stipendiary soldiers, home to their countries, and puts himself wholly, upon this people; taking the way of mildness, a better means for his establishment, than force: but the Land paid for the remuneration of 
83000. pounds paid to King Knute, for evacuation of Strangers.  his people, & this evacuation of Strangers, 83000 pounds of sisuer; which it rather consented to do at once, then to have them a daily burden, to pester the State for ever.  
At his first coming to the Crown, he sought to rid himself, as well of his friends, as of those might prove his enemies. Edric, who came first to salute him, sole King of England (as if to tell, that he made him so) he caused his head to be set on the highest part of the Tower of London; therein performing his promise, of advancing him above any Lord of the Land, and thereby discharged himself of such a debt; which, though he should have paid, would never yet be held fully cleared: giving a general satisfaction thereby to the people, that rejoiced to see Treason so justly rewarded. Like compensation had shortly after, the Earl's Turkil, & Erick, who being banished the Land, were executed upon their arrival in Denmark. But the love, and high opinion of justice he got in these, were lost again in those actions, wherein he took counsel only of his fears, for the extirpation of all those of the Royal blood of England; As of Edwin, and Edward, the sons of the late King Edmond (to whom appertained the moiety of the Kingdom by contract) and of Edwin his brother; which three, he sent to be murdered abroad, to beguile the rumour at home: But, which is strange; those times, though rough, afforded not yet an instrument for the execution of his desire: and all these Princes were preserved, and conveyed out of danger by those, who should have made them away. The two last were bred by Solomon, King of Hungary, where Edward (surviving his brother) married Agatha, sister to that Queen, (and daughter 
Edward married to Agatha, the Queen of Hungaries sister.  to the Emperor Henry the second) by whom he had two sons, Emond and Edgar, daughters, Margaret and Christina.  
Aelfred, and Edward, sons of King Ethelred, by Emme, were preserved by Richard, Duke of Normandy their Uncle, and so lay out of his way. This private injustice (which often may be more in compassion, then hurt to the State) he sought to recompense with all public satisfactions: repairing the naufrage of the commonwealth (made by the rage of war) both in ornament and order: erecting Churches and Monasteries, with large patents of provisions; both for the expiation of his immanities' fore-committed, and to memorise the places of his victories with his thankfulness to God. The Constitutions Ecclesiastical and Civil, divulged in the language of that time, testify his tender piety, and care of justice: and are so full of religious admonitions, 
His erection of Churches, and of Church government.  as it seems he held, the best means to have laws observed, was, by having them first enacted in the consciences of men. Amongst others, he inflicted exact punishment on all intempetances of his people, and offences committed against public manners. Severe he was, but not cruel: few of his laws sanguinary, as being not the custom of the time: which though rough, yet found means to maintain public order, without that luctuall remedy of blood. No punishments capital, unless conspiracies: the rest were all pecuniary mulcts, banishments, bondage, or imprisonment. To show his clemeucy, this (amongst many) is one example: there was a law, that Whosoever had committed theft, and the goods found in his house, all his family were made bond, even to the child in the cradle: This he abrogates as most unjust, and ordains, That only the malefactor, and such as should aid him, should endure the punishment: and that the wife (unless the things stolen, were found under her lock) should not be guilty of her husband's offence.  
Thus was he to his people, with whom, he is said to have so well cleared himself (howsoever he did with God) that he became King of their affections, as well as of their Country. And to maintain this opinion, he did many popular acts: as first all Rites of Honour and reverence to the memory of the late King Edmond, his confederate: beside, the executing all such as could be found to have had any hand in that murder. Then married he here at home, Emme, late wife to King Ethelred (though it were more for his honour then hers, to accept his bed, that had been the persecutor of her husband and children) whereby he held the Duke of Normandy, from attempting any thing for his Nephews, in regard, his sister might have other by him.  
Having thus established this mighty Kingdom, occasion prepares him another. The people of Norway, contemning the debility of their King, and conspiring to depose him, grew into faction: whereupon he fastens; and with the great forces he brought out of England, the might of money, and high estimation of his worthiness, so prevailed, as he soon obtained that Kingdom; and was now the most renowned and potent Prince in all these parts of the world: entitled, King of England, Denmark 
Knute King of England, Denmark, and Norway.  and Norway.  
Herewithal grew his magnificence, as wide as his power, and was especially extended to the Church, which he laboured most to gratify, either for the conscience of his deeds, or that his people, (generally addicted to devotion) might be made the more his. And holding it not enough to power out his immense bounty here within the land, seeks to make Rome also feel the fullness thereof; whither he went in person, and performed many works of charity and honour; both there, and in all his voyage. He freed the Saxon school, his predecessors of England had founded, from all imposition: as he did likewise all straits and passages, where travailers were with rigour constrained to pay toll.  
Of his entertainment at Rome with the Pope, Conrade the Emperor, and diverse other Princes of the Christian world, himself writes to the Bishops and Nobility of England, and withal exhorts them very powerfully, To have an especial regard to the due administration of justice, to all his subjects alike, without doing the least wrong for 
The effect of King Kautes Letter.  his gain, having no need (as he said) to advance his revenue by sin: And also charges them to see all Church-scot & Romescot fully cleared before his return.  
The active virtue of this Prince, being the mightiest, and most absolute Monarch that ever yet appeared in this Kingdom, the author of a close, and first of a new Government, 
Knute the most absolute monarch of this kingdom, of any that was before. him.  is such; as shows he strived by all worthy ways, to lay the groundwork of a State; which according to his frame, was either to hold good to his posterity, or not. And as likely was he, to have been the root of a succession, spreading into many descents, as was afterward the Norman; having as plentiful an issue masculine, as he: beside, he reigned near as long; far better beloved; of disposition more bountiful, and of power, larger to do good. But it was not in his fate; his children miscarried in the succession, and all this great work fell in a manner with himself.   

Harald.  
Herald, the eldest son of Knute (some writ by his father's ordinance, 
An. 1038.  others by the election of the Danique Nobility, in an assembly at Oxford) was made King: whereas Godwin Earl of Kent, and the Nobility of England, would have chosen Hardiknute, borne of Queen Emme, or else Alfride, the son of Ethelred, who is said to have come out of Normandy, upon the death of Knute, to claim the Crown; But Harald, being at hand carried it. The first act of whose reign, was the banishment, and suiprizing all the Treasure of his stepmother Queen Emme: Then the putting out the eyes 
Haroids cruelty.  of Alfried her son, his competitor: and committing him to a loathsome prison, where he died. For which deed, the Earl Godwyn bears a foul mark, as betraying him. Queen Emme repairs to Baldovin, Earl of Flanders, her kinsman, where she remained during the reign of Harald, which was but of four years, and then with her son Hardiknute (who came out of Denmark, as it seems prepared for some thing else, then to visit her at Bridges) returned into England.   

Hardiknute.  
THis Hardiknute invested in the Government, soon frustrated the hope 
An. 1041.  and opinion fore-conceived of him: and first in like sort began with that degenerous act of revenge (wherein none are said so much to delight in, as women) causing the body of the late King to be untombed, the head cut off, and thrown into Thames; Then makes inquisition for such as were guilty of the death of Alfride, his brother by the mother: whereof Earl Godwin and the Bishop of Worcester are accused; The Bishop is disposest his Sea: and the Earl with a rich and rare devised present, in form of a ship of gold, appeased that fury: making protestation of his innocency before the whole Nobility, with whom in respect his deep root had spread so many branches, he stood firm, and all the blame was laid to the violence and rancour of the late King.  
Besides the offending these great men, he added a general grievance to the whole Kingdom, by a prodigal largesse, giving to every Mariner of his Navy eight Marks, and to every Master ten, which he imposed to be paid by the State. But after having called home Edward his other half-brother, out of Normandy, he lived not long, for farther violences; Dying suddenly the second year of his reign, in the celebration of a marriage at Lambeth in his greatest jollity, not without suspicion of poison.  
And with him ended the Government of the Danes in England (having only continued 26 years under these three last Kings) and that without any crack or noise, by 
The reason of the extinction of the Danes in England.  reason the nation had no predominant side, that might sway the State, in respect of the remission of their power home in the first year of Knute, and no great admission of others after: and that such, as were here before, were now so incorporated with the English, as they made one body: and most of them planted in the remote parts of the 
An. 1042.  Kingdom, that lay over against Denmark: where by, that which with all the struggling, no power or diligence of man could resist, expired of itself: leaving England to a King of her own, and Denmark to civil discord about the succession; Norwey likewise returning obedience to a son of Olaue, recovered quietness, and a home-born King.   

Edward the Confessor.  
EDWARD (the son of Ethelred) is sent for into Normandy, and by 
Edward the Confessor.  the whole State elected, and Crowned King of England, at Winchester, by Edsine Archbishop of Canterbury, Anno 1042. being about forty 
An. 1042.  years of age. Godwin Earl of Kent, was a principal agent in his preferment, but, for his own ends. The Kingdom (as having dearly paid for the admission of strangers) ordained, that he should not bring any normans with him. The first Act he did, was the remission of Danegilt, imposed by his Father, which amounted to forty thousand pounds yearly, and had been paid for forty years past. He caused the Laws to be collected, out of those of the Mercians, West Saxons, Danes, and Northumbrians, and to be written in Latin. He was a Prince most highly renowned for his piety; and fit for no other, than the calm time he had. For having been so long brought up with the Nuns at jumieges, in Normandy, he scarce knew to be a man, when he came into England. And to show how little he understood himself; they note, how in a great anger, he said to a base fellow, that disturbed his game in hunting, I would punish thee, were I able. And, asif he had vowed their continency, with whom he was bred, he was so far from knowing other women (either through conscience or debility) as his own wife, 
His continency.  after his death, protested herself free, from any carnal act done by him, and yet lived he (for the most part) with her in all formal show of marriage.  
The soft simplicity of this King, gave way to the greatness of the Earl Godwin, 
Earl Godwins greatness.  and his children, who for that he would seem the especial man in his preferment to the Crown; and by matching his daughter Edith to him, swayed chief the wheel of that time: and yet not without opposition: For Syward, Earl of Northumberland, and 
The Earls Syward and Leofrike, men of Noble actions.  Leofrike, Earl of Hereford (men of as great State and spirit) seeing him most for himself, became more for the King, and had their turn in performing very noble actions. Nor did their emulation, but much conduce to the present benefit both of the King, and State; For the Earl Syward, would not be behind hand, in effecting as brave deeds in the North, as Harold, Earl of Westsex, the son of the Earl Godwin performed, against the Welsh, in the West: For thefirst deprived of life, and Crown, Macbeth, an usurper, and invested Malcolin, in the Kingdom of Scotland, the other defeated Ris, and Griffine, two brothers, Kings of Wales, and subdued that Province to this Crown.  
Besides the Earl Godwin, had to struggle with an Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert, a Norman, preferred, from a Monk, first to London, and after to that Sea, by the King, inwardly affecting most that nation, as being part of their blood, and bred amongst them. Of whom it seemed (notwithstanding the former order taken to the contrary) he had many about his person, whose nearness, being strangers, whatsoever they did, could not avoid to be thought, to do ill offices against the Earl, and the English in general: whereby, what went not right in the line of men's desires, was thought to be their cause. And in stomachs full charged, this occasion gave more fire. Eustace 
Eustace Earl of Bullogne married Goda the King's sister.  Earl of Bullogne, who had married Goda the King's sister, having been at the Court, and returning into France, his Harbinger in taking up lodgings at Dover, upon his peremptory behaviour, was by a Citizen slain; The Earl arriving with all his train, pursues, and slew the homicide, with 18 other. The City seeing this took arms, and in the bickering, the Earl lost 22. of his men, whereupon, back he hasts to the King, aggravates the insolency of the Citizens so far; that the Earl Godwin is sent for, and commanded with a power of men, to make against the City of Dover, to chastise the people. The Earl (considering it was upon the information of one side) advised the King rather to send for the chief of the City, to understand what they could say for themselves, and accordingly to proceed, which (being taken, for a coldness in the business, and of favour to his Countrymen) gave the King and his enemy's occasion to suspect his affection.  
Shortly after, the Earl is summoned to an Assembly at Gloucester, where neither he, nor any of his sons would appear; and suspecting some practice against him by his 
Earl Godains insurruction.  enemies, raises forces, pretending to suppress the Welsh, who were not found to offend; whereupon the Assembly removes to London, summons him again to make his appearance, to dismiss his forces, and to come only attended with twelve persons. He sends them word; to dismiss his forces he was content, or any thing else the King would command him, so it were with the safety of his life and honour; but to come disaccompanied, was for neither. Then was he commanded within five days to departed the Realm, which he did, and with Toustaine, and Swayne his sons, gets him into Flaunders, where Toustone married the daughter of the Earl Baldovin the 5. Harald his eldest son, departs into Ireland: the King puts from him the Queen, to be partaker of the disgrace, and misery of her house; who is described (by the writers of those times) to have been a Lady of rare parts, excellently learned, beautiful, and as fair of mind as body. The Earl Godwin in this desperate fortune (whilst the French and his enemies possessed the King) fell to Piracy, distuibed the coasts, approached London, by the River; and being so popular, as no forces would oppose against him, made 
The French forsake the Court, and Kingdom of England.  at length his own peace with power; in such sort, as the French fearing revenge, forsook both the Court, and Kingdom.  
This (as fore-pointing to a storm that was gathering on that coast) began the first difference with the French nation: which, thus acquainted with the distraction of the Kingdom. and factions of great men, wrought on those advantages, and were instruments to draw on the fatal enterprise that followed.  
The weakness of the King, and the disproportionate greatness of the Earl Godwin, being risen up from so great a fall (learning thereby, to look better to his feet, and make his sides strong) increased these discontentments, and partialities in the State; wherein many acts of injustice, by the sway of power and passion, were committed; which did much blacken that time of peace, and made a good man (not by doing, but enduring ill) held to be a bad King.  
And it is said, that Emme, the Queen mother, had her part of much affliction in his reign, suffering both in her goods and same: and now to purge herself of a scandal raised on her with Alwyn Bishop of Winchester, she underwent the trial of Fire-Ordeall 
Queen Emmes affliction and trial.  (which was to pass blindfold, with bare feet, over certain ploughshares, made red hot, and laid an uneven distance one before the other) which she safely performed. And the reason why, both her son and the State so little respected this great Lady (whose many years had made her and actor in diverse fortunes) was, for that she never affected King Ethelred, nor the children she had by him: and for her marriage with Knute, the great enemy and subduer of the Kingdom, whom she ever much more loved living, and commended dead.  
It seemed these private grudges, with men's particular ends, held these times so busied, that the public was neglected, and an issueless King, gave matter for ambition and power, to build hopes and practices upon: though for his own part, he showed to have had a care for the succession, in sending for his Nephew Edward, entitled the Outlaw, with his children, out of Hungary. But Edward, shortly after his artivall died, and Edgar his son (surnamed Atheling) to say Prince Edgar) whom he had by his wife Agatha, daughter to the Emperor Henry the 2. who (either by reason of his youth, which yet was no bar to his right, or being borne and bred a stranger, little knowing or known to the Kingdom) had his claim neglected upon the death of this Pious 
King Edward, founder of Westminster Church.  King. Which was Anno 1065. when he had reigned 24. years. His corpse was interred in the Church of Westminster, which he had newly founded.   

Harald the second.  
AND Harald, son to the Earl Godwin (the next day after) was preferred 
Harald the second.  to the Crown, whether by any title he might pretend from the Danique Kings, as descended from that nation (and as some report, son 
An. 1065.  to Githa, sister to Swain) or by mere election of the greater part of the Nobility, we cannot say: but it seems, the pressing necessity of the time, that required a more man, to undergo the burden of war, and that trouble, the world was like to fall into, by reason of the claims now made, both by the Dane, and Norman, cast it suddenly upon him; as the most eminent man of the Kingdom, both by the experience of his own deservings, and the strength also of his own, and the alliance of his wife Algith, sister of Edwin and Morckar, Earls of Yorkshire and Chester. Neither did he fail (but in fortune) to make good this election; taking all the best courses, both for the well-ordering of the State, and all provisions for defence, that a politic and active Prince could do. But being to deal in a broken world, where the affections of men were all disjointed, or dashed with the terror of an approaching mischief, failing (as usually is seen, in these public fears) both in their diligence, and courage to withstand it, soon found more then enough to do.  
And the first man, which began to disturb his new government, was his own younger brother Toustayne, who (in the time of the late King Edward, having the Government 
The King's brother Toustayne banished.  of Northumberland) was for his pride and immanities' showed in those parts, banished the Kingdom; and now by reason of his former conceived hatred against his brother, easily set on, by the Duke of Normandy, and Baldovin, Earl of Flanders (whose two daughters the Duke and he had married) assails first the Isle of Wight, and after sets upon the coast of Kent, whence he was chased by the power of Harald, and forced to withdraw into the North parts; and there seeking to land, was likewise repulsed, by the Earls Morchar and Edwin. Then craves he aid of the Scots, and after of Harald, surnamed Harfager, King of Norwey, being then taking in the Orchades, and exercising piracy in those parts; whom he induced with all his forces to invade England. And landing at Tinmouth (discomfiting their first encounters) they marched into the heart 
His death with the King of Norwey.  of the Kingdom without resistance. near Stamford, King Harald of England met them with a puissant Army; and after long and eager fight, ended the day with victory, and the death of his brother Toustayne, and the King of Norwey.  
But from hence was he called with his wearied and broken forces, to a more fatal business in the South. For now William Duke of Normandy (pretending a right to the Crown of England, by the testament of the late King Edward his Kinsman; upon the 
This Battle was fought in Sussex, 7 miles from Hastings, upon Saturday the 14 of October 1066.  advantage of a busy time, and the disfurnishment of those parts) lauded at Pemsey, not far from Hastings in Sussex: near to which place, was tried by the great Assize of God's judgement in battle (the right of power) between the English and Norman Nation. A battle (the most memorable of all other) and howsoever miserably lost, yet most nobly fought, on the part of England; and the many wounds of Harald there slain, with 60 thousand 9 hundred 74 of the English, show; how much was wrought 
The King valour and death.  to have saved their Country, from the calamity of foreign servitude.  
And yet, how so great a Kingdom as England then was, could with one blow be subdued by so small a Province as Normandy (in such sort, as it could never after come to make any general head against the Conqueror) might seem strange; did not the circumstances forenoted, and other concurrent causes, hereafter to be declared, give us fair and probable reasons thereof: Besides, the indisposition of a diseased 
William Malmsbury.  time (as it is described by such as lived nearest it) may give us great evidence in this examination. For they say, the people of this Kingdom, were (by their being, secure from their former enemy the Dane, and their long peace; which had held, in a manner from the death of King Edmond Ironside, almost fifty years; grown neglectine of Arms, and generally debaushed with luxury, and idleness: the Clergy licentious, 
William Malmsburie.  and only content with a tumultuary learning: The Nobility given to Gluttony, Venety and Oppression: The common sort to Drunkenness, and all disorder: And they say, that in the last action of Harald at Stamford, the bravest men perished, and himself growing insolent upon the victory (retaining the spoils, without distribution to his soldiers, not enured to be commanded by Martial discipline) made them discontent, and unruly: and coming to this battle with many mercenary men, and a discontented Army, gave great occasion to the lamentable loss thereof.  
Besides, the Normans had a peculiar fight with long bows, wherewith the English (than altogether unacquainted) were especially overthrown. And yet their own Writers report, how the main battalion of the English (consisting of Bills, their chief and ancient weapon) held in a body so close locked together, as no force could dissolve them: till the Normans (feigning to fly) drew them to a disordered a rout, And so they excuse the fortune of the day.  
The body of King Harald, which at the suit of his mother (who sent two Monks of the Abbey of Waltham to entreat the same of the Conqueror) was after much 
King Harold buried at Waltham.  search, amongst the heaps of the dead found, and interred, in the same Abbey, which himself had founded. He was a King, who shows us nothing but misery, reigned least, and lost most of any other. He left four sons, Godwin, Edmond, Magnus, and 
His Issue.  Wolf: the two eldest fled after this battle into Ireland, and from thence made some attempts upon the Western coasts of England, but to little effect. And here ended the line of the Saxon Kings, about five hundredth years after the first coming in of Hingist, and their plantation in this Kingdom.  
And thus have I in the straightest coutses (wherein, that uneven Compass of Antiquity could direct me) got over the wide, and intricat epassage of those times that lay beyond the work I purpose more particularly to deliver. And now,   

The Life and Reign of William I.  
I Come to write of a time, wherein the State of England received an alteration 
An. 1066.  of Laws, Customs, Fashion, manner of lining, Language-Writing, with new forms of Fights, Fortifications, Buildings, and generally an innovation in most things, but Religion. So that from this mutation, which was the greatest it ever had, we are to begin, with a new account of an England, more in dominion abroad, more in State, and ability at home, and of more honour; and name in the world, than heretofore: which by being thus undone, was made, as if it were, in the fate thereof to get more by losing, then otherwise. For as first, the Conquest of the Danes; brought it to the intyrest Government it ever possessed at home, and made it most redoubted of all the Kingdoms of the North: so did this of the Norman by coming in upon it, make a way to let out, 
England's territories overshootes the Ocean.  and stretch the mighty arms thereof over the Seas, into the goodly Provinces of the South; For before these times, the English Nation, from their first establishment in this Land, about the space of 500 years, never made any sally out of the Isle, upon any other part of the world, but busied at home in a divided State, held a broken Government with the Danes, and of no great regard, it seems, with other Nations, till Knute lead them forth into the Kingdom of Norwey, where they first showed effects of their valour, and what they would be, were they employed.  
But the Normans, having more of the Sun, and civility (by their commixtion with the English) begat smother fashions, with quicker motions in them then before. And being a Nation free from that dull disease of drink, wherewith their former Conquerors were naturally infected, induced a more comely temperance, with a nearer regard of reputation and honour. For where as before, the English lived lose, in little homely cottages, where they spent all their reucnewes in good fare, caring for little other gaiety at all. Now after the Norman manner, they build them goodly Churches, 
Malmsbury. Maurici is, Bishop of London An. Dom. 1087. new built the Church of S. Paul in London, of stone, brought out of Normandy.  and stately houses of stone, provide better furnishments, erect Castles, and Towers in other sort then before. They enclose Parks for their private pleasure; being debarred the general liberty of hunting, which heretofore they enjoyed: whereupon all the terms of building, hunting, tools of workmen, names of most handicrafts appertaining to the defences and adornments of life, came all to be in French, And withal, the Norman habits, and fashion of living, became generally assumed, both in regard of novelty, and to take away the note of difference, which could not be well looked on, in this change. 
The Charter of William 1. granted to this Church, see the Appendix Before this time the Churches were most of Timber.   
And though the body of our language remained in the Saxon, yet it came so altered in the habit of the French tongue, as now we hardly know it, in the ancient form it had; and not so much as the Character wherein it was written, but was altered to that of the Roman, and French, now used. But to the end, we may the better know the man, and the nation that thus subdued us; we must take our course, up to the head of their originals. The Normans, we find to have issued out of Norway and Denmark, and were of like manners, as the rest of those Northern countries: which by reason of the apt mixture 
William 1. built the white Tower, afterwards walled & incastelled underneath by William 2. and Henry 1.  of their Phlegmatic and Sanguine complexions, with their promiscuous engendering, without any tie of marriage, yielded that continual surchargement of people, as they were forced to unburden themselves on other Countries, wheresoever their violence could make them room. And out of this redundancy, Roul, or Rou, a great Commander amongst them, furnished a robustious power, in the time of King Alfrid, and first landed in England (that ever lay in the Road to all these invaders) where finding no room empty, nor any employment, was content (upon some relief received) 
The Saxon habit, and Characters first altered.  to use his forces otherwhere; which he did against Rambalt, Duke of Freeze, and Re●gnier Duke of Chaumont, and Hennalt: with whom he had many violent encounters, and committed great spoils in their Countries. Which done; he passed along the coast 
The Original of the Normans Roul, or Rou, the first Norman that landed in England.  of France, entered the mouth of Seine, and sacked all the Country up to Rouen: where the people having been lately before miserably afflicted by Hasting (another invader of the same Nation) were so terrified by the approach of these new forces, that the Archbishop of Rouen, by the consent of the people, offered him the obedience of that City, and the Country about, on condition, he would defend them, and minister justice 
The History of Normand. Roul, the first Conqueror of Normandy from the French, calling it Norman.  according to the Laws of CHRIST, and the Customs of the Country. For Charles the Simple, than King of France, yielding no present succour (being otherwise embroiled about the right of his Crown) gave him the opportunity to plant in that place, and to grow so powerful, as shortly after he attempted the Conquest of Paris, and gave many notable defeits to the French Leaders. So that in the end, Charles was feign to buy his peace with the price of an alliance, and the whole Country of Nuestria (or Westrich) which of the Normans, was after called Normandy. And thereupon Roul became a Christian, and baptised, had the name of Robert, given by Robert, brother to Eudes late King of France, who then stood in competition for that Crown with Charles the Simple: and is said to have under-aided Roul secretly, of purpose to make him friend his designs; though after he urged it in an article against Charles, the giving away his Country, and the savouring of strangers.  
And thus came Roul to establish a State to his posterity, ordering the same with that judgement and equity, as he left his name in a perpetual reverence, and his successors a firm foundation to plant upon. From him, in a direct line, descended six Dukes of Normandy in the space of 120. years: William, 1. Richard 1. Richard 2. who had two sons, Richard and Robert, that successively inherited the Dukedom.  
Robert after he had governed eight years (either merely for devotion, which charity ought rather deem) or expiation for some secret guilt, wherewith his conscience might stand charged, about his brother's death (which because it was untimely, might be thought unnatural) resolves to visit the Holy Sepulchre. And acquainting his Nobility therewithal, was by them much dissuaded, in regard he had no issue: and for that (already they said) Alain, Earl of Britain, and the Earl of Burgogne, were in contestation, who should succeed him in the Duchy: so that upon his death, and their strife the Country was like, to become a prey to the soldier, from which, in conscience he was bound, by his best means to secure it. The Duke willed them to be content: I have (said he) a little Bastard, of whose worthiness, I have great hope, and I doubt not, but he is of my begetting: him will I invest in the Duchy as mine heir: And from hence forth I pray you take him for your Lord. The Earl of Britain (notwithstanding his competition) to show the affiance I have in him I will constitute his governor, and Seneschal of Normandy; the King of France shallbe his Guardian, and so I will leave him to God, and your loyalties.  
Shortly after, the Bishops and Barons did their homage to this base son, named William, who was the sixth Duke of Normandy after Roll, begotten on Arlette, a mean woman of Falaise. And Duke Robert taking his intended journey, delivers the Child with his own hand, to Henry the first, King of France: whom before he had mainly aided in preserving his Crown (left him by his father King Robert's Testament) against his elder brother, and his mother Constance, which with a great side of Nobility, stood for the right of Primogeniture, according to the custom of France: And therefore might the more presume (if good turns done to Princes could weigh so much, as their self-respects would not turn the scale) to have had a fair discharge of his trust; and him for a Protector, whose power was best able to be so. And causing the Child to do homage for his Duchy of Normandy, commits him to his Royal faith; departs his Court, and shortly after his life, in Asia. Whereupon his successor, but nine years of age, became obnoxious to all the miseries that afflict Princes in their pupillage: besides the reproach of his birth; which though his honour and virtue might get over, yet lay it ever a bar in his way, and hindered his standing clear, stood he never so high.  
The Nobles of Normandy soon (after his father's death, by much entreaty, got him out of the French Kings hands) thinking the having him amongst them, would add more to his Counsellors, and such as were in office: and the State of of a Court, awe his State the better. But soon they found, the having his person (without his power) was, but to put them out, into more discord, and faction.  
For presently followed the murdering, and poisoning of Governors, displacing Officers, intrusion, supplantation, surprizing, and recovering of his person, by a Nobility, stubborn, haughty, and incompatible of each others precedency or nearness. But this was the least, as being done all for his person. Now followed more dangerous practices against him. His right was quarreled by competitors, clear in blood, and great in means. Whereof the first (though farthest off in descent) was Roger de Tresny, bringing a fair line from Roll, and much proof of his own worth, by having gotten great experience, in the Sarazine war in Spain: whereby upon his return, entertaining and feasting the great, and especial men of worth; he was grown powerful, well followed, and beloved of many: in so much that at length, measuring his own height, he urges, What wrong it was that a Bastard, and a Child, should be preferred before him, in the succession of the Duchy, his Ancestors had nobly gotten: and what a shame the Normans (a people of that worth) would endure to be so governed; seeing they had others of the renowned race of Roll, William and Richard, Dukes of Normandy, of a lawful and direct line, if they held him unworthy to inherit the State. And being impatient (as is ambition that ever rides without rains) of any long delay, brings his claim to a strong battle in the field, which by the valiancy of Roger de Beaumount, was utterly defeated, and himself with his two brethren slain. Whereby all fear, that way, was extinguished, and the reputation of the Duke and his, so much advanced, as the King of France (notwithstanding his tutelary charge) took from him the Castle of Thuilliers, and demolished it, pretending the insolences committed there, by the Garrisons, upon his subjects: and makes show as yet, only to keep things even. But long it was not, ere he plainly bewrayed his mind; aiding in person William Earl of Arques, brother to Duke Robert, and son to Richard the Second making his claim to the Duchy, & brings a mighty army to succour Arques, assieged by Conte Guiffard, the Duke's General; who (by a stratagem so trained the French into an ambush) as he overthrew their whole power, and returns the King to Paris, with great loss, and dishonour: leaving (Arques the first Arch of triumph) to this Conqueror, not yet arrived to seventeen years of age; and the discomfeited competitor (to seek his fortunes with Eustace Earl of Bologne) finding upon his return little grace in Court; where fortune ever altars credit, and few regard men overthrown.  
This storm overpast, another succeeds more dangerous; there lived with Duke William, a young Lord of like years, named Guy son to Regnalt, Earl of Borgogne, and Alix, daughter to Richard the second, who coming to be sensible of his interest, was advised by some stirring spirits, to attempt for the Duchy, which they said appertained to him in right, and was wrongfully usurped by the Bastard: And to advance his purpose, there happens deadly hostility between two of the greatest Lords of Normandy (Viconte Needle, and the Earl of Bessin) whose debate, Duke William did not, or could not pacify. This Guy (lately made Earl of Bryorn, and Vernon, interposed himself to compose this discord; and by the advice of Grimoult de Plessis (a principal mover in this work) so wrought, that either of these Lords, turned the point of their malice upon him, who in their quarrel favouring neither, made both to hate him; and easily conspire with Guy to murder him at unawares: which they had done, had not a certain Fool (whom, for being held a natural, they suspected not) noting their preparations, got away in the dead of the night to Valogne, knocking and crying at the gate, till he was admitted to the Duke's presence, whom he willed in haste to fly, or he would be murdered. The Duke seeing the Fool in this affright, thought dangers were not to be weighed by the 
A Conspiracy discovered strangely.  worth of the reporter, but by their likelihood; and knowing his fortune was liable unto all sudden assasinations; instantly takes horse and all alone posts to Fallaise, his especial place of strength: on the way, his horse being tired, about break of day, he comes to a little village called Rye, where, by good fortune, the gentleman of the place, was standing at his door ready to go abroad; of whom the Duke inquires the next way to Fallaise: The Gentleman perceiving who he was (though as then very unwilling to be known) humbly craves the cause of his so strange and untimely riding alone: The Duke seeing himself discovered, tells the occasion: the gentleman (whose name was Robert de Rye) furnishes him with a fresh horse, and sends two of his sons to conduct him the nearest way to Fallaise: No sooner was he gone out of sight, but after post the conspirators, inquiring of the same Gentleman, whether he saw the Duke; who answered, that he was gone a little before, such a way (showing them a divers path) and road on with them, offering his service to Conte Bessin; where they made themselves so powerful, as the Duke withdrew him to Rouen, and from thence to the King of France, to crave his aid, putting him in mind of, the faithful service his father had done him: how he was his homager, under his tutelary charge, and had no other sanctuary of succour to fly unto, in this case of his mutinous and turbulent Nobility; the effect whereof was of dangerous consequence to that Crown. And so far urged the importancy of relief, as the King at length (who seems was yet content to have him be, though not too strong, and peradventure rather him than his competitor Guy de Burgogne) aided him in person with a puissant Army against these competitors, whom they found in the vale of Dunes with as great power and resolution to bid them battle, as they to assail them. Here one Guilleson, Uncle to Viconte Neel by the mother, forced his horse into the battailion of the French, and made at the King, and struck him down with his Lance: which Conte Saint Paul perceiving, hastes to encounter him with that violence, as both fell to the earth: but Guilleson soon gets up, and though his horse was slain under him, by Chastillon, he escapes out of the press, and after fled into Apulia with others. The King recovered, and more enkindled with this affront, spared not his person, to avenge his wrath. Duke William likewise (as it stood him most upon) showed effects of an all-daring and magnanimous Prince. And yet had not Ralph de T●sson been false to his fellows to recover faith with him, he had not carried (as he did) the victory. After which, divers of the conspirators (who had too great hearts to yield) passed the mountains into Italy, to Robert Guiscard their Countryman (who of a private Gentleman, was now by his prowess, become Lord of Apulia Calabria, and Sicily, within the space of twelve years) to whom they were exceeding welcome, and especially Guilleson, for having encountered with a King in the midst of his battle, which made him of wider note. But the better to know, what star these Norman spirits had, as borne for the revolutions of those times, it shall not lie out of our way to show, how they first came into Italy, upon this occasion.  
There happened a debate between one Osmond Drengot, and William Repostell, Gentlemen both valiant, and of great parentage in Normandy, who as they hunted in the forest of Rowerie (near Rovan) with Duke Robert; Drengot slew Repostell, in his presence, and fearing the fury of the Duke, and the friends of the slain, fled to Rome, and so to Naples, where he, with his small company of Normans that followed him, was entertained of the Duke de Bencuento, to serve him against the Saracens, and Africans, which miserably infested Apulia, and Calabria, at that time. The bruit of which entertainment was no sooner spread in Normandy, but divers valiant Gentlemen and Soldiers, alured with the hope of good fortune, passed the Alps, got to their nation, and so wrought, as they grew formidable to these Barbarians, and in the end, utterly chased and extinguished them. The Calabrians and Apulians, seeing themselves rid of their enemies, would have been glad likewise (their turn served) to be rid of their friends, and either using them, more unkindly then of custom, or they presuming more of desert, turned their swords upon their intertayners. And first got a little place, which they fortified for the Rendezvous, and receipt of booty: And so augmenting still their win, obtained Territories, Cities, and Fortresses. After the death of Drengo, succeeded other gallant leaders, and at length Tancred, signor de Hauteville, in Constantine, with his twelve sons, came into Apulia, of whom his third son Robert, surnamed Guiscard, attained the command, and was a man of a fair stature clear judgement, and indefatigable courage. He conquered all Apulia, Callabria and Cicile, passed the Sea into Greece; relieved Michael Diocrisius, Wherefore of Constantinople, defeated N cephorus that usurped the Empire, and shortly after Alexius attempting the like: and in one year vanquished two Emperors, the one of Greece, the other of Germany: Swayed the whole Estate of Italy, and was in a fair way to have attained the Empire of Constantinople for himself, had he not died in the expedition.  
Beomond his eldest son, by his first wife, became after Prince of Antioch, and is much renowned in the holy wars. Roger (of his second marriage with the daughter of the Prince of Salerno) succeeded in the States of Italy, as more theirs by birth and blood. His daughters were all highly married; Thus from a private Gentleman, came this famous Norman to leave a succession of Kings, and Princes after him, and died the same year as did this William, his concurrent in the love and favour of fortune. And to this man fled all the discontented and desperate Normans during these civil wars the Duke had with so many competitors: and every overthrow he gave them, augmented Guiscards forces in Italy; and especially this battle of Dunes; which ended not the Duke's travails, for Guy de Burgogne escaping the fight, fortified the Castles of Briorn and Verneville, but in the end was feign to render them both, and himself, to the Duke's mercy, and became his pensioner, who was his competitor; which act of clemency in the Duke, brought in many other to submit themselves; whereby they re-obteyned their signories, but had their Castles demolished.  
Having ended this work, new occasion to keep him in action, was ministered by Geoffry Martle, Earl of Anjou, who warring upon the Poictovins, encroached also upon his neighbour's States, and usurped Alenson, Dampfront, and Passais, members of the Duchy of Normandy: which to recover, the Duke levies an Army, and first got Alenson, where (for that he was opprobriously scorned by the besieged who, when they saw him, would cry La Pel, La Pel, in reproach of the baseness of his mother, and the trade of the place of his birth) he showed extreme cruelty. Then lays he siege to Dampfront; which to relieve, Conte Martel comes with his greatest forces: and the Duke to take notice of his strength, sends out Roger de Mongomerie, with two other knights to deliver this message to the Earl, That if he came to victual Dampfronte, he should find him there the Porter to keep him out: whereto the Earl returns this answer: Tell the Duke, to morrow by day break, he shall have me there on a white horse, ready to give him the Combat, and I will enter Dampfront if I can; And to the end he shall know me, I will wear a shield d' or, without any devise.  
Roger replies, Sir you shall not need to take that pains, for to morrow morning, you shall have the Duke in this place, mounted on a bay horse; And that you may know him, he shall wear on the point of his Lance, a streamer of tasfata, to wipe your face. Herewith returning, each side prepares for the morning: when the Earl, busy in ordering his battles, was advertised by two horsemen, that came crossing the field, how Dampfronte, for certain was rendered to the Duke; whereupon in great rage, he presently departs with his Army: whereof a part, was (in passing a straight) cut off, by Viconte Neel, who for that service, redeemed his former offence, and was restored to the Duke's favour, whom ever after he faithfully served. Those of Dampfronte, desperate of succour, presently yield themselves to the Duke, who with his engines and forces removes from thence to Hambrieres, a frontier Town of Conte Martels, and by the way (had it not been by himself discovered) he had been utterly overthrown by an ambush, which gave him much to do, and lost him very many brave men. Wherewith he grew so enraged, that he rushed into the troops of his enemies; made at Conte Martel, stracke him down with his sword, clave his helmet, and cut off an ear: but yet he escaped out of the press, though divers were taken, and the Aniowins utterly defeated.  
Whilst thus he was travailed with an outward enemy, two more, were found at home, to conspire against him. William Guelan, Earl of Mortagne, descended from Richard the second. And William Earl of Yew, and Montreul, issuing from William, the brother of the same Richard, and of Esselin, Countess of Montreul: the first upon suspicion, the other upon proof, of an intention, was banished, and their estates seized: the Earldom of Mortaigne he gave to Robert: that of Yew to Odo (after Bishop of Bayeux) both his brethren by the mother. These assaults from abroad, these scorns, conspiracies, and under-workings at home, he passed before he was full 32 years of age: and thus his enemies made him, that sought to undo him. But now, more to underset and strengthen his State, against future practices, he convokes an assembly of his Prelates, Barons, and Gentlemen, causing them to receive their oath of Fealty, and raze their Castles, which done, he married Matilde, the daughter of Baldovin the sift Earl of 
The Duke marries Matilde daughter of Balaovine the fift Earl of Flanders.  Flaunders, but not without contrast and trouble: for his Uncle maugre, Archbishop of Rouen, excommunicates him, for matching within the forbidden degrees of kindred: she being daughter to Elinor, daughter to Richard the second, and so his father's sister's daughter. To expiate for which offence (upon a dispensation from Pope Victor) they were enjoined the building of certain Hospitals for blind people: and two Abbeys, the one for men, the other for women: which were erected at Caen.  
This match, and the overmatching his enemies, set him so high a mark of envy in 
The reasons why the King of France, wars with the Normans.  the eye of France, which naturally loved not the Normans (whom in reproach they usually called Trewans) as they easily incensed their King, who of himself was forward enough, to abate a power, grown so out of proportion with the rest of the Princes of his Dominions, to find a quarrel (which confiners easily do) to set upon him: and to make it look the fairer, pretends to correct the insolences of the Normans committed on his territories, and to relieve Count Martel, oppressed by the Duke; besides alleging, It concerwed him in honour and justice, to have that Province, which held of his Crown, to be governed by a Prince of lawful blood, according to Christian order and Laws Ecclesiastical: And therefore resolveth utterly to exterminate the Duke, and establish a legitimate Prince in the Duchy. For which effect, two armies are gathered from all parts of his Kingdom; the one sent along the river Sein, the other into the Country of Bessin, as meaning to encompass him.  
The Duke likewise divides his forces into two parts: sends his brother Odo, Earl of Yew, Walter Guifford Earl of Longueuill, and others with the one, to the Country of Caux; himself with the other takes towards Eureux (to make head to the King that was at Mante) and withdraws all cattle and provisions out of the flat Country, into Cities and Fortresses, for their own store, and disfurnishment of the enemy. The King's army marching from Beanuois, to Mortimer, and finding there a fat Country full of all provisions, betook them to make good cheer, and rests there all that night; thinking the Norman forces were yet with the Duke at Eureux; which, the army in Caux, conducted by Odo understanding, marched all night, and by break of day, gave them so hot an alarm, and so sudden, as put them all in rout, leaving horse, and armour, 
The defeiture of the Army of the King of France, by the Normans.  and all to the assailants; who made such a destruction of them, as of forty thousand, not the fourth part escaped.  
With this defeiture, the King of France is again returned home, with great rage and grief, and the Duke, with the redemption of the prisoners, recovers his peace, and the Castle of Thuilliers, taken from him in his underage. Count Martell though much dismayed, with the King's overthrow, yet leaves not to make some attempts for the recovering his Towns; but with no success. The Duke he saw was to well beloved & followed, for him to do any good without a stronger arm. Wherefore the next spring, he goes, again to importune the King of France, to aid him against the Duke: who (he said) Was now grown so insolent upon this peace, and the victory he had stolen, and not won, that there was no living for his neighbours near him: Besides, the Normans had the French in such derision, and base esteem, as they made their act (at Mortimer) their only sport, and the subject of their rhymes: as if a King of France, upon the loss of a few men, was retired, and durst not break a dishonourable peace.  
With which instigation, and being stung with the touch of reproach, he raises another Army far mightier than before, wherein were three Dukes, and twelve Earls, and notwithstanding the solemn peace made, and so lately sworn with the Duke, he enters Normandy in the harvest time, over-runnes and spoils all the Country, along the Coast to Bessin: from whence marching to Bayeux, and Caen, with purpose to passed the river Dive at Varneville, to destroy the Countries of Auge, Liseux, and Roumoys, even to Rouen: and finding the case-way long, and the bridge narrow, caused his vanguard to pass over first: and, to secure his Arierguard, conducted by the Duke of Berry, himself stays behind in Caen, till his people, and their carriages were passed. Duke William, whom (all this while, stores his fortress with men and victual) makes himself as strong in the Town of Falaise, as he could; hath no army in the field, but a running camp to be ready to take all advantages: let's the fury of the storm spend itself, and having advertisement of this passage, marched all night with 10 thousand men, and in the morning early, sets upon the Arierguard, with so sudden a cry and fury, as they who were before on the Case-way hearing this noise behind, thrust forward their fellows, hasting to get over the bridge, with such a crowd and press, as they broke it, & many were drowned in the river. They who were gotten over, could not return to aid the rest; nor the King (by reason of Marshes on both sides) yield any succour to his people; but stood a spectator of their slaughter, and the taking of six of his Earls, of whom one was the exiled Earl of Yew, whom the King (favouring his great worth) had made Conte De Soissons.  
The grief of this overthrow, shortly after gave the King of France his death, and 
The Army of the King of France overthrown at Varneville by the Normans.  the Duke of Normandy a joyful peace, which he nobly employed in the ordering and adorning his State: building, endowing, and decking Monasteries and Churches: gathering relics from all parts to furnish his Abbeys at Caen (where he also erectted a Tomb for himself and his wife) feasting and rewarding his Nobles and men of worth: whereby he so possessed him of the hearts of all his people generally, as they were entirely his, for what he would.  
During this calm of his life, he makes a journey over into England, as if to visit 
The Duke comes to visit his kinsman.  King Edward his kinsman: who, in regard of the preservation, and breeding he had in Normandy, by Duke Richard the second (Grandfather to them both) gave him most Royal entertainment: And here he showed himself; and here (no doubt) he found matter for his hopes to work on. In this interview he discovered England, being to be presupposed, he came not to gather cockleshells, on the shore, Nor was it long after ere Harold (whether of purpose to ratify some paction closely contrived betwixt them: or by casualty of weather driven into France (and so feign to make it seem a 
Harald goeth over into Normandy.  journey of purpose to the Duke is not certainly delivered) was gallantly entertained in Normandy, presented with all shows of Arms, brought to Paris, and there likewise feasted in that Court. And at his return to Roven, something was concluded, either 
His entertainment.  in likelihood to divide the Kingdom between them, or that Harold being a coast-dweller, and had the strongest hand in the State, should let in the Duke, and do his best to help him to the Crown, upon conditions of his own greatness, or whatsoever it was; promises were made and confirmed by oaths upon the Evangelists, and all the sacred Relics at Roven, in the presence of divers great persons. Besides for 
His promises to the Duke.  more assurance, Harald was fianced to Adeliza, the Duke's daughter, and his brother Wolnot, left a pledge for the performance.  
This intercourse made the trans-action of the fate of England, and so much was done, either by King Edward or Harald (though neither's act, if any such were, was of power to prejudice the State, or alter the course of a right succession) as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown, by a donation made by Testament, which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom, could be of no validity at all. For the Crown of England being held, not as Patrimonial, but in a succession by remotion (which is a succeeding to another's place) it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and testamentary will, the right descending to the next of blood, only by the Custom and Law of the Kingdom: For the Successor is not said properly to be the heir of the King, but the Kingdom, which makes him so, and cannot be put from it by any act of his Predecessor. But this was only his claim; the right was of his own making, and no otherwise, For as soon as he had heard of the death of King Edward, with the Election, and Coronation of Harald (for they came both together) he assembles the States of Normandy, and acquaints them with the right he had to England, Soliciting an extension of their utmost means for 
The Duke's speech to the assembly of the States of Normandy.  his recovery thereof, and avengement of the perjured Usurper Harald; showing them apparent probability of success, by infallible intelligence he had from the State, his strong party therein, with the debility and distraction of the people; What glory, wealth, and greatness, it would add to their Nation, the obtaining of such a Kingdom, as was thus opportunely laid open for them, if they apprehended the present occasion. All which remonstrances notwithstanding, could induce but very few to like of this attempt, and those such who had long followed him in the wars, exhausted their estates, and content to run upon any adventure that might promise likelihood of advancement. The rest were of divers opinions: some that it was sufficient to hold and defend their own Country; without hazarding themselves, to conquer others; and these were men of the best ability: others were content to contribute, but so sparingly, as would little advance the business: and for the most part they were so tired with the former wars, and so desirous to embrace the blessing of peace, as they were unwilling to undergo a certaives trouble for an uncertain good. And with these oppositions, or faint offers, the Duke's 
The subtle proceeding of the Duke with his Nobles.  purpose, at first, had so little way, as did much perplex him: At length, seeing this protraction, and difficulty in general: he deals with his nearest and most trusty friends in particular, being such as he knew affected the glory of action, and would adventure their whole estates with him. As William fitz Auber, Conte de Brettevile Gualier Guifford Earl of Logueville, Roger de Beaumond, with others, especially his own brothers, Odo Bishop of Bayeux, and Robert Earl of Mortaigne: these in full assembly he wrought to make their offers: which they did in so large a proportion; and especially William fitz Auber (who made the first offer, to furnish forty ships with men and munition; the Bishop of Bayeux forty the Bishop of Man's thirty, and so others, according, or beyond their abilities) as the rest of the assembly, doubting if the action succeeded without their help (the Duke aryving to that greatness) would bear in mind, what little mind they showed to advance his desires, began to contribute more largely. The Duke, finding them yielding, though not in such sort as was requisite for such a work; dealt with the Bishops and great men a part, so effectually, as at length he got of them severally, which of altogether he could never have compassed, and causing each man's contribution to be registered; enkindled such an emulation amongst them, as they who lately would do nothing, now strived who should do most.  
And not only won he the people of his own Provinces, to undertake this action, 
The French likewise aid the Duke.  but drew by his fair persuasions and large promises, most of the greatest Princes and Nobles of France, to adventure their persons, and much of their estates with him; as Robert fitz Haruays, Duke of Orleans, the Earls of Britain, Ponthien, Bologne, Poictou, Maine; Nevers, Hiesms, Aumal; Le signor de Tours, and even his mortal enemy Martel, Earl of Anjou, became to be as forward as any. All which, he sure could never have induced, had not his virtues and greatness gained a wide opinion and reputation amongst them. Although in these advancements and turns of Princes, there is a concurrency of dispositions, and a constitution of times prepared for it: yet is it strange, that so many mighty men of the French Nation, would adventure their lives and fortunes to add England to Normandy, to make it more than France, and so great a Crown to a Duke, who was to great for them already. But where mutations are destined, the counsels of men must be corrupted, and there will fall out all advantages to serve that business.  
The King of France, who should have strangled this design in the birth, was a 
The reason of the Duke's power.  child, and under the curature of Baldovin, Earl of Flanders, whose daughter the Duke had married, and was sure to have rather furtherance than any opposition that way: Besides, to amuse that Court, and dazella young Prince, he promised faithfully, if he conquered this Kingdom; to hold it of that King, as he did the Duchy of Normandy, and do him homage for the same; which would add a great glory to that Crown. Then was he before hand with Pope Alexander (to make religion give reputation and avowment to his pretended right) promising likewise to hold it of the Apostolic Sea, if he prevailed in his enterprise. Whereupon the Pope sent him a Banner of the Church, with an Agnus of Gold, and one of the hairs of Saint Peter. The Emperor Henry 4. sent him a Prince of Almain with forces, but of what name, or his number, is not remembered: so that we see it was not Normandy alone that subdued England, but a collected power out of all France and Flanders with the aids of other Princes. And by these means, made he good his undertaking, and within eight months was ready furnished with a powerful Army at Saint Valerie in Normandy, whence he transported the same into England in 896 ships, as some writ. And this was the man, and thus made to subdue England.  
And now having gotten, the great and difficult battle, before remembered, at 
1066. Anno. Reg. 1.  Hastings, the fourteenth of October 1066. be marched without any opposition to London, where Edwin and Morchar, Earls of Northumberland, and Mercland (brothers of eminent dignity and respect in the Kingdom) had laboured with all their power to stir the hearts of the people for the conservation of the State, and establishing Edgar Atheling, the next of the Royal issue, in his right of the Crown: whereunto other of the Nobility had likewise consented; had they not seen the Bishop's averse or wavering. For, as then, to the Clergy, any King (so a Christian) was all one: they had their Province a part, divided from secular domination: and of a Prince (though a stranger) who had taken up so much of the world before hand, upon credit and fame 
Reason for the yielding of the Clergy.  of his piety and bounty, they could not but presume well for their estate: and so were content to give way to the present Fortune.  
(The Nobility, considering they were so borne, and must have a King: not to take him (that was of power to make himself) would show more of passion than providence: & to be now behind hand to receive him, with more than submission, was as if to withstand: 
What moved the Nobles to yield.  which (with the distrust of each others faith) made them strive & run headlong who should be first to preoccupate the grace of servitude, and intrude them into forvaine subjection.  
The Commons (like a strong vessel that might have been for good use) was hereby left, without a stern, and could not move but irregularly. So that all estates in general, either corrupted with new hopes, or transported with fear, forsook themselves, and their distressed Country. Upon his approach to London, the Gates were all set open: the Archbishop of Canterbury, Stigand, with other Bishops, the Nobility, Magistrates, and People, rendting themselves in all obedience unto him: and he returning plausible protestations of his future Government, was on Christmas day, than next following, Crowned King of England, at Westminster, by Aldred, Archbishop of York, for that Stigand was not held Canonically invested in his Sea: and yet thought to have been a forward mover of this alteration.  
Hear, according to the accustomed form, at his Coronation, the Bishops and Barons 
The Coronation and oath of William 1.  of the Realm, took their oaths, to be his true and loyal subjects, and he reciprocally (being required thereunto by the Archbishop of York) made his personal oath, before the Altar of Saint Peter, To defend the Holy Churches of God, and the Rectors of the same: To govern the Universal people, subject unto him justly: To establish equal Laws, and to see them duly executed. Nor did he ever claim any power 
King Williams submission to the orders of the Kingdom of England.  by Conquest, but as a regular Prince, submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom: desirous rather to have his Testamentary title (howsoever weak) to make good his successiou, rather than his sword. And though the Style of Conqueror by the flattery of the time, was after given him; he showed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not: introducing none of all those alterations (which followed) by violence, but a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State, and the occasions offered, and that by way of reformation. And now taking Hostages for his more security, and order for the defence and Government of his Kingdom, at the opening of the spring next, he returns into Normandy, so to settle his affairs there, as they might not distract him from his business in England, that required his whole powers.  
And to leave here all sure behind him, he commits the rule of the Kingdom, to his brother the Bishop of Bayeux, and to his Cousin Fitz 
* Or Osborne.  Auber, whom he had made Earl of Hereford, taking with him all the chief men of England, who were likest to be heads 
King William returns into Normandy, with the chief Nobility of England.  to a revolt. As Edger Atheling, the Archbishop Stigand, lately discontented: Edwin, and Morchar, with many other Bishops and Noble men: Besides to unburden his charge, and dis-impester his Court; he took back with him all the French adventurers, and such as were unnecessary men, rewarding them as far as his treasure would extend, and the rest he made up in fair promises.  
In his absence, which was all that whole summer, nothing was here attempted against him, but only that Edric, surnamed the Forester, in the County of Hereford, called in the Kings of the Welsh, to his aid, and foraged only the remote borders of that Country. The rest of the Kingdom stood quiet, expecting what would become of that new world, wherein as yet they found no great alteration, their laws and liberties remaining the same they were before, and might hope by this accession of a new Province; the state of England would be but enlarged in dominion abroad, and not impaired in profit at home, by reason the Nation was but small, and of a plentiful, and not overpeopled Country, likely to impester them.  
Having disposed his affairs of Normandy, he returns towards winter, into 
King William returns into England.  England, where he was to satisfy three sorts of men; First, such Adventurers, with whom he had not yet cleared: Secondly, those of his own people, whose merits or nearness, looked for recompense, whereof the number being so great, many must have their expectations fed, if not satisfied: Thirdly, the people of this Kingdom, by whom he must row subsist: For being not able with his own Nation, so to empeople the same, as to hold and defend it (if he should proceed to an extirpation of the natural inhabitants) he was likewise to give them satisfaction.  
Wherein, he had more to do, then in his battle at Hastings; seeing all remunerations, with supplies of money, must be raised out of the stock of this Kingdom, which could not but be likesome to the State in general, and all preferments and dignities conferred on his, to be either by vacancies, or displacing others, which must needs breed very feeling grievances in particular. And yet we find no great men thrust out of their rooms, but such as put themselves out, by revolting, after his establishment, and their fealty given, as appears by the controversy between Warren the Norman, and Sherburn of Sherburn Castle in Norfolk, which castle though the King had given to Warren, yet (when Sherburn alleged, How he never bore Arms against him: 
Cambden Nors.  that he was his subject as well as the other, and held his Lands by that Law which he had established amongst all his subjects, the King gave judgement against Warren, and commanded, that Sherburn should hold his Land in peace. So that it seems, he contented himself and his, for the time, only with what he found here ready, and with filling up their places, who were slain in the battle, or fled, as many were, with the sons of Harald out of the Kingdom. Such Gentlemen as he could not presently prefer, 
M. S.  and had a purpose to advance, he dispersed abroad into Abbeys, there to live till places fell out for them: and 24 he sent to the Abbey of Eley: whereby he not only lessened the multitude of attendants and suitors at Court; eased that eyesore of strangers, but also had them a watch over the Clergy, who then were of great and eminent power in the Kingdom; and might prevail with the people.  
But the English Nobility, incompatible of these new concurrents; found notwithstanding, 
1067. Anno. Reg. 2.  such a disproportion of grace, and darkening of their dignities, by the interposition of so many, as must needs lessen their splendour; that many of the chiefest, doubting to be more impaired in honour and estate, conspired together, and fled some into Scotland, and some into Denmark, to try if by aid from abroad, they might 
The English Nobility forsake the kingdom.  recover themselves, and their lost fortunes again at home. Amongst which, the chief was Edgar Atheling (termed England's Darling, which showed the people's zeal to his blood) who with his mother Agatha, and his two sisters, Magaret and Christin, intending to retire into Hungary (their native Country) were driven by tempest on the coast of Scotland, where they were in all Hospitable manner entertained by Malcolin the third, whose former sufferings in his exile, had taught him to compassionate others like distresses; and whom it concerned now to look to his own, his neighbour's house being thus on fire: and to foster a pattie against so dangerous an in-commer, that was like to thrust them all out of door. Which induced him not only to entertain this Prince, dispossessed of his right, but to enter league with him for the public safety; And to enchain it the stronger, he takes to wife Margaret, the 
The King of Scots enters league with the English Nobility and marries Edgar's sister.  sister of Edgar (a Lady endued withal blessed virtues) by whom the blood of our ancient Kings was preserved, and conjoined with the Norman in Henry the second, and so became English again. Unto Edgar in Scotland, repaired the Earls Edwin and Morchar, Hereward, Gospatric, Siward, with others: and shortly after Stigand and Aldred, Archbishops, with divers of the Clergy: who in the third year of this King's reign, raised very great commotions in the North, beyond Humber, and wrought most eager 
1068. Anno. Reg. 3.  to recover their lost Country: but being now to late, and the occasion not taken before the settling of the government, whilst it was new, and branling, they prevailed nothing, but gave advantage to the Conqueror, to make himself more than he was: For all conspiracies of subjects, if they succeed not, advance the sovereignty: and nothing gave root to the Norman planting here, more than the petty revolts made by discattred troops, in several parts, begun without order, and followed without resolution; whereas nothing could be done for a general recovery, but by a general sullevation of the people: for which all wary prevention was used; and they had waits enough laid on, to hold them down. And though these Lords embroiled themselves, and held him doing in the North, yet he having all the South parts settled under his domination, with well practised and prepared forces, there could be little hope of good, whilst all their great estates furnished the Normans, both in state and means to ruin them. The Earldom; and all the Lands which Edwin held in 
See the Charter in the Appendix.  Yorkshire, were given to Alain, Earl of Britain, kinsman to the Conqueror; The archbishoppric of Canterbury, conferred on Lanfranc, Abbot of Caen. That of York, on Thomas his Chaplain, and all the rest both of the Clergy and others, which were out, had their places within, supplied by Normans.  
And after King William had appeased a Commotion in the West, which the sons of Harald, with forces out of Ireland had raised, & also repressed the rebellions of Excester, and Oxford, he takes his journey in person Northward with all expedition (lest the enemy there, should grow to high in heart and opinion, upon the great slaughter of his people, made at York; and the defeiture of his Brother and Lieutenant, Robert Earl of Mortaigne, slain with seven hundredth Normans at Durham) where, at his first coming he so wrought, that he either discomfeited, or corrupted the Generals of the Danicque forces (newly arrived to aid the Lords; sent by Swain, King of Denmark, under the conduct of his two sons, Harald and Knute, with a Navy of three hundredth sail) and after sets upon the Army of the Lords, weakened both in strength and hope, by this departure of their Confederates, and puts them to flight: Which done, he utterly wasted, and laid desolate, all that goodly Country between York and Durham, the space of 60. miles, as it might be no more a succour to the enemy: And the like course he used on all the Coasts where any aptlandings lay for invasions; and so returns to London.  
Most of the Lords after this defeit, came in, upon public faith given them, and were conducted to Barkehamsted, by the Abbot Fredricke; where, upon their submission, and Oath of Allegiance retaken, they had their pardon, and restitution of grace granted by the King, who it seems was so willing to acquit them, that again he takes his personal Oath before the Archbishop Lanfrancke, and the Lords, To observe 
See the Appendix.  the Ancient Laws of the Realm, established by his Noble Predecessors, the Kings of England, and especially those of Edward the Confessor. Whereupon these stormy dispositions held calm a while.  
But long it was not ere many of these Lords (whether upon intelligence of new 
1074. Anno. Reg. 8.  hopes, from Prince Edgar (who was still in Scotland) or grown desperate with new displeasures, at home, finding small performance of promises made, rapture of Oath, and all other respects, broke out again. The Earl Edwin, making towards Scotland, was murdered by his own people. The Lords Morchar, and Hereward, betook them to the Isle of Eley, meaning to make good that place for that Winter; whether also repaired the Earl Syward, and the Bishop of Durham out of Scotland. But the King, who was no time-giver unto growing dangers, besets all the Isle with flat boats on the East, and made a bridge of two miles long on the West, and safely brought in his people upon the enemy; who seeing themselves surprised; yielded all to the King's mercy, except Hereward, who desperately marched with his people through the Fens; and recovered Scotland: The rest were sent to diverse Prisons, where they died, or remained during the King's life.  
Those Lords who persisted loyal upon this last submission, were all employed and well graced with the King, as Edric the Forester (and first that rebelled in his Reign) was held in clear trust, and near about him. Gospatrice he made Earl of Northumberland, and sent him against Malcolin, who in this time, subdues the Countries of Tisdall, Cleveland, and Comberland: Waltheof, son to the Earl Syward, he held so worthy to be made his, as he married him to his Niece judith, though he had been a principal actor in the Northern commotion (and in defending the City of York against him: is said to have stricken off the heads of diverse Normans, one by one, as they entered a breach, to the admiration of all about him) showing therein that true touch of the noblest nature, to love virtue, even in his enemies.  
And now seeing Scotland to be the especial retreat for all conspirators, and discontented in his Kingdom, yielding them continual succour, and assistance, and where his compecitor Edgar lived, to be get and nurse perpetual matter for their hopes, and at hand for all advantages; he enters that Kingdom with a puissant Army: which, encountering with more necessities than forces, soon grew tired, and both Kings, considering of what difficulties the victory would consist, were willing, to take the safest way to there ends, and upon fair overtures, to conclude a peace; Articling for the bounds of each Kingdom, with the same title of Dominion, as in former tunes: All delinquents, and their partakers generally pardoned.  
Hear with the universoll turn of alteration thus wrought in England, Scotland (being 
Scotland before this time generally spoke a kind of Irish.  a part of the body of this Isle) is noted to have likewise had a share; and as in the Court of England, the French tongue became generally spoken; so in that of Scotland did the English, by reason of the multitude of this Nation, attending both the Qacene and her brother Edgar, and daily repairing thither for their safety, and combination against the common enemy: of whom diverse, abandoning their native distressed Country, were by the bounty of that King preferred: and there planted, spread their offspring into many noble families, remaining to this day: The titles for distinguishing 
Titles of honour in Scotland.  degrees of honour; as of Duke, Earl, Baron, Rider or Knight, were then (as is thought) first introduced: and the nobler sort began to be called by the title of their Signories (according to the French manner) which before bate the name of their Father, with the addition of Mac, after the fashion of Ireland. Other innovations, no doubt, entered there likewise at the opening of this wide mutation of ours: fashion and imitation like weeds easily growing in every soil.  
Shortly after this late made peace, Prince Edgar voluntarily came in, and submitted 
Edgar Atheling submitted himself to King William.,  himself to the King, being then in Normandy, and was restored to grace, and a fair maintenance, which held him ever after quiet. And it made well at that time for the fortune of the King, howsoever for his own, being thought to have ill-timed his affairs (either through want of seasonable intelligence, or despair of success) in making 
1075. Anno. Reg. 9  too soon that submission, which was latter or never to be done. For in this absence of the King, Roger Fits Auber, the young Earl of Hereford, contrary to his express commandment, gave his sister in marriage to Ralph Waher, Earl of Norfolk, and Suffolk, and at the great Solemnisation thereof, the two Earls conspired with Eustace Earl of Boulogne (who secretly came over to this festival) and with the Earl Waltheof, and other English Lords, to call in the Danes, and by main power to keep out and dispossess the King. Who having thus passed over so many gulfs of foreign 
1076. Anno. Reg. 10.  dangers, might little imagine of any wrack so near home; and that those, whom he had most advanced, should have the especial hand in his destruction: But no rewards, are benefits (that are not held so) nor can ever clear the accounts with them that overvalue their merits. And had not this conspiracy been opportunely discovered (which some say, was by the Earl Waltheof, moved with the ugliness of so soul an ingratitude) they had put him again to the winning of England. But now the fire bewrayed before it flamed, was soon quenched by the diligence of Odon the King's Vicegerent, the Bishop of Worcester and others, who kept the Conspirators from joining their forces: So that they never came to make head, but were either surprised, or forced to fly. The Earl Roger Fitz Auber was taken, and some say executed; and so was shortly after the Earl Waltheof, whose dissent from the act, could not get him pardon for his former consent, though much compassion in respect of his great worthiness. But the 
1077. Anno. Reg. 11.  wide distent of these tumours, fed from many secret veins, seemed to be of that danger, as required this extremity of cure, especially in a part so apt for infection, upon any the like humours.  
For this Conspiracy seems to take motion from a general league of all the neighbour Princes here about, as may well be gathered by their several actions. First in the King of France by defending Dole in Brittaigne (a Castle of Ralph de Waher) against the King of England, and in likelihood, employing the Earl of Boulogne to wards the Conspirators: In Swayne King of Denmark, by sending a Navy of two hundredth sail, under the conduct of his son Knute, and others. In Drone King of Ireland, by furnishing the sons of Harald with 65. ships. In Malcoline, and the Kings of Wales, by their readiness to assist. But the Danes being on the coast, and hearing how their confederates had sped, with the great preparations the King had made, after some pillage taken upon the coast of England and Flanders, returned home, and never after arrived to disturb this land. Though in Anno Reg. 19 Knute, than King of Denmark, after the death of Swain (intending to repair the dishonour of his two last adventures past) and to put for the Crown of England, his predecessors had holden, prepared a Navy of a thousand sail, and was aided with six hundredth more by Robert le Frison Earl of Flanders (whose daughter he had married.) But the winds held so contrary for two years together, as utterly quashed that enterprise; and freed the King, and his successors for ever after, from future molestation that way.  
But this business put the State to an infinite charge, the King entertaining all that time (besides his Normans) Hugh, brother to the King of France, with many companies 
1078. Anno. Reg. 12.  of French. Finding the English (in respect of many great families allied to the Danes) to incline rather to that Nation, than the Norman, and had experience of the great and near intelligence continually passing between them.  
And these were all the wars he had within the Kingdom, saving in An. Regni 13. he subdued Wales, and brought the kings there, to do him homage. His wars abroad, 
1079. Anno. Reg. 13  were all about his Dominions in France, first raised by his own son Robert, left Lieutenant governor of the Duchy of Normandy, and the County of Main, who in his father's absence, tasting the glory of command, grew to assume the absolute 
The Kings of wales do homage to King william.  rule of the Province, causing the Barons there, to do him homage (as Duke) not as Lieutenant, & leagues him with the King of France, who working upon the easiness of his youth, and ambition, was glad to apprehend that occasion to disjoint his estate, who was grown too great for him. And the profusse largesse, and disorderly expense, whereto Robert was addicted, is nourished by all ways possible, as the means to imbrake him in those difficulties of still getting money, that could not but needs yield continual occasion to entertain both his own discontent & theirs from whom, his supplies must be raised. And though thereby he purchased him the title of Courtois, yet he lost the 
Robert of Normandy titled Courtois.  opinion of good government, and constrained the estates of Normandy, to complain to his father of the great concussion, and violent exactions he used amongst them.  
The King understanding the fire thus kindled in his own house, that had set others all in combustion, hasts with forces into Normandy, to have surprised his son; who advertised of his coming, furnished with two thousand men at Arms, by the King of France, lay in ambush where he should pass; sets upon him, defeated most of his people, and in the pursuit happened to encounter with himself, whom he unhorsed, and wounded in the arm, with his Lance; but perceiving by his voice, it was his father, he hasted to remount him, humbly craving pardon for his offence: which the father (seeing in what case he was) granted, howsoever he gave; and upon his submission, took him with him to Roven; whence, after cured of his hurt, he returned with his son William (likewise wounded in the fight) into England.  
Long was it not ere he was again informed of his sons remutyning, and how he exacted upon the Normans, usurped the entire government, and urged his father's promise 
1080. Anno. Reg. 14.  thereof, made him, before the King of France, upon his Conquest of England: which caused his little stay here, but to make preparations for his return into those parts: whether in passing, he was driven on the Coast of Spain, but at length arriving at Bordeaux, with his great preparations his son Robert came in, and submitted himself 
Robert rebels against his father.  the second time: whom he now took with him into England, to frame him to a better obedience, employing him in the hard and necessitous wars of Scotland (the late peace being between the two Kings again broken) and after sent him back, 
1081. Anno. Reg. 15.  and his young son Henry, with the association of charge and like power (but of more trust) to the government of Normandy.  
After the two Princes had been there a while, they went to visit the King of France at Constance, where feasting certain days, upon an after dinner, Henry wan 
1082. Anno. Reg. 16.  so much at chess, of Lovis, the King's eldest son, as he, growing into choler, called him the son of a Bastard, and threw the Chess in his face. Henry takes up the Chesse-bord, and struck Lovis, with that force, as drew blood, and had killed him, had not his brother Robert come in the mean time, and interposed himself: Whereupon 
Louis and Henry sons of the Kings of France, and England.  they suddenly took horse, and with much ado they recovered Pontoise, from the King's people that pursued them. This quarrel arising, upon the intermeeting of these Princes (a thing that seldom breeds good blood amongst them) re-enkindled a heat of more rancour in the fathers, and began the first war between the English and French. For presently the King of France, complots again with Robert (impatient of a partner) cnters Normandy, and takes the City of Vernon. The King of England invades France, subdues the Country of Zaintonge and Poictou, and returns to 
1026. Anno. Reg. 20  Roven, where the third time, his son Robert is reconciled unto him, which much disappoints and vexes the King of France, who thereupon, summons the King of England, to do him homage for the Kingdom of England, which he refused to do, saying, he held it of none but God and his sword. For the Duchy of Normandy he offers him homage: but that would not satisfy the King of France, whom nothing would, but what 
King William denies to do homage for England, to the King of France.  he could not have, the Mastery: and seeks to make any occasion the motive of his quarrel: and again invades his territories, but with more loss than profit. In the end, they conclude a certain crazy peace, which held no longer than King William had recovered a sickness, whereinto (through his late travail, age, and corpulency) he was fallen: at which time, the King of France, then young and lusty, jesting at his great belly, whereof he said, he lay in, at Roven so irritated him, as being recovered, he gathers all 
1087. Anno. Reg. 21.  his best forces, enters France in the chiefest timeof their fruits, making spoil of all in his way, till he came even before Paris; where the King of France then was; to whom he sends, to show him of his upsitting, and from thence marched to the City of Mants, which he utterly sacked, and in the destruction thereof, gate his own, by the strain of his horse, among the breaches, and was thence conveyed sick to Ronen, and so ended all his wars.  
Now for his government in peace, and the course he held in establishing the 
His government in peace.  Kingdom thus gotten; first after he had repressed the conspiracies in the North, and well quieted all other parts of the State (which now being absolutely his, he would have to be ruled by his own Law) he began to govern all by the Customs of Normandy. Whereupon the aggrieved Lords, and sad people of England, tender their humble petition, Beseeching him, in regard of his oath made at his Coronation: And by the soul of Saint Edward, from whom he had the Crown, and Kingdom; under whose Laws they were borne and bred; That he would not add that misery, to deliver them up to be judged, by a strange Law they understood not. And so earnestly they wrought, that he was pleased to confirm that by his Charter, which he had twice forepromised by his oath: 
What were the laws of England.  And gave commandment to his justiciaries to see these Laws of Saint Edward (so called, not that he made them, but collected them out of Merchen-Law, Dane-Law, and Westsex-Law) To be inviolably observed throughout the Kingdom. And yet notwithstanding this confirmation, and the Charters afterward granted by Henry the first, Henry the second, and King john, to the same effect; there followed a great innovation both in the Laws and government of England: So that this seems rather done to acquit the people, with a show of the continuation of their ancient customs and liberties, then that they enjoyed them in effect. For the little conformity between them of former times, and these that followed upon this change of State, show from what head they sprang. And though there might be some veins issuing from former originals, yet the main stream, of our Common-law, with the 
The original of the Common Law now used.  practice thereof, flowed out of Normandy, notwithstanding all objections can be made to the contrary. For before these collections of the Confessors, thère was no universal Law of the Kingdom, but every several Province held their own Customs: all the inhabitants from Humber to Scotland used the Danique Law: Merchland, the middle part of the Country, and the State of the West Saxons, had their several constitutions, as being several Dominions: And though for some few years there seemed to be a reduction of the Heptarchy, into a Monarchy, yet held it not so long together (as we may see in the succession of that broken government) as to settle one form of order current over all; but that every Province, according to their particular founders, had their customs a part, and held nothing in common (besides religion, and the constitutions thereof) but with the universality of Meum & Tuum, ordered according to the rites of nations, and that ius innatum, the Common-law of all the world, which we see to be as universal, as are the cohabitations, and societies of men, and serves the turn to hold them together in all Countries, howsoever they may differ in their forms. So that by these passages, we see what way we came, where we are, and the furthest end we can discover of the original of our Common-law; and to strive to look beyond this, is to look into an uncertain vastness, beyond our discerning. Nor can it detract from the glory of good Customs, if they bring but a pedigree of 600 years to approve their gentility; seeing it is the equity, and not the antiquity of of laws, that makes them venerable, and the integrity of the professors thereof, the profession honoured. And it were well with mankind, if days brought not their corruptions, and good orders were continued with that providence, as they were instituted. But this alteration of the Laws of England bred most heavy doleances, not only in this King's time, but long after: For whereas before, those Laws they had, 
The Law of England put into a foreign Language.  were written in their own tongue, intelligible to all; now are they translated into Latin and French, and practised wholly in the Norman form and Language; thereby to draw the people of this Kingdom, to learn that speech for their own need, which otherwise they would not do; And seeing a difference in tongue, would continue a difference in affections; all means was wrought to reduce it to one Idiom, which yet was not in the power of the Conqueror to do, without the extirpation, or overlaying the Land-bred people; who being so far in number (as they were) above the invaders; both retain the main of the Language, and in few years, have those who subdued them, undistinguishably theirs. For notwithstanding the former Conquest by the Danes, and now this by the Norman (the solid body of the Kingdom, still consisted of the English) and the accession of strange people, was but as rivers to the Ocean, that changed not it, but were changed into it. And though the King laboured what he could to turn all to French, By enjoining their children here to use no other Language, with their Grammar in schools, to have the Laws practised in French, all petitions and business of Court in French, No man graced but he that spoke French, yet soon after his days, all returns natural English again (but Law) and that still held foreign, and became in the end wholly to be enclosed in that language: nor have we now, other mark of our subjection and invassellage from Normandy, but only that, and that still speaks French to us in England.  
And herewithal, New Terms, new Constitutions, new Forms of Pleas, new Offices, and Courts, are now introduced by the Normans; a people more enured to litigation, and of spirits more impatient, and contentious, then were the English: who (by reason of their continual war, wherein Law is not borne, and labour to defend the public) were more at unity in their private: and that small time of peace they had, Devotion, and good fellowship entertained. For their Laws and constitutions before, we see them plain, brief, and simple, without perplexities, having neither fold nor pleite, commanding; not disputing: Their grants and transactions as brief and simple, which showed them a cleere-meaning people, retaining still the nature of that 
Vide Append.  plain realness they brought with them, uncomposed of other fashion, than their own, and unasfecting imitation.  
And for their trials (in cases criminal) where manifest proofs failed, they continued their ancient custom, held from before their Christianity (until this great alteration) which trials they called Ordeal; Or (signifying) Right, deal, Part, whereof they had these 
The English trials in cases criminal.  kinds: Ordeal by fire, which was for the better sort, and by water for the inferior: That of Fire, was to go blindfold over certain ploughshares, made red hot; and laid an uneven distance one from another. That of Water was either of hot, or cold: in the one to put their arms to the elbow, in the other to be cast headlong. According to their escapes or hurts, they were adjudged: Such as were cast into the rivers, if they sank were held guiltless, if not, culpable, as ejected by that Element. These trials they called the judgements of God, and they were performed with solemn Orisons. In some cases, The accused was admitted to 
Men of ability cleared by their oaths.  clear himself by receiving the Eucharist, or by his own Oath, or the Oaths of two or three; but this was for especial persons, and such, whose livings were of a rate allowable thereunto, the usual opinion persuading them, that men of ability held a more regard of honesty.  
With these, they had the trial of Campefight, or single combat (which likewise the Lumbards', originally of the same Germane Nation, brought into Italy) permitted by the Law, in cases either of safety, and fame, or of possessions. All which trials, show them to be ignorant in any other form of Law, or to neglect it; Nor would they be induced to forego these Customs, and determine their affairs by Imperial or Pontificial Constitutions, no more than would the Lumbards' forsake their duellary Laws in Italy, which their Princes (against some of their wills) were constrained to ratify, as Luytprandus, their King, thus ingeniously confesses. We are uncertain of the judgement of God, and we have heard many by fight, to have lost their cause, without just cause; yet in respect of the custom of our Nation, we cannot avoid an impious Law. But all these forms of judgements, and trials, had their seasons; Those of Fire, and Water, in short time after the Conquest, grew disused, and in the end utterly obrogated by the Pope; as derived 
The English trials.  from Paganism; That of combat continues longer-lived, but of no ordinary use: And all actions now, both criminal and real, began to be wholly adjudged by the verdict of twelve men, according to the custom of Normandy, where the like form is used, and called by the name of inquest, with the same cautions for the jurors, as it is here continued to this day. Although some hold opinion, that this form of trial, was of use in this Kingdom from all antiquity, and allege an Ordinance of King Ethelred (father to the Confessor) willing in their Gemote, or conventions, monthly held in every Hundred, twelve grave men of free condition, should with the grieve, the chief Officer amongst them, swear upon the Evangelists, to judge every man's cause aright. But here we see twelve men were to be assessors with the grieve to judge, and no jurors, according to this manner of trial now used; Besides, had there been any such form, we should aswell have heard thereof in their Laws and practice, as of those other kinds of Ordeal, only, and usually mentioned.  
But whatsoever innovations were in all other things; the government for the peace 
The continuation of the Law for the peace.  and security of the Kingdom (which most imported the King to look unto) seems to be contrnued as before, and for that business he found here better Laws established, by the wary care of our former Kings, than any he could bring. Amongst which especially was the Borough Law, whereby every free man of the Commons stood as surety for each 
The Borough Law of the Saxons.  others behaviour, in this sort.  
The kingdom was divided into Shires or Shares, every Shire consisting of so many Hundreds, and every Hundred of a number of Boroughs, Villages, or tithings, containing ten householders, whereof; If any one should commit an unlawfullact, the other nine were to attach and bring him to reason: If he fled, 31 days were enjoysed him to appear: If in the mean time apprehended, he was made to restore the damage done; otherwise the Free-boroughead (to say the Tythingman) was to take with him two of the same Village, and out of three other Villages next add oyning as many (that is, the Tythingman, and two other of the principal 
Saxon Laws.  men) and before the officers of that Hundred, purge himself and the Village of the fact, restoring 
Lambert.  the damage done with the goods of the malefactor; which, if they sufficed not to satisfy, the Free-borough, or tithing, must make up the rest, and beside take an oath to be no way accessary to the fact; and to produce the Offender, if by any means they could recover him, or know where he were. Besides every Lord and Master, stood Borough, for all his family, whereof if any servant were called in question, the Master was to see him answer it in the Hundred, where he was accused. If he fled, the Master was to yield such goods as he had to the King. If himself were accused to be aiding or privy to his servants slight, he was to clear himself by five men, otherwise to forfeit all his goods to the King, and his man to be outlawed.  
These links thus intermutually fastened, made so strong a chain to hold the whole frame of the State together in peace and order, as, all the most politic regiments upon earth, all the interleagued societies of men, cannot show us a straighter form of combination. This might make the Conqueror, coming upon a people (thus Lawbound hand and foot) to establish him, so soon, and easily as he did; This Borough-law (being as a Citadel, built to guard the Commonwealth, coming to be possessed by a Conquering Master) was made to turn all this ordinance upon the State, and batter herself with her own weapon: and this Law may 
No popular insurrection before the Conquest.  be some cause, we find no popular insurrection before the Conquest. For had not this people been borne with these fetters, and an idie peace (but had lived lose, and in action) it is like they would have done as nobly, and given as many, and as deep wounds ere they lost their Country, as ever the Britons did, either against the Romans, or the Saxons, their predecessors, or themselves had done against the Danes; a people far more powerful, and numerous than these. The Conqueror, without this, had not made it the work of one day, nor had Normandy ever been able to have yielded those multitudes for supplies, that many battles must have had.  
But now. First the strict executing this Law. Secondly, dis-wcop'ning the Commons. Thirdly, 
The means used by the Norman, to establish his Conquest.  preventing their night-meetings with a heavy penalty, that every man at the day closing, should cover his fire, and departed to his rest. Fourthly, erecting divers Fortresses in sit parts of the Kingdom. Fifthly, collating all offices, both of command, and judicature, on those who were his; made his domination such as he would have it.  
And where before the Bishop and the Alderman were the absolute judges to determine 
Alteration of the Government.  all business in every Shire, and the Bishop in many cases shared in the benefit of the Mulcts with the King, now he confined the Clergy, within the Province of their own Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, to deal only in business concerning rule of souls, according to the Cannons, and Laws Episcopal.  
And whereas the causes of the Kingdom were before determined in every Shire, 
The order of deciding contraverfies in the Saxons time.  and by a Law of King Edward Senior; all matters in question should, upon especial penalty, without further deferment, be finally decided in their Gemote, or conventions held monthly in every hundred: now he ordained, That four times in the year, for certain days, the same businesses should be determined in such place as he would appoint, where 
New orders instituted by the Normans.  he constituted judges to attend for that purpose, and also others, from whom, as from the bosom of the Prince, all litigators should have justice, and from whom was no appeal. Others he appointed for the punishment of malefactors, called justiciarij Pacis.  
What alteration was then made in the tenure of men's possessions, or since introduced, 
The alteration of Tenors.  we may find by taking note of their former usances. Our Ancestors had only two kind of tenors, Boke-land, and Folk-land, the one was a possession by writing, the other 
Lambert.  without. That by writing was as freehold, and by Charter, hereditary, with all immunities, and for the free and nobler sort. That without writing, was to hold at the will of the Lord, bound 
Freehold.  to rents and services, and was for the rural people. The inheritances descended not alone, but after the Germane manner, equally divided amongst all the children, which they called Landskiftan, 
The Tenure of Gavel kin.  to say Part-land, a custom yet continued in some places of Kent, by the name of Gavel-kin, of Give eal kin: And hereupon some write how the people of that Country, retained their ancient Laws and liberties by especial grant from the Conqueror: who after his battle at Hastings, coming to Dover, to make all sure on that side, was encompassed by the whole people of that Province, carrying boughs of trees in their hands, and marching round about him like a moving wood. With which strange and sudden show being much moved, the Archbishop Stigand, and the Abbot Egelsin (who had raised this commotion by showing the people in what danger they 
The Customs of Kent preserved by the mediation of the Archbishop Stigand.  were, utterly to lose their liberties, and endure the perpetual misery of servitude under the domination of strangers) present themselves, and declared, How they were the universal people of that Country, gathered together in that manner, with boughs in their hands, either as Olive branches of intercession, for peace and liberty, or to entangle him in his passage, with resolution rather to leave their lives, then that which was dearer, their freedom. Whereupon they say the Conqueror granted them the continuation of their former Customs and Liberties: whereof, notwithstanding they now retain no other, than such as are common with the rest of the Kingdom. 
Geruasius Tilburieasis. Dialog. Scacc.   
For such as were Tenants at the will of their Lords (which now grown to a greater number, and more miserable than before) upon their petition, and compassion of their oppression he relieved, their case was this. All such as were discovered to have had a hand in any rebellion, and were pardoned, only to enjoy the benefit of life, having all their livelihood taken from them, became vassals unto those Lords to whom the possessions were given, of all such lands forfeited by attaindors. And if by their diligent service, they could attain any portion of ground, they held it but only so long as it pleased their Lords, without having any estate for themselves, or their children, and 
Villeinage.  were oftentimes violently cast out upon any small displeasure, contrary to all right: whereupon it was ordained, that whatsoever they had obtained of their Lords, by their obsequious service, or agreed for, by any lawful pact, they should hold by an inviolable Law, during their own lives.  
The next great work after the ordering his Laws, was the raising and disposing of his revenues, taking a course to make, and know the utmost of his estate, by a genesuruey of the Kingdom, whereof he had a precedent by the Dome book of Winchester, taken before by King Alfride. But as one day informs another, so these actions of profit 
A survey made of the Kingdom.  grew more exact in their after practice: and a larger Commission is granted, a choice of skilfuller men employed, to take the particulars both of his own possessions, and every man's else in the Kingdom, the Nature and the quality of their Lands, their estates, and abilities; besides the descriptions, bounds, and divisions of Shires and Hundreds, and this was drawn into one book, and brought into his treasury, 
Geruasius Tilburien: de Scatc: Dome book.  then newly called the Exchequer (according to the sovereign Court of that name of Normandy) before termed here the Taleè, and it was called the Dome book (Liber iudiciarius) for all occasions concerning these particulars.  
All the Forests and Chases of the Kingdom, he seized into his proper possession, 
Ibid.  and exempted them from being under any other Law then his own pleasure, to serve as Penetralia Regum, the withdrawing Chambers of Kings, to recreate them after their serious labours in the State, where none other might presume to have to do, and where all punishments and pardons of delinquents were to be disposed by himself, absolutely, and all former customs abrogated. And to make his command the more, he increased the number of them in all parts of the Land, and on the South coast dispeopled the Country for above thirty mile's space, making of old inhabited possessions, a new Forest, inflicting most severe punishments for hunting his Deer, and thereby 
The new Forest in Hamshire.  much advances his revenues. An act of the greatest concussion, and tyranny, he committed in his reign, and which purchased him much hatred. And the same course held (almost every King near the Conquest) till this heavy grievance was allayed by the Charter of Forests, granted by Henry the third.  
Besides these, he imposed no new taxations on the State, and used those he found very moderately, as Dangelt, an imposition of two shillings upon every hide or plough-land 
He imposed no new taxations.  (raised first by King Ethelred, to bribe the Danes, after to war upon them) he would not have it made an Annual payment, but only taken upon urgent occasion, and it was seldom gathered in his time, or his successors (saith Geruasius) yet we find in our Annals, a tax of 6. shillings upon every hide-land, levied presently after the general survey of the Kingdom. Esovage (whether it were an imposition formerly 
The occasion of paying Escuage.  laid, though now newly named, I do not find) was a sum of money, taken of every Knight's fee: In after times, especially raised for the service of Scotland; And this also, saith Geruasius, was seldom levied but on great occasion, for stipends, and donatives to soldiers; yet was it at first a due, reserved out of such lands as were given by the Prince for service of war; according to the Custom of other Nations. As in the Romans time we find Lands were given in reward of service to the men of war, for term of their lives, as they are at this day in Turkey: After they became Patrimonial, & 
The Custom of Eiefs.  hereditary to their children. Severus the Emperor was the first who permitted the children of men of war, to enjoy their Fiefs, provided that they followed Arms. Constantine to reward his principal Captains, granted them a perpetuity in the Lands assigned them. The estates which were but for life, were made perpetual in France, under the last Kings of the race of Charlemagne. Those Lords who had the great Fiefs of the King, 
By what means he increased his Revenues.  subdivided them to other persons, of whom they were to have service.  
Mulctuary profits, beside, such as might arise by the breach of his Forest-lawes, he had, few or none new, unless that of Murder, which arose upon this occasion. In the beginning of his reign, the rancour of the English towards the newcome Normans, was such, as finding them single in woods, or remote places, they secretly murdered them; and the deed doers (for any the severest courses taken) could never be discovered: whereupon, it was ordained, that the Hundred, wherein a Norman was 
The law for Murder, renewed, first made, by King Knute, vide Appon.  sound slain and the murderer not taken, should be condemned to pay to the King: some 36 pounds, some 28 pounds, according to the quantity of the Hundred, that the punishment, being generally inflicted, might particularly deter them, & hasten the discovery of the malefactor, by whom so many must (otherwise) be interessed.  
For his provisionary revenues, he continued the former custom held by his predecessors, which was in this manner. The King's Tenants, who held their Lands of the 
Geruasius Tilb.  Crown, paid no money at all; but only Victuals, Wheat, Beifes, Muttons, Hay Oats, & C: And a just note of the quality and quantity of every man's ratement was taken throughout all the Shires of the Kingdom, and levied ever certain, for the maintenance of the King's house. Other ordinary income of ready moneys was there none, but what was raised by mulcts, and out of Cities and Castles where Agriculture was not used. What the Church yielded him, was by extent of a power that never reached so far before; and the first hand, he laid upon that side which weighed heanily, was his seizing upon the Plate, jewels, and Treasure within all the Monasteries of 
King William seized upon the Treasure commitied to Monasteries.  England, pretending the rebels, and their assistants, conveyed their riches into these religious houses (as into places privileged, and free from seizure) to defraud him thereof.  
Besides this, he made all bishoprics, and Abbeys that held Baronies (before that time free from all secular services) contributory to his wars, and his other occasions. And this may be the cause why they, who then only held the Pen (the Sceptre, that rules over the memory of Kings) have laid such an eternal imposition upon his name, of rigour, oppression, and even barbarous immanity, as they have done. When the nature & necessary disposition of his affairs (being as he was) may advocate for him, & in many things much excuse his courses. But this name of Conquest, which ever imports violence and misery, is of so harsh a sound, and so odious in nature, as a people subdued cannot give a Conqueror his due (how ever worthy) and especially to a stranger, whom only time must naturalise, and incorporate by degrees, into their liking and opinion. And yet therein this King was greatly advantaged, by reason of his twenty years government, which had much impaired the memory of former customs in the younger sort, and well enured the elder to the present usances and form of State, whereby the rule was made more easy to his sons: who (though they were far inferior to him in worth) were somewhat better beloved, than he; and the rather, for that their occasions made them, somewhat to unwrest the Sovereignty from that height, whereunto he had strained it.  
How he was underset with able ministers for the managing of these great affairs of his, though time hath shut us out from the knowledge of some of them (it being in 
His Councillors.  the fortune of Kings, to have their ministers like rivers in the Ocean, buried in their glory) yet no doubt, being of a strong constitution of judgement, he could not but be strongly furnished in that kind; for weak Kings have ever weak sides, and the most renowned Princes are always best stored with able ministers. The principal of highest employment, were Odon, Bishop of Bayeux, and Earl of Kent: Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, and William Fitz Auber, Earl of Hereford: Odon supplied the place of Viceroy in the King's absence, and had the management of the Treasury. A man of a wide and agile spirit, let out into as spacious a conceit of greatness, as the height of his place could show him: And is rumoured by the infinite accumulation of money (which his avarice, & length of office had made) either to buy the Popedom, or to purchase the people of England, upon the death of the King his brother: who (understanding he had a purpose of going to Rome, and seeing a mighty confluence of followers gathering unto him) made a close prison stay his journey: excusing it to the Church, that he imprisoned 
The Bishop of Bayeux as an Earl of Kent committed to prison.  not a Bishop of Bayeux, but an Earl of Kent, an Officer accountant unto him. Yet, upon his deathbed shortly following (after many obsecrations, that he would, in respect of blood & nature, be a kind mean for the future peace of his sons) he released him.  
But the Bishop failed his request therein, and became the only kindlefire to set 
Reserved for greater mischief.  them all into more furious combustion. The motive of his discontent (the engine wherewithal Ambition evermore turns about her intentions) was the envy he bore to Lanfranc, whose council, in his greatest affairs, the King especially used: and to oppose and overbear him, he took all the contrary courses, and part with Robert, his Nephew, whom (after many fortunes) he attended to the holy war, and died in the siege of Antioch.  
Lanfranc was a man of as universal goodness, as learning, borne in Lombardy, and 
Lanfranc.  came happily a stranger, in these strange times to do good to England; upon whose observance, though the King might (in regard he raised him) lay some tie, yet his affections could not but take part with his piety and place: in so much as he feared not to oppose against Odon, the King's brother, seeking to gripe from the State of his Church: And in all he could, stood so between the kingdom and the King's rigour, as stayed many precipitious violences, that he (whose power lay as wide as his will) might else have fallen into. For the Conqueror (howsoever austere to others) was to him always mild and yielding, as if subdued with his gravity, and virtue.  
He reform the irregularity, and rudeness of the Clergy, introducing a more 
The Reformation of the Clergy by Lanfranc.  Southern formality and respect, according to his breeding, and the Custom of his Country: concurring herein likewise to be an actor of alteration (though in the best kind) with this change of State. And to give entertainment to devotion, he did all he could to furnish his Church with the most exquisite ornaments might be procured: added a more State and conveniency to the structure of religious houses, and began the founding of Hospitals. Having long struggled, with indefatigable labour, to hold things in an even course, during the whole reign of this busy new state-building King, and after his death, seeing his successor in the Crown (established especially by his means) to fail his expectation, out of the experience of worldly causes, divining of future mischiefs by present courses, grew much to lament (with his friends) the tediousness of life, which shortly after he mildly left, which such a sickness, as neither hindered his speech nor memory: a thing he would often desire of God.  
William Fiz Auber (as is delivered) was a principal councillor and instument in this action for England; wherein he furnished forty ships at his own charge. A man of great means, yet of a heart greater, and a hand larger than any means would well suffice. His profuse liberalities to men of arms, gave often sharp offence to the King, who could not endure any such improvident expenses. Amongst the Laws he 
William Fitz Auber Earl of Hereford, made Laws in his Province.  made (which shows the power these Earls than had in their Provinces) he ordained, That in the County of Hereford, no man of (or soldier) should be fined for any offence whatsoever, above seven shillings; when in other Countries, upon the least occasion of disobeying their Lords will, they were forced to pay 20. or 25. shil. But his estate seeming to bear no proportion with his mind (& enough it was not to be an eminent Earl, an especial Councillor, in all the affairs of England, and Normandy, a chief favourite to so great a Monarch) but that larger hopes drew him away; designing to marry Richeld, Countess dowager of Flanders, and to have the government of that Country, during the nonage of Arnulph her son; of whom, with the King of France, he had the tutelary charge, committed by Baldovin the sixth, Father to Arnulph; whose estate, Robert Le Frison, his Uncle (called by the people to the government, upon the exactions inflicted on them by Richeld) had usurped. And against him Fitz Auber opposing, was with Arnulph surprised and slain.  
And this was in the fate of the Conqueror, to see most of all these great men, who had been the especial actors in all his fortunes, spent and extinct before him; As Beaumond, Monfort, Harcourte, Hugh de Gourney, Viscount Needle, Hugh de Mortimer, Conte de Vannes etc. And now himself, after his being brought sick to Rovan, and there disposing 
The death of William the first.  his estate, ended also his act, in the 74 year of his age, and the one and twenty of his reign.  
Three days the Corpses of this great Monarch is said to have lain neglected while his servants attended to imbessill his movables: in the end, his youngest son Henry, had it conveyed to the Abbey of Cane; where first at the entry into the Town, they 
His Corpse lay unburied 3. days.  who carried the Corpses, left it alone, and ran all to quench a house on fire: Afterward brought to be entombed, a Gentleman stands forth, and in stern manner, forbids the interment in that place, claiming the ground to be his inheritance, descended from his 
His interment hindered.  Ancestors, and taken from him at the building of that Abbey, appealing to Row, their first founder, for justice: whereupon they were feign to compounded with him for an Annual rent. Such ado had the body of him after death (who had made so much in his life) to be brought to the earth; and of all he attained, had not now a room to contain him, without being purchased at the hand of another, men esteeming a living Dog more than a dead Lyon.  
He had a fair issue by Maude his wife, four sons, and six daughters. To Robert 
His issue.  his eldest, he left the Duchy of Normandy: to William the third son, the Kingdom of England: to Henry the youngest, his treasure, with an annual pension to be paid him by his brothers. Richard who was his second son, and his darling, a Prince of great hope, was slain by a Stag hunting in the new, Forrest, and began the fatalnesse that followed in that place, by the death of William the second, there slain with an arrow, and of Richard, the son of Robert Duke of Normandy, who broke his neck.  
His eldest daughter Cicilie, became a Nun, Constance married to the Earl of Britain: Adula to Stephen Earl of Biois, who likewise rendered herself a Nun in her age; such was then their devotion, and so much were these solitary retires, affected by the greatest Ladies of those times: Gundred married to William de Warrein, the first Earl of Surrey, the other two Ela or Adeliza and Margaret died before marriage.  
Now, what he was in the circle of himself in his own continent, we find him of 
The description of William the first.  an even stature, comely parsonage, of good presence, riding, sitting, or standing, till his corpulency increasing with age, made him somewhat unwieldy, of so strong a constitution, as he was never sickly till a few months before his death. His strength such, as few men could draw his Bow, and being about 50. of his age, when he subdued this Kingdom, it seems by his continual actions, he felt not the weight of years upon him, till his last year.  
What was the composition of his mind; we see it (the fairest) drawn in his actions, and how his abilities of Nature, were answerable to his undertakings of Fortune, as preordained for the great work he effected. And though he might have some advantage of the time, wherein we often see men prevail more by the imbecility of others, than their own worth; yet let the season of that world be well examined, and a just measure taken of his active virtues, they will appear of an exceeding proportion: Nor wanted he those encounters and concurrencies of sufficient ●●●le Princes, to put him to the trial thereof: Having on one side the French to grapple withal; on the other the Dane, far mightier in people, and shipping then himself, strongly sided in this Kingdom, as eager to recover their former footing here, as ever, and as well or better prepared. 
His devotion and mercy.   
For his devotion and mercy, the brightest stars in the Sphere of Majesty, they appear above all his other virtues, and the due observation of the first, the Clergy (that loved him not) confess: the other was seen, in the often pardoning, and receiving into grace, those (who rebelled against him) as if he held submission satisfactory, for the greatest offence, and sought not to defeit men, but their enterprises: For we find but one Noble man executed in all his Reign, and that was the Earl Waltheof, who 
But one Noble man executed in all the time of this King's Reign.  had twice falsified his faith before: And those he held prisoners in Normandy, as the Earls Morchar and Siward, with Wolfnoth, the brother of Harald, and others (upon compassion of their endurance) he released a little before his death.  
Besides, he was as far from suspicion, as cowardice, and of that confidence (an especial note of his magnanimity) as he gave Edgar his competitor in the Crown, the liberty of his Court: And (upon his suit) sent him well furnished to the holy war, where he nobly behaved himself, and attained to great estimation, with the Empetours of Greece and Almain, which might have been held dangerous, in respect of his alliances that way, being grandchild to the Emperor Henry the third. But these may be as well virtues of the Time, as of Men, and so the age must have part of this commendation.  
He was a benefactor to Nine Abbeys of Monks, and one of Nuns, founded by his Predecessors in Normandy, and during his own time were founded in the same Province seven Abbeys of Monks and six of Nuns; with which fortresses (as he 
His works of piety.  said) he furnished Normandy; to the end men might therein fight against the flesh, and the Devil. In England he founded a goodly Abbey, where he fought his first Battle, whereof it had the Denomination, and two Nunneries, one at Hinching-Brooke in Huntingdon shire, and the other at Armthewt in Cumberland, besides his other public works.  
Magnificent he was in his Festivals, which with great solemnity and ceremony (the formal entertainers of reverence and respect) he duly observed. Keeping his Christmas at Gloucester, his Easter at Winchester, and Penticost at Westminster: whither he summoned his whole Nobility; that Ambassadors and Strangers might see his State, and largeness. Nor ever was he more mild and in dulgent, then at such times. And these Ceremonies his first Successor observed; but the second omitted.  
The end of the Life, and Reign, of William the first.   

The Life, and Reign, of William the second.  
WILLIAM, second son to William the first, not attending his Father's funeral, hasts into England to recover the Crown, where (by the especial 
1087. Anno. Reg. 1.  mediation of the Archbishop Lanfranc, his own large bounty, and wide promises) he obtained it, according to his Father's will; to whom, by his obsequiousness he had much endeared himself, especially after the abdication of his elder brother Robert. He was a Prince more gallant, then good, and having been bred with the sword, always in action, and on the better side of fortune, was of a nature rough, and haughty, whereunto, his youth, and Sovereignty added a greater wideness. Coming to succeed in a Government, fore-ruled by mature, and grave Counsel, he was so overwhelmed with his Father's worth and greatness, as made him appear of a lesser Orb than otherwise he would have done. And then the shortness of his Reign, being but of thirteen years; allowed him not time to recover that opinion, which the errors of his first Government had lost, or his necessities caused him to commit. For, the succession in right of Primogeniture, being none of his, and the elder brother living: howsoever his father's will was, he must now be put, and h●●● in possession of the Crown of England, by the Will of the Kingdom; which to purchase (must be) by large conditions of relievements in general, and profuse gifts in particular. Wherein he had the more to do, being to deal with a State consisting, of a two fold body (and different temperaments where any inflammation of discontent, was the more apt to take) having a head whereto it might readily gather. Which made, that unless he would lay more to their hopes then another, he could not hope to have them firmly his. And therefore seeing the best way to win the Normans, was by money, and the English, with liberties, he spared not at first, to bestow on the one, and to promise the other, more than befitted his estate, and dignity; which, when afterward failing, both in supplies (for great givers must always give) and also in performances, got him far more hatred than otherwise he could evet 
William the second resumes his own Grants.  have had, being forced to all the dishonourable shifts for raising moneys that could be devised, and even to resume his own former grants.  
And to begin at first to take the course to be ever needy, presently after his Coronation, he goes to Winchester, where his Father's Treasure lay, and empties out all that; which, with great providence, was there amassed: whereby, though he won the love of many, he lost more, being not able to content all. And now although his brother Robert had not (this great Engine) money, he had to give hopes: and there were here of the Normans, as Odon his Uncle, Roger de Mongomery Earl of Shrewesbury, with others, who were mainly for him, and work he doth all he can, to batter his brother's fortunes, upon their first foundation. And for this purpose borrows great sums of 
Robert of Normandy borrows sums of his brother Henry, to purchase the kingdom of England.  his younger brother Henry (to whom the father and mother had left much Treasure) and for the same, engages the Country of Constantine, and levies an Army for England. But William newly invested in the Crown, though well prepared for all assaults, had rather purchase a present peace (by mediation of the Nobles on both sides) till time had better settled him in his government) then to raise spirits that could not easily be allayed. And an agreement between them is wrought, that William should hold the Crown of England during his life, paying to Robert three thousand Marks Per annum.  
Robert having closed this business, resumes by force the Country of Constantin out of his brother Henry's hands, without discharge of those sums, for which he had engaged it. Whereupon King William obrayds Henry (with the great gain he had made by his usury) in lending money to deprive him of his Crown. And so Henry got the hatred of both his brothers, and having no place safe from their danger where to live; surprised the Castle of Mount Saint Michael, fortifies him therein, gets aid of Hugh Earl of Britain, and for his money was served with Britain's, who committed great spoils, in the Countries of Constantin and Bessin.  
Odon, Bishop of Bayeux, returning into England, after his imprisonment in Normandy, 
Odon for malice to Lanfranc, seeks to distract the King's forces.  and restored to his Earldom of Kent, finding himself foe far under what he had been, and Lanfranc his concurrent, now the only man in council with the King, complots with as many Norman Lords as he found, or made to affect change, and a new master, and sets them on work in divers parts of the Realm to distract the King's forces: as first Geoffery Bishop of Constans, with his nephew Robert de Mowbray Earl of Northumberland fortify themselves in Bristol, and take in all the Country about: Roger de Bigod, made himself strong in Norfolk: Hugh de Grandemenill about Leicester: Roger de Mongomerie Earl of Shrewsbury with a power of Welshmen, and other there about, sets out accompanied with William Bishop of Durham; Bernard de Newmarch, Roger Lacie, and Raulfe Mortimer, all Normans, and assail the City of Worcester, making themselves strong in those parts. Odon himself fortifies the Castle of Rochester, makes good all the coast of Kent, solicits Robert to use what speed he could to come with all his power out of Normandy: which had he done in time, and not given his brother so large opportunity of prevention, he had carried the Kingdom; but his delay yields the King time to confirm his friends, under-worke his enemies, and 
The King underworkes his enemies, by rereleeving the doleances and granting former freedoms to the English.  make himself strong with the English, which he did by granting relaxation of tribute, with other relievements of their doleances, and restoring them to their former freedom of hunting in all his woods and forests, a thing they much esteemed; whereby he made them so strongly his, as he soon broke the neck of all the Norman conspiracies (they being eager to revenge them of that Nation) and here they learned first to beat their Conquerors, having the fair advantage of this action, which cut the throats of many of them.  
Mongomerie, being won fromhis complices, and the several conspirators in other 
1088. Anno. Reg. 2.  parts repressed, the King comes with an Army into Kent, where the head of the faction say, and first won the Castle of Tunbridge, and that of Pemsey, which Odon was forced to yield, and promise to cause those which defended that of Rochester, which were Eustace, Earl of Bologne, and the Earl of Mortaigne, to render likewise the same. But being brought thither to effect the business, they within, receiving him, detained him, as he pretended, prisoner, and held out stoutly against the King upon a false intelligence given of the arrival of Duke Rohert at Southampton, but in the end they were forced to quit the place, and retire into France, and Odon to abjure England.  
And to keep off the like danger from hence he transports his forces into Normandy, there to waste and weaken his brother at home. So, as might hold him from any future attempts abroad for ever after. Where first he obtains Saint Valery, and after Albemarle with the whole Country of Yew, Fescampe, the Abathie of mount Saint Michael, Cherburge, and other places. Robert seeks aid of Philip King of France, who who comes down with an Army into Normandy; but overcome with the power of money wherewith King William assailed him, did him little good, and so retired.  
Whereupon Duke Robert, in the end, was driven to a dishonourable peace, concluded 
Duke Robert driven to peace.  at Caen, with these Articles. First, that King William should hold the County of Yew, Fescampe, and all other places, which he had bought, and were delivered unto him, by William 
1089. Anno. Reg. 3.  Earl of Yew, and Stephen Earl of Aumal, sister's son to William the first. Secondly, He should aid the Duke to recover all other pieces which belonged to his Father, and were usurped from the Duchy. Thirdly, that such Normans, as had lost their estates in England, by taking part with the Duke, should be restored thereunto. Fourthly, that the survivor of either of them should succeed in the Dominions both of England and Normandy. After this peace made, by the mediation of the King of France, whilst William had a strong Army in the field, 
1091. Anno. Reg. 4.  Duke Robert requested his aid against their brother Henry; who still kept him in the fort of mount Michael, upon his guard, holding it best for his safety: For being a Prince that could not subsist of himself (as an earthen vessel set amongst iron pots) he was every way in danger to be crushed; and seeing he had lost both his brothers by doing the one a kindness, if he should have took to either (their turn being served) his own might be in hazard; and so betook him to this defence. Forty days the two Princes laid siege to this Castle; And one day, as the King was alone on the shore, there sallies out of the Fort, a Company of horse; whereof three ran at him so violently, and all struck his horse together with their Lances; as they broke pectoral, girses, and all, that the horse slips away, and leaves the King, and the saddle on the ground: the King takes up the saddle with both hands, and therewith defends himself 
The King's undaunted valour.  till rescue came; and being blamed by some of his people for putting himself thus in peril of his life to save his saddle, answered: It would have angered him, the Bretons 
The King and his two brethren agreed.  should have bragged, they had won the saddle from under him; and how great an indignity it was, for a King to suffer inferiors to force any thing from him.  
In the end Henry grew to extreme want of drink and water; although he had all 
1092. Anno. Reg. 5.  other provision sufficient within his Fort, and sends to Duke Robert that he might have his necessity supplied: The Duke sends him a Tunue of Wine, and grants him truce for a day to furnish him with water. Wherewith William being displeased, Duke Robert told him: It was hard to deny a brother meat, and drink which craved it, and that if he perished, they had not a brother. Wherewith William likewise relenting, they sent for Henry, and an agreement is made; That he should hold in mortgage the Country of Constantine, till the money was paid, and a day appointed to receive it at Roven.  
Which accord King William the rather wrought, to draw as much from Robert as he might, whom by this voyage he not only had wasted, but possessed himself of a safe and continual landing place, with a part of his Duchy: and caused him to put from him, and banish out of Normandy; Edgar Etheling, whom Robert held his Pensioner, and as a stone in his hand, upon all occasions to threaten William with another's right, if his own prevailed not: And beside, he wrought so as either through promise of money, or some farther ratification to be made here, he brought his brother Robert with him over into England, and took him along in an expedition against Malcolm, who had encroached upon his Territories, during his absence. Which business being determined without battle, Robert, soon after returns much discontented into Normandy, and as it seems, without money to satisfy his brother Henry. Who repairing to Rovan 
Duke Robert commits his brother Henry to prison.  at his day appointed, in stead of receiving it, was committed to prison, and before he could be released, forced to renounce the Country of Constantine, and swear never to claim any thing in Normandy.  
Henry complains of this gross injustice, to Philip King of France, who gave him a fair entertainment in his Court. Where he remained not long, but that a Knight of 
1093. Anno. Reg. 6.  Normandy, named Hachard, undertaking to put him into a Fort (maugre his brother Robert) within the Duchy; conveyed him disguised out of the Court, and wrought so, as the Castle of Dampfront was delivered unto him: whereby shortly after, he got all the Country of Passays, about it, and a good part of Constantine, by the secret aid of King William, Richard de Riuteres, and Roger de Mannevile.  
Duke Robert levies forces, and eagerly wrought to recover Dampfront, but finding how Henry was underset, inveighes against the perfidy of his brother of England: in so much as the flame of rancour burst out again more than ever. And over, passes King William with a great Army, but rather to terrify, then do any great matter; as a Prince that did more contend, than war; and would be great with the sword, yet seldom desired to use it; if he could get to his ends by any other means, seeking rather to buy his peace, then win it.  
Many skirmishes interpassed, with surprisements of Castles, but in the end a treaty of peace was propounded: wherein to make his conditions, what he would; King William seems hard to be wrought, and makes the more show of force; sending over into England for an Army of thirty thousand men, which being brought to the shore, ready to be shipped: an offer was made to be proclaimed by his Lieutenant, that giving ten shillings a man, whosoever would, might departed home to his dwelling. Whereby was raised so much as discharged his expense, and served to see the King of France, underhand, for his forbearing aid to Duke Robert, who seeing himself left by the French, must needs make his peace as the other would have it.  
Now for his affairs at home, the uncertain wars with Wales, and Scotland, gave him more business than honour. Being driven in the one to encounter with mountains in stead of men, to the great loss and disadvantage of his people, and in the other with as many necessities, Wales, he sought to subdue; Scotland so to restrain, as it might not hurt him. For the last, after much broil, both Kings, seeming more willing to have peace then to seek it, are brought to an interview. Malcolin upon public faith, and safeconduit came to Gloucester; where, upon the haughtiness of King William, looking to be satisfied in all his demands, and the unyeeldingnesse of King Malcolin, standing upon his regality within his own, though content to be ordered for the confines, according to the judgement of the Primate of both Kingdoms; nothing 
1084. Anno. Reg. 7.  was effected; but a greater disdain, and rancour in Malcolin, seeing himself despised, and scarce looked on, by the King of England. So that upon his return, armed with rage; he raises an Army, enters Northumberland, which four times before he had depopulated; and now the fifth, seeking utterly to destroy it, and to have gone, farther, 
The King of Scots, & his son Edward slain, causes Queen Margaret to die with grief. Roger Hoveden.  was, with his eldest son Edward slain, rather by the fraud than power of Robert Mowbray Earl of that County: The grief of whose deaths, gave Margaret, that blessed Queen, hers. After whom, the State elected Dufnald, brother to Malcolin, and chased out all the English, which attended the Queen, and were harboured, or preferred by Malcolin. King William to set the line right, and to have a King there which should be beholding to his power, aides Edgar, the second son to Malcolin (who had served him in his wars) to obtain the Crown due unto him in right of succession: by whose means, Dufnald was expelled, and the State received Edgar, but killed all the aid he brought with him out of England, and capitulated that he should never more entertain English or Norman in his service.  
This business settled; Wales struggling for liberty, and revenge, gave new occasion of 
1085. Anno. Reg. 8.  work: whither he went in person, with purpose to depopulate the Country: but they (retiring into the Mountains and the Isle of Anglesey) avoided the present fury. But afterward, Hugh Earl of Shrewsbury, and Hugh Earl of Chester, surprising the Isle (their chiefest retreat) committed there, barbarous examples of cruelty, by exoecations, and miserable dismembering the people, which immanity, was there suddenly avenged on the Earl of Shrewsbury with a double death, first shot into the eye, and then tumbling overboard into the sea, to the sport and scorn of his enemy the King of Norway, who either by chance, or of purpose, coming upon that coast from taking in the Orchades, encountered with him and that force he had at sea.  
These were the remote businesses, when a conspiracy broke out within the body of the Kingdom, complotted by Robert Mowbray Earl of Northumberland, William d'Ou, and many others, who are said to have sought the destruction of the King, and the advancement of Stephen Earl of Albemare, his Aunt's son, to the Crown, which gave the King more trouble than danger: for, by the speedy and main prosecution of the business (wherein he used the best strength of England) it was soon ended, with the confusion of the undertakers. But it wrought an ill effect in his nature, by hardening the same to an extreme rigour: for after the fear was past, his wrath, and cruelty were not; but (which is hideous in a Prince) they grew to be numbered amongst incurable diseases.  
The Earl was committed to the Castle of Windsor, William d' Ou at a Council at Salisbury being overcome in Duel (the course of trial) had his eyes put out, and his privy members cut off. William de Alueric, his Sewer, a man of goodly parsonage, and allied unto him, was condemned to be hanged: though both in his confession to Osmond the Bishop there, and to all the people as he passed to his execution, he left a clear opinion of his innocency, and the wrong, he had by the King.  
But now; whilst these fractures here at home, the unrepairable breaches abroad, (were such) as could give the King no longer assuredness of quiet, than the attempters would: and that all the Christian world was out, either at discord amongst themselves, or in faction, by the schism of the Church; Pope Viban, assembling a general Council at Cleirmont in Auvergne, to compose the affairs of Christendom, exhorted all the Princes thereof, to join themselves in action, for the recovery of the Holy Land, out of the hands of infidels. Which motion, by the zealous negotiation of Peter the Hermit of Amiens; took so generally (meeting with the disposition of an active, and religious world) as turned all that flame; which had else consumed each other at home, upon unknown Nations that undid them abroad.  
Such, and so great grew the heat of this action, made by the persuasion of the justice thereof, with the state and glory it would bring on earth, and the assuredness of heaven to all the pious undertakers, that none were esteemed to contain any thing of worth, which would stay behind. Each gives hand to other to lead them along, and example adds number. The forwardness of so many great Princes, passing away 
Peter the Hermit gets 300000 men to recover the Holy Land.  their whole estates, and leaving all what the dearness of their Country contained, drew to this war 300000 men; all which, though in arms, passed from diverse Countries and Ports, with that quietness, as they seemed rather Pilgrims than Soldiers.  
Godefrey of Bovillon, Nephew and heir to the Duke of Lorraine, a generous Prince, bred in the wars of the Emperor Henry the fourth, was the first that offered up himself to this famous voyage; and with him his two brothers, Eustace, and Baudovin, by whose examples were drawn Hugh le Grand, Count de Vermondois, brother to Philip King of France. Robert Duke of Normandy, Robert le Frison, Earl of Flanders. Stephen Earl of Blois, and Chartres. Aimar Bishop of Puy, William Bishop of Orange: Raimond Earl of Tholouse: Baudovin Earl of Hainaut, Baudovin, Earl of Rethel, and Garnier Earl of Gretz: Harpin Earl of Bourges: Ysoard Earl of Die: Ramband Earl of Orange: Guillaum Conte de Forests, Stephen Conte de Aumaul: Hugh Earl of Saint Pol; Rotron Earl of perch, and others. These were for France, Germany, and the Countries adjoining. Italy had Bohemond Duke of Apulia; and England, Beauchampe, with others, whose names are lost: Spain only had none, being afflicted at that time with the Saracens.  
Most of all these Princes and great personages to furnish themselves for this expedition, 
1097. Anno. Reg. 10.  sold, or engaged their possessions. Godefrey sold the Duchy of Bologne to Aubert Bishop of Liege, and Metz to the Citizens: beside he sold the Castle of Sarteney, and Monsa to Richard Bishop of Verdun: and to the same Bishop, Baudovin, his brother, sold the Earldom of Verdun. Eustace likewise sold all his livelihood to the Church. Herpin Earl of Bourges, his Earldom to Philip King of France: and Robert mortgaged his Duchy of Normandy, the Earldom of Maine, and all he had, to his brother King William of England. Whereby the Pope not only weakened the Empire, with whom the Church had (to the great affliction of Christendom) held a long, and bloody business, about the investitures of Bishops; took away and infeobled his partisans, abated, as if by Ostrocisme, the power of any Prince that might oppose him, but also advanced the State Ecclesiastical by purchasing these great tempo (more honourable for the sellers than the buyers) unto a greater means than ever. For by advising the undertakers, seeing their action was for CHRIST and his Church: rather to make over their estates to the Clergy, of whom they might again redeem the same, and be sure to have the fairest dealing; then unto Lay men; he effected this work. Whereby the third part of the best Fiefs in France came to be possessed by the Clergy: and afterward upon the same occasion, many things more sold unto them in England, especially when Richard the first undertook the voyage, who passed over divers Manors to Hugh Bishop of Durham (and also for his money) created him Earl of Durham, as appears in his life.  
This humour was kept up, and in motion almost 300 years, notwithstanding all 
An Emperor of Germany, 2 Kings of France with their wives, a King of England, and a King of Norwey went all thither in person.  the discouragements, by the difficulties in passing, the disasters there through contagion arising from a disagreeing clime: and the multitudes of indigent people, cast oftentimes into miserable wants. It consumed infinite Treasure, and most of the bravest men of all our West world, and especially France. For Germany, and Italy, those who were the Pope's friends, and would have gone, were stayed at home by dispensation to make good his party against the Emperor, who notwithstanding still struggled with him; but in the end, by this means the Pope prevailed. Yet these were not all the effects this voyage wrought: the Christians who went out to seek an enemy in Asia, brought one thence: to the danger of all Christendom, and the loss of the fairest part thereof. For this long keeping it in a war, that had many intermissions with sirs of heats and coldnesses (as made by a league, consisting of several Nations, emulous, and unconcurrent in their courses) taught such, as were of an entire body, their weaknesses, and the way to conquer them. This was the great effect, this voyage wrought.  
And by this means King William here was now rid of an elder brother, and a Competitor, had the possession of Normandy during his reign, and more absoluteness, and irregularity in England. Where now, in making up this great sum to pay Robert, he used all the extreme means could be devised: as he had done in all like businesses before. Whereby he incurred the hatred of his people in general, and especially of the Clergy, being the first King which showed his successors an evil precedent of keeping their livings vacant, and receiving the profits of them himself, as he did that of Canterbury, four years after the death of Lanfranc: and had holden it longer, but that being dangerously sick at Gloucester, the sixth year of his reign, his Clergy, in the weakness of his body, took to work upon his mind, so as he vowed, 
1099. Anno. Reg. 12.  upon his recovery to see all vacancies furnished, which he did, but with so great ado, as showed that having escaped the danger he would willingly have deceived the Saint. And Anselme, an Italian borne, though bred in Normandy, is in the end preferred to that Sea. But, what with his own stiffness, and the Kings standing on his regality, he never enjoyed it quietly under him. For between them two, began the first contestation about the investitures of Bishops, and other privileges of the Church, which gave much to do, to many of his successors. Anselme not yielding to the Kings will, forsook the Land, whereupon his Bishopric was reassumed and the King held in his hands at one time, besides that of Canterbury, the bishoprics of Winchester, Sarum, and eleven abbeys whereof he took all the profits.  
He usually sold all spiritual preferments those would give most, and took fines of Priests for fornication: he vexed Robert Bluet Bishop of Lincoln in suit, till he paid him 5000 pounds. And now the Clergy, upon this tax, complaining their wants, were answered, That they had Shrines of Gold in their Churches, and for so holy a work, as this war against infidels, they should not spare them. He also took money of jews, to cause such of them as were converted, to renounce Christianity, as making more benefit 
The King's show of religion.  by their unbelief, than their conversion. Wherein he discovered the worst piece of his nature, Irreligion.  
Besides his great taxations laid on the laity, he set informers upon them, and for 
The antiquity of Informers.  small transgressions made great penalties. These were his courses for raising moneys, wherein he failed not of fit Ministers to execute his will, among whom was chief, Ranulph Bishop of Durham, whom he had corrupted with other Bishops to counterpoise 
This Raunlph gave a thousand pounds for his Bishopric, and was the King's Chancellor. Profusion ever in want.  the Clergy, awe the Laity, and countenance his proceed. All which means, he exhausted, either in his buildings (which were the new Castle upon Tine, the City of Carlisle, Westminster-Hall, and the walls of the Tower of London) or else in his prodigal gifts to strangers. Twice he appeased the King of France with money, and his Profusion was such, as put him evermore into extreme wants.  
This one Act, shows both his violence and magnanimity: As he was one day hunting, a Messenger comes in all haste out of Normandy, and tells him how the City of Man's was surprised by Hely Conte de la Flesche (who by his Wife pretended right thereunto, and was aided by Fouques d' Angiers, the ancient enemy to the Dukes of Normandy) and that the Castle which held out valiantly for him, was, without present succour, to be rendered. He sends back the Messenger instantly, wills him to make all the speed he could, to signify to his people in the Castle, that he would be there within eight days, if Fortune hindered him not. And suddenly he asks of his people about him, which way Man's lay, and a Norman being by, showed him: Presently he turns his Horse towards that Coast, and in great haste rides on: when some advised him to stay for fit provisons, and people for his journey, he said; They who love me, will follow me. And coming to embark at Dartmouth, the Master told him the weather was rough, and there was no passing without eminent danger; Tush, said he, set forward, I never yet heard of King that was drowned.  
By break of day he arrived at Harfleu, sends for his Captains, and men of war to attend him all at Man's, whither he came at the day appointed. Conte de la Flesche, having more right than power, after many skirmishes, was taken by a stratagem, and brought prisoner to Roven; where, more enraged, then dismayed with his fortune, he let fall these words; that had he not been taken with a wile, he would have left the King but little Land on that side the sea, and were he again at liberty, they should not so easily take him. Which being reported; the King sent for him, Set him at liberty, gave him a fair Horse, bade him go his way, and do his worst. Which act overcame the Conte more than his taking, and a quiet end was made between them. That he affected things of cost, even in the smallest matters (is showed) in the report of his finding fault with his servant, which brought him a new pair of hose, whereof he demanding the price, was told how they cost threc shillings, wherewith being angry, he asked his servant if that were a fit price of a pair of hose for a King, and willed him to go presently and to buy those of a mark, which being brought him though they were far worse, yet he liked them much better in regard they were said to have cost more. An example of the Wear of the time, the humour of the Prince, and the deceit of the servant.  
The King returns into England with great jollity, as ever bringing home better fortune out of Normandy, then from any his Northern expeditions: Feasts his Nobility with all Magnificence, in his new Hall, lately finished at Westminster, wherewith he found much fault for being built too little; saying, It was fit for a Chamber, than a Hallfor a King of England, and takes a plot for one far more spacious to be added unto it. And in this gaiety of State, when he had got above all his businesses, betakes him wholly to the pleasure of peace, and being hunting with his Brother Henry in the New Forest, Walter Terrill, a Norman, and his kinsman, shooting at a Dear (whether mistaking his mark, or not, is uncertain) struck him to the heart. And so fell this fierce King, in the 43 year of his age when he had reigned nigh 12 years. A Prince, who for the first two years of his reign (whilst held in, by the grave counsel of Lanfrance, and his own fears) bore himself most worthily, and had been absolute for State; had he not after sought to be absolute in power, which (meeting with an exorbitant will) makes both Prince, and people miserable.  
The end of the Life, and Reign, of William the second.   

The Life, and Reign, of Henry the first.  
HHNRY the youngest son of William the first, being at hand, and 
1100 Anno. Reg. 1.  borne in England (which made much for him) was elected and crowned within four days after his Brother's death; it being given out, that Robert, who should have succeeded William, was chosen King of jerusalem, and not like to give over that Kingdom for this. Wherefore to settle Henry in the possession of the Crown, all expedition possible was used, lest the report of Roberts returning from the Holy wars (being now in Apulia, coming home) might be noised abroad to stagger the State, which seemed generally willing to accept of Henry. The first actions of his government tended all, to bait the people, and sugar their subjection (as his predecessor) upon the like interposition had done, but with more moderation and advisedness: this being a Prince better rectified in judgement, and of a Nature more allayed, both by his sufferings, having sighed with other men under the hand of oppression, that taught him patience; & also, by having somewhat of the Book, which got him opinion, & the Title of Beauclarke.  
First, to fasten the Clergy, He furnishes with fit men, all those Vacancies which his Brother had kept empty, recalls Anselme home to his Bishopric of Canterbury, and restores them to all whatsoever privileges had been infringed by his Predecessor. And for the laity, He not only pleased them in their releevements, but in their passion, by punishing the chief Ministers of their exactions, which evermore eases the 
The ministers of exactions punished.  spleen of the people, glad to discharge their Princes of the evils done them (knowing how they cannot work without hands) and lay them on their Officers, who have the active power, where themselves have but the passive, and commonly turn as they are moved.  
Ralph Bishop of Durham, chief Counsellor to the late King, a man risen by subtlety, 
Ralph Bishop of Durham committed to prison.  of his Tongue (from infimous condition, to the highest employments) was committed to a straight and loathsome prison, being famed to have put his Master into all these courses of exaction, and irregularities, and remains amongst the examples of perpetual ignominy. All dissolute persons are expelled the Court: the people cased of their impositions, and restored to their lights in the night, which after the Coverfeu Bell were 
Dissolute persons expelled the Court.  forbidden them upon great penalty, since the beginning of William the first. Many other good orders for the government of the Kingdom are ordained, and beside to make him the more popular and beloved, he matches in the Royal blood of England, taking to wife Maude, daughter of Margueret, late Queen of Scots, and Niece to Edgar Atheling, descended from Edmond Ironside, A Lady that brought with her the inheritance of goodness she had from a blessed mother, and with much ado was won from her Cloister, and her vow to God, to descend to the world, and be a wife to a King.  
Thus stood he entrenched in the State of England, when his brother Robert returning from the holy wars, and received with great applause into his Duchy of Normandy, 
Robert Duke of Normandy returns from the holy war.  shakes the ground of all this business: the first year threatening, the second, arriving with a strong Army at Portsmouth, to recover the Crown, appertaining unto him by the course of succession having a mighty party in England of the Norman Nobility; who either moved with Conscience or their discontent (a sickness rising of self 
1101. Anno. Reg. 2.  opinion, and over expectation) made any light occasion the motive of revolt. The Armies on both fides meet, and are ready to encounter, when, for avoiding Christian blood, a treaty of peace was moved, and in the end concluded with these Articles: 1. That seeing Henry was borne since his father was King of England, which made him the 
The agreement between Henry and his brother.  eldest son of a King, though the last of a Duke and now invested in the Crown by the act of the Kingdom, he should enjoy the same during his life, paying to Robert 3000 marks per annum. 2. And Robert surviving, to succeed him. 3. That all, who had taken part with Robert should have their pardon, and receive no detriment. 
1102. Anno. Reg. 3.   
This business thus fairly passed over, Robert of a generous and free Nature, stays and feasts with his Brother here in England, from the beginning of August till Michaelmas, and then returns into Normandy. When Henry, rid of this fear, takes 
Henry claims the inuestitu●es of Bishops.  to a higher strain of Regality, and now stands upon his Prerogative, for the investitures of Bishops, and collation of other Ecclesiastical estates, within his kingdom, oppugned by Anselme, who refused to consecrate such as he preferred, alleging it to 
Anselm oppugnes the Kings prerogative.  be a violation of the Sacred Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, lately Decreed concerning this business: in so much as the King dispatches an embassage to Pope Paschal, with declaration of the right he had to such investitures, from his Predecessors, the Kings of England, who evermore conferred the same without interruption, till now 
The King sends to the Pope.  of late.  
Anselme follows after these Ambassadors, goes likewise to Rome, to make good the opposition. The King banishes him the Kingdom, and takes into his hands his 
110. Anno. Reg. 4.  Bishopric. The Pope stands stiffly to the power assumed by the Church, but in the end, seeing the King fast, strong, and lay too far off out of his way to be constrained (and having much to do at that time with the Emperor, and other Princes, about the same business) takes the way of persuasion to draw him to his will, soliciting him 
Anselme follows Vide Append.  with kind Letters, full of protestations, to further any designs of his, that might concern his State, if he would desist from this proceeding.  
The King priest with some other occasions, that held him in, and having purposes of 
The King and Anselm accorded.  that Nature, as by forbearance of the Church, might be the better effected, consents to satisfy the Pope's will: and becomes an example to other Princes, of yielding in this case. Anselme is recalled, after a years banishment, and the Ambassadors return with large remunerations.  
Whilst these things were managing at Rome, there burst out here a flame, which 
The Earl of shrewsbury's combination.  consumed the parties that raised it, and brought the King more easily to his ends, than otherwise he could ever have expected. Robert de Belesme, Earl of Shrewsbury, son to Roger de Mongomerie (a very fierce youth) presuming of his great estate, and his friends, fortifies his Castles of Shrewsburie, Bridgenorth, Tickhill, and Arundel, with some other pieces in Wales belonging to him; and combines with the Welsh, to oppose against the present State (out of a desire to set all in combustion, for his own ends, that were altogether uncertain) which put the King to much travel and charge: but within thirty days, by employing great forces, and terrors mixed with promises, he scattered his complices, and took all his Castles; except that of Arundel, which rendered upon condition, that the Master might be permitted to retire safe into Normandy; which the King easily granted, seeing now he was but the body of a silly naked Creature, that had lost both Feathers and wings. And it made well for the King, his going thither. For, from the losing of his own estate in England, and thereby advancing the King's revenues, he goes to lose Normandy also, and brings it to this Crown. For, as soon as he came thither, he fastens amity with one of like condition, and fortunes as himself (an exiled man) whose insolency had likewise stripped him out of all his estate in 
1104. Anno. Reg. 5.  England, and much wasted that in Normandy, which was William Earl of Mortaigne, son to Robert, half Brother to King William the first. Who being also Earl of Cornewal, made suit likewise, to have that of Kent: which his Uncle Odon lately held, but being denied it, and also evicted by Law, of certain other parcels of Land, which he claimed, retires with great indignation into Normandy, where not only he assaults the King's Castles, but also usurps upon the State of Richard, the young Earl of Chester, than the King's Ward. These two Earls combine themselves, and with their Adherents committed many outrageous actions, to the great spoil and displeasure of the Country, whereof, though they complained to Duke Robert, they found little remedy. For, he being now grown poor by his out-lavishing humour, began it seems, to be little respected: or else fallen from action, and those greatnesses his expectation had showed him, was (as commonly great minds dashed with ill fortunes are) fallen likewise in spirit, and given over to his ease. Whereupon the the people of Normandy make their exclamations to the King of England, who sends for his Brother Robert, Reprehends him for the sufferance of these disorders; advises him to act the part of a Prince, and not a Monk: and in conclusion, whither by detention of his pension, or drawing him, being of a facile Nature, to some act of releasing it: sends him home so much discontented, as he 
1105. Anno. Reg. 6.  joins with these mutinous Earls, and by their instigation, was set into that flame, as he raised all his utmost forces to be revenged on his brother.  
The King, touched in Conscience with the foulness of a fraternal war (which the world would take he being the mightier to proceed out of his designs) stood dovotfull what to do, when Pope Paschall, by his Letters written with that eloquence (saith Malmesburie) wherein he was quick persuaded him, That herein he should not make a civil War, but do a Noble and memorable benefit unto his Country. Whereby (paid for remitting the investitures) he held himself countenanced in this business. Whereon, now he sets with more alacrity and resolution. And after many difficulties, and loss of divers worthy men, in a mighty battle, near the Castle of Tenechbray, his 
England wins Normandic.  enemies with much ado, were all defeated. Whereby England won Normandy, and on the same day, by Computation (wherein forty years before) Normandy overcame England, such are the turnings in the affairs of men.  
And here Robert, who stood in a fair possibility of two Crowns, came to be deprived 
1106. Anno. Reg. 7.  of his Duchy and all he had, brought prisoner into England, and committed to the Castle of Cardiff. Where, to add to his misery, he had the misfortune of a long life (surviving after he lost himself 26 years) whereof the most part he saw not, having his eyes put out, whereby he was only left to his thoughts, a punishment barbarously 
Robert Duke of Normandy is imprisoned by King Hen.  inflicted on him, for attempting an escape.  
He was a Prince, that gave out to the world, very few notes of his ill, but many of his Nobleness and valour, especially in his great voyage, wherein he had the second command, and was in election to have been the first preferred to the Crown of jerusalem, and miss it hardly. Only the disobedience in his youth showed to his Father (which yet might proceed from a rough hand borne over him, and the animation of others, rather than his own Nature) sets a stain upon him: and then, his profusion (which some would have liberality) showed his impotency, and put him into those courses that overthrew him. All the Revenues of his Duchy, which should serve for his maintenance, he sold or engaged, and was upon passing the City of Rouen unto the Citizens, which made him held unfit for the government, and gave occasion to his Brother to quarrel with him.  
And thus came Henry sreed from this fear and absolute Duke of Normandy: had 
King Henry Duke of Normandy.  many years of quiet, gathered great Treasure, & entertained good intelligence with the Neighbour Princes. Scotland, by his Match, and doing their Princes good, he held from doing him hurt; clearing them from usurpations. Wales, though under his Title, yet not subjection, gave him some exercise of action; which he ordered with great wisdom. First he planted within the body of that Country, a Colony of Flemings, who at that time much pestered this Kingdom: being admitted here in the reign of King William the first, marrying their Country woman, and using their help in the action of England, where they daily increased, in such sort, as gave great displeasure to the people. But by this means, both that grievance was eased, and the use of them made profitable to the State: for being so great a number, and a strong people, they made room for themselves, and held it in that sort, as they kept the Welsh, all about them, in very good awe. Besides, the King took for Hostages the chief men's sons of the Country, and hereby quieted it. For France he stood secure, so long as Philip the first lived: who, wholly given over to his ease and Luxury, was not for other attempts, out of that course: but his son he was to look unto, whensoever he came to that Crown.  
With the Earl of Flanders he had some debate, but it was only in words, and upon 
1107. Anno. Reg. 8.  this occasion. King William the first, in retribution of the good his father in law, Baldovin the fift had done, by aiding him in the action of England, gave him yearly three hundred marks, and likewise continued it to his son after him. Now, Robert Earl of Flaunders, of a collateral line, returning empty from the Holy wars, and finding this sum paid out of England to his Predecessors, demands the same of King Henry, as his due; who not easy to part with money, sends him word; that it was not the custom of the Kings of England to pay tribute: If they gave pensions they were temporary, and according to desert. Which answer so much displeased the Earl, that though himself lived not to show his hatred, yet his Son did, and aided afterward William, the son of Robert courteous, in his attempts, for recovery of the Duchy of Normandy, against King Henry.  
Thus stood this King in the first part of his reign: in the other, he had more to do abroad then at home, where he had by his excellent wisdom so settled the government, as it held a steady course without interruption, all his time. But now Lewis le gross, succeeding his father Philip the first, gave him warning to look to his State of Normandy: and for that he would not attend a quarrel, he makes one; taking occasion about the City of guysor's, situate on the River Epre, in the confines of Normandy, 
King Henry quarrels with the King of France.  whilst Louis was travailed with a stubborn Nobility, presuming upon their Franchises, within their own Signories, whereof there were many, at that time, about Paris, as the Contes of Crecy, Pissaux, Dammartin, champaign, and others, who by example, and emulation, would be absolute Lords, without awe of a Master, putting themselves under the protection of Henry, woe being near to assist them, fostered those humours, which in sick bodies most show themselves. But after Louis, by years gathering strength, dissolved that compact, and made his means the more, by their confiscations.  
Now to entertain these two great Princes in work, the quarrel between the Pope and the Emperor, ministered fresh occasion. The Emperor Henry the fift, having 
1108. Anno. Reg. 9  (by the Pope's instigation) banded against his Father, Henry the fourth, who associated him in the Empire, and held him prisoner in that distress, as he died, touched afterwards with remorse of this act, and reproach of the State, for abandoning the rights of the Empire, levies sixty thousand foot, and thirty thousand horse, for Italy, constrains the Pope and his college to acknowledge the rights of the Empire, in that form as Leo the fourth, had done to Otho the second, and before that, 
The Pope's Oath to the Emperor.  Adrian to Charlemaigne, according to the Decree of the Counsel of Rome, and made him take his Oath of fidelity between his hands, as to the true and lawful Emperor. The Pope, so soon as Henry was departed home, assembles a Counsel, nullifies this acknowledgement, as done by force, and shortly after deceased. The Emperor, to make himself the stronger against his successors, enters into alliance with the King of England, taketh to wife his daughter Maud, being but five 
The Emperor Hen. 5. marries Maud.  years of age. After this, Calixte son of the Conte de Burgogne, coming to be Pope, and being French (unto their great applause) assembles a Counsel at Rheims; were, by Ecclesiastical sentence, Henry the fift is declared enemy of the Church, and degraded of his Imperial Dignity. The King of England, seeing this Counsel was held in France, and composed chiefly of the Galicane Church, desirous to overmaister Louis, incenses his son in law the Emperor (stung with this disgrace) to set upon him (as the Pope's chief pillar) on one side, and he would assail him on the other. The Emperor easily wrought to such a business, prepares all his best forces: the King of England doth the like. The King of France seeing this storm coming so impetuously upon him, wrought so with the Princes of Germany, as they, weighing the future mischief of a war, undertaken in a heat, with the importance of a kind Neighbourhood, advise the Emperor not to enter thereinto, till he had signified to the King of France, the 
History of France.  cause of his discontent. Whereupon an Embassage is dispatched: The King of France answers, That he grieved much to see the two greatest Pillars of the Church, thus shaken with these dissensions, whereby might be feared, the whole frame would be ruined: that he was friend to them both, and would gladly be an inter-dealer for concord, rather than to carry wood to a fire too fierce already, which he desired to extinguish, for the good and quiet of Christendom. This Embaslage wrought so, as it disarmed the Emperor, glad to have Louis a mediator of the accord between the 
The King of France accords the Pope and Emperor.  Pope and him: to the great displeasure of the King of England, who expected greater matters to have risen by this business. The accord is concluded at Worms, to the Pope's advantage, to whom the Emperor yields up the right of investitures of Bishops and other Benefices. But this was only to appease, not cure the malady.  
The King of England disappointed thus of the emperors assistance, proceeds notwithstanding in his intentions against Louis. And seeing he failed of outward forces, he sets up a party in his Kingdom, to confront him: aiding Theobald, Conte de champaign, 
King Henry aides Conte Theobald against the king of France.  with so great power, as he stood to do him much displeasure: beside, he obtained a strong side in that Kingdom, by his alliances: for Stephen, Earl of Blois, had married his sister Adela, to whom this Theobald was Brother, and had won Foulke, Earl of Anjou (an important neighbour, and ever an enemy to Normandy) to be his, by matching his son William to his daughter.  
Louis on the other side, fails not to practise all means to under-worke Henry's estate 
The King of France combines with the Earl of Flanders, against King Henry.  in Normandy, and combines with William, Earl of Flanders, for the restoring of William, the son of Robert courteous, to whom the same appertained by right of inheritance: and had the fairer show of his actions, by taking hold on the side of justice.  
Great, and many, were the conflicts between these two Princes, with the expense of much blood and charge. But in the end, being both tired, a peace was concluded, 
1116. Anno. Reg. 17.  by the mediation of the Earl of Anjou. And William, son to King Henry, did homage to Louis for the Duchy of Normandy: And William, the son of Robert courteous, is left to himself, and desists from his claim.  
Upon the fair close of all these troubles, there followed presently an accident, which seasoned it with that sourness of grief, as overcame all the joy of the success. William the young Prince, the only hope of all the Norman race, at seventeen years of 
Queen Maud lived not to see this disaster.  age, returning into England, in a ship by himself, accompanied with Richard his base brother, Marry, Countess of Perch, their sister, Richard, Earl of Chester, with his wife, the King's Niece, and many other personages of honour, and their attendants, to the number of 140. besides 50. Mariners, setting out from Barbfleete, were all cast away at Sea, only a Butcher escaped. The Prince had recovered a Cockboat, and in possibility to have been saved, had not the compassion of his sisters cries drawn him back to the sinking ship to take her in, and perish with his company.  
Which sudden clap of God's judgement, coming in a calm of glory, when all these bustlings seemed passed over, might make a conscience shrink with terror, to see oppression and supplantation repaid with the extinction of that, for which so much had been wrought, and the line Masculine of Normandy expired in the third inheritor (as if to begin the fate laid on all the future succession hither unto; wherein the third heir in a right descent, seldom or never enjoyed the Crown of England, but that either by usurpation or extinction of the male blood, it received an alteration) which may teach Princes to observe the ways of righteousness, and let men alone with their rights, and God with his providence.  
After this heavy disaster, this King is said never to have been seen to laugh, though within five months after, in hope to restore his issue, he married Adalicia, a beautiful young Lady, daughter to the Duke of Louvain, and of the house of Lorraine, but never had child by her, nor long rest from his troubles abroad. For this rent at home, cracked all the chain of his courses in France. Normandy itself became wavering, and many 
Robert de Mellents conspiracy.  adhered to William the Nephew: his great confederates are most regained to the King of France: Foulke, Earl of Anjou quarrels for his daughter's dower: Robert de Mellent, his chief friend and Councillor, a man of great employment, fell from him, conspired 
1123. Anno. Reg. 25.  with Hugh Earl of Monfort, and wrought him great trouble.  
But such was his diligence and working spirit, that he soon made whole all those ruptures again. The two Earls himself surprises, and Anjou, death: which being so important a neighbour, as we may see, by matching a Prince of England there; the 
Maud the Empress married to Geoffrey Plantagenet.  King fastens upon it with another alliance, and descends to marry his daughter (and now only child, which had been wife to an Emperor, and desired by the Princes of Lombary and Lorraine) to the now Earl Geoffrey Plantagenet, the son of Foulke.  
The King of France to fortify his opposition, entertains William the Nephew, 
1126. Anno. Reg. 27.  where now all the danger lay: and aids him in person, with great power to obtain the Earldom of Flanders, whereunto he had a fair Title, by the defaillance of issue in the late Earl Baldovin, slain in a battle in France against King Henry. But William, as if heir also of his father's fortunes, admitted to the Earldom, miscarried in the rule, was deptived, and slain in battle; and in him all of Robert courteous perished.  
And now the whole care of King Henry, was the settling of the succession upon Maude (of whom he lived to see two sons borne) for which he convokes a Parliament in England, wherein, an oath is ministered to the Lords of this Land, to be true to her and her heirs, and acknowledge them as the right inheritors of the Crown. This oath was first taken by David, King of Scots, Uncle to Maude, and by Stephen, 
1133. Anno. Reg. 34.  Earl of Bollogne, and Mortaine, Nephew to the King, on whom he had bestowed great possessions in England, and advanced his brother to the Bishopric of Winchester. And to make all the more fast, this oath was afterward ministered again at Northampton in another Parliament.  
So that now all seems safe and quiet, but his own sleeps, which are said to have been very tumultuous, and full of affrightments, wherein he would often rise, take his sword, and be in act, as if he defended himself against assaults of his person, which showed, all was not well within.  
His government in peace, was such as ranks him in the list amongst our Kings of 
His government in peace.  the fairest mark: holding the Kingdom so well ordered, as during all his reign, which was long, he had ever the least to do at home. At the first, the competition with his brother, after, the care to establish his succession, held him in, to observe all the best courses, that might make for the good and quiet of the State; having an especial regard to the due administration of justice, that no corruption or oppression might disease his people, whereby things were carried with that evenness, between the Great men and the Commons, as gave all, satisfaction. He made divers progresses, into remote parts of the Land, to see how the State was ordered. And for that purpose, 
The first use of Progresses.  when so ever he was in England, he kept no certain residence, but solemnized the great festivals in several, and far distant places of the Kingdom, that all might partake of him.  
And for that he would not wrest any thing by an Imperial power from the Kingdom (which might breed ulcers of dangerous nature) he took a course to obtain 
The beginning of Parliaments.  their free consents to serve his occasions, in their general Assemblies of the three Estates of the Land, which he first, convoked at Salisbury, Anno Reg. 15. and which, 
He assembles the first Parliament, after the Conquest.  had from his time the name of Parliament, according to manner of Normandy, and other States, where Princes keep within their circles to the good of their people, their own glory, and security of their posterity. 
See Appen. His reformations.   
He was a Prince that lived formally himself, and repressed those excesses in his subjects which those times entertained, as the wearing of long hair, which though it were a gaiety of no charge (like those sumptuous braveries, that waste Kingdoms in peace) yet for the undecency thereof, he reform it, and all other dissoluteness. His great businesses, and his wants taught him frugality, and wariness of expense, and 
His means to raise moneys.  his wars being seldom invasive, and so not getting, put him often to use hard courses for his supplements of treasure. Towards the marriage of his daughter with the Emperor, and the charge of his war, he obtained (as it might seem at his first Parliament at Salisbury) Anno. Reg. 15. three shillings upon every hide-land, but he had no more in all his reign, except one supply for his wars afterward in France. He kept Bishoprics and abbeys void in his hands, as that of Canterbury, five years together. By an act of Parliament at London. Anno. Reg. 30. he had permission to punish 
Vide Append.  marriage, and incontinency of Priests, who (for fines notwithstanding) he suffered to enjoy their wives, but hereby he displeased the Clergy and disappointed that reformation.  
Punishments which were mutilation of member, he made pecuniary. And by reason of his often, and long being in Normandy, those provisions for his house, which 
Tilburiensis de Scaccario.  were used to be paid in kind, were rated to certain prices and received in money, by the consent of the State, and to the great content of the subject; who by reason that many dwelling far off throughout all shires of England, were much molested with satisfying the same otherwise. He resumed the liberties of hunting in his Forests, which took up much fair ground of the Kingdom; and besides renewing former penalties, made an Edict, That if any man in his own private woods, killed the King's Deer, should forfeit his woods to the King. But he permitted them enclosures for Parks, which under him seems to have had their original, by the example of that of his at Woodstock, the multitude whereof grew to be afterward a disease in the Kingdom.  
His expenses were chief in his wars, and his many and great fortifications in 
His expenses.  Normandy. His buildings were the Abbey of Reading, the Manor of Woodstock, and the great enclosure of that Park, with a stone wall seven miles about.  
The most eminent men of his Council were, Roger Bishop of Sarum, and the Earl 
His Councillors.  of Mellent, both, men of great experience in the affairs of the world. Roger was ever as Viceroy, had the whole management of the Kingdom in his absence, which was sometimes three, and four years together. He had managed the King's money and other affairs of his house, when he was a poor Prince, and a private man; whereby he gained an especial trust with him ever after, and discharged his part with great policy and understanding; had the title of justiciarius totius Anglioe. Of whose magnificence 
The magnificent buildings of Roger Bishop of Sarum.  and spacious mind, we have more memorial left in notes of stone, then of any one Man, Prince, or other of this Kingdom. The ruins yet remaining of his stately structures, especially that of the Devises in Wiltshire, shows us the carcase of a most Roman-like Fabric. Besides he built the Castles of Malmsbury and Shirburne, two strong and sumptuous pieces: new walled and repaired the Castle of Salisbury, and all these he lived to see rend from him, and seized into the next King's hands, as being things done out of his part, and lie now deformed heaps of double. Besides, he walled old Salisbury, and repaired the Church there.  
Robert Earl of Mellent, was the son of Roger Beaumond; who of all the great men which 
Robert Mellent an especial Councillor to Hen. 1.  followed William the first in his civil wars of Normandy, refused to attend him in his expedition for England, though with large promises invited thereunto, saying: The inheritance left him by his predecessors, was sufficient to maintain his estate at home; and he desired not to thrust himself into other men's possessions abroad. But his son Robert was of another mind, and had a mighty estate both in England and Normandy. Was a man of great direction in council, and ever used in all the weighty affairs of the State. His 
The example of frugallitie in great men doth much good in a Kingdom.  frugality, both in apparel and diet, was of such example, being a man of eminent note, as did much good to the Kingdom in those days. But in the end he fell into disgrace, (the fate of Court, and eminency) opposed against the King, and died bearest of his estate.  
Besides these, this King was served with a potent and martial Nobility, whom his spirit led to affect those great designs of his in France, for the preservation of his state in Normandy. Whither in the 32. year of his reign, he makes his last voyage to die there, and in his passage thither, happened an exceeding great Eclipse of the Sun, 
King Henry's death.  which was taken to foresignify his death; for that it followed shortly after in the thirty five year of his reign.  
He was of a graceful parsonage, quick-eyed, brown hair (a different complexion 
His parsonage  from his brothers) and of a close compacted temperament, wherein dwelled a mind of a more solid constitution, with better ordered affections. He had, in his youth, some taste of learning; but only, as if to set his stomach, not to overcharge it therewith. But this put many of his subjects into the fashion of the Book, and divers learned men flourished in his time.  
He had by Maude his wife the daughter of Malcolin the third, King of Scotland, none 
His issue.  other children but Maude and William, of whom any certain mention is made: but he is said to have had of children illegitimate seven sons, and as many daughters, which shows us his incontinency: two of which sons of most especial note, Robert and Raynold were Earls, the one of Gloucester (a great Champion and defender of his Sister Maude the Empress) the other Earl of Cornwall, and Baron of Castle-combe. His daughters were all married to Princes and Noble men of France and England, from whom descended many worthy families, as divers writers report.  
The end of the Life, and Reign, of Henry the first.   

The Life, and Reign, of King Stephen.  
THE Line Masculine of the Norman extinct, and only a daughter left, 
1135. Anno. Reg. 1.  and she married to a Frenchman, Stephen Earl of Bologne, and Mortagne, son of Stephen, Earl of Blois, and of Adela, daughter to William the first, was (notwithstanding the former oath taken for Maud) elected by the State, and invested in the Crown of England, within thirty days after the death of Henry. Upon what reasons of Council, we must gather out of the circumstances of the courses held in that time.  
Some imagine, The state refused Maude, for not being then the custom, of any other Kingdom 
Reasons why Maude was not crowned.  Christian (whose Kings are anointed) to admit women to inherit the Crown; and therefore they might pretend to be freed from their oath, as being unlawful. But Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, one of the principal men then in council, yielded another reason for the discharge of this oath, which was, That seeing the late King had married his daughter out of the Realm, and without the consent thereof, they might lawfully refuse her. And so was Stephen, having no Title at all, but as one of the blood, by mere election, advanced to the Crown. For if he should claim any right in the Succession, as being the son of Adela, then must Theobald, Earl of Blois, his elder brother, have been preferred before him: and Henry Fitz Empress (if they refused the mother) was nearer in blood to the right Stem, then either. But they had other reasons that ruled that time. Stephen was a man, and of great possessions, both in England and France, had one 
Reasons why Stephen Earl of Bollogne was crowned King.  brother, Earl of Blois, a Prince of great estate: another, Bishop of Winchester (the Pope's Legate in England, of power eminent) was popular for his affability, goodly parsonage, and activeness: and therefore acceptable to the Nobility, who, at that time, were altogether guided by the Clergy; and they (by the working of the Bishop of Winchester, induced to make choice of him) having an opinion, that by preferring one, whose Title was least, would make his obligation the more to them: and so, they might stand (better secured of their liberties) then under such a one; as might presume of an hereditary succession. And to be the more sure thereof, before his admittance to the Crown (he takes a private oath before the Bishop of Canterbury) To confirm the ancient liberties of the Church; and had his brother to undertake, betwixt God and him, for the performance thereof.  
But being now in possession of the Kingdom, and all the Treasure his Uncle had 
King Stephen possesses the Treasure of Hen. 2.  in many years gathered, which amounted to one hundred thousand pounds of exquisite silver, besides plate and jewels, of inestimable value. After the funerals performed at Reading, he assembles a Parliament at Oxford, wherein, he restored to the Clergy, all their 
His first Parliament at Oxford.  former liberties, and freed the laity from their tributes, exactions, or whatsoever grievances oppressed them, confirming the same by his Charter, which, faithfully to observe, he took a public oath before all the Assembly: where, likewise the Bishops swore fealty unto him, but with this condition; So long as he observed the Tenor of this Charter.  
And now as one that was to make good the hold he had gotten, with power, and his sword, prepares for all assaults, which he was sure to have come upon him. And first grants licence, to all that would, to build Castles upon their own Lands, thereby to fortify the Realm, and break the force of any overrunning invasion, that should master the field. Which in settled times might be of good effect, but in a season of distraction, and part-taking very dangerous. And being to subsist by friends, he makes all he could; Creates new Lords, gives to many, great possessions, and having a fullpurse spares for no cost to buy love, and fidelity: a purchase very uncertain, when there may be other conveyances made of more strength to carry it.  
Two ways he was to look for blows: from Scotland on one side, and France on the other: Scotland wanted no instigators: David their King, moved both by Nature and his oath to his Niece, turns head upon him: Stephen was presently there, with the show of a strong Army, and appeased him with the restitution of Cumberland, and his son Henry, Prince of Scotland with the Earldom of Huntingdon: which, with that of Northumberland (as the Scortish writers say) was to descend unto him by the right of his mother Maude, who was daughter to Waltheof Earl of Huntingdon, and of judith Niece to William the first, by whose gift he had that Earldom, and was the son of Syward Earl of Northumberland. And for this the Prince of Scotland, took his Oath of fealty to King Stephen which the father refused to do as having first sworn to Maude the Empress. Though otherwise he might be indifferent, in respect that Stephen had married likewise his Niece, which was Maude daughter to the Earl of Bologne, and of Mary Sister to this King David, who by this mean was Uncle both to Maude the Queen, and Maude the Empress.  
The King, returning from this voyage, found some defection of his Nobility, which presently put him into another action, that entertained him sometime: After which, he falls dangerously sick, in so much as he was noised to be dead, by which sickness, he lost more than his health: For his friends, put in danger thereby, cast to seek another party to bear them up: it wakended Anjou, and sets him on to surprise certain pieces in Normandy, to prepare for the recovery of his wives right, and made all this Kingdom waver. Thus was his first year spent, which showed how the rest of eighteen would prove, wherein we are to have no other representations, But of revolts, besieging of Castles, surprizing, recovering, loosings again, with great spoils, and destruction; in brief a most miserable face of a distracted State, that can yield us no other notes of instruction, but such as are general in all times of like disposition: and therefore herein we may the better forbeate the rehearsal of many particulars, being all under one head of action, and like Nature.  
The King, having recovered, would make the world know he was alive, and presently 
1137. Anno. Reg. 2.  passes with forces into Normandy, overcame the Earl of Anjou in battle: after makes peace with him, and upon renouncing of the claim of Maude, covenants to give them 5000. marks per annum: he entertains amity with King Louis the seventh, and causes his son Eustace to do him homage for the Duchy of Normandy, wherein he was invested: beside to content his elder brother Theobald, Earl of Blois, he gives him a pension of 2000 marks, and so returns again into England, to a war against Scotland, which, in the mean time, made incursions on this Kingdom, where 
Robert Earl of Gloucester the natural son of Henry the first.  whilst he was held busy in work, Robert Earl of Gloucester, base son to Henry the first, a man of high spirit, great direction and indefatigable industry (an especial actor that performed the greatest part, in these times, for his sister Maude) had surprised the Castle of Bristol, and procured confederates to make good other pieces abroad in divers parts: as William Talbot the Castle of Hereford; Paynel the Castle of Ludlow; Lovel that of Cary: Moon the Castle of Dunstor: Robert de Nichol, that of Warham, Eustace Fitz john that of Walton, and William Fitz Allan the Castle of Shrewsbury.  
Stephen leaves the prosecution of the Scottish wars to Thurstan Archbishop of York, whom he made his Lieutenant, and furnished with many valiant leaders, as Walter Earl of Albemarle, William Peuerell of Nottingham; Walter and Gilbert Lacy's. Himself bravely attended, bends all his power to repress the conspirators, which 
King Stephen represses the conspirators.  he did in one expedition, recovers all the Castles (by reason of their distances, not able to secure one another) and drove the Earl of Gloucester home to his sister into Anjou.  
No less success had his forces in the North, against the Scots, whom in a great battle 
He defeated the Scots.  they discomfeited and put to flight, which great fortunes meeting together in one year, broughter forth occasion of bad, in that following: for now presuming 
1138. Anno. Reg. 3.  more of himself, he fell upon those rocks that rend all his greatness. He calls a Council at Oxford, where occasion was given to put him out with the Clergy, that had only set him into the State. The Bishops upon the permission of building Castles, so outwent the Lords in magnificence, strength and number of their erections, and especially the Bishop of Salisbury that their greatness was much maligned by them, putting the King in head, that all these great Castles, especially of Salisbury, the vieth, Shirburne, Malmsbury, and Newarke, were only to entertain the party of Maude, whereupon the King, whose fears were apt to take fire, sends for the Bishop of Salisbury (most suspected) to Oxford. The Bishop, as if foreseeing the mischief coming to him, would gladly have put off this journey, and excused it by the debility of 
1140. Anno. Reg. 5.  his age, but it would not serve his turn: thither he comes, where his servants, about the taking up of lodgings, quarrel with the servants of the Earl of Britain, and from words fall to blows, so that in the bickering, one of them was slain, and the Nephew of the Earl dangerously wounded. Whereupon the King sends for the Bishop, to satisfy his Court, for the breach of peace, made by his servants: The satisfaction required, was the yielding up the keys of his Castles, as pledges of his fealty, but that being stood upon, the Bishop, with his Nephew, Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, were restrained of their liberty, and shortly after sent as prisoners to the Castle of the Devises, 
The King feizes upon the Bishop's Castles, and Treasure.  whither (the Bishop of Eley, another of his Nephews) had retired himself before. The King seizes into his hands his Castles of Salisbury; Shyrburne, Malmesbury, and after three days assault, the Devises was likewise rendered, beside he took all his Treasure, which amounted to forty thousand marks.  
This action, being of an extraordinary strain, gave much occasion of rumour: some said: The King had done well in seizing upon these Castles; it being unfit, and against the Cannons of the Church, that they who were men of religion, and peace, should raise fortresses for war, and in that sort as might be prejudicial to the King. Against this, was the Bishop of 
The Pope's Legate a Bishop, taketh part with Bishops against the King his brother. Malmsburie.  Winchester, the Pope's Legate, taking rather the part of his function, then that of a brother: saying: That if the Bishops had transgressed, it was not the King, but the Cannons, that must judge it: that they ought not to be deprived of their possessions, without a public Ecclesiastical Counsel; that the King had not done it, out of the zeal of justice, but for his own benefit, taking away that which had been built upon the Lands, and by the charge of the Church, to put it into the hands of Lay men, little affected to religion: And therefore to the end, the power of the Cannons might be examined, he appoints a Counsel to be called at Winchester, whither the King is summoned: and thither repair most of all the Bishops of the Kingdom, where first is read the Commission of the Legatine power, granted by Pope Innocent to the Bishop of Winchester, who there openly urges the indignity offered to the Church, by the imprisoning of these Bishops: An act most heinous and shameful for the King, that in the peace of his Court, through the instigation of evil ministers, would thus lay hands upon such men, spoil them of their estates. Which was a violence against God. And that seeing the King would yield to no admonitions, he had at length called this Council, where they were to consult what was to be done: that for his part, neither the love of the King, though his brother, nor the loss of his living, or danger of his life, should make him fail in the execution of what they should decree.  
The King, standing upon his cause, sends certain Earls to this Council, to know why he was called thither: answer was made by the Legate: That the King, who was subject to the faith of CHRIST, ought not to take it ill, if by the ministers of CHRIST, he was called to make satisfaction, being conscious of such an offence as that age had not known: that it was for times of the Gentiles, for Bishops to be imprisoned, and deprived of their possessions, and therefore they should tell the King, his brother, that if he would vouchsafe to yield consent to the Council it should be such, by the help of God, as neither the Roman Church, the Court of the King of France, nor the Earl Theobald, brother to them both (a manwise, and religious) should, in reason dislike it: that the King should do advisedly to render the reason of his act, and undergo a Canonical judgement: that he ought in duty to favour the Church, into whose bosom being taken, he was advanced to the Crown without any military hand.  
With which answer the Earls departed, attended with Alberic de Ver, a man exercised in the Law, and having related the same, are returned with the King's reply, which Alberic utters, and urges the injuries Bishop Roger had done to the King: how he seldom 
The King's Reply.  came to his Court: that his men, presuming upon his power, had offered violence to the Nephew and servants, of the Earl of Britain, and to the servants of Herui de Lions, a man of that Nobility and stoutness, as would never vouchsafe to come upon any request to the late King, and yet for the love of this, was desirous to see England: where, to have this violence offered was an injury to the King, and dishonour to the Realm, that the Bishop of Lincoln, for the ancient hatred to the Earl of Britain, was the author of his men's sedition: that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly favoured the King's enemies; and did but subtly temporize, as the King had found by divers circumstances: especially when Roger de Mortimer, sent with the King's forces in the great danger of Bristol, he would not lodge him one night in Malmsbury: that it was, in every man's mouth, as soon as the Empress came, He and his Nephews would render their Castles unto him. That he was arrested, not as a Bishop, but a servant to the King, and one that administered his procurations, and received his moneys. That the King took not his Castles by violence, but the Bishop voluntarily rendered them, to avoid the calumny of their tumult raised in his Court: If the King found some money in his Castles, he might lawfully seize on it, in regard Roger had collected it out of the revenues of the King his Uncle, and predecessor: and the Bishop willingly yielded up the same, as well as his Castles, through fear of his offences; and of this, wanted not witnesses of the King's part, who desired that the covenants, made between him, and the Bishop, might remain ratified.  
Against this, Bishop Roger opposes: That he was never servant to the King nor received his moneys; and withal added threatenings, as a man, not yet broken though bend with his fortunes: that if he found not justice for his wrongs in that Council, he would bring it to the hearing of a greater Court.  
The Legate, mildly, as he did other things, said: That all what was spoken against the Bishops, ought first to be examined in the Ecclesiastical Council, whether they were true or no, before sentence should have been given against them contrary to the Canons: and therefore the King should (as it is lawful in judicial trials) revest the Bishops in their former Estates, otherwise, by the law of Nations being disseised, they shall not hold their Plea.  
After much debate, the King's cause was (upon a motion) put off till the next day, to the end the Archbishop of Rouen, an especial instrument for the King, might be there; who deliveting his opinion, said: That if the Bishops could rightly prove by the Canons, they ought to have Castles, they should hold them; but if they could not, it proceeded of great improbity to strive to do otherwise. And be it (said he) their right to have them; yet in a suspected time, according to the manner of other Nations: all great men ought to deliver the keys of their Fortresses, to be at the King's pleasure, who is to fight for the peace of all But it is not their right, by the decree of the Canons to have Castles; and if by the Prince's indulgence it be tolerated, yet in a time of necessity, they ought to deliver the keys.  
The Lawyer Alboric adds: That it was signified to the King, how the Bishops threatened, and had furnished some to go to Rome against him. But, said he, the King would have you know, that none of you presume to do it: for if any go out of England, contrary to his will, and the dignity of the Kingdom, it will be hard returning. In conclusion the Council broke up, nothing was done. The Bishops durst not excommunicate the King, without the Pope's 
The Legate and Archbishop's submission.  privity: and beside, they saw the swords to busy about them, yet failed not the Legate, and the Archbishop to prosecute their parts, and from authority, fell to prayer; and (at the King's feet, in his Chamber) besought him, that he would pity the Church, pity his own soul, and his fame; not to suffer dissension to be, between the Kingdom, and the Priesthood. The King returned thern fair words, but held what he had gotten.  
Shortly after, though grief, died the Bishop of Salisbary, and (according to the fate of over-minent and greedy Officers) unpitied. He was a man (in his latter time) noted of much corruption, and unsatiable desire of having. For whom, the present King in the beginning of his reign had done very much, makingone of his nephews Chancellor, the other Treasurer, and upon his suit, gave to himself the Borough of Malmesbury; insomuch as the King would say to his familiars about him: If this man will beg thus still; I will give him half the Kingdom but I will please him: and first shall be weary of craving, ere I of granting. And sure the King had great reason to suspect his adhering to Maude, whose part he began to favour: only, out of the hatred he bore to Winchester, who yet was content to forsake his own brother, in regard, by his engagement he was preferred to the Crown, rather than to lose his good will, and the rest of the Clergy.  
But yet this breaking of the King into the Church (which had made him) utterly dissolved him. For presently hereupon all his power fell asunder: the Empress found now away open to let her in, and the Earl of Gloucester presuming of a sure side, 
Maude the Empress conducted into England.  conducted her into England only with 150 men: puts her into the Castle of Arundel, and himself (attended but with twelve horse) passed away clear through all the Country to Bristol: and from thence to Gloucester, where he had leisure without opposition, to raise all the Country to take part with the Empress; who from Arundel Castle, was afterward (by the Legate himself, and the King's permission) conveyed to Bristol: received with all obedience, grew daily in strength, as she went and came at length to her brother (who had taken in Hereford, made himself strong with the Welsh, and settled those parts) to gather up more of the Kingdom by showing herself and her power in divers places.  
Stephen, having no part clear (by reason the Castles, upon which he spent both his time and means, lay so thick blocks in his way) as he could not make that speed to stop this stream, as otherwise he would: holding it not safe to go forward, and leave dangers behind, that might overtake him. And first he lays siege to the Castle of Wallingford, which, Brian son to the Earl of Gloucester, held against him: then to the Castle of Bristol and other places, working much, but effecting little: which seeing, to get time and stagger the swift proceeding of this new received Princess, he causes a treaty of peace to be propounded at bath, where the Legate (who likewise earnestly solicited the same) with the Archbishop of Canterbury, were appointed Commissioners for the King; and the Earl of Gloucester for the Empress; but nothing was effected, both return to make good their sides. The Empress seeks to recover more, the King what he had lost. And lest the North parts might fall from him, and the King of Scots come on, he repairs thitherward: and finding the Castle of Lincoln possessed by Ralph Earl of Chester, who had married a daughter of the Earl of Gloucester, and holding it not safe to be in the hands of such a master, in such a time, seeks to take it in by force. The Earl of Chester, who held Newtall, attempting nothing against the King, took it ill, and stood upon his defence: but being overlaid by power, conveys himself out of the Castle, leaves his brother and wife within to defend it, and procures aid of his father in law the Earl of Gloucester, to secure him.  
The Earl takes in hand this business, sets out of Gloucester with an Army of Welshmen and others, attended with Hugh Bigod, and Robert de Morley, joins with the Earl of Chester, marches to Lincoln, where, in the battle, King Stephen was taken, carried prisoner to Gloucester, presented to the Empress, and by her sent to be kept in the Castle of Bristol, but in all honourable fashion, till his attempts to escape laid fetters on him.  
Hereupon the Empress (as at the top of her fortune) labours the Legate to he admitted 
She labours the Legate for the Crown of England.  to the Kingdom, as the daughter of the late King, to whom the Realm had taken an oath to accept for sovereign in the succession; and wrought so, as a Parle was appointed for this purpose, on the Plain near to Winchester, where in a blustering sad day (like the fate of the business) they met: and the Empress swore, and made affidation to the Legate, That all the great businesses, and especially the donation of bishoprics and Abbeys, should be at his disposing, if he (with the Church) would receive her as Queen of England, and hold perpetual fidelity unto her. The same oath and affidation took likewise her brother Robert, Earl of Gloucester, Brian his son, Marquis of Wallingford; Miles of Gloucester (after Earl of Hereford) with many others for her. Nor did the Bishop stick to accept her as Queen (though she never came to be so) and with some few other, make likewise affidation for his part, that so long as she infringed not her covenant, he would also hold his fidelity to her.  
The next day, she was received with solemn procession into the Bishop's Church at Winchester, the Bishop leading her on the right hand, and Bernard Bishop of Saint David's on the left. There were present many other Bishops, as Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, and Nigel Bishop of Ely (the Nephews of Roger, lately imprisoned) Robert Bishop of bath, and Robert Bishop of Worcester, with many Abbots.  
Within a few days after came Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, to the Empress, invited by the Legate; but deferred to do fealty unto her, as holding it unworthy his person and place, without having conferred first with the King. And therefore he, with many Prelates, and some of the Laity (by permission obtained) went to the King to Bristol. The Council broke up, the Empress keeps her Easter at Oxford, being her own town. Shortly upon Easter a Council of the Clergy is again called to Winchester, where the first day the Legate had secret conference with every Bishop apart, and then with every Abbot and other, which were called to the Council. The next day he makes a public speech, Showing how the cause (of their Assembly) was to consult 
The Legates speech to the Clergy, to Crown the Empress.  for the peace of their country, in great danger of utter ruin. Repeats the flourishing reign of his Uncle, the peace, wealth, and honour of the Kingdom in his time: and how that renowned King, many years before his death, had received an oath both of England and Normandy, for the succession of his daughter Maude and her Issue. But, said he, after his decease, his daughter being then in Normandy, making delay to come into England, where (for that it seemed long to expect) order was to be taken for the peace of the Country, and my brother was permitted to reign. And although I interposed myself a surety between God and him, that he should honour and exalt the holy Church, keep and ordain good Laws; Yet, how he hath behaved himself in the Kingdom, it grieves me to remember, and I am ashamed to repeat. And then recounts he all the King's courses with the Bishops, and all his other misgovernments. And then, said he, every man knows I ought to love my mortal brother, but much more the cause of my immortal Father: and therefore seeing God hath showed his judgement on my brother, and suffered him (without my knowledge) to fall into the hand of Power: that the Kingdom may not miscarry for want of a Ruler, I have called you all hither by the power of my Legation. Yesterday the cause was moved in secret, to the greatest part of the Clergy, to whom the right appertains to elect and ordain a Prince. And therefore after having invoked (as it is meet, the Divine aid) We elect for Queen of England the daughter of the peaceful, glorious, rich, good, and in our time the incomparable King: and to her, we promise our faith and allegiance.  
When all, who were present, either modestly gave their voice, or by their silence contradicted it, the Legate adds: The Londoners, who are (in respect of the greatness of their City) as among the optimacy of England, we have by our messengers summoned, and I trust they will not stay beyond this day, tomorrow we will expect them.  
The Londoners came, were brought into the Council, showed How they were sent from the Commonalty of London, not to bring contention, but prayer, that the King their Lord might be freed from captivity, and the same did all the Barons (received within their Liberties) earnestly beseech of my Lord Legate, and all the Clergy there present. The Legate answers them at large, and loftily, according to his speech the day before, and added, That the Londoners, who were held in that degree in England, ought not to take their parts, who had forsaken their Lord in the war, by whose Council the Church had been dishonoured, and who favoured the Londoners, but for their own gain.  
Then stands there up a Chaplain to Queen Maude, wife to Stephen, and delivers a letter to the Legate, which he silently read, and then said allowed, that it was not lawful in the assembly of so many reverend and religious persons the same should be publicly read, containing matter retrehensible. The Chapline not to fail in his message, boldly reads the Letter himself, which was to this effect: That the Queen earnestly entreats all the Clergy there assembled, and namely the Bishop of Winchester, the brother of her Lord, to restore him unto the Kingdom, whom wicked men, which were also his subjects, held prisoner.  
To this the Legate answers (as to the Londoners) and shortly after the Council broke up, wherein many of the King's part were excommunicated: namely William Martell, an especial man about the King, who had much displeased the Legat.  
Hereupon a great part of England willingly accepted of Maude, in whose businesses her brother Robert employs all his diligence and best care, reforming justice, restoring the Laws of England, promising releevements, and whatsoever might be to win the people; the Legate seconding all his courses.  
But now, she being at the point of obtaining the whole Kingdom; all came suddenly dashed by her over-hautie and proud carriage, and by the practice of the Londoners, who adhering to the other side, began openly to inveigh against her, who had displeased them, and they had plotted to surprise her in their City, whereof she having notice, secretly withdraws herself (accompanied with her Uncle David King of Scots who was come to visit her and her brother Robert) unto Oxford, a place of more 
The Legate leaves the Empress.  security. The Leagat himself takes, or makes an occasion to be slack in her cause, upon her denying him a suit for his Nephew Eustaee, the son of Stephen, about the inheritance of his Earldom of Mortaine in Normandy. Besides the Queen regnant, watchful over all opportunities, found means to parley with the Legar, Sets upon him with her tears, entreaty, promises, and assurance for the King's reformation; in so much as she 
Is entreated with tears by the Queen regnant.  recalled him to the affections of Nature, brought him about again to absolve such of the King's part as he had lately excommunicated.  
The Earl of Gloucester seeing this sudden and strange relapse of their affairs, strives by all means to hold up Opinion, and requicken the Legates dispofition, which to keep sound, was all. He brings the Empress to Winchester, settles her, and her guard, in the Castle, where she desires to speak with the Legate, who first delays, then denies 
The Empress besieged at Oxford, the Earl of Gloucester taken prisoner.  to come. Whereupon they call their best friends about them. Queen Maude and the Lords encompass the Town, and cut off all victual from the Empress, so that in the end, the Earl of Gloucester wrought means to have her conveyed from thence to the vieth, but himself was taken and in him most of her.  
This sets the sides both even again into the Lists of their trial: the two prisoners are to redeem each other: The disproportion of the quality between them, showed yet there was an evenness of power, and the Earl would not consent to the King's delivery (who only in that was to have the precedence) but upon most secure cautions. The Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Legate, undertook to yield themselves prisoners for him, if the King released him not, according to his promise: But that would not serve the turn, till they both had written their Briefs to the Pope, to intimate the course that was taken herein, and delivered the same unto him, under their hands and seals. So that, if the King should, as he might not care, to hold the Bishops in prison: yet the Pope, if hard measure were offered, might relieve them. Which shows the advantage of credit in the business, lay on this side, and the King was to have his fetters, though at liberty.  
The Queen and Eustace, her son the Prince, upon the enlargement of Stephen, 
1142. Anno. Reg. 7.  remain pledges in the Castle of Bristol till the Earl were released, which was done upon the Kings coming to Winchester. Where the Earl in familiar conference, was, by all art possible, solicited to forsake the party of Maude, with promise of all preferments of honour and estate: but nothing could move him being fixed to his courses, and rather would he have been content to remain a perpetual prisoner, then that Stephen should have been released, had not his sister wrought him to this conclusion.  
The Legate, after this, calls a Council at London, where the Pope's letters, written unto him, are openly read, which argue him (but mildly) of some neglect of his brother's 
Vide Append.  releasing, and exhort him to use all means Ecclesiastical, and Secular, to set him at liberty.  
The King himself came into the council, complains, How his subjects, to whom 
King Stephen's complaint.  he had never denied justice, had taken him, and reproachfully afflicted him even to death. The Legate, with great eloquence, labours to excuse his own courses: alleging, How he received not the Empress by his will, but necessity: that presently upon the King's overthrow, whilst the Lords were either fled, or stood in suspense attending the event, she and her people came thundering to the walls of Winchester: and that, what pact soever he had made with her for the right of the Church, she obstinately broke all: beside, he was certainly informed, that shoe and hers had plotted, both against his dignity, and life: But God in his mercy, contrary to her desire, had turned the business so, as he escaped the danger, and his brother was delivered out of bands. And therefore he, from the part of God, and the Pope, willed them, with all their utmost power, to aid the King, anointed by the consent of the People, and the Sea Apostolic, and to Excommunicate all the disturbers of the peace that favoured the Countess of Anjou.  
There was in the Council a Lay Agent for the Empress, who openly charged the Legate, That in respect of the faith he had given the Empress, to pass no act there, prejudicial to her Honour: having sworn unto her never to aid his brother with above twenty soldiers: that her coming into England, was upon his often Letters unto her: and his cause it was, that the King was taken and held prisoner. This, and much more said the Agent with great austerity of words, wherewith the Legate seemed not to be moved at all, nor would stoop to reply.  
Both parts thus set at liberty, were left to work for themselves, holding the State broken between them; and no means made to interpose any bar to keep them asunder. Their borders lay every where, and then the engagements of their Partakers, who (look all to be saviours or to recover their stakes when they were lost, which makes them never give over) entertain the contention. But the best was, they were rather troubles, than wars, and cost more labour than blood. Every one fought with Bucklers, and seldom came to the sharp in the field, which would soon have ended the business.  
Some few months after these enlargements, stood both sides at some rest, but not idle, casting how to compass their ends. The Empress at the vieth with her Council, resolves to send over her brother into Normandy to solicit her husband the Earl of 
The Earl of Gloucester gets to Normandy.  Anjou, to come to aid her, with forces from thence: Her brother, the better to secure her in his absence, settles her in the Castle of Oxford, well furnished for all assaults: and takes with him the sons of the especial men about her, as pledges to hold them to their fidelity. Stephen seeks to stop the Earl's passage, but could not, and then lays siege to the Castle of Oxford; which held him all the time the Earl was abroad. Geffrey Earl of Anjou, desirous rather to have Normandy, whereof, in this mean time, he had attained the most part, and in possibility of the rest, then to adventure for England, which lay in danger, refused to come in person, but sends some small aid, and his eldest son Henry, being then but eleven years of age, that he might look upon England, & be showed to the people, to try if that would move them to a consideration of his right: which proned of more effect than an Army.  
The Earl of Gloucester safely returning, makes towards Oxford to relieve the Empress, 
The Earl's retuine with the Empresses eldest son Henry.  who had secretly conveyed herself disguised out at a postern gate, only with four persons, got over the Thames, passed a foot to Abington, and from thence conveyed to Wallingford, where her brother and son met her, to her more comfort after hard distresses.  
Stephen seeing his enemy thus supplied, and like to grow, labours to win friends, 
1143. Anno. Reg. 8.  but money fails, which made divers of his Lords, and especially his mercenaries, whereof he had many out of Flanders, to fall to the rifling of abbeys, which was of dangerous consequence: And for Armies there was no means; only about Castles, with small powers, lay all the business of these times, and they being so many were to small effect, but only to hold them doing, which was for many years.  
The Earl of Gloucester, the chief pillar of the Empress, within two years after his 
The Earl of Gloucester dies.  last coming out of Normandy died, and shortly after Miles Earl of Hereford, an especial man of hers, which had utterly quashed her, but that in stead of a brother she had a son grew up to be of more estimation with the Nobility, and shortly after of ableness to undergo the travails of war. His first expedition at sixteen years of age was Northward to combine him with David King of Scots his great Uncle, to whom his mother had given the Country of Northumberland. After him follows Stephen with an Army to York, lest he should surprise that City, and to intercept him in his return: but according to his usual manner, and French-like, after the first heat of his undertakings, which were quick and brave, he quails: nothing was effected, and both return without encountering.  
Now to advance the State and means of Henry, fortune, as if in love with young Princes, presents this occasion. Louis the seventh, King of France going in person to the Holy wars, and taking with him his wife Elinor, the only daughter and heir of William Duke of Guien, grew into such an odious conceit of her, upon the notice of her lascivious behaviour in those parts, as the first work he doth upon his coming back, he repudiates, and turns her home with all her great dowry, rather content to lose the mighty estate she brought him then to marry her person. With this great Lady matches Henry, before he was twenty years of age (being now Duke of 
An. 1151.  Normandy, his father deceased, who had recovered it for him) and had by her the possession of all those large and rich Countries, appertaining to the Duchy of Guien, beside, the Earldom of Poictou. Whereupon Louis enraged to see him enlarged by this great accession of State, who was so near, and like to be so dangerous and eminent a neighbour, combines with Stephen, and aids Eustace his son (whom he married to his Sister Constance) with main power, for the recovery of Normandy, wherein he was first possessed. But this young Prince, furnished now with all this powerful means, leaves the management of the affairs of England to his friends, defends Normandy, wrought so, as the King of France did him little hurt; and Eustace, his competitor, returned home into England, where shortly after he died, about 18 years of his age, borne never to see out of the calamities of war, and was buried at Feversham with his mother, who deceased a little before, and had no other joy nor glory of a Crown but what we see. Stephen, whilst Duke Henry was in Normandy, recovers what he could, and at length besieges Wallinford, which seems in these times to have been a piece of great importance, and impregnable, and reduced the Defendants to that extremity, as they sent to Duke Henry for succour, who presently thereupon, in the midst of Winter, arrives in England with 3000 foot, and 140 horse. Where first, to draw the King from Wallingford, he lays siege to Malmesbury, and had most of all the great men in the West, and from other parts coming in unto him. Stephen, now resolved to put it to the trial of a day, brings thither all the power he could make; and far over-went his enemy in number: but floods and storms, in an unseasonable Winter, kept the Armies from encountering, till the Bishops, doubtful of the success, and seeing how dangerous it was for them, and the whole State, to have a young Prince get the mastery by his sword, mediated a peace, which was after concluded in a Parliament at Winchester, upon these conditions.  
1 That King Stephen, during his natural life, should remain King of England, and Henry enjoy the Dukedom of Normandy, as descended unto him from his mother, and be proclaimed heir apparent to the Kingdom of England, as the adopted son of King Stephen.  
2 That the partisans of either, should receive no damage, but enjoy their Estates according to their ancient Rights and Titles.  
3 That the King should resume into his hands all such parcels of inheritance belonging 
Resumptions.  to the Crown, as had been aliened by him, or usurped in his time. And that all those possessions which by intrusion had been violently taken from the owners since the days of King Henry, should be vestored unto them who were rightly possessed therein, when the said King reigned.  
4 That all such Castles as had been built by the permission of Stephen, and in his time (which were found to be 1117) should be demolished, etc.  
There is a Charter of this agreement in our Annals, which hath other Articles of reservation for the Estates of particular persons. And first for William, the second son 
Vide Append.  of Stephen, to enjoy all the possessions his father held before he was King of England, and many other particulars of especial note.  
After this pacification, and all business here, settled, Duke Henry returns into Normandy, and likewise there concludes a peace with the King of France, and for that he would be sure to have it, buys it, with twenty thousand marks.  
And now King Stephen having attained (that he never had) Peace (which yet, it seems he enjoyed not a year after) uses all the best means he could to repair the ruins of the State, maketh his progresses into most parts of the Kingdom, to reform the mischiefs that had grown up under the sword: and after his return calls a Parliament 
An. 1154.  at London, to consult of the best means for the public good. After the Parliament, 
He reigned 18 years, and 10 months.  he goes to meet the Earl of Flanders at Dover, who desired conference with him, and having dispatched him, falls presently sick, dies within few days after, and was buried (in the Abbey he founded) at Feversham, with the unfortunate Princes.  
A man so continually in motion, as we cannot take his dimension, but only in passing, and that but on one side, which was war: on the other, we never saw but a glance of him, which yet, for the most part, was such, as showed him to be a very worthy Prince for the Government. He kept his word with the State concerning the relievement of Tributes, and never had Subsidy that we find.  
But which is more remarkable, having his sword continually out, and so many defections and rebellions against him, He never put any great man to death. Besides it is noted, that notwithstanding all these miseries of war, There were more Abbeys built in his Reign, then in an hundredth years before, which shows, though the times were bad, they were not impious.  
The end of the Life, and Reign, of King Stephen.   

The Life, and Reign, of Henry the Second; And first of the Line of Plantagenet.  
THAT short time of peace, before the death of Stephen, had so allayed 
1154. Anno. Reg. 1.  the spirit of contention, and prepared the Kingdom (wearied and defaced with war) to that disposition of quietness: as Henry Plantagenet (though a Frenchman borne, and at that time, out of the Land: long detained with contrary winds, yet a Prince of so great possessions abroad, as might make him feared, to be too mighty a master at home; or doubtful, where he would set his seat: whither carry England thither, or bring those great States to this) was, notwithstanding generally admitted (without any opposition or capitulation, other than the usual oath) to the Crown of England: which he received at the hands of Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, the twentieth day of December, Anno 1154, about the three and twentieth year of his age.  
And though he where a Prince Young, Active, Pawerfull, and had all that might make him high and presuming: yet the necessity of his own affairs were so strong rains to hold him in, from all exorbitant courses: as made him wary to observe at first, all means to get, and retain the love, and good opinion of this Kingdom, by a regular and easy Government: being sure to have the King of France perpetually awake, for all advantages (both in regard of daily quarrels, common to mighty neighbours, as also for matching with her that came out of his bed, and brought away those mighty Provinces from that Crown, whereby, he comes now to overmatch him) being thus invested in this powerful Kingdom of England. Where, after having made a choice of grave Councillors, such as best understood the state thereof; he began at a Council or Parliament held at Wallingford with an Act (that both served his own turn, and much eased the stomachs of his people) which was the expulsion of Strangers, wherewith 
Expulsion of Strangers.  the Land was much pestered, by reason of the late wars that had drawn great numbers of them, and especially of Flemings, and Picards, whom King Stephen especially trusted in his greatest actions, after he grew doubtful of the English fidelity, and had made their Leader Williamd ' Ipres, Earl of Kent, who likewise was turned home, and his estate seized into the King's hands.  
Then, that he might subsist by his own means, without pressure of his subjects 
Resumption of Crown Lands.  (whose voluntary services, and contributions, would yield him more in measure, then if exacted) He looks to the State, and ordering of his revenues, reforms the Exchequer, and revokes all such Lands belonging to the Crown, as had any way been alienated, or usurped. And though some of the great Lords stood out for the holding what they had in possession, as Hugh de Mortimer for his Castles of Clebury, Wigmore, and Bridgenorth: and Roger Fits Miles, Earl of Hereford for the City and Land of Gloucester. Yet the King took them by force as appertaining to the Crown. Besides, he resumed the Castle of Skarborough, which William Earl of Albemarle held, and divers other Lands and Castles in Yorkshire, possessed by private men. Hugh Bigot resigned his Castles into the King's hands. And more, he took from William Earl of Mortaine, and Warren, base son to King Stephen, the Castle of Pemsey, the City of Norwitch: with, other Towns and Castles, notwithstanding himself granted the same, in his agreement with Stephen; alleging, They were of the demesnes of the Crown, and could not be aliened Only he suffered him to enjoy such lands, as his father, King Stephen held in England, in the time of Henry the first.  
Then goes he Northward, and recovers the City of Carlisle, seizes all Cumberland, into his hands: and after takes the Town of Newcastle, with the Castle of Bamberge, and so resumed all Northumberland, which his Mother (the Empress) had before granted to David King of Scets, her Uncle (Grandfather to Malcolin, who now reigned) as being not in his Mother's power, nor his, to give away any part of the Kingdom. Notwithstanding, he was content, Malcolin should enjoy the Earldom of Huntingdon, which King Stephen had given to Henry, Prince of Scotland, father to Malcolin, as being a piece in the heart of England, whereof he could make no use, but at the King's pleasure, and beside, was a means, to hold him his Homager, and to perform those services belonging to that Earldom.  
And the same course took he with the Alienations, and usurpations formerly made of the Demaines of the Duchy of Normandy, and forced Theobald Earl of Blois, to resign into his hands, two Castles, and Petroch Earl of Perch, other two. These revocations, whereby so many were endamaged in their estates, and Grants, both of his Predecessors, and his own utterly nullified; might seem, to be an act of great injustice, and in a new Government, of little safety. But in regard, the Commonwealth had thereby a benefit: and but few (though great) interessed, it passed as a work universally necessary, seeing his Maintenance otherwise, must be made up out of public taxations; which would turn to a general grievance. But the resuming of the Earldom of Anjou 
The King resumes the Earldom of Anjou.  out of his brother Geffryes hands, contrary to his Oath, cannot but be held a strain beyond conscience, and good nature. For his father Geffrey Plantagenet desirous to leave some estate to his second son Geffrey, ordained by his Testament, That when Henry had recovered the Kingdom of England, the other should have the County of Anjou: and in the mean time, put Geffrey in possession of the Castles, and Towns of Chinon, Lodun, and Mirabel, whereby he might, both have maintenance for his estate, and a readier means to come to the rest when occasion served. And lest his son Henry should not perform this Will, he got certain Bishops, and other Nobles to swear, that they would not suffer his body to be interred, till Henry, who was then absent, had sworn to fulfil his Testament: Henry, rather than to suffer his Father's body to lie unburied, With great unwillingness takes this oath. But afterward being invested in the Crown of England, and Geffrey seizing upon the Earldom of Anjou, he passes over into France, and not only takes from him the Earldom, but also those three Towns he had in possession; alleging, It was no reason, a forced Oath (upon such an occasion) should bind him to forego the inheritance of his Birthright, being all the Patrimony, that was to descend unto him from his Father:) and though he had recovered the Kingdom of England; that was not his Father's work, but by an other right. And although he held his brother dear unto him, yet having Children of his own, he was to provide, that what was his, should descend to them. But yet was content, to allow his brother an honourable pension (of a thousand pounds English, and two thousand pounds of Aniovin money yearly) for the maintenance of his estate; and obtained of Pope Adrian the seventh (an English man borne) a dispensation for his Oath, made in this case. 
1156. Anno. Reg. 2.   
And now the first occasion, that put him here into action of war, was the rebellion of the Welsh, who, according to their usual manner, ever attempted some thing, in the beginning of the Reign, of new Princes, as if to try their spirits, and their own fortunes. Against whom he goes so prepared, as if he meant to go through with his work. Wherein at first, he had much to do, passing a straight among the Mountains, 
His first expedition into Wales.  where he lost (with many of his men) Eustace Fitz john, and Robert Curcy, eminent persons: and himself noised to be slain (so much discouraged, that part of the Army, which had not passed the straits) as Henry an Earl of Essex, threw down the King's Standard (which he bore by inheritance) and fled: but soon, the King made it known, he was alive, discomfited his enemies, and brought them, to seek their peace with submission. The Earl of Essex was after accused, by Robert de Monfort 
The punishment of Corwardize.  for this misdeed, had the Combat, was overcome, pardoned yet of life, but condemned to be shorn a Monk, put into the Abbay of Reading, and had his Lands seized into the King's hands.  
It was now the fourth year of the reign of this King; when, all his affairs were in 
1158. Anno. Reg. 4.  prosperous course, his State increasing, his Queen fruitful, and had borne him three sons in England, Henry, Richard, and Geffrey: his eldst son William (to whom he had caused the Kingdom, to take an Oath of fealty) died shortly after his coming to the Crown, so that now, the same Oath is tendered to Henry, and all is secure and well on this side.  
The King of France, who would gladly have impeached the mighty current of this King's fortune, was held in, and fettered with his own necessities: his journey to the Holy Land, had all exhausted his Treasure, and since his coming home, the Pope had exacted great sums of him for dispensing with his second marriage, which was with Constantia daughter to Alphonso, King of Galicia, a feeble alliance, and far off, so that all concurred to increase the greatness of this King of England; who 
The resignation of Nants to the King of England.  having now almost surrounded France (by possessing first all Normandy, with a great footing in Britain, by the resignation of Nants, with the Country there about, which Conan the Duke was forced lately to make unto him; then the Earldom of Maine, Poictou, Touraine, Anjou with the Duchy of Given) he also lays claim to the rich Earldom of Tholouse upon this Title:  
William Duke of Aquitaine, granfather to Queen Elioner, married the daughter and 
King Henry's claim to the Earldom of Tholouse.  heir of the Earl of Tholouse, and going to the holy wars, engaged that Earldom to Raymond Earl of Saint gales, and never returned to redeem it. William his son, father to Queen Elionor, either through want of means, or neglect, delayed likewise the redemption thereof: so that the Earl of Saint Gyles continuning in possession whilst he lived, left it to his son Raymond, of whom King Louis of France (having married Elionor, the daughter and heir of the last William) demanded the restitution, with tender of the sum for which it was engaged. Raymond refuses it, and stands to his possession, as of a thing absolutely sold or forfeited, but being too weak to contend with a King of France, fell to an accord, and married his sister Constans, widow of Eustace son to King Stephen, and so continues the possession. Now King Henry having married this Elionor, and with her was to have all the Rights she had, tenders likewise (as the King of France had done, in the same case) the sum formerly disbursed, upon the mortgage of that Earldom. And with all makes ready his sword to recover it, and first combines in league and amity, with such, whose Territories bordered upon it: as with Raymond Earl of Barcelona, who had married the daughter and heir of the King of Arragon, a man of great Estate in those parts, entertaining him with conference of a match between his second son Richard, and his daughter: with covenant, that Richard should have the inheritance of the Duchy of Aquitaine, and the Earldom of Poictou. Besides, he takes into his protection, William Lord of Trancheville (possessing likewise) many great Signories in the Country: and one who held himself much wronged in his Estate, by the Earl of Tholouse.  
These ay des prepared, he levies an Army, and goes in person to besiege the City of Tholouse, and takes along with him Malcolin, King of Scots, who (coming to his 
1159. Anno. Reg. 5.  Court to do him homage, for the Earldom of Huntingdon, and to make claim for those other pieces, taken from his Crown) was entertained, with so many fair words and promises of King Henry, as drew him along to this war.  
The Earl of Tholouse understanding the intentions of the King of England, craves aid of his brother in Law the King of France, who likewise with a strong Army, comes down in person to succour Tholouse, and was there before the King of England could arrive with his forces, whereupon, seeing himself prevented, and in disadvantage, King Henry fell to spoiling the Country, and takes in Cahors in Quercy, where he places a strong Garrison to bridle the Tholousains, and so returns into Normandy, gave the order of Knight hood to King Malcolin at Tours: augments his forces, and enters the Country of Beawoisin, where he destroys many Castles, and commits great spoils. And to add more annoyance to the King of France, he obtained of the Earl de Auranches, the two strong Castles Rochfort, and Monfort, which furnished with Garrisons, impeached the passage twixt Orleans and Paris: in so much as the war, and weather grew hot betwixt these two great Princes, and much effusion of blood was like to follow; but that a mediation of peace was made, and in the end concluded, With a match between the young Prince Henry, not seven years of age, and the 
1160. Anno. Reg. 6.  Lady Margaret eldest daughter to the King of France scarce three: weak links, to hold in so mighty Princes. The young Lady was delivered rather as an Hostage than a Bride, to Robert de Newburge, to be kept till her years would permit her to live with her Husband. In the mean time, notwithstanding, many ruptures happened between the Parents: The first whereof 
Prince Henry contracted to Margaret daughter to the King of France.  grew upon the King of England's getting into his own hand the Castle of guysor's, with two other Castles upon the River Eata, in the confines of Normandy: delivered up before the due time By three Knights Templars, to whom they were committed in trust, till the marriage were consummated. And this cost some blood: the Knight's Templars are persecuted by the King of France, and the King of England receives them.  
But now the advantage of power lying all on this side, and the King seeing himself at large (and how much he was abroad) began to be more at home, and to 
The King seeks to abate the power of the Clergy & the cause thereof.  look to the Prerogatives of his Crown, which as he was informed, grew much infringed by the Clergy: which, since the time of Henry the first, Were thought to have enlarged their jurisdiction beyond their vocation: and himself had found their power, in the election of King Stephen, with whom they made their own conditions, with all advantages for themselves, whereby they deprived his Mother and her issue, of their succession to the Crown. And though afterwards by their mediation, the peace twixt him, and Stephen was concluded, and his succession ratified: yet for that, might he thank his Sword, the justice of his cause, and strong party in the Kingdom. What they did therein showed him rather their power, than their affection: and rather put him in mind of what they had done against him at first, than laid any obligation on him, for what they did afterward. And his own example, seeing them apt to surprise, all advantages for their own advancement, made him doubt how they might deal with his Posterity, if they found occasion: and therefore is he easily drawn to abate their power in what he could.  
To this motion of the King's dislike, the Lay Nobility (emulous of the others authority) laid more weights: alleging how the immunities of the Clergy took up so much 
Complaints against the Clergy.  from the Royalty, as his execution of justice, could have no general passage in the Kingdom: the Church held their Dominion apart, and free from any other authority than their own: and being exempt from Secular punishments, many enormous acts were committed by Clergymen, without any redress to be had: and it was notified to the King, that since the beginning of his Reign, There had been above a hundredth Manslaughters committed within the Realm of England by Priests, and men within Orders.  
Now had the King, a little before (upon the death of Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury) 
1161. Anno. Reg. 7.  preferred Thomas Becket, a creature and servant of his own, to that Sea. A man whom first, from being archdeacon of Canterbury, he made his Chancellor, and finding him Diligent, Trusty, and Wise, employs him in all his greatest businesses of the State: by which trial of his service and sidelity, he might expect to have him ever the 
Thomas Becket preferred to the Sea of Canterbury.  readier to advance his affairs, upon all occasions. And beside, to show how much he respected his worth, and integrity, he commits unto him the education of the Prince, a charge of the greatest consequence in a Kingdom, which shall be ever sure to find their Kings as they are bred. At the beginning of this man's promotion, this reformation of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is set upon, a work (in regard of that time of devotion) of great difficulty: the Bishops, having from the beginning of Christianity, first under the Saxon Kings, principally swaded the State: and though at the entrance of the Norman, they were much abriged of their former liberties, they held themselves if not content, yet quiet. For albeit they had not that power in temporal businesses as before; yet, within their own circle, they held their own jurisdiction, and immunities: and had since, both by the Law, civil wars, and the occasion of foreign affairs, much enlarged them. So that, any restriction, or diminution, of the power they had, could not but touch veins, that were very sensible in that part: especially, by reason of the universal participation of the Spirit that fed them: and therefore could not be but a business of much trouble,  
The King convokes a Council at Westminster, and there first propounds to have 
A Parliament at Westminster.  it enacted, That all such of the Clergy as should be taken and convicted for any heinous offence should lose the privilege of the Church, and be delivered to the civil magistrate, to be punished 
1163. Anno. Reg. 9  for their offences, as other the King's subjects were. For, if after Spiritual punishment, no secular correction should be used; there would be no sufficient means to restrain them from doing mischief: seeing it was not likely, such men would much care for their degrading and loss of Order, whom the Conscience of their calling did not hold in awe.  
The Archbishop and his suffragans, with the rest of the Bishops, showed the King how they were not to yield to any such Act, being against the liberties of the Church, which himself had sworn to defend, and maintain: and therefore humbly besought him, that he would not urge avything to the prejudice of their jurisdiction, and such immunities as they had hitherto enjoyed, both under him and his Noble Progenitors.  
The King, not liking this answer, demands, Whether they would submit themselves to the Laws and Customs, which the Archbishops and Bishops, in the time of his grandfather Henry the first did observe? they answered, they would; their Order, the honour of God; and holy Church, in all things saved, with which reservation the King grew more displeased, the Parliament broke up, and nothing effected at that time, for he saw the Bishops fast to themselves, and the more by the animation of the Archbishop of Canterbury, whom he thought (in regard of all those his graces bestowed on him) to have found more yielding to his courses, and therefore his indignation was most against him: and because he would make him see what the displeasure of so mighty a King was, who could as well cast down as advance: First denies him access: then takes from him, what he could possibly, countenances all such as were his opposites, his businesses in any the King's Courts go against him, the Earl of Clare is supported in a contestation he had with him, about his homage for the Castle of Tunbridge, and prevails: nothing is left undone, that might be thought to humble him. And besides the King wrought so, As he unties the knot, gains first the Archbishop of York (the ancient Competitor with Canterbury in dignity) and after, the Bishops of Lincoln, Hereford, and the especial Prelates: and separates them both from the counsel, and company of the Archbishop Becket.  
Notice of this jar being given abroad, a Messenger is sent from the Pope, and all the Cardinals to reconcile it, and to charge the Archbishop to make peace with his Lord the King, and promise to observe his Laws without exception. The Archbishop pressed with this message, and the advice of many great men, repairs to the King at Woodstooke, and there promises in good faith, without any evil meaning, to observe the King's Laws so far forth as was required.  
The King supposing now, things better prepared for his purpose then before, 
A Parliament at Clarendon.  calls a general Assembly of the Bishops and Nobility at Clarendon, where john of Oxford, the King's Clerk was Precedent of the Council: and a charge is 
1164. Anno. Reg. 10.  given from the King, That they should call to memory the Laws of his Grandfather Henry the first, and to reduce them into writing: which being done, he willed the archbishop and Bishops, to set their Seals thereunto. Which when the rest were content to do, The Archbishop Becket refused. Yet at length, by the persuasion of the Bishops (urging him to satisfy the King's pleasure, and appease his wrath, in regard of his present danger, which, by the rushing up and down of the King's servants with threatening countenances, they suspected themselves likely to fall 
The Archbishop Becket, takes his oath to observe the King's laws.  into) He took his Oath to observe the King's Laws without any reservation. And for the writing desired to have a copy, as if better to advise thereof. And taking it into his hand, he turns to the Clergy, and said: Brethren stand fast, you see the malice of the King, and of whom we are to beware.  
So the Council ended, but not the King's displeasure against the Archbishop, whom only he found, durst bear up against his power, the rest all yielding thereunto. 
The king useth all means to vex the Archbishop.  unto. And therefore proceeds he, by all means to vex and disgrace him, and to advance his Concurrent the Archbishop of York, whom he solicits the Pope (by his Agents john of Oxford, and Geoffrey Riddle) to make his Legate of all England. Which the Pope (forewarned acquainted with this business) refused to do: yet at the petition of those Agents granted that Legation to the King himself, but so as he should do nothing to grieve the Archbishop, which the King took as a great indignity, and sent back his Agents with the Popes Grant.  
The Archbishop Becket after his oath at Clarendon, so repent, as he suspended himself, 
The Archbishop reputes him of his oath.  from the service of the Altar, and did sharp penance till he had obtained absolution from the Pope, Which (upon his information of the case) was sent him. After this, as some writ, he attempts to departed out of the Kingdom, contrary to a law made at Clarendon (forbidding Archbishops, Bishops, and other Persons to departed out of the Realm without the King's leave. Which, although they obtained, yet were notwithstanding to secure the King, neither in their going, returning, or staying there, to practise any thing preiudicious to his State or Person) But being by contrary winds brought back, he more exasperates the King against him.  
After this, he is summoned to an Assembly at Northampton (holden about the ratification of the Acts of Clarendon) where (to despite him the more) the King's horses 
A Parliament at Northampton.  are placed in his Inn; And there, First had he a Case adjudged against him, concerning a Manor, for which, one john the King's Marshal contended with him in Law, and besides the loss of the Manor, was cast in arrearages five hundredth Marks, which the King was said to have lent him, but he alleged how it was given: yet because he confessed the receipt, and could not prove the gift, he was condemned to pay it. Then was he called to render an account to the King of all such receipts as in the time of his chancellor ship he had received 
The Archbishop called to account.  for the King, of certain Bishoprics and Abbeys during their vacancies, which amounted to the sum of three thousand Marks. For these accounts, he alleged, How the King knew well, he was discharged before his election to the Sea of Canterbury, and how the Prince, the Barons of the Exchequer, and Robert de Lucy, Chief justice of England, had made him his acquittance for all accounts, and Secular receipts, in the behalf of the King: and so (free and cleared) was he chosen to the administration of that Office, and therefore would plead the same no more.  
The King, notwithstanding, urging to have judgement pass against him, both for this, his late attempts, and disobedience, he was commanded the next day to attend his Censure. The morning before he was to appear, he celebrates early with great devotion, the Mass of Saint Stephen Protomartir, which hath these words: Etenim sederunt Principes, & adversum me loquebantur: and so committing his cause to God, sets forward to the Court in his Stole, his black Canonical hood, carrying the Cross in his right hand, and guiding his horse with the left. The people seeing him come in this fashion, flock all about him, he entering the great Chamber, sat down amongst them, the King being within, in his Privy Chamber with his Council: from whom, first came forth the Bishop of London, and much blames him for coming so armed to the Court, and offered to pull the Cross out of his hand, but the Archbishop held it so fast that he could not. Which the Bishop of Winchester seeing, said to London, Brother let him alone, he ought well to bear the Cross, London replies, You speak brother against the King, and it will be ill for you. After this, comes forth the Archbishop of York (the heat of whose ancient hatred, saith Hoveden, would not suffer him to speak in peace, and rebukes him very sharply, 
Roger Hoveden.  for coming in that fashion, as if to a Tyrant, or heathen Prince; and told him, that the King had a sword sharper than his Cross, and if he would be advised by him he should take it from him. Canterbury replies, the King's sword wounds carnally, but mine strikes Spiritually, and sends the soul to Hell.  
After much debate, the Archbishop Becket invayes against this violent proceeding against him: How no age ever heard before, that an Archbishop of Canterbury had been adjudged in any of the King's Courts for any cause whatsoever, in regard both of his Dignity and place: and for that he is the Spiritual Father of the King, and all other his subjects. Then to the Bishops, you see the world rageth against me, the enemy riseth up, but I more lament, the Sons of my Mother fight against me. If I should conceal it, the age to come will declare, how you leave me alone in the battle, and have judged against me, being your Father, though never so much a sinner. But I charge you by virtue of your obedience, and peril of your Order, that you be not present in any place of judgement, where my person or cause comes to be adjudged. And here I appeal to the Pope, charging you farther by virtue of your obedience, that if any Temporal man lay hands on me, you exercise the Sentence of the Church; as it becomes you for your Father the Archbishop, who will not shrink howsoever, nor leave the flock commitmitted unto him.  
Then were all these great complaints of his contempt, Disobedience, and Perjury, exhibited, and aggravated against him before the Assembly, and they cried generally 
Complaints against the Archbishop.  he was a Traitor, that having received so many benefits at the King's hands, would refuse to do him all earthly honour, and observe his Laws as he had sworn to do. The Bishops likewise, seeing all thus bend against him, renounced their Ecclesiastical obedience unto him, cited him to Rome, and condemns him as a perjured man and a Traitor.  
Then the Earl of Leicester accompanied with Reginald Earl of Cornwall came to the Archbishop, and charged him from the King to answer to what was objected unto him, or else to hear his judgement. Nay, son Earl, said he, first hear you: It is not unknown to yourself, how faithfully I have served the King, and how in regard thereof he preferred me to the place I have (God is my witness) against my will. For I knew mine own infermities, and was content to take it upon me, rather for his pleasure, than God's cause; therefore now doth God withdraw himself, and the King from me. At the time of my Election he made me free from all Court bondage, and therefore touching those things from which I am delivered, I am not bound to answer, nor will I. How much the soul is worthier than the body, so much are you bound to obey God and me rather than any Earthly Creature: neither will Law or Reason permit the Sons to condemn the Father: and I refuse to stand either to the judgement of the King or any other person; appealing to the presence of the Pope by whom only on Earth I ought to be adjudged, committing all I have to God's protection and his: and under that authority I depart out of this place. And so went he out and took his Horse, not without some difficulty in passing, and many reproaches of the King's servants. 
The Archbishop disguised fled out of the Kingdom.   
Being gotten out of the Court, a great multitude of the common people (rejoicing to see him delivered) and divers of the Clergy conveyed him honourably to the Abbay of Saint Andrew's, whence disguised (by the name of Dereman) he escaped over into Flanders, and so into France.  
This business of the Church, I have the more particularly delivered (according to the general report of the Writers of that time) in regard it lay so chained to the Temporal affairs of the State, and bewrayed so much of the face of that Age, with the constitution both of the Sovereignty, and the rest of the body as it could not well be omitted. Besides, the effects it wrought in the succeeding reign of this Prince, the vexation, charge; and burden it laid upon him for many years, is worthy of note, and shows us what spirit had predomination in that season of the World, and what Engines were used in this Oppugnation.  
Presently upon the departure of this Great Prelate, the King sends over to the King of France, Gillebert Bishop of London, and William Earl of Arundel, to entreat him, not only to forbid the Archbishop his Kingdom, but to be a means to the Pope, that his 
The King sends Ambassadors to the Pope.  cause might not be favoured by the Church, being so contumacious a rebel as he was against his Sovereign Lord.  
The King of France notwithstanding this entreaty sends Friar Francis his Amoyner under hand to the Pope, to beseech him, as he tendered the honour of holy Church, and the aid of the Kingdom of France, to support the cause of Thomas of Canterbury, against the Tyrant of England.  
King Henry sends likewise with all speed, Roger Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Winchester, London, Chichester and Excester, Guido Rufus, Richard juechester, and john of Oxford Clerks: William Earl of Arundel, Hugh de Gundevile, Bernard de Saint Walleric, and Henry Fitz Gerrard to inform the Pope of the whole cause, and prevent the archbishops complaint. The multitude, and greatness of the Commissioners showed the importance of the embassage, and the King's earnest desire to have his cause prevail. They find the Pope at the City of Sens, to whom, they showed how perverse and disobedient the Archbishop had behaved himself to his Sovereign Lord the King of England: how he alone refused to obey his Laws and Customs, which he had sworn to do: and that by his peevish waywardness, the Church and Kingdom were like to be disturbed, which otherwise would agree in the reformation thereof, as was fit and necessary: and therefore they besought him, as he tendered the peace of the Church of England, and the love of the King their Sovereign, not to give credit or grace, to a man of so turbulent, and dangerous a spirit.  
This Information (notwithstanding earnestly urged) they found moved not any disposition in the Pope to favour the King's cause, so that in the end, They besought him to send two Legates over into England, to examine the particulars of this business, and how it had been carried: and in the mean time, to admit no other information of the cause, but refer it to their relation. The Pope refuses to send any Legate; the commissioners depart without any satisfaction. And with in four days after, comes the Archbishop and prostrates himself at the Pope's feet: delivers him a copy of those Laws, which the King called his Grandfather's Laws, which being openly read in the presence of all the Cardinals, Clergy, and many other people, the Pope condemned them for ever, and accursed those who obeyed or any way favoured them.  
Those Laws among the Statutes of Clarendon, which the Archbishop so much oppugned (and most offended the Clergy) were (as by his own letter to the Bishop of London appears) these especially: That there should be no appeal to the Apostolic Sea without the King's leave. That no Archbishop or Bishop should go out of the Realm but by the King's permission. That no Bishop excommunicate any, who held of the King, in Capite; or interdict any official of his without the King's leave, etc. That Clergy men should be drawn to secular judgements. That Lay men (as the King and other should handle causes of the Church, Tithes, and such like. And these were dangerous incrochments upon their liberties.  
But now the King, seeing his embassage to take no effect, and withal, in a manner 
1166. Anno. Reg. 12.  contemned, presently makes his heavy displeasure, and the scorn he took know by his severe Edicts, both against the Pope, and the Archbishop, that they might see what edge his secular power had in this case: ordaining, That if any were found carrying Letter, or Mandate from the Pope, or Archbishop, containing any 
The King's Edicts against the Pope and his agents.  interdiction of Christianity in England, should be taken, and without delay executed as a Traitor, both to the King and Kingdom. That whatsoever Bishop, Priest, Monk, or Conuerser in any Order, Clerke, or lay-man should have and retain any such letters; should forfeit all their possessions, goods, and chattels to the King, and be presently banished the Realm with their kin. That no Clergy men, Monk or other should be permitted to pass over Sea, or return out of Normandy into England, without letters from the justices here, or from the King being there: upon pain to be taken as a Malefactor, and put in hold. That none should appeal to the Pope. That all Clerks which had any revenue in England should return into the Realm within three months, upon pain of forfeiting their estates to the King.  
That Peter Pence should be collected, and sequestered till the King's pleasure were farther known.  
Besides, this he banishes all that were found to be any way of kin to the Archbishop, without exception of condition, sex, or years. And withal, takes occasion upon the Schism which was then in the Church to renounce Pope Alexander, and incline to the Emperor's faction, which stood thus.  
After the death of Adrian the fourth, Roland a Genevese, and a great enemy of the 
The Election of two Popes.  Empire is by two and twenty Cardinals elected Pope by the name of Alexander the third, to which election four Cardinals opposed, and made choice of Octavian a Citizen of Rome that would be called Victor the first. The Emperor Frederic Barbarossa summons these two Popes to a Concel at Pavia, to understand & determine their right. Alexander makes the old answer, that the Pope could not be judged by any man living, refuses to appear before the Emperor, and withdraws into Anagnia. Victor consents to appear there, or wheresoever the Emperor would appoint, so that, he was the man for that side. But all the other Princes of Christendom (except those of the emperors faction) acknowledge Alexander for Pope, as elected by most voices. And especially by the King of France who called him thither: and at Cocy upon Loyr, he and the King of England received him with all honour and reverence, in so much, as they are said to have attended upon his Stirrup, the one, on the right hand, the other on the left: after this, he calls a Council at Tours, whether the Kings of England, Spain and Hungary send their Ambassadors, and there, are the constitutions of the Council of Pavia, and the emperors confirmation of Victor nullified, so that Alexander having his party daily increasing in Italy was shortly after received into Rome.  
Notwithstanding all this, the King of England finding him so avers in this business, Falls off from him, renounces his Authority, turns to the emperors faction, seeks to strength himself with the Princes of Germany, consents to match his daughter Maude to the Duke of Saxony, at the motion of Reginald Archbishop of Collen, sent over by the Emperor for that purpose, and entertains a motion for another daughter to be matched with the emperors son.  
But now, by reason this contrary faction to Pope Alexander grew to be but feeble, all this working did the King no good, but exasperates the Pope, and sets him on the more to support the cause of the Archbishop, who, solicits the Clergy of 
Pope Alexander's letter to the Clergy of England.  England threatens, entreats, adiures them not to forsake their hold, nor give way to the invader of their liberties, which sought to confound the Priesthood and the Kingdom: and if they opposed not mainly at the first but suffered the least breach to be made upon them, they were undone. Then excommunicates he all the especial Ministers of the King that adhered to the Teutonicque faction, or held intelligence with the Archbishop of Collen: As john of Oxford, Richard juechester, Richard de Lucy, josslin Balliol, Alan de Nevile, and with these all such as had entered upon the goods of the Church of Canterbury, which he called the patrimony of the Crusifex, and the food of the poor: and these were Ralph de Brock, Hugh Saint Clare, and Thomas Fitz Barnard. Thus are both sides busied in this dry war, wherein, though there were no sword, yet it gave vexation enough.  
And yet this was not all the work that took up the King's time for during this dissension, the Welsh again revolt, and to suppress them he spent much labour, with 
The King represses the Welsh.  the loss of many great men, and was himself in that danger, as had not Hubert Saint Clere received a wound for him, by an Arrow aimed directly at his person, he had there finished his part. In this expedition he is said, to have used extreme cruelty.  
After this, he passes into Normandy to be near his business, which now lay all on that side. And first to entertain the opinion of Pictie (though he were fallen out with the Pope) he obtains at an Assembly of his Bishops and Barons of Normandy, 
1166. Anno. Reg. 13.  two pence in the pound, of every man's Lands and goods too beepayde that year 1166. and a penny of every pound to be paid for four years following, which was levied for the relief of the Christians in the Holy war, and sent unto them.  
Then he raises forces and takes in certain Castles in the Country of Maine, and Marches of Britain, from divers Lords and Barons that had disobeyed him. And whilst he was busy abroad, Matthew son to the Earl of Flanders (who had married the Lady Marie Abbess of Ramsey, daughter to King Stephen, & had by her the Country of Bologne) attempted something on the Coast of England, either to try the affections of the people, or to make spoil and booty, but without any effect at all, the King being to mighty for any such weak undertaker.  
And to distend his power yet wider, falls out this occasion: Conan Earl of Britain dies, and leaves one only daughter (which he had by his wife Constance daughter to the King of Scots) to succeed him in his State. The King of England being then in arms upon the Marches of Britain, deals with the Guardians of the young Lady to match her to his third son Geoffrey. The nobility of that Country being then of a rough, and haughty disposition (given to feuds, and perpetual quarreling one with another) were wrought upon, and a side is won of such as could do most in this business: which is effected to the great contentation of the King of England.  
This fell out to be in the 13 year of his reign, wherein, as some writ, died his Mother Maud the Empress, a Lady of an high and active Spirit: illustrious by her birth, but more by her first match, and most by her son, whom she lived to see established in all these mighty States, in the glory of Greatness & Peace: Fertile in issue, having now 
The death of Maude the Empress.  had 4 sons and 3 daughters, links of love and strength (oftentimes in private families) though seldom in Princes, and she left him in the best time of his days before any great tempest overtook him.  
Three years after this, he employs most in France, about the ordering and cleared the bounds of his Dominions from usurpation, or incrochments of neighbour Lords (whom his greatness held all in awe) and they must have no more than he would: especially he settles and reforms the State of Britain, which was much out of order, and in mutiny about the late Match: which being appeased, he keeps a solemn Christmas at Nants, and Royally feasts the Nobility of the Country. 
1169. Anno. Reg. 16.   
Then returns he into England, where, lest Peace (by reason of his long and often absence) might afflict and corrupt his subjects, he looks to that Divine, and Almighty work of Kings, the administration of justice, appointing certain commissioners as Syndicqs to examine the abuses and excesses committed by his Officers, and grievously 
Extortion and Bribety punished.  punishes the Shreive's of the Land, for extortion and bribery.  
His Easter, he keeps at Windsor whither, repairs unto him William King of Scots who lately succeeded Malcom his brother, and brings with him his younger brother David, both to congratulate the King of England's return, and also continue his claim to those pieces in the North which he pretended to be unjustly detained from that Crown. The King entertains him, as he had done his brother with fair words, and tells him, How it was not in his power, to do any thing therein, without the consent of the State in Parliament; which if he would attend, there should be that course taken, as he hoped might give him satisfaction. In expectation whereof this King came often into England, and once attended the King in an expedition into France, as his Predecesor had done.  
But now all this while, the wrath of the Church continues, and the cloud hangs still over him, daily threatening the great thunderbolt. Although it seems the Pope of himself, was not very forward to proceed to that extremity but would gladly have quieted the Archbishop otherwise; Who (he said) had taken an ill time for this business, the King being mighty, and the Church in trouble: and therefore writes 
The Pope writes to the Bishops of England.  he his letters to the Bishop of London, and Hereford, willing them to deal effectually with the King, and to admonish him to desist from intruding upon the liberties of the Church, and to restore the Archbishop to his Sea and Dignity.  
The Bishops wisely answer the Pope's Letter, in substance thus: We have (said they) done your Holiness message, and as much as was decent for the Majesty 
The Bishop's answer to the Pope's Letter.  if a King, instantly urged him to satisfy your desire, made by us: and if he had erred from the way of truth and justice, that he would not delay to return thereunto: that he would not inhibit such as were desirous to visit the Church of Rome, hinder Appeals, oppresso Churches and Churchmen, or suffer others so to do: that he would call home our Father the Archbishop, etc. and persist in the works of Piety; that he by whom Kings reign might preserve unto him his temporal Kingdom, and give him an eternal in Heaven: and that unless he would yield to your Holy admonitions, you, who had hitherto endured, could in patience forbear no longer. Besides we added this of ourselves, how it was to be feared, if he amended not his errors, his Kingdom would not long stand, nor his prosper.  
The King received your admonitions with many thanks, much Temperance and Modesty, and answers to every point. First he protested that in no sort he averted his mind from your Holiness, nor ever purposed so to do, but so long as you showed him fatherly Grace, he would love you as a Father; reverence, and cherish the Church as his Mother. And humbly obey your sacred Decrees, saving his own Dignity, and that of his Kingdom: and if of late he hath not respected you with any reverence, the cause was that, having with all his affection, and all his power stood to you in your necessity, he was not answered worthily to his deserts upon his recourse to you by his Ambassadors, but in every petition had the repulse. And for hindering any which are willing to visit your Holiness he answers he will not, nor hath hitherto done.  
But for Appeals, by the ancient custom of the Kingdom, He challenges that honour, and cumber to himself: that no Clergy man for any civil cause shall go out of the Land, till he hath tried, whether he may obtain his right by his Royal Authority, and justice at home; which if he cannot, he may (without any hindrance) when he will make his Appeal. Wherein, if any way he doth prejudice Your Honour he offers, by the help of God to correct it, as it shall be ordered by the Council of the whole Church of his Kingdom. And for the Emperor, though he knew him a Scismatique, he never understood he was excommunicate. But if he be by us informed thereof, or hath entered unlawful league with him, or any other, he promises likewise to redress the same, by the said Ecclesiastical Council of his Kingdom. And for our Father, the Lord of Canterbury (he saith) that he never expelled him out of his Kingdom, but as he went out of his own accord, so that, at his pleasure it was free for him to return to his Church in peace: provided, that his Majesty might be satisfied concerning those complaints of his, and have him to observe his Royal Dignity. And if it can be proved, that any Church, or Churchman, hath been oppressed by the King or any of his, he is ready to make full satisfaction, as shall be thought fit by the whole Council of the Church of his Kingdom.  
This (say they) we have received in answer from our Lord the King, and wish we could have had it fully according to your desire: but these things we thought good to notify to your Highness, that your Discretion may perceive what is like to be the conclusion of this business. The King stands upon the justification of his own cause, ready to obey the Council and judgement of the Church of England. Whereupon we thought good to beseech your Highness, that you would moderate, for a time, that zeal (which by the fire of the divine Spirit, is worthily enkindled, to revenge any injury done to the Church of God) and forbear to pronounce any sentence of interdiction, or that last judgement of abscision, whereby innumerable Churches may be miserably subverted, and both the King and an infinite number of people with him, irrevocably (which God forbidden) averted from your obedience.  
Then they tell him, That better it were to have a member bad, then cut off: abscision brought desperation: a skilful Chirurgeon might recover an infected part, and how it were filter to employ means to heal the wound, then by cutting off a most noble part of the Church of God, to bring more disturbance to the same that hath to much already. Though the King were stiff, they ought not despair of the grace of God, that a King's stomach was then to be won, when he had won, and might not blush to yield, when he had overcome: Patience, and Meekness, must pacify him, etc. And inconclusion, we speak foolishly (say they) but yet withal Charity: if it come to pass that the Lord of Canterbury lose both his goods; and live beside in perpetual exile; and England which (God forbidden) fall away from your obedience, were it not better to forbear for a time, then with such zeal of severity to foster up a party? what if persecution cannot separate many of us from you, yet will not there want knees to bow to Baal, and receive the Pall of Canterbury at the hands of an Idol, without choice of religion, or justice: neither will there want suppliers of our Chairs that will obey him with all devotion, and already, many devour these hopes; wishing that scandals may come, and straight ways be made crooked.  
Thus much out of their letters, which are the best pieces of History in the world, and show us more of the inside of affairs, than any relations else. And by this we truly see what bars kept these two mighty powers back from their wills, and yet how loud they threaten, and both a feared of each other.  
But the King of England stood safe enough, and was like to have his businesses run in a strong and entire course, when by casting to make things safer, then fast: he lays open a way both to disjoint his own power, and embroil his people with division, which was by the association of his son Henry in the government, an act without example in this Kingdom, and strange that a Parliament, an assembly of the State, 
Prince Henry crowned King  convoked for the same business, would in so wise times, consent to communicate the Crown, and make the Commonwealth a Monster with two heads. But it seems the 
1170. Anno. Reg. 16.  strong desire of the King was such, for the love he bore his son, as he would not be denied in this motion, nor hold it a sufficient Security, to have twice before caused all the Kingdom to take an Oath of Fealty unto him, & to have designed, unless he were Crowned King, as he was, with all usual solemnities the 14 day of june 1170. by Roger Archbishop of York, and had homage done unto him that day by the King of Scots, David his brother, and all the Nobility of England. But now with what reservations this was done, we are not particularly informed: whether there was an equal participation of rule, or only but of Title: and that the Father, notwithstanding this Act, was to have the especial manage of the Government, and the Son, though a King, yet a Son, with a limited power. Howsoever, this young King showed shortly after, That a Crown was no State to be made over in trust, and laid much grief, and repentance, upon his Father's forwardness.  
What moved the King with this precipitation (to be before hand with his Grave) may be deemed, the jealousy he had apprehended by his Mother's example, who for all the Oath of Fealty sooften taken for her succession, was yet put by it, through the working of the Clergy, and now considering in what terms he stood with them, and that although he had won some few Bishops unto him, was sure they loved him not, and what they might work with the people, if himself should fail, made him over do his work.  
The King of France, understanding that his daughter was not Crowned with her husband (which by reason of her tender age was deferred) took it ill, and threatens King Henry the Father with war, if it were not presently done, which causes him to make more haste back again into Normandy (leaving the young King in England) to satisfy or prevent this quarrelling Prince.  
And whilst he remained there, means was made that the Archbishop of Canterbury (who had been now six years in exile) was brought to have conference with the King, by the mediation of the King of France, Theobald Earl of Bloys, and divers great Bishops, which the King of England was the more willing to accept, in regard he saw this breach with the Church might much prejudice his temporal businesses whensoever they should break out: and how the Archbishop continually was working the Pope, and all the great Prelates of the Christian world against him: which, How much such a party as swayed the Empire of Souls might do in a time of zeal, against a ruler of bodies, was to be considered. And therefore descends he from the height of his will to his necessity, and they meet at Montmiriall before the King of France, where the Archbishop kneeling at the feet of his Sovereign Lord the King of England, said, 
Beckets submission to the King.  He would commit the whole cause in controversy to his Royal Order, God's honour only reserved.  
The King (who had been often used to that reservation) grew into some choler, and said to the King of France and the rest: What soever displeaseth this man, he would have to be against God's honour, and so by that shift, will challenge to himself all that belongs to me: But because, you shall not think me to go about to resist God's honour and him, in what shall be 
The King's offer to Becket.  fit, look what the greatest and most Holy of all his Predecessors have done to the meanest of mine, let him do the same to me and it shall suffice. Which answer being beyond expectation, so reasonable, turned the opinion of all the company to the King's cause, in so much as the King of France, said to the Archbishop, Will you be greater than Saints? better than Saint Peter? what can you stand upon? I see it is your fault, if your peace be not made. The Archbishop replied to this effect: That as the authority of Kings had their beginning by 
Beckets reply:  Degrees, so had that of the Church, which being now by the providence of God, come to that Estate it was, they were not to follow the example of any, that had been faint or yielding in their places. The Church had risen, and increased out of many violent oppressions, and they were now to hold what it had gotten. Our Fathers (said he) suffered all manner of afflictions, because they would not forsake the name of Christ, and shall I, to be reconciled to any man's favour living, derogate any thing from his honour?  
This haughty reply of a subject to so yielding an offer of his Sovereign, so much distasted the hearers, as they held the maintenance of his cause, rather to proceed from obstinacy then zeal, and with that impression, the conference for that time, broke up. But after this, were many other meetings and much debate about the business. And the King of France (at whose charge lay the Archbishop all this while) came to another conference with them, upon the Confines of Normandy: Where, the King of England took the Archbishop apart, and had long speech with him; twice they alighted from their horses, twice remounted, and twice the King held the Archbishop's bridle, and so again they part, prepared for an atonement, but not concluding any. In the end by mediation 
The King and Becket accorded.  of the Archbishop of Roven, the matter is quietly ended before the Earl of Bloys, at Amboys. And thereupon Henry the father, writeth to Henry the son, being then in England, in this wise, Know ye, that Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury hath made peace with me (to my will) and therefore I charge you, that he and all his, have peace: and that you cause to be restored unto him, and to all such (as for him) went out of England, all their substances, in as full and honourable manner, as they held it, three months before their going, etc. And thus by this letter we see, in which King, the command lay. 
Becket returns into England.   
The Archbishop returning into England (not as one who had sought his peace, but enforced it) with larger power to his resolution then before, Suspends by the Pope's Bull, the Archbishop of York from all Episcopal Office, for Crowning the young King within the Province of Canterbury, without his leave, and against the Pope's commandment: and without taking (according to the custom) the Cautionary Oath, for conservation of the liberties of the Church. He brought also other letters to suspend in like manner, The Bishops of London, Salisbury, Oxford, Chester, Rochister, Saint Asaph, and Landaff, for doing service at the Coronation, and vphoulding the King's cause against him. And by these Letters were they all to remain suspended, till they had satisfied the Archbishop in so much, as he thought fit.  
Thus to return home, showed that he had the better of the time, and came all untied, which so terrified the Bishops that presently (having no other refuge) they repair to the King in Normandy, and show him this violent proceeding of the Archbishop, How since his return he was grown so imperious as there was no living under him. Wherewith the King was so much moved, as he is said in extreme passion to have uttered these words. In what a miserable State am I, that cannot be quiet, in mine own Kingdom, for one only Priest? is there no man will rid me of this trouble. Whereupon (they report) four Knights, Sir Hugh Moruille, Sir William Tracy. Sir Richard Britain, and Sir Raynold Fitz Urs (then attending upon the King, and guessing his desire by his words) departed presently into England, to be the unfortunate executioners of the same, but by some it seems rather, these four gentlemen were sent with Commission from the King to deal with the Archbishop in another manner. And first to wish him to take his Oath of Fealty to the young King: then to restore these Bishops to the execution of their function: and thirdly, to bear himself with more moderation in his place, whereby the Church might have comfort upon his return, and the Kingdom quietness.  
But they finding the Archbishop not answering their humour, but peremptory, & untractable, without regarding their Master's message, grew into rage, & first from threatening 
The murdering of Becket.  force fell to commit it, and that in an execrable manner: putting on their armour (to make the matter more hideous) they entered into the Church, whither the Archbishop was withdrawn, the Monks at Divine Service; and there calling him Traitor, and furiously reviling him, gave him many wounds, and at length struck out his brains, that with his blood besprinkled the Altar. His behaviour in this act of death, his courage to take it: his passionate committing the cause of the Church, with his soul to God, and his Saints: the place, the time, the manner, and all aggravates the hatred, of the deed, and makes compassion, and opinion, to be on his side.  
The unfortunate Gentlemen (having effected this great service, rifled the Archbishops house; and after weighing the foulness of what they had committed, and doubtful whether the King, though they had done him a great pleasure, would seem so to acknowledge it) withdrew themselves into the North parts; and from thence pursued, 
The Murderers miserable end.  fled into several Countries, where they all within four years after (as is reported) died miserable Fugitives.  
Soon ran the rumour of this deed, with full mouth over all the Christian world, every pen, that had passion, was presently set on work. The King of France (himself) 
The King of France informs the Pope of Beckets murder.  informs the Pope of the whole manner, with aggravation of the sovienesse thereof, and incites him to use the most exquesit punishment he could; To unsheath Peter's sword, to revenge the death of the Martyr of Canterbury, whose blood cries out for all the Church, and whose divine glory was already revealed in miracles.  
Theobald Earl of Bloys, a great and grave Prince (elder brother to King Stephen) 
The Earl of Bloys informs likewise.  sends likewise his information to the Pope, and shows him, how he was at the peacemaking between the King of England and this blessed Martyr: and with what a cheerful countenance, with what willingness the King confirmed the agreement, granting him power to use his authority as it should please the Pope and him against those Bishops, which had contrary to the right, and dignity of the Church of Canterbury presumed to intrude the new King into the Royallthrone. And this he would justify by his Oath, or howsoever: and in this peace (saith he) the man of God doubting nothing, puts his neck under the sword: this innocent lamb the morrow upon Saint Innocents' day, suffered Martyrdom: the just blood was shed, where the shot of our salvation, the blood of Christ is offered. And then: how Court dogs, the King's familiars and domestics, were his ministers to execute this horrible act, concluding with an exhortation likewise of revenge.  
But William Archbishop of Sens comes with a more main outcry, as if he would wake the Pope, were he never so dead asleep: and tells him, how he was appointed over 
The Archbishop of Sens writes to the Pope.  Nations, and Kingdoms, to bind their Kings in fetters, and their Nobles with manacles of iron: that all power both in Heaven and Earth was given to his Apostleship: bids him look how the Boar of the wood had rooted up the Vineyard of the Lord of Sabbath, etc. and all, in that most powerful phrase of holy writ. And after, having bitterly inveighed against the King, uses these words: It imports you, O most mild keeper of the walls of jerusalem, to revenge that which is past, and provide for the future. What place shall be safe, if the rage of tyranny shall embrew the Sancta Sanctorum with blood, and tear in pieces the vicegerents of Christ, the foster children of the Church, without punishment? Arm therefore all the Ecclesiastical power you may, etc.  
Such and so great was the uproar of the Church, raised upon these motives, as notwithstanding 
The King declares his innocency by Embassage to the Pope.  the King of England (than the greatest Prince of all the Christian world) employed the most especial men could be chosen in all his Dominions, for reputation, learning, and judgement, to declare his innocency to the Pope: to vow and protest that he was so far from willing such a deed to be done, as he was from doing it himself, and how grievously he 
Pope, & Cardinals denied audience refused conference.  took the matter when he heard thereof; yet so deep was the impression settled before hand, and his name made so odious at Rome, as not only the Pope denied Audience to his Ambassadors, but every Cardinal, and all other his Ministers refused to have any conference with them. Which, with the hard passage they had in going thither, by the many dangers and restraints they endured, and now the contempt they found there, did (as they signified to the King) much discourage them. Yet for all this were there those brave Spirits among them (as great Princes have always great Ministers) that never gave over working to clear their masters honour, by Apologies, remonstrances, and all whatsoever wit could devise: and dealt so, as they kept off the great confounding blow of the highest Censure, though it were every day threatened and expected. And having (by gravely urging the mischiefs, might follow in the Church; if a King of so great a State, and stomach, should be driven to take desperate courses) given some pause, and allay to the first hear; they timed it out all that Spring, and a great part of the next Summer; when, although they could give the King no great security, yet they advertise him of hope. But the sending of two Cardinals a Latere Gratianus and Vivianus down into Normandy did exceedingly vex him. For they were rough against him, and would have interdicted him, and his Dominions: but being forewarned of their coming and intention, he appeals to the presence of the Pope, and so put off that trouble. Returning out of Normandy into England, he gives strict commandment, That no brief carrier of what condition or order soever, without giving good security for his behavieur to the King, and Kingdom, be suffered to pass the Seas.  
Notwithstanding all the vexation the Church put this King into, he left nothing 
The Conquest of Ireland.  undone that concerned the advancement of his affairs, but as if now the rather, to show his power and greatness, takes this time for an expedition into Ireland (having commanded a Navy of four hundred ships to be ready at Milford-Hauen for the transportation of Men, Victuals, and Armour) and sets forth in the beginning of November, an unseasonable time, both for those Seas, and the invasion of a Country not well known. But the business (it seems) was well prepared for him, having had an intention thereof, ever since the second year of his reign, in which he sent a solemn embassage to Pope Adrian the fourth, to crave leave for the subdument of that Country, under pretence of reducing those rude people from their vicious fashions to the faith and way of truth. Which the Pope willingly granted, and returns the Ambassadors, with an authentical concession thereof in writing, to this effect, First showing how laudable a thing it was, and how fitting the magnificence of so mighty a King to propagate his glorious name on Earth, and heap up reward of eternal felicity in Heaven, by extending the bounds of the Church, reducing rude and unlettered people from their vicious manners, to the veritte of the Christian faith, and civility. And then gives him power to invade the same, and to execute whatsoever should be to the Honour of God, and good of the Country, with reservation of Church-rights, and Peeter-pences (a penny of every house yearly, which he had promised by his Ambassadors) and so concludes with an exhortation to plant men of good and exemplar life in the Clergy, etc.  
But the King at that time, having other occasions, left off the purpose of this, which comes now of late to be again embraced by this means: Dermot Mac Marrgh one 
Dermot complains against O Conor to King Henry.  of the five Kings which then ruled that Island comes unto him into Aquitaine to crave his aid against Rodorick the Great, called O Conor Dun, King of Connaught who, contending for the Sovereignty of the whole had chased him out of his Dominion of Lemster.  
The King of England (glad to find a door thus opened to his intention, that might yield passage of itself without being broken up) entertains this ejected King with promises of aid: and though he could not as then furnish him, being engaged in other great affairs, he yet permits such of his subjects as would, to adventure their fortunes with him. But the occasion of the dissension between these two Irish Kings was indeed fowl on the part of Dermot, who had corrupted, and stolen away the wife of Roderick and for that odious injury, with his injustice to his people (the common causes 
Dermots offences.  of ruining and transferring Kingdoms) he was by strong hand chased out of his Dominion of Lemster; and thereupon makes out for foreign aid. And (having thus dealt with the King of England) he betakes him into Wales, where first he wrought one Robert Fits Stephen, a man of a desperate fortune (yet able to draw many voluntaries) to contract with him: and afterward Richard (of the house of Clare) surnamed Strong-bow, Earl of Pembroke commonly called (of his chief seat in Monmoth-shire) Earl of Chepstow, or Strigil, a Lord of high courage and worthiness, which made him well followed, and of great possessions both in England and Normandy, which gave him means for his entertainments. Fits Stephen was persuaded by promise of rich rewards. The Earl of marriage with Eva the daughter of Dermot, & the succession of the Kingdom of Lemster.  
Fits Stephen with Maurice Fits Gerard, his half brother by the mother, passed over 
The conqnest of Ireland.  first with a small company, and landed at the place called by the Irish Bagg-bun, which in English signifies Holy, and therefore interpreted as presaging good success, whereof this time retains yet the memory, At the head of Bag and Bun, Ireland was 
Triginta Mili tibus.  lost, and won. And the next day after arrived at the same place, Maurice de Prendergast, with other men at arms, and many Archers in two ships, parcel of Fits Stephens forces, which from thence marched to the City of Weishford, with Banners displayed, 
The beginning of May.  in so strange a form and order (though their number were not four hundredth) as the Irish unacquainted with so unusual a face of war, were overcome with 
1170. Anno. Reg. 16.  fear, and rendered up themselves to their mercy with their City of Wcishford, which with the Country about, was given by Dermot to Robert Fits Stephen, for an encouragement to him and hope to others. And there was planted the first Colony of the English, which ever since hath continued, retaining still in a sort our ancient attire, and much of our language, proper only to that City and Country about, and called by a distinct name, Weisford speech.  
The next year are new supplies sent out of Wales, and after, upon intelligence of 
1171. Anno. Reg. 17.  good success the Earl of Pembroke arrives in the Bay of Waterford with two hundred men at arms and a thousand other soldiers, takes the town, which was then called Porthlarge, puts the inhabitants to the sword (to give terror to others, and make room for his own people) and there Dermot gives him his daughter in marriage, with the dowry of his Country, which, after his wickedness had undone, he lived not to see more years (having had to many by this) and dies miserably, leaving the Style of Ningal (which signifies) the stranger's friend, added to his name, in memory of his unnatural forsaking his own Nation.  
Strongbow, after having secured the places gotten, marches with those small forces he had over the Island without resistance. Roderick the Great (showing himself but a little Prince) kept in the Wildes and fastnesses of Connaught, and never came to appear before the enemy; who passing through the Country at his pleasure, takes what pledges he would of the inhabitants to secure their obedience, and with as little labour possessed himself of the City of Dublin the head of the Island.  
Thus Wales got us first the Realm of Ireland, and (which is most strange) without stroke of battle: a thing scarce credible, that a Country so populous, a Nation of that disposition, should not lift up a hand to defend itself: having, it seems, either neglected the use of Arms, or else never been acquainted with them (other then in a naked manner of domestic fight one with another) whereby, the terror of strange, and never before seen forces in order of war, laid them prostrate to the mercy of the Ouer-runner.  
But the King of England advertised of the prosperous success of these Adventurers and the Estate of the Country grew in jealousy of them, thinking they presumed farther than their subjection would allow, and would make themselves that which they must be made by him, and take away the glory of the work that should be only his; causes proclamation to be made: That no vessel should carry any thing out of his Dominions into Ireland, and that all his subjects should return from thence, and leave off their attempts, otherwise to forfeit their Estates at home. And withal sends over William Fitz. 
1172. Anno. Reg. 18.  Adelm, and Robert Fitz Bernard with some forces to prepare the way for him who followed shortly after, and lands eight miles from Waterford the Eve of Saint Luke Anno 1172. being the third year after the first Invasion made by Fitz Stephen.  
At his first landing a white Hare starting out of a bush was taken, and presented to him interpreted as a presage of a white victory. The next day he marches to Waterford where he stayed fifteen days; and thither came to him of their own accord, the Kings of Cork, Limricke, Oxerie, Meth, and all of any power in Ireland (except Roderick King of Connaught, who still kept himself in the fastness of his Country) and submitted themselves withal the Clergy, taking their Oath of Fealty to him, and the young King, 
The Irish kings submission.  and their Successors for ever; so these divided Princes holding no common Council for the public safety: rather than to join those hands that had so often scratched each other, fell all from themselves, and with the same emulation they had in liberty, strove for their servitude who should be first to receive a foreign master.  
From Waterford the King goes to Dublin, where, he holds an Assembly of all these subject Kings, with the Lords Spiritual, and Temporal of Ireland, for the further ratification of their allegiance, and the ordering and reformation of the State. Which done he causes the Bishops with the Clergy there to assemble at cassel, and appoints an especial Chaplain of his own, with the Archdeacon of Landaff to be assistants and advisors unto them for reformation of Churchbusinesses which seems to have been 
Henry's reformation of Ireland.  as disordered as the people, for though the Irish had been long before Christians, it was after a wild and mixed fashion, and therefore, according to his promise made to the late Pope, and to do a work pleasing to the present, it was decreed, That all Church-lands should be free from the exaction of secular men: and that from thence forth, all Divine things should be ordered, and used in every part of Ireland according to the manner of the Church of England, being fit (as saith the Cannon) that as Ireland hath by God's mercy obtained a Lord and King out of England, so from thence they should receive a better form of life, and manners then heretofore they used.  
His Christmas he keeps at Dublin, where he royally feasts all his Kings & great men of the Country, the rest of his being there he employs in fortifying and planting garrisons where most need required: he makes Hugh Lacie justice of all Ireland, gives him the keeping of Dublin, and beside confirmed unto him and his heirs, by his Charter, the Country of Meth to hold the same in Fee, for the service of a hundredth Knights: he bestows on Robert Fits Bernard the keeping of the Towns of Waterford and Weisford (which he took from Fits Stephen the first invader) with charge to build Castles in them: and to humble the Earl Strongbow, and level him with the rest of his subjects, he takes from him all his dependents, and makes them his.  
So was it but his winter's work to get a Kingdom, which though thus easily won it proved more difficult, and costly in the keeping, by reason the prosecution of a full establishment thereof was neither by him or his successors (having other divertments) ever thoroughly accomplished.  
On Easter monday he sets out for England, where he makes no stay, but takes the young King along in his company, and passes over into Normandy to meet other two Legates (Theodinus and Albertus) who were sent from Pope Alexander (but in milder fashion than the last) to examine the murder of the late Archbishop Becket. Four months were spent in debating the matter, and in the end, the King by his Oath taken upon the Relics of Saints, and the holy Evangelists, before the two Legates in the presence of King Henry the son, the Archbishop of Roven, and all the Bishops, and Abbots of Normandy in the City of Auranches purged himself, of either commanding, or consenting to the murder. Yet for that he doubted lest they who committed 
His purgation for Beckets murder.  the same might be moved thereunto by seeing him disturbed, and in passion: he took the same Oath; that in satisfaction thereof, he would faithfully perform these Articles following: First, never to forsake Pope Alexander, nor his Catholic Successors, so long as they used him as a Catholic King. Secondly, That Appeals should freely be made to the Pope, in causes Ecclesiastical. Provided, that if any were suspected, to work evil to him, or his Kingdom, they should then put in security before they departed. Thirdly, That he would (from Christmas next for three years to come) undertake the Cross, and the summer following, in person go to jerusalem, unless he were stayed by the Pope, or his Successors, or employed against the Saracens in Spain. Fourthly, That in the mean time, he should deliver so much money into the Templars hands as by their opinion would entertain two hundredth soldiers in the Holy war for one year. Fiftly, call home all such as had endured banishment for the Archbishop. Sixtly. Restore his possessions. Seventhly, and lastly, abolish all such customs as in his time had been introduced to the prejudice of the Church. After himself had sworn, he caused 
Both Kings swear to these Articles.  King Henry his son to swear to all these Articles, except such as concerned his own person. And for a more Memory in the Roman Church, he caused his Seal to be set unto them, with that of the two Cardinals. So ended this tedious business, that made more noise in the world, than any he had, and bowed him more: being his ill fortune, to grapple with a man of that free resolution as made his sufferings, his glory: had his ambition, beyond this world; set up his rest, not to yield to a King; was only engaged to his cause, had opinion, and belief, to take his part: Which so much prevailed, as the King seeking to master him, advanced him; and now is he feign to kneel, and pray to his Shrine, whom he had disgraced, in his person, and having had him above his will, whilst he lived, hath him now over his Faith, being dead. And yet 48. years after this, saith the French History, it was disputed among the Doctors of Paris, whether he were damned or saved: And one Roger a Norman maintained, he had justly deserved death, for rebelling against his Sovereign, the Minister of God.  
To make the better way to the ending of this business, and content the King of 
Henry the son is again crowned with Margaret his wife.  France; Henry the son is again Crowned, and with him Margaret his wife, with permission shortly after, to go visit Paris; where, this young King, apt enough (though not to know himself) yet to know his State, received those instructions as made his ambition quite turn off his obedience, and conceive, How to be a King, was to be a power above, and undevideable.  
And to further the birth of this apprehension, fell out this occasion. The Father ever awake to advance his greatness, takes a journey in person into Auergnia, and so to Monferrato; and there purchases a match for the price of five thousand Marks, for his youngest son john, with Alice the eldest daughter of Hubert, Earl of Mauriena (then, as it seems) Lord of Piedmont and Savoy, with condition to have with her the inheritance of all those Countries, containing many great Signories, Cities, and Castles, specified in Roger Hoveden with all the circumstances, and covenants, very remarkable, 
Vide Append.  of the contract. So unto greatness (that easier increases than gins) is added more means, and every way opens to this active, and powerful King advantages of State, 
1173. Anno. Reg. 19  in so much, as the King of France was even surrownded with the power, & dependences of this mighty King of Eng. whose fortunes most of all the neighbour Princes (which subsist by other, than their own power) now follow. And being returned from concluding this Match in Piedmont, there comes unto him lying at Lymoges, Raymond Earl of Saint Gyles (by whom was given the first affront he had in France) now to do homage unto him for the Earldom of Tholouse: and there became the man of the King of England, and of his son Richard Earl of Poictou, to hold Tholouse from them (by hereditary right) for service of coming unto them upon their summons, and remaining 
The homage of Raymond. Earl of Saint Gyles for the Earld. of Tholouse.  in their service forty days at his own charge: and if they would entertain him longer to allow him reasonable expenses. Besides the Earl should pay yearly, for Tholouse, and the appertinances a hundred marks of silver, or ten Horses, worth ten Marks a piece.  
About the same time also came the Earl Hubert to Lymoges (to know what Land the King of England would assure his son john) who resolved to give unto him the Castles of Chinon, Lodun and Mirabell. Where with King Henry the son grew much 
Henry the son takes displeasure against his father.  displeased, and here moved his Father, either to resign unto him, the Duchy of Normandy, the Earldom of Anjou, or the Kingdom of England for his maintenance: in which motion, he was the more eager being incensed by the King of France, and the discontented Lords, both of England, and Normandy who were many, and fallen, or wrought from the Father, upon new hopes, and the advantage of a divided Sovereignty.  
And though there were many other occasions, of this defection of the son, from the Father; yet, that this for these Castles should first be taken (may seem to be the work of God's especial judgement) being those pieces, which himself had taken from his own brother Geffrey, contrary to his Oath, made unto his Father as is before related: so (as if to tell injustice, that it must be duly repaid) the same Castles are made to bring mischief upon him, and to give a beginning to the foulest discord that could be: wherein he had not only the Children of his own body, but the Wife of his bed to conspire, and practise against him.  
For, hereupon the son suddenly breaking away from the Father came to Paris, where, the King of France (who had no other means to prevent, the overgrowing of a neighbour) but to divide him; summons and solicits, the Princes of France, and all the friends he could make to aid King Henry the son against the father, and to take their Oath, either to dispossess him of his Estate, or bring him to their own conditions. The young King likewise swears unto them, Never to have peace with his father without their consents, and all swears to give unto Philip Earl of Flanders for his aid a thousand pounds English by the year with the County of Kent, Dover, and Rochester Castles: To Matthew Earl of Bologne brother to the said Earl for his service Kerton Soak in Lindsey, the Earldom of Morton with the Honour of Heize: to Theobald Earl of Bloys two hundred pounds by year in Anjou: the Castle of Amboys with all the right he pretended in Tureine etc. and all these Donations with divers other, he confirmed by his new Seal which, the King of France caused to be made. Besides, by the same Seal, He confirmed to the King of Scots, for his aid, all Northumberland unto Tyne: and gave, to the brother of the same King, for his service, the Earldoms of Huntingdon, and Cambridge. To the Earl Hugh Bigot the Castle of Norwich: other Earls of England, as Robert Earl of Leicester, Hugh Earl of Chester, Roger Mowbray etc. had likewise their rewards and promises of the Lion's Skin, that was yet alive.  
Besides they draw into their party Richard, and Geffrey: whose youths (apt to be wrought on, for increase of their allowance) are easily enticed; and with them their mother enraged with jealousy, and disdain for her husband's conceived abuses of her bed. So that, this great King in the midst of his glory, about the twentieth year of his reign, comes suddenly forsaken of his own people, and is driven through distrust to hire, and entertain strange forces; procuring twenty thousand Brabansons (which were certain mercenaries commonly called the Routs or Costerels) for the recovery and holding of his Estate. And some few faithful Ministers he had (notwithstanding this general defection) who took firmly to him: as William Earl Mandevile, Hugh de Lacie, Hugh de Beauchamp, etc.  
But how soever we have seen the best of this King's glory, and though he had after this good successes, he had never happiness: labour he did by all means to have qualified the heat of his distempered son, by many mediations of peace: offering all convenient allowances for his Estate, but all would not prevail: his sword is drawn, and with him the King of France with all his forces enters upon his territories on that side the Sea; on this the King of Scots seizes upon Northumberland; and makes great spoils. The old King complains to the Emperor, and all the neighbour Princes his friends, of the unnatural courses of his son, and of his own improvident advancing him William King of Sicily, writes, and condoles his misfortunes, but lay too far off to help him.  
The King of France besieges Vernoul a place of great strength, and importance, which Hugh de Lacie, and Hugh de Beauchamp valiantly defended, and after a months siege, they of the town (victuals failing) obtained truce of the King of France and permission to send unto their Sovereign for succour, Which if it came not within three days, they would render the City, and in the mean time their Hostages. The peremptory day was the Eve of Saint Laurence. The King of France with King Henry the son, and with divers great Lords and Bishops swore, if they rendered the City at the day appointed, their Hostages should be redeiivered, and no damage done to the City.  
King Henry the Father with all the forces he could make came just at the limited day; disposes his Army to strike battle with his enemies; but the King of France to avoid the same, sends the Archbishop of Sens, and the Earl of Bloys to mediate a parley, which was appointed the morrow: this day lost, lost Vernoul. For, to the morrow Parle, the King of France neither comes, nor sends; but had entrance into the Town (according to covenants) which contrary to his Oath, he sacks, takes with him the Hostages, and spoil thereof: removes his Camp, and leaves the King of England disappointed; who that night, after having pursued the flying Army with some spoil, enters into Vernoul, and the morrow surprises Danuile a Castle of his enemies, with many prisoners. Thence he goes to Roven, whence, he sent his Brabansons into Britain against Hugh Earl of Chester, and Ralph Fulgiers, who had possessed themselves almost of the whole Country, but being not able to resist the King's forces in the field; they with all the great men in those parts, and that side of France recovered the Castle of Dole; where, they fortified and kept themselves, till King Henry the Father came in person besieged and took it: and with them, about four score Lords, men of name and action. Whereupon all the rest of the Country yielded themselves.  
This overthrow being of such import so terrified the adversaries; as they negotiate a Peace, and a Parle is appointed between guysor's and Try wherein the King of England (though he had the better of the day) condescended to make offer to his son of half the revenues of the Crown of England, with four convenient Castles therein; or if he had rather remain in Normandy, half the revenues thereof, and all the revenues of the Earldom of Anjou etc. To his son Richard he offers half the revenues of Aquitaine and four Castles in the same. To Geffrey, the Land that should come unto him by the daughter of the Earl Conon. Besides, he submitted himself to the arbitration of the Archbishop of Tarento, and the Pope's Legates, to add any allowance more as in their judgements should be held fit, reserving unto himself his justice and royal power: which yielding grants showed how much he desired this peace.  
But it was not in the purpose of the King of France, that the same should take effect: for such perverseness and indignity was offered to King Henry in this Treaty, as Robert Earl of Leicester is said to have reproached him to his face, and offered to draw his sword upon him, so that, they break off in turbulent manner, and their troops fell presently to bickering between Curteles, and guysor's, but the French had the worse.  
The Earl of Leicester with an Army makes over into England, is received by Hugh Bygot into the Castle of Framingham. Richard de Lucy chief justice of England, and Humphrey Bohun the King's Constable, being upon the borders of Scotland, hearing thereof, make truce with the King of Scots. And haste to Saint Edmondsburie where the Earls of Cornwall, Gloucester, and Arundel join with them, they encounter the Earl of Leicester, at a place called Farnham, overthrew his Army, slew ten thousand Flemings, took him, his Wife, and diu●●s great prisoners; which were sent unto the king in Normandy; who, with his Army was not thereidle, but daily got Castles, and Forts from his Enemies, until Winter constrained both kings to take truce till Easter following: and the like did the Bishop of Duresme with the king of Scots, for which he gave him three thousand Marks of silver, to be paid out of the Lands of the Barons of Northumberland.  
The Spring come on, and the truce expired, king Henry the Son, and Phillippe Earl of Flaunders are ready at graveling with a great Army for England. 
1174. Anno. Reg. 20.  The King of Scots is entered Norththumberland, and sends his brother David with a power to secure the remnant of the forces of the Earl of Leicester, which held the Town of Leicester, but without success: for Richard Lucy, and the Earl of Cornwall had before razed the City and taken Robert Mowbray, coming likewise to aid those of the Castle.  
King Henry the Father upon his sons preparation for England draws his forces 
Henry the father's arrival in England.  from his other employments, and brings them down to Barbfleet, arrives at Southampton with his prisoners, Queen Elioner, Margueret the wife of his son Henry, the Earls of Leicester, and Chester, and from thence goes to Canterbury to visit the Sepulchre of his own Martyr and perform his vows for his victories. And they writ how coming within sight of the Church, He alights, and went three miles on his bare fear, which 
King Henry visits Beckets Sepulchre.  with the hard stones were forced to yield bloody tokens of his devotion on the way. And as, if to recompense (the merit of this work) they note, How the very day when he departed from Canterbury, the King of Scots to be overthrown and taken at Alnwick, by the forces of the Knights of Yorkshire, which are named to be: Robert de Stutevile, Odonel de Humfrevile, William de Vescy, Ralph de Glanuile, Ralph de Tilly, and Bernard Baliol.  
Lewis King of France, hearing of King Henry's passage into England, and the taking of the King of Scots, calls back Henry the son, and the Earl of Flaunders from Gravelin, where, they stayed expecting the wind, and besieged Rouen on all sides saving that of the River. The whilst King Henry is quieting and settling the State of England, where he had first the Castle of Huntingdon rendered unto his mercy, saving the lives, and members of the defendants: then the Castles of Framingham and Bungaie which the Earl Bygot held by force of Flemings, for whom (the Earl's submission could hardly obtain pardon) but in the end they were sent 
The King of Scots his prisoner.  home. From thence he goes to Northampton: where, he receives the King of Scots his prisoner, and the Castles of Duresme, Norham, and Aluerton rendered into his hands by the Bishop of Duresme; who, for all his service done in the North, stood not clear in the King's opinion. There came likewise thither Roger de Mowbray yielding up himself with his Castle of Treske: the Earl Ferrer his Castles of Tutsburie and Duffield: Anketill, Mallory, and William Dive, Constables of the Earl of Leicester, the Castles of Leicester, Montsorill, and Groby, so that within three weeks, all England was quieted, and all without drawing of sword, which in those manly days seemed only reserved for the field.  
This done, and supplied with one thousand Welshmen; King Henry with his prisoners the King of Scots, the Earls of Leicester and Chester, passes over into Normandy, to the relief of Rouen: where those thousand Welshmen sent over the river Siene entered, and made way through the Camp of the King of France; slew a hundred of his men, and recovered a wood without any loss of theirs. After which exploit, the King of England (causing the gates of the City, to be set open, the Barracadoes taken away, the trenches they had made, between the French Camp and the City to be filled 
King Henry favours the French army.  up again, with rubbish and timber) marched forth with troops, to provoke the enemy, but without any answer at all. In the end the King of France, sends away the weakest of his people before, and followed after with the rest, upon sufferance of the King of England by the mediation of the Archbishop of Sens, and the Earl of Bloys, who undertook that he should the next day come to a parley of peace, which he performed not.  
But shortly after (seeing this action had so little advantaged either him, or those, for whom he pretended to have undertaken it) he employs the former Agents 
The King and his sooner reconciled as the Charter of Peace shows. Reg. Houed.  again to the King of England: and peace with a reconciliation is concluded between him, and his sons. But with more reservation on his part, then had been by the former treaty offered, as having now, more of power, and the advantage of fortune: and yet yielding so much, as showed, the goodness of his Nature was not over swayed by his ambition; all his proceeding in this war witnessing, that necessity did ever work more than his will.  
And at the signing of the Charter of this Peace, when his son Henry would have 
Vide Append.  done him homage (which is personal service) he refused to take it, because he was a King, but received it of Richard, and Geffrey. Yet after this, Henry the son to free his father of all scruple became his Liegeman, and swore Fealty unto him against all men in the presence of the Archbishop of Roven, the Bishop of Bayeux, the Earl Mandevile, and a great Nobility.  
At the concluding this Peace, the Earl of Flaunders yielded up to King Henry the Father, the Charter made unto him by the Son for his remuneration, and had another confirmed for the pension he had yearly out of England before this war, which was one thousand Marks out of the Exchequer afterward granted upon condition of Homage, and for finding the King of England yearly five hundred soldiers for the space of forty days upon summons given.  
This business ended, the Father and Son make their Progresses into all their Provinces on that side to visit and reform the disorders of War, and to settle their affairs there. Richard is sent into Aquitaine: and Geffrey into Britain, upon the same business, and there left with their Counsels to look to their own.  
The two Kings, Father and Son shortly after return into England, where reformation 
1175. Anno. Reg. 21.  in the Government needed as much as in France: and here had the Archbishop of Canterbury summoned a Council of the Clergy wherein were many enormities of the Church reform, as may be seen in the Canons of that Synod. The King supplies all Vacancies, and gives to john de Oxenford, that great Minister 
Vide Append.  of his) the Bishopric of Norwich, then takes he into his hands all the Castles he could seize on; amongst other the Tower of Bristol, which was rendered by 
All Vacancies supplied by the King.  the Earl of Gloucester and was never in his hands before. He takes penalties both of Clerks and Lay-men, who had trespassed his Forests in time of Hostility: for which he is taxed of wrong, Richard Lucy justice of England, having warrant by the King's precept to discharge them for the same. But the profit which they yielded him made him take the stricter regard therein. For after the death of Alain de Nevile which had been chief justice of all the Forests of England, he divides them into divers parts, appointing to every part four justices, whereof two to be Clerks, and two, Knights, and two, Servants of his Household to be Keepers of the Game over all other Foresters, either of the Kings, Knights, or Barons whatsoever, and gave them power to implea, according to the Assiese of the Forest.  
The King being at York, there came unto them William King of Scots, with almost all the Bishops, Abbots, and Nobility of Scotland, and confirmed 
1176. Anno. Reg. 22.  the Peace and final concord which had formerly been, in the time of his imprisonment, at Faleise in Normandy: before all the greatest Estates of both Kingdoms; the Tenor whereof is to be seen in Roger Hoveden.  
After this, a Council is called at Windsor, whither repair certain Bishops 
Vide Append.  of Ireland, and the chancellor of Rodoric King of Conaught, for whom a final concord is concluded, upon doing Homage, Fealty, and a tribute to be paid, which was, of every ten Beasts, one sufficient Hide, within his Kingdom, and those Provinces that held thereof.  
Within a while after, a Council or Parliament is assembled at Nottingham, and by advice and consent thereof, the King caused The Kingdom to be divided into six parts, and constitutes for every part three justices itinerants, causing them to 
The Kingdom divided into six parts for justice.  take an Oath upon the Holy Evangelists, faithfully for themselves to observe, and cause inviolably to be observed of all his Subjects of England, the Assizes made at Claringdone, and renewed at Northampton, which Assizes were chief for Murder, 
Vide Append.  Theft, Roberie, and their receivers: for deceits, and burning of Houses, which facts if found by the Verdict of twelve men, the accused were to pass the trial of Water Ordeil, 
Vide Append.  whereby, if not acquitted, their punishment, was loss of a leg, or banishment, that Age seeming to hold it a greater example of a Malefactor miserably living, then of one dead, for as yet they came not so far as blood, in those cases.  
And yet we find in the reign of this King, that one Gilbert Plumton Knight, accused for a Rape, before Ranulph de Glanuile, chief justice of England (desirous, saith Hoveden by unjust sentence to condemn him) was adjudged, to be hanged on a Gibbet, whereunto, when he was brought, and in the hands of the Executioner, the people ran out crying, that an innocent and just person ought not so to suffer. Balduin Bishop of Worcester, a religious man and fearing God, hearing the clamour of the people, and the injury done to this miserable creature, came forth, and forbade them, from the part of the Omnipotent God, and under pain of Excommunication that they should not put him to death that day, being Holy, and the Feast of Saint Mary Magdelene, whereupon the execution was put off till the morrow. That night means was wrought to the King, who commanded a stay to be made till other order were taken, being informed that for the envy which Glanuile bore to this Plumton, he was desirous to put him to death, in regard he had married the daughter of Roger Gulwast an inheritrix, whom he would have had Reiner his Sheriff of Yorkshire to have had, which act leaves a foul stain of Injustice upon the memory of this Chief justice Glanuile: in the time of whose Office, a tract of the Laws, and Customs of the Kingdom of England was composed, which now passes under his name.  
The charge given for businesses in these Assizes consisted but of very few points 
Vide Append.  besides those felonies, and was especially for taking Homage, and Ligeancie of 
1177. Anno. Reg. 13.  all the Subjects of England: demolishing of Castles the Rights of the King, his Crown and Eschequour. The multitude of actions which followed in succeeding times, grew out of new transgressions and the increase of Law and Litigation, which was then but in the Cradle.  
William King of Sicily sends and craves to have joan the King's daughter in marriage. 
William King of Sicily matches with joan the King's Daughter. Rog. Houed. Vide Append.  Whereupon the King calls a Parliament, and by the universal Council of the Kingdom granted his daughter to the King of Sicily; to whom she was shortly after sent, and there honourably endowed with many Cities, and Castles, as may appear by the Charter of that King.  
But the great Match that was provided for Earl john became frustrate by the 
Vide Append.  death of Alice, daughter to the Earl of Mauriana, and he is married to the daughter of William Earl of Gloucester by whom he was to have that Earldom. This William was son to Robert brother to Maude the Empress.  
The same year also he marries Elionor another of his daughters to Alphonso King of Castille, and takes up the controversy between him, and his Uncle Sanctio King of Navarre, about the detention of certain bordering pieces, of each others Kingdom, both the Kings having referred the business to his arbitration.  
Likewise the marriage which should have been between his son Richard, 
1178. Anno. Reg. 24.  and Alice daughter to the French King (committed heretofore to his custody) was again treated on, and urged hard, by the Pope's Legate to be consummated upon pain of interdiction. But yet it was put off for that time, and both Kings notwithstanding concluded a perpetual League, and amity to aid each other against all men, and to be Enemies to each others Enemies. Besides they both vowed an expedition, to the Holy Land in person, which they lived not to perform.  
The King of France upon a dangerous sickness of his son Philip, vows a visitation of the Sepulchre of Thomas the Martyr of Canterbury: and upon licence, and safe conduct of the King of England, performs the same with great devotion, and Rich presents. First, offering upon his Tomb, a massy Cup of Gold, and after, gave, and confirmed by his Charter twenty eight Tun and a half of wine for the Monks annually to be received at Possi, at the charge of the King of France: and beside, freed them from all Tolle, and Custom, for whatsoever they should buy in his Kingdom.  
After having stayed there three days, he returns towards France, conducted 
1179. Anno. Reg. 25.  by the King of England to Dover. The Son recovers health, but the Father lost his in this journey; for coming to Saint Device, he was taken with a Palsy, and lived not long after. The weakness of his Age, and disease moved him presently to have his son Philippe (being but fifteen years of Age) to be 
1180. Anno. Reg. 26.  Crowned King in his life time, which was done at Reins, Anno 1179.  
Henry Duke of Saxony (who had married Maude daughter to King Henry) was expelled his Duchy, and banished by the Emperor Frederic the third for seven years, for detaining the revenues which the Archbishop of Cologne had out of Saxony; and refusing to come unto trial at the Imperial Chamber, according to his faith, and promise made to the Emperor, so that he was driven to come (for succour with his Wife and Children) to his Father in Law, into England, where he remained three years, and upon the coming of the Archbishop of Cologne to visit the Sepulchre of Thomas of Canterbury, means was wrought to restore him to his Duchy: and a motion is made of marriage for Richard the King's son, with the daughter of the Emperor Frederic (notwithstanding the contract made with Alice daughter to the King of France long before) but this last intention was made frustrate, by the death of the emperors daughter.  
King Henry sends his son john to reside, in Ireland, to the end (that the Majesty of a Court, and the number of attendants) which, the same would draw thither, might both a we, and civilize that Country: but he being accompanied with many gallants, young as himself, who scorning, and deriding the Irish (in regard of their rude habits, and fashions) wrought an ill effect. For it turned out three of their greatest Kings (Limmeric, Conact, and Cork) into open act of rebellion: Gens enim haec, sicut & natio quavis barbara, quanquam honorem nesciant, honorari tamen, supra modum affectant. saith Giraldus Cambrensis.  
Now this fair time of peace, which King Henry enjoyed gave him leisure to seek out all means to supply his coffers, wherein he was very vigilant: and hearing of the great sums (which Roger Archbishop of York, had given by his Testament to godly uses) sends Commissioners to find out, and to seize the same to his own uses, Alleging, that the Archbishop had given judgement in his life time, that it was against Law, any Ecclesiastical person should dispose any thing by will (unless before he 
The King sends after moneys given to pious uses by Testators of the Clergy.  were sick) and that himself had done contrary to his own Decree. The Commissioners having found out, that Hugh Bishop of Durham had received of the Archbishop three hundred Marks of silver to be bestowed in those uses, demand the same for the King. The Bishop replies, that having received it from the hands of the Archbishop he had according to his will, distributed the same amongst the Leprous, Blind, and Lame; in repairing Churches, Bridges, and Hospitals: so that who would have it, must gather it up again of them. Which answer so displeased the King, as (besides the seizing upon the Castle of Dures'm) he wrought this Bishop much vexation.  
His means certain (besides the revenue of his Demesne, and the benefit of the Forests) were not then great in England; which caused him oftentimes in 
The Vacancy of Lincoln held 18 years to the King's use.  his necessities to be bold with the Church, and to hold their benefices vacant: as he did the Bishopric of Lincoln eighteen years. He made a new Coin in England, which was round, decried the Old, and put all the Coiners to great ransom for corrupting the old money. And beside to save his purse (in regard the continual charge of Horse, and Armour was heavy unto him) he caused every man's Lands, and substance to be rated for the furnishing thereof. And first began the same, in his Dominions beyond the Seas: ordaining, That whosoever had a hundredpounds Aniovin money in goods, and chattles, should find (a Horse, and all Military furniture thereunto: and whosoever had in chattels forty, thirty, or twenty pounds Aniovin money, should find a corselet, headpiece, Lance and Sword: or Bow and Arrows, with a strict prohibitition, that no man should sell, or pawn this Armour, but be bound to 
Vide Append.  leave it when he died to his next heir. And this Order afterward, he established in England, 
1181. Anno. Reg. 17.  by consent of the State. The King of France, and the Earl of Flaunders by his example did the like in their Countries.  
Great, and manifold were the expenses of this mighty King, in respect of his entertainments, pensions, and rewards, having so wide an Estate and so many ever in his work, both of his own, and others who must always be seed. And beside, oftentimes he is feign to bribe the Pope's Legates, in his business with the King of France, to have them favourable for his ends: to send many supplies, by their persuasions, and for his own reputation to the Holy war.  
Auno 1182 (saith Walsingham) he relieved the necessity of the jerosolomitans, with 
1182. Anno. Reg. 28.  two and forty thousand Marks of silver, and five hundred Marks of gold, which was in money, seven and forty thousand three hundred, thirty three pounds, six shillings eight pence. And when Pope Lucius distressed by the Romans, desired an aid out of England. The King sent him a mighty sum of Gold and Silver; in 
Vide Append. Henry 2. relieves Pope Lucius and the jerosolomitans with great sums of gold & silver.  levying whereof, the Clergy here dealt very circumspectly: for when the Pope's Nuncij came to desire the same, they advised the King; that according to his will, and honour he himself should supply the Pope's occasion, as well for himself, as them: for that it was more tolerable, that their Lord, and King, should receive from them, the return of that aid; then that the Pope's Nuncij should; which might be taken for a custom to the detriment of the Kingdom.  
Now (about eight years) had the peace continued, between the two Kings, Father and Son, when, again new flames of unnatural discord began to break out; the occasion whereof as far as can be discovered (in the uncertain passages of that time) we find to be this.  
Anno Reg. 29. After a great Christmas kept at Cane in Normandy, with his sons 
1183. Anno. Reg. 29.  Henry, Richard and Geffrey, the Duke of Saxony with his Wife and Children, besides a great Nobility of all parts: The King willed King Henry his Son to take the Homages of his brother Richard Earl of Poictou, and Greffrey Earl of Britain. Richchard refuses to do it (but upon persuasion) being afterwards content; his brother 
Great festivals oftentimes break up with great discontentments.  refuses to take the same. Whereupon with great indignation Richard departs from his Father's Court into Poictou: man's, and furnishes his Castles there. The King his brother follows by instigation of the Barons of Poictou, and Aquitaine who were fallen from Richard, and adhered to the young King (as men that understood what would become of younger brothers Estates in such Dominions, where the elder brother's birthright, and power, would carry all) and Greffrey Earl of Britain takes the King his brother's part, comes with forces to aid him.  
Richard sends for secure to his father, who with a powerful Army (rather to constrain them to a peace, then to make war) came down into Poictou, where again his three sons after the debatement of their grievances swore to obey, and serve their Father, and to hold perpetual peace among themselves. And for the farther 
Henry and his sons accorded.  ratification of this Concord, they meet all at Mirabell, where Henry the son, desires, that the Barons of Poictou, and Aquitane (whom he had sworn to defend against his brother Richard) might be there at the concluding this peace, and to be pardoned for any former act committed. Which request is granted, and Geffrey Earl of Britain sent to bring the Barons thither. But the Barons (holding this peace, either not safe, or not profitable) so work, as they win the messenger to take their part against the Father, and keep him with them.  
Henry the son notwithstanding, continues to mediate still for the Barons, and to get his Father, and brother Richard to receive them into grace. And undertaking to bring in both them, and his brother Geffrey; is permitted by the Father to go treat with them at Lymoges, whither also, by another way, and with small company; it was agreed the Father should come, which he did; but his approach was met with arrows so dangerously shot at his person, as the next man to him was slain, and himself with his son Richard, forced to retire from the place. And yet afterwards desirous out of a fatherly affection to have conference with his sons for the quiet ending of this business (upon their assurance of his safety) he enters into the City: when again from the Castle is short a barbed arrow, which had took him directly on the breast, had not his horse, by the sudden lifting up his head received it in the forehead. Which act his sons never sought to find out and punish, but still, underhand held amity with the Barons. At length, notwithstanding King Henry the son comes to the Father, and protests, that unless the Barons would come and yield themselves at the King's feet, he would utterly renounce them. And after, having again (upon his Father's promise of pardon and peace) dealt with them: and finding as he avowed their obstinacy, made show to forsake their party, and returns to his Father with great submission, delivering up unto him his horse and Armour in assurance thereof.  
But many days he spent not with him, when again (either for the intended revenge he found his Father meant to prosecute against the Barons) whose protection having undertaken, he held himself in his honour, engaged to preserve: or by the working of some mutinous ministers about him, whose element was not peace: he again 
The inconstancy of King Henry the son.  enters Oath and League with them. But therein finding his power short of his will, and desperate of all success in his courses; he suddenly breaks out into an extreme passion, before his Father, falls prostrate at the Shrine of Saint martial, and 
His vow.  vows presently to take upon him the Cross, and to give over all worldly business beside.  
With which strange and sudden passion, the Father much moved, besought his son with tears to alter that rash resolution, and to tell him truly, whither indignation, or religion induced him thereunto. The Son protests, that it was merely for the remission of his sins, committed against his person. And unless his Father would now give him leave (without which he could not go) he would there instantly kill himself 
His resolution.  in his presence. The Father (after having used all means to dissuade him, and finding him still obstinate) said unto him, Son, Gods will be done, and yours: for your furnishing I will take such order as shall befit your Estate.  
The son (whilst the Father's passion had made him tender) wrought thereupon, and besought him, that he would deal mercifully with those of the Castle of Lymoges, the Barons of Aquitaine, and pardon them. To which, the Father in the end (though unwillingly) yields, so that, they would put in their pledges for securing their fidelity, 
His request for the Barons of Aquitaine.  and the peace, which they seemed content to do. But upon the delivery, and receiving of these pledges new riots were committed by such as could not endure the peace (which is never faithful, but where men are voluntarily pacified) and these young Princes again take part with their Confederates, and are made the heads of rebellion, committing rapine, and sacrelidge to supply their necessities, & feed their followers. And in the end the young King having much struggled in vain, through grief, and vexation of spirit (which caused the distemperature of body) fell into a burning 
His death.  fever with a flux, whereof, within few days he died. A Prince of excellent parts, who was first cast away by his Father's indulgence, and after by his rigour; not suffering him to be what himself had made him, neither got he so much by his Coronation as to have a name in the Catalogue of the Kings of England.  
The sorrow of the Father (although it be said to be great) hindered not his revenge upon the Barons of Aquitaine; whom he now most eagerly persecuted, seized on their Castles, and razed to the ground that of Lymoges.  
Geffrey upon his submission, is received into grace, and the year after died at Paris: 
Earl Geoffrey's submission and death.  having (in a conflict) been trodden under horses feet, and miserably crushed: so that, half the male issue wherein this King was unfortunate, he saw extinct before him, and that by deaths as violent; as were their disposition. The other two, who survived him, were no less miserable in their ends.  
Now the young King of France, Philip the second (in whose fate it was, to do more than ever his father could effect, upon the death of Henry the son) requires the delivery of the Country of Vexin, which was given in dower with his Sister Margaret, but the King of England (not apt to let go any thing of what he had in possession) was 
1184. Anno. Reg. 30.  content to pay yearly to the Queen dowager 17050. pounds Aniovin. And the more to hold fair with this young King, whose spirit, he saw, grew great, and active, and with whom he was like to have much to do, did homage unto him, for all he held in France, which he never did to the Father, being the first descent of Majesty, he ever 
Henry the second doth homage to Philip King of France.  made to any secular power. And beside, took his part against Philip Earl of Flanders, who opposed against him, and was in those days a Prince of mighty power, and had ever stood fast unto King Lewes the father. But now Philip the son otherwise led, or affectioned, quarrels with him, and demands the Country of Vermendois, as appertaining to the Crown of France: and withal, upon allegation of consanguinity, repudiates his wife, Niece to this Earl of Flanders, given unto him by his Father's choice a little before his death. The Earl followed by Odo Earl of Borgogne, the Earls of Champague, Hainalt, Namur Saint Pol and others, wars upon the King of 
The Earl of Flanders compels the King of France to compound.  France, and commits great spoils within his territories, so that he was feign in the end to compound with him to his disadvantage. After this, the Kings of England, and France, meet between guysor's, and Tri; where the King of England swears to deliver Alise, unto Richard his son. And the King of France her brother grants her in dower, the Country of Velxin, which Margueret his other Sister had before.  
But these ties held them not long together, for the young King of France so wrought with Richard, as he drew him from his Father's obedience, and they lived together in 
1185. Anno. Reg. 31.  that amity, as on bed and board, is said, to have served them, both which so iniealosed the old King, as he called home his son and before his Bishops and Nobility, caused him to swear upon the Evangelists, to observe fealty unto him, against all persons whatsoever, which having done; and ready to pass over into England, he is informed of the great preparation made by the King of France, who gave out that he would spoil, and ransack both Normandy, and the rest of the Kings of England's territories in France; unless he would presently deliver up his Sister Alice unto Richard, or render guysor's, and the Country of Velxin into his hands. Whereupon the King returns back, and comes again to a parley between guysor's and Try. Where, the Archbishop of tire (sent from the East to call up aid, for the Holy war) did with that power of persuasion so urge his message, as it let out all the humour of private rancour and contention, 
The Kings of England and France accorded, and prepare for the holy war.  between these two great Kings, altered their whole councils, their pretensions, their designs: turned them wholly to undertake in person this laborious action, and resolve to leave their Kingdoms, their pleasures, and all the things of glory they had at home, to prosecute the same, through all the distemperatures of climes, and difficulties of passages, whereunto that voyage was obnoxious: so that now, no other thing was thought or talked on, but only preparations, and furnishments for this business.  
And to distinguish their people, and followers (who all strove which should be most forward) it was ordered that they who followed the King of England, should wear a white Cross: France a red: and Flaunders a green. And for a further engagement in the business, the King of England writes to the Patriarch of Antioch, a most comfortable and pious letter: in the end whereof he hath these words. Amongst other Princes I and my Son, rejecting the glory of this world, and despising all the pleasures thereof in proper person, with all our strength, will, God willing visit you shortly.  
Then to raise money to defray this great enterprise, it was ordained by the two Kings, their Archbishops, Bishop's Earls and others in France, that all whosoever as well Clerk as Lay (saving such as went the voyage) should pay the tenth of all their revenues of that year, and the tenth of all their Movables and Chattles; as well in gold as silver. And many excellent orders were made for restraint of licentiousness both in apparel, and manners as was fitting for the undertakers of so civil and devout an action.  
The King of England having laid this imposition upon all his Dominions in France, comes over, calls a Council of his Bishops, Abbors, Earles, Barons, both 
1186. Anno. Reg. 33.  of the Clergy, and Laity at Gayntington, and by their consents imposes the same taxation upon his Subjects of England. Sub Eleemosinae titulo vitium rapacitatis includens, saith Walsingham, and presently sends forth his Officers into every Shire to collect the same according as it was done in France. But of every City in England, he caused a choice to be made of the richest men: as in London of two hundred, in York a hundred, and so according to the proportion of the rest: and caused all these, at a certain time and place to appear before him; of whom he took the tenth of all their Movables, by the estimation of credible men which knew their Estates: such as refused he imprisoned till they had paid it, of which example, and exaction, we must only hold Piety guilty, otherwise those times had not yielded it.  
The King sends likewise Hugh Bishop of Duresme, with other Commissioners, to William King of Scots to collect the tenths in his Country, which he would not permit, 
Provision by king Henry in England.  but offered to give the King of England five thousand Marks of silver for those tenths, and the Castle which he claimed, but the King of England refused the same.  
Whilst these preparations were in hand, and the money collecting, a quarrel arises between Richard Earl of Poictou, and Raymond Earl of Tholouse upon this occasion. 
1187. Anno. Reg. 33.  The Earl of Tholouse by the persuasion of one Peter Suillar, had taken certain Merchants of Aquitaine, and used them hardly. The Earl of Poictou surprises this Peter, imprisons him, and would not suffer the Earl of Tholouse to redeem him, upon any condition. Whereupon, the Earl imprisons two Gentlemen servants of the King of England's, Robert, and Ralph Poer, traveling through his Country (as Pilgrims) from S. james de Compostella, which Earl Richard took so ill, as he enters into the Earl's country with an Army (prepared for a better act) wastes it with fire and sword, besieges 
A mean quarrel dashes and diverts the great preparation for the holy war, and lays it upon the self kingdoms.  and takes his Castles about Tholouse. The King of France (upon the lamentable complaint of the Tholousians) sends to the King of England to understand, whether his son Richard did these things by his will and Council. The King of England answers, That he neither willed, nor counseled him thereunto, and that his son sent him word (by the Archbishop of Dublin) that he did nothing, but by the consent of the King of France. Who (not satisfied with this answer) enters presently into Bery with his Army, seizes upon the Country; takes in divers Castles of the King of England's, who makes himself ready to recover the same. And thus that great intended enterprise, undertaken with such fervour, became dashed, and overthrown, at the very time, they appointed to have set forward.  
All the means the Pope could use by his Legates, nor all the persuasions of other Princes might prevail, to reconcile these two enraged Kings, though diverse interviews 
1188. Anno. Reg. 34.  were procured, diverse overtures propounded, yet none took effect; they ever departed more incensed than they met: in so much as at length, the King of France, in a rage, cut down the great Elm (between guysor's and Try) under which, the Kings of France, and Dukes of Normandy were ever used to parley, and swore, There should be 
The King of France cuts down the most eminent Elm of Princely parley.  no more meetings in that place. But yet after this, they were brought to another parley elsewhere, and therein the Pope's Legate threatened to interdict the King of France, unless he made peace with the King of England. The King of France told him, that he feared not his sentence, being grounded upon no equity, and that it appertained not to the Church of Rome, by sentence, or otherwise, to chastise the Kingdom, or King of France, undertaking to revenge the demerits, of the rebellious, that dishonoured his Crown; and flatly told the Cardinal, That he smelled of the Starlings of England.  
This interview, wrought a worse effect than all the rest: for here the King of England (absolutely) refuses to render Alice to his son Richard, but offered to the King 
Earl Richard (with the King of France) come been against his father king Henry 2.  of France, to give her to his son john, with larger conditions, than should be granted with the other: which so much alienated the heart of his son Richard, as he becomes wholly Liegeman to the King of France, did homage unto him for Aquitaine, and they both join their forces against the father.  
And here now comes this mighty King of England (the greatest of all the Christian world in his time, or that the Kingdom ever saw) to fall quite asunder; forsaken both of his subjects, and himself, letting down his heart, to yield to any conditions whatsoever: he who never saw fear (but in the back of his enemies) leaves now the defence of Man's, and flies away with seven hundredth men (having promised the City, never to give it over, in regard his Father was there buried, and himself borne) and afterward, comes to his last parley, with the King of France, between Turwin, and Arras: where at their first meeting (no man suspecting the wrath) a thunderbolt, with so terrible a crack lighted just between them, as it parted their conference in a confused manner for that time.  
Within a while after, they came together again, when suddenly began as fearful 
1189. Anno. Reg. 35.  a thunder as the former: which so amazed the King of England (as he had fallen off from his horse) had he not been supported by those about him. And in this sort, began the Proem of that Treaty, wherein, the King of England yields to all whatsoever conditions, the King of France required, did him homage again for all his dominions on that side (both kings having at the beginning of this war, renounced their mutual obligation in that kind) renders up Alice for whom he had been so much laden with scandal and turmoil, upon condition, she should be given in marriage to his son Richard at his return from the holy war; and in the mean time to remain in the custody of any one of five whom Richard would nominate: grants that fealty be given unto him of all his Dominions, and pardons all his partakers. Besides covenants to pay the King of France 20000 Marks of silver for damage done during these last wars. And that if he should not perform these Articles, his Barons should swear to renounce him, and betake them to the part of the King of France, and Earl Richard. And for more caution, he yields to deliver up the Cities of Man's and Tureyn, with diverse Castles into their Hands, etc.  
And here was an end of this business, and within three days after, of this king's life: whose heart, not made of that temper to bow, burst with the weight of a declining fortune. Some few hours before he died he saw a list of their names who conspired with the King of France, and Earl Richard against him: and finding therein his son john 
His death.  to be the first, falls into a grievous passion, both cursing his sons, and the day wherein himself was borne: and in that distemperature departs this world, which so often himself had distempered; having reigned 39 years, 7. months, and 5. days.  
His son Richard approaching the Corpse, as it was carrying to be interred (adorned according to the manner of Kings with all royal ornaments open faced) the blood 
1189. Anno. Reg. 35.  gushed out of the nostrils of the dead (a sign, usually noted, of guiltiness) as if Nature yet after death, retained some intelligence in the veins, to give notice of wrong, and check the malice of an unnatural offender: at which sight, Richard surprised with horror, is said to have burst out into extreme lamentations.  
He had issue by his wife Elinor, four sons, Henry, Richard, Geffrey and john, besides two other, William the eldest, and Philip the youngest but 
His Issue.  one, died young. Also three daughters; Maude married to Henry Duke of Saxony. Elinor, the wife of Alfonso the eighth of that name king of Castille. joan given 
Vide 10. Speed.  in marriage unto William king of Sicily. He had also two natural sons, by Rosamund daughter of Walter Lord Clifford, William, surnamed Longespee, in English Long Sword, and Geffrey Archbishop of York, who after five years banishment in his brother King john's time died, Anno 1213.  
The first son William surnamed Longespee, Earl of Salisbury (in right of Ela his wife; daughter and heir of William Earl of that County, son of Earl Patrick) had issue William Earl of Salisbury, & Stephen Earl of Ulster. Ela Countisse of Warwick. Idae Lady Beuchampe of Bedford and Isabella Lady Vescy His Son, Earl William the second, had Earl William the third, Father of Margaret wife of Henry Lacie Earl of Lincoln.  
It is said King Henry had also a third natural Son called Morgan (by the wife of one Rodulph Bloeth or Blewet a Knight, he lived to be Provost of Beverley, and to be elected to the Bishopric of Duresme: and coming to Rome for a dispensation (because his basiardy made him otherwise uncapable) the Pope willed him to profess himself Blewets lawful son, and not the King's Natural, promising to consecrate him on that condition, but he (using the advise of one William Lane his Clerk) told the Pope, that for no worldly promotion he would renounce his Father, or deny himself to be of blood Royal.  
The end of the Life, and Reign, of Henry the second.   

The Life, and reign, of Richard the first.  
RICHARD surnamed Coeure de Lion borne at Oxford succeeding his Father, 
He began his reign the 6● of july, aged 35.  first seizeth upon his Treasure in France, being in the hands of Stephan Thurnham Seneschal of Normandy, whom he imprisons with fetters, and manacles to extort the uttermost thereof. And then repairs to Rouen, where, by Walter the Archbishop he is girt with the sword 
1189. Anno. Reg. 1.  of the Duchy of Normandy, takes fealty both of the Clergy and Lay, and then goes to Parle and compose his business with the King of France, which he did by money, and obtained restitution of all such pieces as had been gotten from his Father in the time of the late wars. Besides for his better strength he gives in marriage Maude his Niece daughter of the Duke of Saxony to Geffrey son to the Earl of Perch.  
During this stay and settling of his affairs in France, Queen Elinor his Mother, freed from her imprisonment (which she had endured twelve years) hath power to dispose of the business of England, which especially she employed in preparing the 
The slaughter of the Jews at the Coronation.  affections of the people by pardons, and releevement of oppressions, and then meets her son at Winchester. Where (besides his Father's treasure which was 900000 pounds in gold, and silver: besides plate jewels and precious stones) there fell unto him by the death of Geffrey Riddle Bishop of Ely dying intestate 3060 Marks of Silver, and 205 of Gold, which came well to defray the charge of his Coronation, celebrated the third day of September 1189 at Westminster, and imbrued with the miserable slaughter of the jews inhabiting in, and about the City of London, who coming to offer their presents, as an afflicted people, in a strange Country, to a new King, in hope to get his favour, were set upon by the multitude, and many lost both their lives and substance. The example of London wrought the like mischief upon the jews in the Towns of Norwich, Saint Edmondsbury, Lincoln, Stamford and Linne.  
All this great Treasure left to this King, was not thought sufficient for this intended action of the Holy war (which was still on foot) but that all other ways were devised to raise more money, and the King sells much Land of the Crown, both to the Clergy and others. Godfrey de Lucy Bishop of Winchester bought two Manors Weregrave, and Menes. The Abbot of Saint Edmondsbury the Manor of Mildhall for one thousand Marks of silver. The Bishop of Duresme the Manor of Sadborough with the dignity pallitinate of his whole Province, which occasioned the King jestingly to say what a cunning workman he was that could make of an old Bishop a new Earl. Besides he grants to William King of Scots the Castles of Berwick and Roxborough for 10000 Marks, and releaseth him of those covenants made and confirmed by his Charter unto King Henry the second as extorted from him being then his prisoner, reserving unto himself only such rights, as had been and were to be performed, by his brother Malcolin to his Ancestors the kings of England.  
Moreover pretending to have lost his Signet, made a new, and proclamation that whosoever would safely enjoy, what under the former Signet was granted, should come to have it confirmed by the new, whereby he raised great sums of money to the grief of his subjects. Then procures he a power from the Pope, that whosoever himself pleased to dismiss from the journey, and leave at home, should be free from taking the Cross: and this likewise got him great Treasure which was levied with much expedition by reason the king of France, in November, after the Coronation sent the Earl of Perch, with other Commissioners to signify to king Richard how in a general Assembly at Paris, he had solemnly sworn upon the Evangelists to be ready at Tours, with all the Princes and people of his kingdom, who had undertaken the Cross, presently upon Easter next following, thence to set forward for the Holy Land. And for the assurance, and testimony thereof, he sends the Charter of this Deed unto the king of England, requiring him and his Nobility, under their hands to assure him in like sort, to be ready at the same time, and place, which was in like manner concluded at a general Council held at London. And in December (having only stayed but four months in England after his Coronation) this King departs into Normandy, 
Vide Append. The King's departure out of England toward the Holy war.  keeps his Christmas at Roven, and presently after hath a parley with the King of France at Rheims, where by Oath and writing under their hands and seals, with the faith given by all their Nobility on both sides, is confirmed a most strict Peace and Union betwixt both Kings, for the preservation of each other and their Estates, with the orders concluded for their journey. Which done, the King of England sends for Queen Elionor his mother, his brother john, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Winchester, Duresme, Norwich, Bath, Salisbury, Ely, Chester, and others, which came unto him to Roven: where he commits the especial charge of this Kingdom to William Longshamp Bishop of Ely, under the Title of Chief justice of England, and gives him one of his Seals and the Custody of the Tower of London: and confers upon Hugh Bishop of Duresme the justiceship of the North from Humber to Scotland, with the keeping of Windsor Castle, which after gave occasion of dissension, to these two ambitious Prelates impatient of each others greatness, Hugh Bardolph, William Martial, Geffrey Fitz Peter, and William Brewer are joined in commission with the Bishop of Ely.  
And lest his brother john (whose spirit he well understood) might in England work upon the advantage of his absence, he first caused him to take an Oath not to come within this Kingdom for the space of three years next following. Which after, upon better consideration, he released, leaving him to his liberty and natural respect. But hereby having given him first a wound by his distrust, his after regard could never heal it up again, nor all the Honours and State bestowed on him, keep him within the limits of obedience.  
For, this suspicion of his Faith showed him rather the way to break, then retain it; whensoever occasion were offered: and the greater means he had bestowed on him to make him content, did but arm him with greater power for his designs. For this Earl john had conferred upon him in England the 
The great Estate left to Earl john.  Earldoms of Corwnewall, Dorcet, Somerset, Nottingham, Derby, Lancaster, and by the marriage with Isabella, Daughter to the Earl of Gloucester, had likewise that Earldom, moreover the Castles of Marlborow and Lutgarsall, the Honours of Wallingford, Tichill, and Eye; to the value of four thousand Marks per annum, besides the great commands he held thereby: which mighty Estate was not a means to satisfy but increase his desires, and make him more dangerous at home.  
Then the more to strengthen the reputation of his Viceroy the Bishop of Ely, the King gets the Pope to make him his Legate of all England and Scotland; and to the end his Government might not be disturbed through the emulation of another, he confines the elect Archbishop of York (his base brother, whose turbulence he doubted) to remain in Normandy till his return, and takes his Oath to perform the same.  
Having thus ordered his affairs he sends back into England this Great Bishop, furnished with as great and absolute a power as he could give him, to provide necessaries for his intended journey. Wherein to please the King, he offended the people, and committed great exactions, Clerum & populum opprimebat, 
Exactions by the Viceroy.  confundens fasque nefasque, saith Hoveden. He took of every City in England two Palfreys, and two other Horses of service, and of every Abbay one of each, likewise of every Manor of the Kings, one of each for this service. And to show what he would prove, he took the Castle of Windsor from the Bishop of Duresme, and confined him within his Town of Howedon, questions his Authority, and works him much vexation, and for all his means made to the King, overtopped him.  
The King takes order for a Navy to convey people and provision to the Holy land, and commits the charge thereof to the Archbishop of Auxere, and the Bishop of Bayon, Robert de Sabul, Richard Canuile, which done, both Kings, the latter end of june, with their powers together, take their journey to Lions; where (their numbers growing so great, as bred many incomberments, and distemprings between the nations) they part companies: the King of France takes the way of Genova by Land, the 
The King's quarrel in the lsle of Sicily.  King of England of Merseilles, where, after he had stayed eight days, expecting in vain the coming about of his Navy withheld by tempest, he was forced to hire twenty Galleys, and ten other great vessels, to transport him into the Isle of Sicilia. The King of France takes shipping at Genova, and by tempest was driven to land in the same Isle, and arrived there before the King of England: where, those mighty companies of both these powerful Kings, fell fowl on each other, and themselves taking part with their people enter in quarrel and rancour, so that being of equal power and stomach, and alike emulous of honour and revenge, they began to show what success their enterprise was likely to yield. The King of France repairing his wracked Navy and the King of England's long staying for his, forced them both to Winter in Sicilia, to the great pesture and disturbance of that people, themselves and theirs.  
William late king of Sicily who had married joane, sister to the King of England, was dead (which made the entertainment of the English there, the worse) and Taneredi base son of Roger, grandfather to that William, was invested in the kingdom, contrary to the will of the late King (dying without issue) and the fidelity of the people sworn to Constantia the lawful daughter of the said Roger, married to Henry King of Almain, son to the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa, by which occasion Tancredi was forced to use all means to hold what he had gotten by strong hand, and had much to do against the Emperor and his son Henry. The King of England after great contention with him, to make the conditions of his sister's dower the better, enters into league with Tancredi against all men to preserve his Estate, and gets in conclusion 20000 Ounces of Gold for his Sister's dower, and 20000 more, upon a match to be made between Arthur Earl of Britain, son to Geffrey his next brother (who was to succeed him in the Crown of England, if himself died without issue) and the daughter of Tancredi.  
At the opening of the Spring (both kings having been reconciled, and new Articles 
The Kings reconciled.  of Peace and concord signed, and sworn) the King of France sets first forward to the Holy Land: but the king of England stays in Sicily until Whitsuntide after. And during his abode (which might therefore be the longer) his Mother Queen Elionor (who in her youth had well known the travail of the East) came unto him, 
Berenguela fianced to King Richard.  bringing with her Berenguela, daughter to the king of Navarre, who has there fianced unto him. Which done, Queen Elionor departs home by the way of Rome, and the young Lady with the Queen Dowager of Sicily take their journey with the king; who sets forth with an hundred and thirty ships, and fifty Galleys, and was by tempest driven to the Isle of Cyprus, where, being denied landing, he assails the Isle on all sides, subdues it, palces his Granisons therein, and commits the custody of the same to Richard de Canuile, and Robert de Turnham, taking half the goods of the Inhabitants from them; in am whereof he confirmed the use of their own Laws. And here our Histories say, he married the Lady Berenguela, and caused her to be Crowned Queen.  
These mischiefs suffered these two famous Isles of Christendom in the passage of these mighty Princes against Pagans, who peradventure would have as well used them for their goods, and treasure as these did, but Armies and power know no inferior friends; it was their Fate so to lie in the way of great attempters, who, though in the cause of Piety, would not stick to do any injustice.  
From hence passes this famous king to the Holy Land, with the spoils, and treasure of three noble rich Islands, England, Sicily, and Cyprus (besides what Normandy and Guien could furnish him with all) and there consumes that huge collected mass, even as violently as it was gotten, though to the exceeding great renown of him, & the nation. Hear for the better understanding this business, it is not amiss to deliver in what sort stood the Estate of those affairs in Asia, which so much troubled these mighty Princes, and drew them from the utmost bounds of Europe, thus to adventure themselves and consume their Estates.  
It was now four score and eight years since Godsrey of Bologne, Prince of Lorraine, with his company recovered the City of jerusalem, with the Country of Palestina, and a great part of Syria, out of the hands of the Saracens, obtained the Kingdom thereof, and was Crowned with a Crown of Thorns in example of our Saviour, reigned 
The State of Palestina.  one year, died, and left to succeed him his brother Baldwin, who governed eighteen years, and left the Crown to another of that name, Balwin de Burgo, who reigned thirteen years, and left a daughter, and his Kingdom in dissension. Fulke Earl of Anjou marries this daughter, and enjoys the Kingdom eleven years, and left two young sons, Baldwin, and Almerique: Balwin reigns four and twenty years, and after him his brother Almerique twelve, and leaves Baldwin his son to succeed him, who being sickly, and despairing of issue, made Baldwin his Nephew, son to the marquess of Monferrato and Sibilla his Sister, his successor: and commits the charge of him, with the administration of the Kingdom to Raymond Earl of Tripoli, whom Guy de Lusignan who had married Sibilla (the Widow of Monferrato) put from that charge, and usurped the Government, and at length the Kingdom, not without suspicion of poisoning the young King. Raymond making war upon him, Lusignan draws in Sultan Saladin of Egypt to his aid, who glad of that occasion, to augment his own State destroyed them both, with their Kingdom, and won the City of Ptolomeide, Asoto, Berytho, Ascalon, and after one months' siege, the City of jerusalem four score and eight years after it had been conquered by Godfrey.  
Now to recover this confounded State, come these two Great Kings from a far and a different clime with an Army composed of several Nations, and several humours, English, French, Italians and Germans; against a mighty Prince of an united power, within his own air, neera at home, bred and made by the sword, enured to victories, acquainted with the fights, and forces of the Christians, and possessed almost of all the best pieces of that Country.  
And here they sit down before the City of Acon, defended by the power of Saladin, 
The Kings of England and France besiege Acon.  which had been before besieged by the Christians the space of three years; and had cost the lives of many worthy Princes, and great personages, whose names are delivered by our Writers, amongst whom I will remember these few of especial note: Conradus Duke of Suenia, son of Frederic the Emperor (which Frederic was also drowned coming thither) with the Earls of Perch, Puntif, and old Theobald Earl of Bloys, that famous Stickler between the Kings of England and France: Stephen Earl of Sancerre: the Earl of Vandosme, Bertoldus a Duke of Germany, Reoger and joselin Earls of Apulia etc. And lastly Philip Earl of Flaunders: and of our Nation Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury. Robert Earl of Leicester, Ralph de Glanuile, Chief justice of England, Richard de Clare; Walter de Kime, etc. And notwithstanding all the forces of these two kings, they held out four months after, and then rendered themselves upon composition.  
At their entering into the City, the Ensigns of Leopold Duke of Ostrich, being planted on the walls, were with great scorn taken down by the commandment of King Richard, and those of the two Kings erected, which bred great rancour, and was afterward the occasion of much mischief to the king of England Besides, during this siege divers stings, were ministered, or taken of displeasure, and malice between the two kings, apt to be set on fire by the least touches of conceit.  
The king of France full of disdain, for the rejection of his Sister, and the marriage of the king of England with Berenguela; besides competition of honour (which their equality was subject unto) made any jot of the least disproportion thereof, a wound without cure: And daily occasions in so great hearts fell out to work the same. The Article of equal dividing their gains in this voyage, concluded between them is questioned. The king of France, claims half the Isle of Cyprus, the king of England, half the Treasure and goods of the Earl of Flaunders, whereon the King of France had seized, and therein, neither is satisfied. Then are there two pretenders to the Crown of jerusalem, Guy of Lusignan, and Conrade, Marquis of Monferrato: Guy pleads the possession thereof, which he had by his wife Sibilla: the King of England takes part with Guy: the King of France, with Conrade: And with these differences are they kept in imbroylements, and continually distempered, in so much, as by their own heats, and the contagion 
The Kings of England and France dangerously sick.  of the Country, they fell into a most dangerous sickness, that cost them both, their hair, being more than they got by the voyage.  
But being recovered, the King of France had no longer will to stay there, where he saw no more likelihood of honour or profit: and at home, he knew was better good to be done with less danger, and the rather by the death of the Earl of Flaunders, whose state lay so near, as it took up part of his; whereof he had a purpose to abridge his successor, and therefore, craves leave of the King of England (for without leave of each other it was covenanted, neither of them should departed) to return home, which King Richard was hardly won to grant, in respect he knew the danger, it might work him, in his absence, to let such an offended Lion lose.  
But in the end through the earnest solicitation of the King of France, and his assurance) 
The King of France departs from the Holy war.  confirmed by Oath not to do anything offensive to his Dominions in France, during his absence, he yields thereunto. And so departs this great Prince leaving the Earl of Borgogne Lieutenant of his forces: And King Richard betakes him to the siege of Ascalon: writes invective letters against the King of France for leaving him: who likewise defames King Richard, amongst his neighbours at home. And it may be doubted whether the perjury of these two Kings, did not add more to their sin, than the action they undertook for the remission thereof could take away, for that a good work impiously managed, meretts no more than an ill.  
Ten months the King of England stays behind in these parts, consuming both his men and treasure without any great success, though with much noble valour and exceeding courage, finding ever great perverseness in the Earl of Borgogne, who according to his masters instructions showed no great desire to advance the action, where another must carry the honour: but willing always to return home (pretending his want) drew back when any business of importance was to be done; and at length falls sick, and dies at Acon.  
Conrade, who was so much favoured by the King of France, in his title for that Kingdom, 
Conrade murdered.  was murdered by two Assassini whereof the King of England was (but very wrongfully) taxed, and the Earl of Champagne, martying his Widow, Sister to Queen Sibilla, was by King Richard preferred to the Crown of jerusalem and Guy of Lusignan (the other pretender) made King of Cyprus, and so both contented. During this business abroad in the East, the state of England suffered much at home under the government of Lonshamp, who usurping the whole authority to himself without communicating 
Longshamps train and pomp.  any thing either with the Nobility, or the rest of the Commissioners joined with him, did what he listed, and with that insolency carried himself, as he incurred the hatred of the whole Kingdom, both Clergy and Lay. His train was said to be so great, and the pomp of attendants such, as where he lay in any religious house but one night, 3 years revenues would scarce suffice to recover the charge. Besides being a stranger himself, and using only French men about him made his courses the more intolerable to the English: in so much, as at length the whole Clergy, and Nobility oppose against his proceed, and the Earl john taking advantage upon these discontentments (to make himself more popular, and prepare the way to his intended usurpation) joins with the state against this B. being the man that had ever crossed his courses having an especially eye unto him, as the most dangerous person of the Kingdom, both in respect of the king's charge, and his own safety.  
And now there fell out a fit occasion to ruin the Chancellor by this means: Geffrey 
1191. Anno. Reg. 3.  the Elect Archbishop of York, base son to Henry the 2. to whose preferment, in Eng. King Richard was averse (& therefore had confined him within Normandy during his absence) had by great labour to Pope Celestine, obtained a power to be invested in that Sea: whose coming into England being advertised to the Chancellor Long shamp, 
Geffrey the Elect of York taken and imprisoned by the Chancellor.  he was at his landing at Donor apprehended, and drawn by force out of the Church which he had recovered, and from the Altar in his Pontifical habit trailed into the Castle in most vile manner. Of which violence the Earl john, and the Bishop taking notice, they command the Chancellor not only to release him but also to answer the matter, before the assembly of the Bishops, and nobility at Paul's: where, they Article, and urge against him many heinous actions committed, contrary to the Commission given him, and the Weal of the King, and Kingdom.  
The Archbishop of Rouen, and William Marshal Earl of Striguile showed openly the King's Letters patents, dated at Messena in Sicily, whereby they were made Commissioners with him in the government of the Kingdom; which notwithstanding, he would never suffer them to deal in any business of the same: but by his own violent, 
Longshamp the Chancellor deposed from his office.  and headlong will, do all himself: wherefore in the end he was by the Assembly deposed from his Office: and the Archbishop of Roven (who would do nothing without the Council of the State) instituted therein. The Tower of London, and the Castle of Windsor are taken from him, and delivered to the Archbishop. And so this great Officer presuming to much in his place (having envy so near him, and a master so far off) was thrown down from his State, feign to resign his Legantine Cross at Canterbury, and to take up that for the Holy war: and privily seekeing to escape over Sea, was in the habit of a woman, with a web of Linen cloth under his arm, taken upon the shore at Dover, and most opprobriously made a spectacle to the people, and conducted with all derision to the Castle; whence after 
He flies and is taken.  eight days he was by the Earl john released, and suffered to go on his journey; wherein, being the messenger of his own misusage he had the advantage of his adversaries, and prevailed against them with the Pope, who took very tenderly the power Legantine should be so vilified.  
The Earl john, the Archbishop of Roven, and the other justices of the King, grant unto the City of London their Common (or liberties) and the Citizens Swore fealty to King Richard and his hair: and that if he died without issue, they would receive the Earl john for their Lord and King, and likewise swore fealty unto him against all men, reserving their faith to King Richard.  
In this forwardness was the Earl john for his brother's Crown, whilst he is beleagaring Ascalon, and grappling with Saladin Sultan in the East. But having notice of this proceeding in England, and how the King of France had taken in guysor's, and 
King Richard's departure from Palestina.  the Country of Vexin, contrary to his Oath, he takes the opportunity of an offer made by Saladin of a truce for three years, upon condition that he should restore Ascalon to the same State wherein he found it before the siege: which he did by the Council of the Templars, and the whole Army. And presently leaving Wife, Sister, and people to come after him (as they could provide) takes a ship with some few followers, and returns from this action, with as great precipitation as he undertook it: having consumed therein all that mighty Treasure left him by his father, and all that otherwise he could tear from his subjects, and others, by violent extortion, or cunning practices.  
Pardon us Antiquity, if we miscensure your actions which are ever (as those of men) according to the vogue, and sway of times, and have only their upholding by the opinion of the present. we deal with you but as posterity will with us (which ever thinks itself the wiser) that will judge likewise of our errors according to the cast of their imaginations. But for a King of England to return in this fashion, cannot be but a note of much inconsideration, and had as pitiful an event. For having taken up by the way three Galleys to conduct him to Ragusa for three hundred Marks of Silver (disguised under the names of Pilgtimes') he was by his lavish expenses discovered to be the 
His discovery.  King of England which note once taken, it was impossible for him to lay any covering thereon, that could ever hide him more: though upon warning thereof, he presently left all his company, and with one man only takes horse, and through all the dangers of a wild desert, and rocky Country, travailing day, and night, passes into Ostrich, where Fame, that was a speedier post than himself, was before him. And coming to a Village near to Viena, and reposing himself in a poor hosterie, was taken a sleep, by means of his companion going forth to provide necessaries for him, 
King Richard taken prisoner  who as he was changing money was known, taken, and brought before the Duke of Ostrich, and upon examination confessed where his master was, of which prize the Duke was most joyful, in respect of his revenge for the disgrace he did him at the entering of Acon, and presently sends him to the Emperor Henry the sixth, whom likewise he had offended for aiding Tancredi the base son of Roger in the usurpation of the Crown of Sicilia, against Constantia the lawful daughter of the same Roger whom this Emperor had married.  
News hereof is presently sent by the Emperor to the King of France that he might likewise rejoice at this fortune, and he tells him, That now the Enemy of his Empire, and the disturber of the Kingdom of France, was fast in hold, and all the manner how. The State of England is likewise soon certified of this heavy disaster, and great means is made to redeem their King out of captivity, who is said to have borne his fortune with that magnanimity, and so cleared himself of the scandals laid on him for the death of Conrade the emperors kinsman, & other his actions in the East, in such sort, as he won the affection of the Emperor, so that he professed a great desire to restore him, and reconcile him to the King of France. But yet we find, That King Richard deposed 
King Richard deposed himself of the kingdom of England.  himself of the Kingdom of England, and delivered the same to the Emperor as his supreme Lord, and invested him therein by the delivering up his hat, which the Emperor returned unto him in the presence of the Nobility of Germany and England to hold this Kingdom from him for 50 thousand pounds sterling to be paid as an annual tribute.  
And yet notwithstanding all this the King of France, combining with the Earl john, prevailed so much with the Emperor as he held him his prisoner; a whole year and six weeks through their offer of mighty sums they made unto him. For he, and the Earl john fully accounted that he should have been held a perpetual prisoner, and upon that reckoning the Earl john did his homage to the King of France for the Duchy 
Earl john doth homage to the King of France for Normandy.  of Normandy, and all the rest of those transmarine territories, and for England as it is said, and beside resigns unto him guysor's, with the Country of Vexin, swears to marry his sister Alice, and to be divorced from his other Wise the Daughter of the Earl of Gloucester. The King of France covenants to give him with his sister that part of Flanders which he had taken from that Eareldome, and swears to aid him in the attaining both of England and whatsoever else the Lands of his brother.  
Then goes the Earl john over into England carrying many strangers with him, and presently the Castles of Wallingford and Windsor are rendered unto him: then comes he to London and requires of the Archbishop of Roven, and other the Commissioners, the Kingdom of England and that fealty be made unto him, affirming his brother was dead, but they not giving credit unto him, and denying his desire; with rage and strong hand, he fortifies his Castles, and in hostile manner invades the Lands of his brother, finding many partakers to join with him.  
The Queen mother, the justices of England, and all the faithful servants of the King, guard and defend the ports, against the invasion of the French, and Flemings, who in great numbers seek to aid the Earl john, and also they labour the redemption of the King, whose ransom the Emperor rates at 100 thousand Marks, with the finding of fifty Galleys ready furnished, and two hundred soldiers to attend his service in the holy wars for one year.  
In Normandy the Officers and Servants of the King of England defend with no less faith, and courage the right of their Master against the King of France, who withal his power labours to subdue them, and by his large offers to the Emperor prolongs his redemption and inhaunces his ransom. This toil and charge is the world put into through the misfortune and weakness of their hardy King who, only in respect of his valour (being otherwise not worth so much) and the Holy work he undertook, whereby he obliged the Clergy, which then managed all, got the opinion and love of his subjects, in such sort, as they strain even beyond their ability to recover and preserve him, and so wrought in the end that the Emperor compounds with King Richard in this manner: that he should send his Commissioners to London, and receive an hundred thousand Marks of pure silver of Cologne 
The Emperor's composition with King Richard.  weight, to be sealed up and safely conducted to the bounds of the Empire at the peril of the King of England, and other fifty thousand Marks of silver (whereof twenty thousand for the Duke of Ostrich and thirty thousand for the Emperor, to be paid at seven months after, and pledges to be given: three score to the Emperor, and seven to the Duke. Besides the King of England, swears to send his Niece, the sister of Arthur Earl of Britain to be married to the Duke of Ostrich, etc.  
And the Emperor granted to the King of England by his Charter the Sovereignty of the Province Vienne, and Viennoys Merseilles, Narbona, Arls, Lions, and whatsoever he had in Burgogne, with the Homages of the King of Arragon, the Earls of Dijon, and Saint Giles. In which countries were five Archbishoprics, thirty three Bishoprics, but the Emperor could never have domination over them, nor they receive any Lord that he presented them. So that this great gift consisted but in title, which yet pleased King Richard that he might not seem to part with all his substance for nothing. And the same wind he sends to Hubert the new Archbishop of Canterbury, lately made his Vicegerent in England to be blown ovet all the Kingdom, by a letter he wrote unto him wherein he hath these words. For that sure I am, you much desire our deliverance and greatly rejoice therein, we will that you be partaker of our joy, and thought fit to signify to your be lovednesse, that the Lord the Emperor hath prefixd the day thereof to be upon Monday after the Feast of 
King Richard's letters into England.  the Nativity, and the Sunday after we shall receive theCrowne of the Kingdom of Province, which he hath given us, whereof we send his Letters Patents unto you, and other our friends, and well willers, and do you in the mean time, as much as in you lieth, comfort those you know love us; and desire our promotion. Teste me ipso apud Spiram 22. Sep. The Emperor likewise writes to the Bishops, Earls, Barons, and other the Subjects of England, how he purposed to advance and magnificently to honour his especial friend their King, and in this Coin are they paid at home for what they were to lay out.  
King Richard sends after this, for his mother Queen Elionor (who is still a travailer) and for the Archbishop of Roven with many others to come unto him, about the time and business of his deliverance, for which, There is imposed upon every Knight's Fee twenty shillings, the fourth part of all lay men's revenues, and the fourth part of all the revenues of the Clergy, with a tenth of their goods is enjoined to be paid. The Chalices and treasure of all Churches are taken to make up the sum, the like is done in all his territories beyond the Seas, so dearly cost the return of this King from his Eastern voyage.  
And this Queen Berenguela had likewise her part of affliction in this journey for she with her sister in law the Queen Dowager of Sicilia, fearing the emperors malice were a whole year in travailing from Palestina, and at length were conducted unto Poictou The King of France hearing of this conclusion made betwixt King Richard and 
The King of France and Earl john proffer great sums to hold King Richard prisoner.  the Emperor writes to the Earl john how the Devil was got lose, willing him now to look to himself; and it vexed them exceedingly both being disappointed thus of their hopes. And there upon, the Earl john leaving his Castles in England well defended, and encouraging his Soldiers to hold out, and credit no reports, departs into Normandy, where he with the King of France whilst King Richard is yet in the emperors hands solicits him, with the proffer of a hundred and fifty thousand Marks or else a thousand pounds a month, so long as he held him his prisoner. But it prevailed not, though it staggered the Emperor for a time, who in the end showed this letter to King Richard (that he might see what care was taken for him) and then delivers him to his mother Elionor receiving the pledges for observation of peace, (and the rest of the ransom unpaid) The Archbishop of Roven, the Bishop of Bath, with the sons of many principal Earls and Barons. And so in February 
King Richard's return into England.  one year, and six weeks after his Captivity, in the fourth year of his reign he returns into England, where the Bishops (in whose grace especially he was) had excommunicated the Earl john, and all his adherents, and taken in his Castles of Marleborow, Lancaster, and a fortress at Saint Michel's mount in Cornwall defended by Henry de Pumeroy. But his Castle of Nottingham, though strongly assailed by Ralph Earl of Chester and the Earl Ferrer, and the Castle of Tichill by the Bishop of Duresme, held out for the Earl john, and found the King some work to do upon his return; who presently without any stay otherwhere, came before Nottingham Castle withal the show of state and greatness he could make; which yet could not so terrify the defendants as to make them yield, confident either in their own strength, or in opinion that there 
1193. Anno. Reg. 5.  was no King ever to return to assault them, and supposiing it but a mere show, resolved to hold out for their master; which put the King to much travail, and great expense of blood before they rendered themselves, which was also upon pardon. Those of the Castle of Tichill yielded to the Bishop of Duresme, their persons, and goods saved.  
The King assembles a Parliament at Nottingham where Queen Elionor was present, and sat on his right hand. The first day of the Session, he disserseth Girard de Canuile of 
A Parliament at Nottingham.  the Castle of Lincoln, and the Shriefwike of that Shire: from Hugh Bardolph he takes the Shriefwicke of Yorkshire, the Castles of York, Scarborow, and the custody of Westmoreland, and exposes them all to Sale. The Archbishop of York gives for the Shriefwicke of Yorkshire three thousand Marks, with one hundred Marks of annual rent.  
The second day of the Session the King requires judgement upon the Earl john, for having contrary to his Oath of fealty, usurped his Castles, etc. and contracted confederacy with the King of France against him. And likewise judgement against Hugh de Navant Bishop of Coventry for adhering to the Earl john, and the King's enemies. And it was adjudged, they should both appear at a peremptory day to stand to the law. Which if they did not, the Earl john to deserve banishment, and the Bishop to under go the judgement, both of the Clergy, as being a Bishop, and of the Laity being the King's Sheriff, But this Bishop two years after, was restored to the King's favour, and his Bishopric, for five thousand Marks. The third day of this Session was granted to the King, of every ploughland, through out England, two shillings, besides the King required the third part of the service, of every Knight's Fee, for his attendance in Normandy: and all the Wool that year of the Monks Cisteaux. Which for that it was grievous and insupportable unto them, they fine for money.  
The fourth and last day, was for the hearing of grievances and accusations, and so this assembly broke up. But here either to add more Majesty after calamity, or else to nullify his act done to the Eemperour is appointed the King's recoronation to be solemnized 
Richard again crowned at Winchester.  at Winchester, presently upon the Feast of Easter next following. Whilst the king was in these parts, William King of Scots, repairs to him, and required the dignities and honours his predecessors of right had in England, and with all, the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Lancaster. To whom the King of England first answered, that he would satisfy him by the advice of his Council, with shortly after was assembled at Northampton, where, after deliberation, he told him that his petition, ought not in reason, to be granted at that time, when almost all the Princes of France were his enemies, for it would be thought rather an act of fear, than any true affection, and so put it off for that time with fair promises: yet grants he by the advice, and consent of the Council, under his Charter, to William King of Scots and his heirs for ever: that when by summons they should come to the Court of the king of England, the Bishop of Duresme, and the Sheriff of Northumberland should receive them at the river of Tweed, and bring them under safe conduct to the river of Teis, and there the Archbishop of York, and the Sheriff of Yorkshire should receive and conduct them to the bounds of that county: and so the Bishops, and Shreive's of other Shires till they came to the Court of the King of England, and from the time that the King of Scots first entered into this Realm, he should have an hundred shillings a day allowed of gift for his charge, and after he came to the Court, thirty shillings a day, and twelve Wastells, and twelve Simnel's of the Kings, four quarts of the King's best wine and six of ordinary wine, two pounds of pepper, and four pounds of Cinnamon; two pounds of Wax, or four Wax lights, forty great long perchers of the King's best candles, and twenty four of other ordinary, and at his return to be safely conducted as he came, and with the same allowance.  
From Northampton, both the Kings go to Woodstock and thence to Winchester, where the Coronation is sumptuously solemnized. And there King Richard resumes the two 
Resumptions.  Manors he sold to the Bishop of Winchester, at his going to the holy War, and likewise the Castle of Winchester and that county, with whatsoever sales he had made else of the demesnes of the Crown, alleging that it was not in his power to alien any thing appertaining to the same whereby his State was to subsist. The Bishop of Duresme seeing these revocations, did voluntarily, deliver up the Castle of Duresme, with the County of Northumberland, which the King willed to be delivered to Hugh Bardolph. Hugh Bishop of Lincoln gave for the liberty of his Church one thousand Marks of silver, redeeming thereby the custom of giving to the King of England every year a cloak furred with sables.  
Here all such who had taken part with the Earl john and defended his Castles, were summoned to appear, and all the rich were put to their ransom, the poorer sort let go at liberty, but under sureties of an hundred Marks a piece, to answer in the King's Court whensoever they should be called. The King of Scots, seeing the King of England use all means for money, offers fifteen thousand Marks for Northumberland, with the appurtenances, alleging how King Henry the second gave the same to Henry his Father, and that after him, King Malcom enjoyed it five years. This large offer of money tempted King Richard so, as again he consulted with his Council about the matter, and in conclusion was willing to yield the same to the King of Scots, reserving to himself the Castles, but that, the King of Scots would not accept, and so with much discontent departs into Scotland; yet two years after this, King Richard sends Hubert Walter Archbishop of Canterbury to York, there to treat with the King of Scots of a marriage between Otho his Nephew, and Margaret daughter to the said king, to have for her dower all Lynox, and he would give with his Nephew, Northumberland and the Earldom of Carlisle, with all the Castles, but the Queen of Scots in the time of this treaty, being known to be with Child, it took no effect.  
From Winchester, king Richard departs into Normandy with an hundred ships, so that his stay in England was but from the latter end of February to the tenth of May, and that time only spent in gleaning out what possible this kingdom could yield, to consume 
King Richord departs into Normandy with 100 ships  the same in his businesses of France, which took up all the rest of his reign, being in the whole but nine years, and nine months whereof he was never above eight months in England. Nor do we find that ever his wife Berenguela was here, or had any dowry or honour of a Queen of England, or otherwise of any regard with him, how much sooner she had deserved.  
And now all affairs that either concerned the state in general, or any man's particular, was (to the great charge and travail of the Subjects of England, to be dispatched in Normandy: and that game we had by our large dominions abroad. The first action that king Richard undertook upon his coming over, was, the relieving of Vernoul, besieged by the king of France and there his brother john, by the mediation of their mother Queen Elionor is reconciled unto him, and abjures the part of the king of France. And to make his party, the stronger in those countries he first gives his sister joane, Queen Dowager of Sicily to Raymond Earl of Toulouse, being the nearest neighbour of power to his Duchy of Guien, and might most offend him. Then enters league with Balduine Earl of Flanders from whom the king of France had taken Artois, and Vermandois, and on all sides seeks to embroil his enemy. Four years at least, held this miserable turmoil betwixt these two kings, surprising, recovering, ruining and spoiling each others Estate, often deceving both the world, and themselves with show of covenants reconciliatory (which were ever more broken again upon all advantages according to the mystery of war and ambition.  
King Philip of France to strengthen himself with shipping to oppose the English, marries Botilda the sister of Knut king of, Denmark, but this match made for his ends, and not affection turned to his more trouble, for the next day after his wedding he put her away, pretending (besides other things) propinquity of blood, and for this had he long and great contention with the Church and the king of Denmark. The Emperor sends to the king of England a massy Crown of gold, and offers to come and aid him against the king of France, and to invade his kingdom, but the king returns him only thanks, not willing to have him stir in this business and in regard he suspected the Emperor affected to add France to the Empire, which would not be safe for him: or that the King of France dealing with the Emperor might win him with money, and so in the end, join both together against him. Now to supply the charge of this great 
1194. Anno. Reg. 6.  work, England was sure still to bear the heaviest part: and no shift is left unsought, that might any way raise means to the King from hence. Witness the Commission given to the justices Itnerants sent into every Shire of England for exaction upon pleas of the Crown, for Escheats, wardships, marriages, etc. with the improvement of the demesnes, and the order taken for the exact knowing of the Estates of men, and especially of the jews, on whom the King 
Vide Append.  would have none to prey but himself: Then the raising an imposition upon allowance of Turnements, which was for every Earl twenty Marks of silver: every Baron, ten, every Knight having 
Means used for money.  lands, four: and for such as had none, two Marks for a licence. The Collection whereof the Archbishop of Canterbury commits to his brother Theobald Walter. Besides another new seal, the old being lost by the Vicechancelor at the taking of Cirpus brings in a new exaction.  
But the proceeding in the pleas of the Crown and extorting of penalties Anno Reg. 9 By Hugh Bardolph, Roger Arundle and Geffrey Hatchet justices Itenerants for Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Darbyshire, Yorkshire, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Lancaster, was of a higher strain of exaction, and more profound, as having more of time, and presumption upon the people's sufferance, of whom, when once trial was made that they would bear, were sure to have more laid on them than they were able to under go. And with these vexations (saith Hoveden) all England from Sea to Sea was reduced to extreme poverty, and yet it ended not hear: another torment is added to the confusion of the Subjects by the justices of the Forests, Hugh Nevile, chief justice, Hugh Wac, and Ernise de Nevile, who not only execute those hideous laws introduced by the Norman, but impose other of more tyrannical severity, as the memory thereof being odious, deserves to be utterly forgotten, having afterwards by the hard labour of our noble ancestors, and the goodness of more regular Princes, been assuaged and now out of use.  
Besides in the same year, this King imposes 5 shil. upon every Hide or Plough-land, (which contained an hundred Acres) for the levying whereof a most strict course was taken: Likewise he required by his Vicegerent the Archbishop of Canterbury, that the people of England should find three hundred Knights for one year to remain in his service, or so much money, allowing for every Knight, three shillings per diem. Against which Hugh Bishop of Lyncoln opposes, and says, that he would never yield to the Kings will in this, for the detriment it might be to the Church, and example to posterity, that should not complain thereof, and say: our Fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge, and turning to the Archbishop, wished him, that he would do nothing whereof he might be a shamed.  
This Archbishop so husbanded the King's business that in Anno Reg. 7. he yielded 
Vudecies centena millia Marc. Houed.  an account unto him, that he had jevied of the Kingdom within the space of two years eleven hundred thousand Marks of silver; which, considering that time is a most remarkable sum. And now as the first act of this King was his violent violent proceeding in a business of Treasore with Stephen Thurstan Seneschal of Normandy, so was it likewise the last, and the cause of his destruction: for, Widomare, Viscont of Lymoges, having found a great treasure of silver, and gold in the ground, sends a good part thereof to the King, which he refuses, laying claim to the whole: Widomare denying the same, the King lays siege to his Castle where he imagined the treasure was hid; they of the Castle being but weak, offered to render the same, their lives members, and Armour saved, which the King would not yield unto, but swore that he would sack the Castle, and hang them all. Whereupon desperately they resolve to stand to their defence. King Richard with Marchard, general of the Brabanzons going about the Castle to view what place was fittest for an assault; Bertramd: Gurdun, from the walls shot a barbed arrow that hit the King in the arm, with such a deadly blow, as he was presently sent to his lodging: notwithstanding commands he his forces to prosecute the assault without intermission which they did, and took the Castle putting to execution all the defendants except Bartram, who by the King's command was reserved.  
But the arrow drawn out with great torture, left the head behind, which being by a rude Chirurgeon, after much mangling the flesh hardly cut out, brought the King to despair of life, and to dispose of his Estate, leaving to his brother john three parts of his treasure, and the fourth to his servants.  
Which done, he willed Bertram Gurdun to be brought unto him, of whom he demanded, what hurt he had done him, that provoked him to do this mischief, to whom Bertram replies: thou hast killed my father and my two brothers with thine own hand, and now wouldst have slain me, take what revenge thou wilt. I willingly endure what soever torture thou canst in flict upon me, in respect I have slain thee, who hast done such and so great mischief to the world. The King notwithstanding this rough and desperate answer, caused him to be let lose, and not only forgave him his death, but commanded 100 shillings 
The death of King Richard.  sterling to be given unto him, but Marchard after the King was dead caused him to be hanged and flayed.  
This was the end of this Lion-like King, when he had reigned nine years, and 9 months, wherein he exacted, and consumed more of this Kingdom, than all his predecessors 
1599 Anno. Reg. 10.  from the Norman had done before him, and yet less deserved than any, having neither lived here, neither left behind him monument of Piety, or of any other public work, or ever showed love or care to this Commonwealth, but only to get what he could from it. Never had Prince more given with less a do and less 'noys than he. The reason whereof, as I have said, was his undertaking the Holy war, and the cause of Christ, with his suffering therein; & that made the Clergy, which then might do all, to deny him nothing: and the people, fed with the report of his miraculous valour, horrible encounters in his voyage abroad (and then some victories in France) were brought to bear more than ever otherwise they would have done.  
Then had he such Ministers here to serve his turn as preferred his, before the service of God, and did more for him in his absence, than ever peradventure he would, or could have done for himself by being here present. For, both, to hold their places, and his good opinion, they devise more shifts of rapine, than had ever been practised before in this Kingdom, & cared not so he were satisfied, what burden they laid on the Subject; which rend, & torn by continual exactions was made the more miserable, in that they came betrayed with the show of Religion & Law, the main supporters of human society, ordained to preserve the state of a people, & not to confound it. But the insolent overcharging the state in these times gave occasion to the future, to provide for themselves; Excesses ever procure alterations. And the Successors of this King were but little beholding unto him; for out of his irregularity, their boundlessnes came to be brought within some limits. Yet what this King would have proved, had his days allowed him other then this rough part of war, we know not; but by the operation of a poor Hermit's speech made unto him, we are showed that he was convertible. For being by him vehemently urged to be mindful of the subversion of Sodom, and to abstain from things unlawful, thereby, to avoid the vengeance of God, he upon an ensuing sickness (a sounder Counsellor than health) remembering this advertisement, vows a reformation of his life: and did afterward upon his recovery, every morning rise early to hear divine service. For which Hoveden hath this note: how glorious it is for a Prince to begin and end his actions in him, who is beginning without beginning, and judges the ends of the Earth. Besides he grows hospitable to the poor, and made restitution of much Church vessel, that had been taken and sold for his ransom.  
Though this King had no issue, yet was he told by a Priest in France that he had three evil 
His issue.  daughters, and admonished to put them away and bestow them abroad to avoid the punishment of God. The King gave him the lie and said, he knew none he had, Yes Sir, replied the Priest, three daughters you have, and they are these, Pride, Covetousness, and Lechery. The King calling those who were present about him, and relating what the Priest had said, willed them to be witnesses how he would bestow these his 3 daughters which the Priest charged him withal. The 1. which is Pride, I give to the Templars and hospitalers, covetousness, to the Monks of Cisteaux Order, and Lechery to the Clergy, this sudden retortion shows us his quickness, and what kind of men were then muligned, and out of his grace.  
The end of the Life, and Reign of Richard the first.   

The Life, and reign of King john.  
JOHN having his brother's Army in the field, with all his Servants and followers, entertains them generally with promises of large rewards, 
1199. Anno. Reg. 1.  and thereby had the advantages of time, power, and opinion to help him on to his desires. Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury being upon business in those parts, and the most potent minister he could wish, for so mighty a work, he presently dispatches for England, with William Marshal Earl of Striguil, Geoffrey Fitz Peter, etc. to prepare the people to receive him for their King: who, especially dealing with those were most doubted would oppose him, and undertaking for him that he should restore unto them their rights, and govern the Kingdom, as he ought, with moderation; wrought so as they were all content upon those conditions, to swear Fealte unto him against all men. These undertakers, likewise, send word to William King of Scots (to hold him in, from any attempt) that he should also have full satisfaction for what he claimed in England, upon the return of their new Master. And so were all things made clear on this fide. But on the other, the right of succession, which was in Arthur the Elder brother's Son, stirred affections of another nature, the nobility of Anjou, Maine and Tureine, maintaining the usual custom of inheritance, adhere to Arthur, whom his mother Constance puts under the Protection of the King of France, who receives him and undertakes the defence of his right.  
john having his chief aim at the Crown of England could have no time of stay to close those ruptures that so violently broke out there, but having received the investiture 
King john's Coronation.  of the Duchy of Normandy, and performed all those rites, he speedily, with his mother Elionor (who must have her part in every act of her Sons) passes over into England, and by way of election receives the crown upon the Ascension day, at the hands of Hubert Archbish. of Canterbury, who in his Oration, (as it is recorded in Mat. Pa.) before the whole Assembly of the state showed, that by all reason, divine & humane, none ought to succeed in the Kingdom, but who should be for the worthiness of his virtues, universally chosen by the state, as was this man, etc. which then, seems especially urged, in respect his title of succession would not carry it. And the Archbishop afterward, upon this point, being questioned, confessed to his friends, that he foresaw this man would, (what blood and mischief soever it should cost) in the end obtain the crown. And therefore the safer way was, to prevent confusion, that the land should rather make him King, than he make himself; and that this election would be some tie upon him.  
So came john to the crown of England which he governed with as great injustice as he got it, and imbraked the state, and himself, in those miserable encumbrances, thorough his violences and oppression, as produced desperate effects, and made way to those great alterations in the government which followed. The Queen Mother, a woman of an high and working spirit, was an especial agent in this preferment of her Son john, in respect of her own greatness, knowing how she should be more by him, than she could be by her grandchild Arthur, who had a mother would look to become Regent here, and so overshaddow her estate, which was a thing not to be endured. Besides Arthur was a child, borne and bred a stranger, and never showed unto the Kingdom, so that he had nothing but his right to draw a party, which could not be such (in regard of the danger of the adventure, things standing as they did) that could do him any great good. Men being content rather to embrace the present, though wrong, with safety, then seek to establish another's right, with the hazard of their own confusion.  
The state of England secured; King john returns into Normandy upon intelligence given 
England secured to King john.  of the defection wrought in those parts by Philip the French King, who had given the order of Knighthood to Arthur, and taken his homage for Anjou Poctou, Main, Turein, and also for Normandy (in regard as he pretended) that King john had neglected to come, and do him homage for the same, as members held of the crown of France. King john, not willing upon his new and doubtful admission to the government to engulf 
1200. Anno. Reg. 2.  himself into a sudden war, mediates a Parley with the King of France, who well understanding the time, and his own advantages, requires so unreasonable conditions, as King john could not, without great dishonour yield unto, and so they fall to the sword. The King of France under pretence of working for Arthur gets for himself, which being discovered, Arthur with his mother Constance are brought (by the persuasion of their chief Minister William de la Roche) to commit themselves to the protection of King john; of whom likewise conceiving a sudden iealofie (or else informed of his purpose 
Prince Arthur and his mother fly to Angiers.  to imprison them) the next night after their coming, got secretly away & fled to Angiers. So this young Prince, borne to be crushed between these two potent Kings (intending only their own ends) gave occasion by leaving them both, to make both his enemies. After many attempts, and little gain on either side, another treaty is mediated by the Pope's Legates, wherein King john buys his peace upon these yielding conditions: That Louis, eldest son to King Philip should marry his Ncece Blanch daughter of Alphonso King of Castille, and have with her in dower, the City and County of Eureux, with sundry Castles in Normandy, and 30 thousand Marks of Silver. Besides, promises if he died without issue, to leave unto him all his territories in France. And that he would not aid his Nephew Otho (lately elected Emperor) against Philip brother to the late Emperor Hen. 6. whom the K. of France favoured, in opposition of Pope Innocentius who took the part of Otho.  
After this Peace made, Otho taking it unkindly to be thus forsaken by his Uncle john, sends his two brothers Henry Duke of Saxony and William Winton (so titled, for having been born at Winchester) to require the City of Eureux and the County of Poictou, and two parts of the treasure which his Uncle King Richard had bequeathed unto him, besides other movables; but they come to late. the obligation of blood, and rendering of dues is held to be of an inferior nature to the present interests of State. To this unkind, and unnatural act he presently adds another: Repudiats his wife (daughter to 
1201. Anno. Reg. 3.  the Earl of Gloucester, alleging consanguinity in the third degree) and marries Isabella daughter and inheretrix to the Earl of Anglosme fianced before to Hugh le Brun Earl of March (a Peer of great Estate and alliance in France) by consent of King Richard, in whose custody she then was. And having finished these distasteful businesses he returns, to give as little contentment, into Eng. where he imposes 3 shillings upon every 
An imposition of 3 shillings upon every Plough land.  Plough-land, to discharge the great dowry of 30 thousand Marks he was to give with his Niece Blanch the collection whereof, Geffrey Archb. of York opposes within his Provice. For which, and for refusing, upon summons to come unto this late treaty in France, the King causes his Sheriff james Potern, to seize upon all his temporalties. The Archb. interdicts the whole Province of York, and excommunicats the Sheriff. K. john shortly after, makes a progress with his wife Queen Isabel over all the North parts unto Scotland & exacts great fines of offenders in his forests. In his passing through Yorkshire, his brother the Archb. refused him wine and the honour of the Bells at Beverley, but by the mediation of 4 B B. and 4 Barons, and a great sum of money a reconciliation is made between them with promise of reformation of excesses on either part.  
Upon Easter day (after his return from the North) the King again is Crowned at 
His second Coronation.  Canterbury, and with him Isabel his Queen, by the Archb Hubert. And there are the Earls and Barons of Eng. surnmoned to be ready with horse & armour to pass the Seas with him presently upon Whitsuntide, but they holding a conference together at Leicester by a general consent send him word, that unless he would render them their Rights and Liberties, they would not attend him out of the Kingdom. The King, saith Hoveden, using ill counsel, required of them their Castles, & beginning with William de Aubenie demanded to have his Castle of Beavoyr, William delivers his son in pledge, but kept his Castle. Notwithstanding this refusal of the Lords, having taken order for the government, he passes over with his Queen into Normandy, where his presence, with the great show of his preparations, caused the revolters to forbear their enterprises for that time, and a 
1202. Anno. Reg. 4.  father ratisication, with as strong covenants, and cautions as could be devised, is made of the Agreements with King Philip of France, who feasts the King of England and his Queen at Paris with all compliments of amity. And here both Kings, solicited by the Pope's Legate, grant a Subsidy of the fortieth part of all their subjects revenues for one year (by way of Alms) to succour the Holy Land. 
Vide Append.  For the levying whereof in England, Geffrey Fitz Peter Chief justiciar sends out his Writs by way of request and persuasion, and not as of due or coaction to avoid example.  
But many months passed not, ere a new conspiracy broke out by the instigation of Hughle Brun, who stung with the rapture of his wife (a wrong of the most sensible touch in nature) combines with Arthur, the Barons of Poictou and Brittatne, and raised a strong side, which the King of France (notwithstanding all those ties wherein he stood engaged to the King of England) betakes himself unto, in regard of his own interests and advantages from which no bands could withhold him, and again both these Kings are in Arms. The King of France declares himself for Arthur, to whom he marries his youngest daughter: requires King john to deliver up unto him all his territories in France, and by a peremptory day summons him to appear personally at Paris, to answer what should be laid to his charge, and abide the Arrest of his Court, which King john refusing, was by sentence adjudged to lose all he held of that Crown.  
Then is he assailed on one side by the King of France in Normandy, on the other by 
He takes his Nephew Arthur prisoner.  Arthur, and the Barons in Anjou who lay siege to Mirabel, defended by Elionor the Queen mother, and were upon the point of taking it; when King john, with greater expedition and force than was expected, came and defeated the whole army of the assayliants, took prisoner the Earl Arthur, Hugh le Brun with the Barons of Poictou and above 200 Knights, and men of command, all which he carried away bound in Carts, and dispersed into divers Castles both of Normandy and England.  
This victory, which might seem enough to have established his Estate, undid him, for by the ill using thereof he lost himself and his reputation for ever. Arthur is shortly after murdered in prison, and the deed laid to his charge, which, with the 
Arthur mur. thered.  cruel execution of many his prisoners and Hostages so exasperates the Nobility of Britain, Anjou and Poictou as they all take Arms against him, and summoned he is to answer in the Court of justice of the King of France to whom they appeal, which, he, refusing is condemned both to lose the Duchy of Normandy (which his Ancestors 
1203. Anno. Reg. 5.  had held by the space of 300 years) and all his other Provinces in France, whereof the next year after, either through his negligence being (as they writ) given over to the pleasures of his young wife, or by the revolt of his own Ministers (incensed likewise against him) he became wholly dispossessed.  
And in this disastrous Estate, he returns into England, and charges the Earls and 
King john fines the Barons.  Barons with the reproach of his losses in France and fines them to pay the seventh part of all their goods for refusing him aid. Neither spared he the Church, or the Commons in this imposition. Of which rapine (saith Mat. Par.) were executors, Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury for the Clergy, and Geffrey Fitz Peter justiciar of Eng. for the laity.  
But all this treasure collected, amounted not to answer his wants, or the furnishing of fresh supplies for the recovery of his losses (for which he urges the same to be raised) and therefore again in less than the space of an year, another levy (but by 
1205. Anno. Reg. 7. A Parliament at Oxford.  a fairer way) is made. A Parliament is convoked at Oxford, wherein is granted two Marks and an half of every Knight's fee for military aid, neither departed the Clergy from thence till they had likewise promised their part. No sooner is this money gathered but a way is opened, into that all-devouring Gulf of France to issue it, through a revolt begun in Britain, by Guido (now husband to Constance, mother of Arthur) Savari de Malleon, and Almeric Lusignian, confederates with many others; who receiving not that satisfaction, expected from their new Master, call in, their old again, to show us, that men's private interests, howsoever Honour and justice are pretended, only sway their affections, in such actions as these.  
And over hastes King john, and by the power he brought, and what he found there, won the strong Castle of Mont Alban, and after the City of Angiers; and was in a fair way to have recovered more; but that the King of France, by the fortune of one day (wherein he overthrew and took prisoners the chief confedrats, Guido, Almeric, & Saveri) forced him to take truce for two years, and return into Eng. for more supplies.  
And here another imposition is laid of the thirteenth part of all movables, and other 
1206. Anno. Reg. 8.  goods both of the Clergy and laity: who now seeing their substances thus consumed without success, and likely ever to be made liable to the King's desperate courses, begin to cast for the recovery of their ancient immunites, which upon their former sufferance had been usurped by their late Kings, & to ease themselves of these burdens 
The cause of the breach between the King & his people.  indirectly laid upon them. And the first man that opposed the collection of this imposition, was again the Archb. of York, who solemnly accursed the receivers thereof within his Province, and secretly conveyed himself out of the Kingd. desirous rather to live as an exile abroad then to endure the misery of oppression at home: men accounting themselves less injuriously rifled in a wood, then in a place where they presume of safety.  
And hence grew the beginning of a miserable breach between a King and his people, being both, out of proportion, and disjointed in those just Ligaments of Command 
1207. Anno. Reg. 9  and Obedience that should hold them together, the reducing whereof into due form and order again, cost more ado, and more noble blood than all the wars foreign had done since the Conquest. For this contention ceased not (though it often 
Vide Append,  had some fair intermissions, till the great Charter made to keep the beam right betwixt Soveraingtie, and Subjection) first obtained of this King john, after, of his son Hen. 3. (though observed truly of neither) was in the maturity of a judicial Prince, Edward the first, freely ratified An. Reg. 27. which was above four score years. And was the first civil dissension that ever we find, since the establishing of the English Kingdom, between the King, and his Nobles of this nature. For the better knowledge whereof, we are to take a view of the face of those times, the better to judge of the occasions given and taken of these turbulencies.  
It was this time, about 140. years since William the first had here planted the Nero man Nobility, whose issue being now become mere English, were grown to be of great numbers, of great means, and great spirits, ever exercised in the wars of France, where most of them were Commanders of Castles, or owners of other Estates, besides what they held in England: and being by this violent, and unsuccesfull King shut out from action, and their means abroad, they practise to preserve what was left, and to make themselves as much as they could at home. Which, by their martial freedom, and the privileges of the Kingdom (necessity now driving them to look into it) they more boldly presume to attempt, in regard they saw themselves, & the Kingdom brought to be perpetually harassed at the Kings will, & that violence and corruption hath no faculty to prescribe upon them: wherein their cause was much better than their prosecution. For whilst they strive to recover what they had lost, and the King to keep what he by advantage of time and sufference had gotten, many unjust and insolent courses are used on either side, which leave their stain to posterity, & make foul the memory of those times. We can excuse no part herein, all was ill; and out of order. A diseased Head first made a distempered body, which being not to be recovered a part, rendered the sickness so long and tedious as it was. Besides, the strange corruption of the season concurred, to add to this mischief: An ambitious Clergy polluted with avarice, brought Piety in show to be a presumptive party herein, & takes advantages upon the weaknesses they found, for which, the Roman Church hears ill to this day. And the occasion of their interposition in this business, began about the Election of a new Archb. of Canterbury (Hubert being lately dead) which the Monks of that Covent had made secretly in the 
Reginald first chosen Atehb. by the Monks.  night, of one Reginald their Subprior; to prevent the King whom they would not, should have a hand in the business, which they pretended to appertain freely to themselves by their ancient priviledeges. And this Riginald (thus elected) they instantly dispatch towards Rome taking his Oath of secrecy before hand. But the fullness of his joy burst open that lock and out comes the report of his advancement, upon his landing in Flanders, which the Monks hearing, and fearing what would follow, send to the king to crave leave to Elect a fit man for that Sea. The King nominates unto them john Grace Bishop of Norwich whom he especially favoured, and persuaded them (upon great promises of their good) to prefer: the King's desire is propounded to the Covent, and after much debate, is john Grace advanced to the Chair.  
Wherein their last error (saith Mat. Par.) was worse than their first, and began that discord which after proved an irreparable damage to the Kingdom.  
The King sends to Rome certain of the Monks of Canterbury (amongst whom was one Helias de Brandfield a most trusty servant of his) with bountiful allowance, to obtain the Pope's confirmation of this Election. And about the same time likewise send the Bishops suffragans (of the Church of Canterbury) their complaints to the Pope against the Monks for presuming to make election without their assistance, as by Right and Custom they ought: allegation, examples of three Archbishops so elected. The Monks, oppose this allegation, offering to bring proof that they only, by the special privilege of the Roman Bishops were accustomed to make this Election. The Pope appoints a peremptory day for deciding this Controversy, wherein the first Election for being made in the night, out of due time, and without solemn ceremony is oppugned by the King's procurators: the last was argued by some of the Monks to be ill, by reason there was no cassation of the first, which just or unjust aught to have been, before any other Election, could juridically be made.  
The Pope seeing the procurators not to agree upon one person, by the Council of 
Innotent. the ninth.  the Cardinals adjudged both Elections void, and presents unto them a third man, which was Stephan de Lancton a Cardinal of great spirit, and an Englishman borne, who had all the voices of those Monks which were there, through the persuasion of the Pope, alleging it was in their power by his prerogative to make good this choice.  
Stephan Lancton thus elected, and after consecrated at Viterbo, the Pope dismisses 
Stephan Lancton elected Archbishop of Canterbury.  the Monks and the rest of the Agents with letters to King john, exhorting him, benignly to receive this Archbishop Canonically elected, native of his Kingdom, learned in all the Sciences, a Doctor in theology, and, which exceeded his learning, of a good life and conversation: a man fit, both for his body, and his soul, etc. withal he writes to the Prior, and Monks, of Canterbury, charging them by the virtue of Holy obedience to receive the Archbishop to their Pastor, and humbly to obey him in all Spiritual and Temporal matters.  
These letters, with the notice of what was done at Rome, so enraged the King, as with all precipitation he sends Foulke de Cantlo, and Henry de Cornhill, two fierce knights, with armed men, to expel the Monks of Canterbury, as Traitors, out of the Kingdom, and to seize upon all they had, which presently was as violently executed as commanded, and away pack the Prior and all the Monks into Flanders (except such as were sick and not able to go) and all their goods confiscated.  
Here withal, he writes a sharp letter to the Pope, accusing him of the wrong he did in 
King john offended with this Election writes to the Pope.  cassing the election of Norwich whom he especial favoured, and advancing Stephan Lanction, a man unknown unto him, bred ever in the Kingdom of France & among his enemies; and, what was more, to his prejudice, and subversion of the liberties appertaining to his Crown, without his consent (given to the Monks,) which should first have been required, he had presumed rashly to prefer him; so that he much marveled that the Pope, and the universal court of Rome, would not call to mind how necessary his friendship had hitherto been to that sea: and consider, that the Kingdom of England yielded the same greater profit, and commodity, than all the Kingdoms else on this side the Alps. Besides, that he wouldstand to the liberties of his Crown to the death: constantly affirming, that he could not be revoked from the Election and preferment of the Bishop of Norwich, whom he knew every way fit for the place. And in conclusion threatens, that if he be not righted in the Premises, he would stop up the passages of his people to Rome; and that if necessity required, he had in the Kingdom of England, and other his Dominions, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of so sufficient learning, as they needed not go to beg justice, and judgement of strangers. The Pope returns answer to the King's letter, and gins with these words, when about the business of the Church of Canterbury, we wrote unto you, exhorting and requesting you humbly, earnestly, and benignly, you again wrote back to us (as I may say, by your leave) in a fashion threatening, reproving, contumacious, and stubbornly, and whilstwee took care, to give you above your right, you regard not to give us according to our right, respecting us less than becomes you. And if your devotion be most necessary for us, so is ours no less fit for you. When we, in such a case have honoured no Prince so much as you, you stick not to derogate from our honour, more than any Prince in such a case would have done: pretending certain frivolous occasions, wherein you allege that you cannot consent to the Election of our beloved son Master Stephan Praesbiter by the title of Saint Chrysogonus Cardinal, celebrated by the Monks of Canterbury for that he hath been bred among your Enemies, and his person is altogether unknown unto you. Then argues he; that it was not to be imputed unto him for a fault, but was his glory to have lived long at Paris, where he so profited in study as he deserved to be Doctor, not only in the liberal Sciences, but also in Theology: and his life agreeable to his learning was thought fit to obtain a Prebend in Paris. Wherefore he held it a marvel if a man of so great note native of England could be unknown unto him, at least in fame, since (saith he) you wrote thrice unto him after he was, by us preferred to be Cardinal: that though you had a desire to call him to your familiar attendance, yet you rejoiced that he was exalted to a higher Office, etc.  
Then excuses he the point that the King's consent was not required, in regard that they who should have required the same affirmed how their letters never came to his hands, etc. Although (saith he) in elections celebrated at the Apostolic Sea, the consent of Princes is not to be expected. Yet were two Monks deputed to come to require your consent, who were stayed at Dover, so that they could not perform their message enjoined them: with other allegations to this effect, so that at length, saith he, we were disposed to do what the Canonical Sanctions ordained to be done, without declining either to the right hand, or the left, that there might be no delay or difficulty in right intentions, lest the Lords flock should be long without pastoral cure: and therefore revoked it cannot be. In conclusion he useth these words, As we have had care of your Honour beyond right, endeavour to give us ours according unto right, that you may more plentifully deserve God's grace, and ours, lest if you do otherwise you cast yourself into those difficulties whence you cannot easily get out. Since he, in the end must overcome, to whom all knees bow in Heaven, Earth, and Hell; whose vicegerency here below (though unworthy) We exercise. Yield not therefore to their councils, who desire your disturbance, that themselves might fish in troubled Waters; but commit yourself to our pleasure, which will redound to your praise, Glory and Honour, Neither is it safe for you to repugn against God, and the Church, for which, the blessed Martyr and glorious Bishop Thomas lately shed his blood, especially since your father, and brother of clear memory late Kings of England, have in the hands of the Legates of the Apostolic Sea abiureá that impious Custom. We, if you acquit yourself, will sufficiently take care for you and yours that no prejudice shall arise unto you hereby. Dated at Lateran the 10 year of our Pontificat.  
Thus we see how these two mighty powers strive to make good each other prerogative, and defend their interests with words. But when the Pope understood how the King of England had proceeded against the Church of Canterbury, he sends presently his Mandate to the Bishop of London, Ely and Worcester, to deal with the 
The Pope's Mandate to the B B.  King, by way of exhortation, to reform himself; and if they found him still contumacious, they should interdict the whole Kingdom of England. If that would not correct him, than himself would lay a severer hand upon him, and withal charged the Bishops suffragans of the Church of Canterbury by virtue of their obedience to receive for father the Archbishop Stephan, and to obey him withal respect. The Bishops as they were enjoined, repair to the King. Show the Pope's Mandate, and with tears besought him, as he had God before his eyes to call home the Archbishop, and the Monks of Canterbury to their Church, and vouchsafe to use them with Honour and Charity, thereby to avoid the scandal of interdiction, etc.  
The King interrupting the Bishop's speech, breaks out into violent rage against the Pope, and the Cardinal, swearing by the teeth of God, That if they or any other 
King john's answer to the B B.  should dare to put his Kingdom under interdiction, he would presently send all the Clergy of England to the Pope, and confiscate their goods. Besides, if any of Rome were found within any part of his Land, he would cause their eyes to be put out their noses cut, and so sent home, that by these marks they might be known of other Nations. Charging moreover the Bishop plresently to avoid his presence, as they would avoid their own danger.  
Of this their ill satisfaction the Bishop certifies the Pope; and shortly after the 
1208. Anno. Reg. 11.  whole Kingdom of England is interdicted: all Ecclesiastical Sacraments cease, except Confession, Extreme Unction, and Baptism of Children: the dead are carried out, and put into the earth without Priest or prayer. The Bishops of London, Ely, Worcester, bath and Hereford secretly get out of the Kingdom.  
To answer this violence with the like, the King sends presently his Shreive's, and other his ministers to command all Prelates and their servants forthwith to departed out of the Kingdom, deputes the Bishoprics, abbeys and Priories into the hands of Lay men confiscating all these revenues, but the Prelates themselves get into Monasteties, and would not out, except expelled by force, which the officers would not do, having no Commission for the same, but they seize on all their goods to the King's use.  
Here the Monastical Writers of that time (of whom only we have notice of these proceed, aggravate the rigorous course taken in this business) telling us that religious men, of what Order soever, found travailing, were pulled from their horses, robbed, and vilely treated by the King's servants, and none to do them justice. And how the servants of a Sheriff bringing bound unto the King a these, who had rob and killed a Priest) to know what should be done with him: the King said, lose him and let him go, he hath killed our enemy. But howsoever this were, there were Excesses to many committed in a time so untied as this was.  
The King to prevent the defection of his subjects which he daily doubted would 
The King takes pledges of his Nobles for their fidelity.  follow upon this his breach with the Church; sends with a military power, to all the Potent men of the Kingdom, to require pledges for the assurance of their fidelity; wherein many of them satisfied the Kings will, sending, some their sons, some their Nephews, other the nearest of their kin. William de Brause a Noble man being required to deliver his pledge, his wife preventing her husband's answer, tells the Commissioners, that the King should have none of her sons to keep, that was so ill a keeper of his own brother's son, Arthur: For which sudden, and intemperate speech, the Baron sharply reprehending his wife before the King's servants, told them he was ready, if he had offended, to satisfy the King, without any pledge, according to the judgement of his Court, or that of his Peers, at any time, or place wheresoever.  
Upon the report of this answer the King sends down privily to apprehend the 
His cruelty she wed to the wife and children of W. Brause.  Baron, but he having notice, or doubting what would follow fled with his Wife, and Children into Ireland, where, afterward this afflicted Lady to recover mercy of the King, is said, to have sent Queen Isabel four hundred kine, and a Bull, which yet could not mediate her pardon, or pacify his wrath. But in the end she was there taken with her 2 sons (the husband escaping into France) and sent prisoner to the Castle of Windsor, where she with her innocent children were famished to death: so dearly paid she, for the offence of her rash tongue.  
The King displeased with the Londoners removed his Exchequer to Northampton, and 
The Exchequer removed to Northampton.  with a great army marches towards Scotland to make war upon that King for receiving his enemies, and aiding them against him. But by mediation an accord is made, in this sort, that the King of Scots should pay eleven thousand marks of silver, and deliver up his two daughters pledges for securing the peace. Returning back, he caused all enclosures within his forests to be laid open, a work of great grief to his subjects, whom, though in nothing he sought to satisfy, yet seeks he what he may to fasten them in their obedience (whereof love, and not rigour is the surest bond) and takes homage of all free Tenants, yea even of Children of twelve years of age throughout the Kingdom.  
Two years, to the great distraction of the State, the interdiction held, when the 
King john excommunicated.  Pope, seeing no yielding in the King, proceeds to the excommunication of his person, that extreme course of abscition, which his Predicessor Alexander, better advised, forbore to take, upon suggestion of a more heinous act committed by Henry the second, upon the person of Thomas Becket, and by this violence, thinking to quail the heart of a most unmaisterable King, put him into more desperate rage with the Clergy, who, notwithstanding the Pope's mandate, durst not execute the same for many days after. And first one Geoffrey, Archdeacon of Norwich, serving in the King's Exchequer conferring with the rest of his assistants, about this Sentence, affirmed, it was not safe for men beneficed to remain in the obedience of an excommunicated King; and so without 
The Archd. of Norw forsakes the king's service, his torture, & death.  leave retired himself home; and was the first subject of his masters wrath. Who presently sent Sir William Talbot with force to apprehend him, and lay him fast in fetters in a most strait prison, and afterward, upon the king's commandment, he was put into a sheet of lead, wherein, with the weight, and want of victuals he soon perished.  
This excommunication of the King of England, was accompanied the same year with that of the Emperor Otho his Nephew, and are noted to be strains of an unjust nature, especially for being both done in cases of the Popes own particular interest, seeking to extend 
The Emperor Otho excom.  a predomination, beyond the bounds allowed unto piety, which was only to deal with means souls, and not their Estates. For in the advancement of this Emperor Otho the third, the Pope had an especial hand, opposing, for his own ends the Election of Philip Son to the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. And in the vancancy of the Empire had seized upon certain pieces in Italy appertaining thereunto; which, Otho seeking to revoke, procured undeservedly the Pope's displeasure, who sent unto him divers messages willing him to desist both from the prosecution of this recovery, as also from that which Frederick King of Sicily (who was under the tuition of the Apostolic Sea) had seized upon.  
The Emperor, is said to have answered the Pope's Nuncij, in this manner: If the Pope unjustly desires to usurp what apertaines to the Empire, let him absolve me from the Oath he caused me to take at my Coronation, Which was; that I should revoke whatsoever rights were distracted from the same; and I will desist. But the Pope refusing the one, and the Emperor not yielding unto the other, the sentence of excommunication is pronounced against him. And all the states, as well of Germany as the rest of the Roman Empire, are absolved of their fealty unto him. Thus were these two mighty Princes, the greatest of all the Christian world, left to the mercy of their subjects, who, though they were, by this means, all untied from obedience, yet many were not so from their affections, or other obligations that held them firm unto their Souraignes. For there are so many ligaments in a state that tie it together, as it is a hard thing to dissolve them altogether, unless it is by an universal concurrency of causes that produce a general alteration thereof. And it is seldom seen of what temper soever Kings are, but they find an eminent party in the greatest defections of their people. As this King (the first of England, we find put to this strait) had yet many noble members of power, besides the chief officers of the kingdom (whom their places confirm) that stuck unto him. Whose names are recorded in Mat. Par. and other writers.  
And the better to hold his reputation, and his people in action, having now no employment abroad, he seeks to secure all other members of the Crown of England, 
1210. Anno. Reg. 12.  which were under his dominion. And having ransacked great treasure from the jews, makes an expedition into Ireland, upon intelligence of some revolt and disorder there. And at his first arrival, all the great men which held the maritime Castles and the Champion countries came in, and did homage and fealty unto him at Wublin: such as inhabited the remote parts, and fastnesses of the Kingdom kept themselves away, and refused 
King john reforms Ireland  to come. Here to reduce the country into better order, he ordains the same to be governed by the laws and customs of England, causes English money to be coined there, and to be of equal value with that of this Kingdom, and currant alike in both. With many other orders, which had they been with that care continued, as they were advisedly begun, would (as wise men deem) have settled that Kingdom in an entire obedience, and saved all that great toil, and expense which the neglect thereof cost this state, in succeeding ages. And now having deputed john Grace Bishop of Norwich justiciar there, after only three months stay, he returns into England 
The Clergy pay to the K. 100000. stir.  where presuming now upon his new gathered strength, he summons all the Prelates of the kingdom to appear before him at London; of whom saith Mat. Par. he extorted for their redemption the sum of an hundred thousand pounds sterling.  
And the next year, being the twelve of his reign, with this treasure he reduces Wales (that had rebelled) to his obedience, and takes eight and twenty children of 
1211. Anno. Reg. 13.  the best famelies for pledges of their future subjection. Returning thence exacts of every Knight, that attended not his Army in that expedition two marks, and at Northampton is pleased to receive the Pope's Agents, Pandolphus and Durandus (sent to make peace between the Kingdom and Priesthood) by whose exhortation, and the consideration of the State of his Kingdom, he consented that the Archbishop and the Monks of Canterbury with all the exiled Bishops should in peace return to their own. But refusing to make satisfaction for their goods confiscated, the Agents depart unsatisfied, to the greater prejudice of the King, whom now the Pope finding to be yielding in any thing, falls to be more imperious to constrain him to all whatsoever he desired. And absolves all the King's subjects of what condition soever from their obedience, strictly forbidding them, under pain of excommunication, his Board, 
1212. Anno. Reg. 14.  Council, and Conference. Which notwithstanding prevailed not to divert the subject from the service of their King. Who about this time takes occasion, upon the breaking out of certain poor Mountainers of Wales that make pillage upon the Borders, to raise another Army to invade the whole Country. And being at Nottingham, prepared for this action (before he would sit down to dinner) caused those eight and twenty children, the innocent pledges of the Welsh, to be all hanged in his presence. But before he had dined, letters came that gave him intelligence of a conspiracy intended for his own destruction; and that if he went forward in this war he would be either slain of his own people, or betrayed to the enemy. Whereupon he returns to London, again requires, and hath pledges of those Nobles he suspected, and here Eustace de Vescy, and Robert Fitz Walter are accused of the conspiracy, who fled, the one into Scotland, the other into France.  
But now the Pope, for the last, and greatest sentence that ever yet was given against 
1213. Anno. Reg. 15.  any Sovereign King of this Kingdom, pronounces his absolute deposition from the Royal government thereof; and writes to the King of France, that as he looked to have remission of his sins he should take the charge upon him, and expel King john out of the Kingdom of England, and possess the same for him, and his heirs for ever. To the same effect 
The Pope gives the Kingdom of England to the King of France.  sends he likewise his letters to the Princes, and great men of other Nations, That they should aid the King of France in the dejection of this contumacious King of England, in revenge of the injuries done to the Universal Church; granting like remission of their sins as if they undertocke the Holy war.  
And with this Commission is the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the other exiled Bishop of England with Pandolphus dispatched to the King of France for the execution thereof. Which, notwithstanding, seems rather done to terrify King john, than any way to advance the King of France, whom the Pope desired not to make greater than he was, howsoever, to amuse the world, he made show to engage him in this business. For he gave a secret charge to Pandolphus a part, that if upon the preparation, and forces gathered by the King of France for this dejection, he could work the King of England to such conditions as he should propound; absolution, and restorement should be granted unto him.  
The King of France, upon this act of the Pope, and the solicitation of his Ministers, 
The King of France assembles his forces for England.  commands all the Princes and Nobility within his Dominions to assemble their forces with Horse, Armour, and all Munition to assist him in this business, and be ready, under pain of exheredation, at the Spring of the year; preparing, likewise a great Navy for the transportation of these forces into England. King john, upon intelligence hereof sends to all the Ports of his Kingdom commandment, to have all shipping whatsoever possible to be made ready with all expedition: summoning likewise all Earls, Barons, Knights, and who else could bear Arms of any condition, to be ready at Dover, presently upon Easter, furnished with horse, armour, and all military provision to 
King john's preparations for defence.  defend him, themselves, and the Kingdom of England against this intended Invasion, under pain of Culuertage, and perpetual servitude.  
Whereupon so great numbers resorted to Dover, Feversham, Ipswich, and to other places suspected, as exceeded the means both of furnishment, and provision to entertain them, So that multitudes were sent home again of unnecessary men, and only a choice reserved of the abler sort, which arose to the number of sixty thousand well appointed for battle. Besides so mighty a navy was made ready, as exceeded that of France.  
And thus prepared King john expects his enemies, when secretly, two Knights, Templars, sent by Pandolphus so wrought with him, as notwithstanding all this great power of his, he descends to accept of a treaty with him. whereof Pandolphus is presently advertised, and withdraws himself out of the French Kings army, comes over, and so terrifies King john with the mighty forces bend against him, and the eminent danger wherein he stood, as he yields to any conditions whatsoever propounded unto him. And not only grants restitution and satisfaction of what ever had been taken from the Archbishop, and the Monks of Canterbury; the Bishops of London, Ely, Bath, and Lincoln (who were fled to the Archbishop.) But also lays down his Crown, 
K. john delivers up the kingdom of England with his Crown to Pandolphus.  Sceptre, Mantle, Sword, and Rring, the ensigns of his royalty, at the feet of Pandolphus delivering up there with all the Kingdom of England to the Pope, and submits himself to the judgement and mercy of the Church.  
Two days (some wright six) it was before the Legate restored him his Crown: at the receiving whereof, he swore (and his Earls undertaking for him) that he and his successors should hold the Kingdom of England, and Lordship of Ireland from the Sea of 
Vide Append.  Rome, at the annual tribute of a thousand Marks of silver. And this, with his homage and fealty, he confirmed by his Charter at a house of the Templars near Dover. The 
The causes that moved K. john to this act  especial weights that moved King john to this extreme lownesses, they of those times note to be. First, the consideration of his offences to God, having lived five years excommunicated, to the great deformity of his Kingdom. Secondly, the greatness of his enemy the King of France, and his adherence. Thirdly, the doubtful faith of his Nobilities, whom he had offended. Fourthly, for that the Ascension day was at hand; after which, one Peter, an Hermit and Soothsayer had prohesied, he should be no more King of England. Which though mistaken in the manner, was fulfilled in a sort by this resignation, and a new condition of Estate. But the Soothsayer with his Son, suffered shortly after the penalty of death, for his otherwise interpreted divination.  
Now, notwithstanding this act and submission of King john, the interdiction of the 
Pandolplus forbids the French Kings proceed.  Kingdom continues, and his own absolution deferred, till restitution, and full satisfaction were performed to the Clergy; of which, eight thousand marks of silver was presently delivered to Pandolphus; who at the receiving thereof tramples it under his feet, as contemning that base matter, in respect of the grace conferred upon the transgressor; and returns with the same into France. Where he declares what had passed in England: and forbids the King of France upon pain of excommuication, to proceed any farther in this enterprise, seeing King john had thus submitted himself to the Church.  
The King of France, now all in readiness for this great invasion, invasion, and full, with hope of victory, receiving this sudden, and unexpected Message grew into great rage, and was, in regard of his honour, and infinite charge, hardly diverted from this enterprise. Yet in the end, seeing his confederates, and followers quailed with this menace of the Church, extremely discontent, he givesit over.  
Notwithstanding, for his own reputation and desire of revenge having all these great forces on foot, & his navy ready in the mouth of Seine, would undertake something 
The French K. sets upon Flan.  to give satisfaction both to the adventurers, and his own people interressed in this action. And for that, Ferrand Earl of Flanders, adhering to king john, refused to follow him in this expedition, on him he falls (as being next him) enters into his port of Dam, vowing that flanders should either be Erance, or France Flanders. Ferrand, seeing this tempest come to light upon him, sends for aid to king john; who glad, having escaped at home the occasion of a defensive War, to enter into an offensive abroad, both to employ this great collected Navy of his, and also put his people in action, whose dismission, without some satsfaction, he knew would breed no safe humour; dispatches five hundred sail, with seven hundred knights into Flanders, under the conduct of his base brother William Longsword Earl of Salisbury, Reginald Earl of Bologn, whom he had lately entertained with a pension, being for some demerit driven out of France. And these arriving at the Port of Dam, where they found the French Navy unorderly dispersed, and without defence (their forces going out to invade the Country) set upon, and utterly defeated the same, and afterward joining their power with that of Ferrand, drove the King of France home with great dishonour, and exceeding loss.  
King john, raised with this victory, and his peace with the Church, sets upon great designs, taking opportunity of this disaster of the King of France, whom, in revenge of his injury, and hope of recovering his transmarine Dominions, he plots to assail on all sides: stirring up his Nephew Otho to aid the Earl of Flanders, for an Invasion on the East part, whilst himself withal his power should enter upon the West. For execution whereof, first he sends supplies of treasure to his Chieftains in Flaunders, then assembles a great Army at Portsmouth, wherewith, he resolves to pass the Seas.  
But his design contrary to his desire and haste, came to be delayed by the withdrawing 
The Nobility refuse to aid King john.  of his Nobility, who refused to aid or attend him, until he were absolved, and had confirmed unto them their liberties: wherewith much enraged, seeing no other remedy, he speedily sends for the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the other Bishops, which were yet in France, promising them present restitution, and satisfaction under the hands and seals of four and twenty Earls, and Barons undertaking for the performance thereof, according to the form of his Charter granted in this behalf. Pandolphus with the Bishop and the rest of the exiled Clergy, forthwith come over, and find the King at Winchester, where he goeth forth to mere them, and on his knees, with tears, receives them, beseeching them to have compassion on him, and the Kingdom of England. Absolved he is with great penitence, and compassion expressed with tears of all the beholders, and swears upon the Evangelists, to love, defend, and maintain Holy Church, and the Ministers thereof, against all their adversaries to the uttermost of his power: That he would revoke the good Laws of his Predecessors, and especially those of King Edward, abrogating such as were unjust: judge all his subjects according to the just judgement of his Court: That presently upon Easter next following he would make plenary satisfaction of whatsoever had been taken from the Church.  
Which done, he returns to Portsmouth, with intention to pass over into France, 
1214. Anno. Reg. 16.  committing the government of the Kingdom to Geffrey Fitz Peter, and the Bishop of Winchester, with charge that they should order all businesses, together with the Council of the Archbishop of Canterbury.  
And here a numerous company of soldiers repairing to him, complained that by 
The Archbishop threatens to excommunicate the King.  their long attendance their money was spent, so that they could not follow him unless they might be supplied out of his Exchequer, which the king refusing to do, in a great rage, with his private family, takes ship, and puts forth to the Isle of jersey, but seeing none of his Nobles or other to follow him, was forced (having lost the opportunity of the season) to return into England; where he gathers an Army, with intention to chastise the Lords who had thus forsaken him, But the Archbishop of Canterbury follows him to Northampton, Urging that it was against his Oath taken at his absolution, to proceed in that manner against any man; without the judgement of his Court. To whom the King in great passion replied; That he would not defer the business of the Kingdom, for his pleasure, seeing Lay judgements appertained not unto him: and so in fury marches to Nottingham.  
The Archbishop follows him, and plainly told him, that unless he would desist from this business, he would excommunicate all such, as should take arms against any, before the releasing of the interdiction, and would not leave him, until he had obtained a convenient day for the Lords to come to his Court, which shortly after they did, and a Parliament is assembled in Paul's, wherein the Archbishop of Canterbury produces a Charter of King Henry the first, whereby he granted the ancient liberties of the Kingdom of England (which had by his Predecessors been oppressed with unjust 
This Charter is recorded in Mat. Par. with rests of the Subscribers.  exactions) according to the Laws of king Edward, with those emendations which his father, by the Council of his Barons did ratify. And this Charter being read before the Barons they much rejoiced, and swore in the presence of the Archbishop, that 
Lagam regis Edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emcndationibus quibus pater mcus eam amendavit.  for these liberties, they would, if need required, spend their blood. And there withal, concluding a confederation with the Archbishop; the Parliament broke up.  
Shortly after dies, Geoffrey Fitz Peter justiciar of England, a man of a generous spirit, learned in the laws, and skilful in government. Who in that broken time, only held uncrased, performing the part of an even Counsellor and officer between the King and Kingdom, whom though the King most used, he most feared, and least loved, as ill Princes do their worthiest ministers; whose gravity and judgement may seem to 
Vide Append.  keep them in awe. And hearing of his death, rejoicing said: now when he comes into hell, let him salute the Archoishop Hubert, whom assuredly he shall find there. And turning to those about him, swore by the feet of God, that now at length he was King, and Lord of England, having a freer power to untie himself from those knots which his oath had made to this great man against his will, and to break all the bands of the late concluded peace, unto which he repent to have ever condescended. And to show the desperate malice of this king (who, rather than not to have an absolute domination over his people, to do what he listed, would be any thing himself under any other that would but support him in his violences) there is recorded an embassage (the most base & impious that ever yet was sent by any free and Christian Prince) unto Miramumalim the Moor, entitled the great King of Africa, Morocco and Spain, wherein he offered to render unto him his kingdom, and to hold the same by tribute from him, as his Sovereign Lord: To forego the Christian faith (which he held vain) and receive that of Mahomet. In which negotiation, the Commissioners are named to be, Thomas Hardington, Ralph Fitz 
Mat. Par.  Nichols, knights, and Robert of London Clerk, the manner of their access to this great King is related with the delivery of their message, and King john's Charter to that effect: and how Miramumalim having heard at large their message, and the description both of the King and Kingdom with the nature and disposition of the people, so much 
Miramumalim scorns the Message of K. john.  disdained the baseness, and impiety of the offerer, as with scorn he commanded his ministers to departed instantly out of his presence, and court. Yet afterward, to understand some more particulars of the madness of this King of England, he called for Robert the Clerk, and had private conference with him apart about many particulars which he himself revealed to many in the hearing of Matthew the monk of Saint Albon, who wrote and declared these things, describing the person of this Robert, to be of a low stature, black, one arm shorter than another, two fingers unnaturally growing together, of visage like a jew, etc. which relation we are not utterly to contemn, proceeding from an Author of that gravity and credit, and living so near those times, though to us that are so far off both in fashion and faith, it may seem improbable in some part; yet if we consider whereto the desperate violence of this King, (who had made utter wrack of conscience, and all human respect) might carry him, seeing himself in that Estate he was, we may not think it void of likelihood, to have had this dealing with an heathen king (who, in that time, was formidable to all Christendom, and had on foot the mightiest army that ever the Moors had in Spain) which might either be to hold amity with him, or entertain him otherwise for his own ends. Though for the point of offering to forego the Christian faith, we may in charity forbear to make it a part of ours. Although this relator gives us a note (amongst other which he suppressed) that pointed at the irreligion of this King who at the opening of a fat Stag, jestingly said: see how prosperously this beast hath lived, and yet never heard Mass. Which skoff, in regard of the zeal then professed, savoured of an impiety, unfittinging the mouth of a religious 
A note of the King's irreligion.  King, and gave scandal to the hearers, who took it according to their apprehension, apt to censure whatsocuer comes from the mouth of Princes; which may warn them to be wary what they utter in public.  
But this Embassage, either neglected by Miramumalim, or disappointed by the over throw of his great army with the death of his Son, which shortly after followed) King john sets upon another course, assails Pope Innocentius (prone to be wrought by gifts to do any thing) with great sums of money, and a reassurance of his tributary subjection, which shortly after he confirms by a new oath, and a new Charter before the Pope's Legate the Bishop of Tusculum sent over for the same purpose, and 
King john bribe's the Pope and renews his oath.  with full authority to compose the dissensions between the Kingdom and Priesthood. Which at many Assemblies in divers places was after debated, and in the end order was taken for a plenary satisfaction to be made for the damages done to the Church. For which the King upon account already, had paid twenty seven thousand Marks, and thirteen thousand more were undertaken by Sureties to be answered by a certain day.  
And hereupon is the interdiction released, having continued six years three months and fourteen days, to the inestimable loss of the Church, and Churchmen, 
The interdiction released.  whereof an innumerable multitude of all orders now repair to the Legate for satisfaction of damages received by the King's ministers during this interdiction. To whom 
1214. Anno. Reg. 16.  the Legate answers: that it was not in his commission to deal for restititution to be made unto them all, but advises them to complain to the Pope, and crave of him plenary justice. Whereupon they depart much discontented, holding the Legates proceeding (for that he pleased not them) inclining only to please the King: Who now is recommended to Rome for a most tractable obedient, and indulgent Son of the Church, and the Clergy hears of blame for their obstinacy used towards him.  
The King having referred the ending of all this controversy to the Legate, and some other of his own ministers (being assured of the Pope's favour) was now gone into Poictou, to assail (according to his former design) the King of France on that side: whilst his forces with those of the Emperor Otho, by the way of Flanders, invaded him on the other. And being with his Queen, landed at Rochel, many principal Barons of Poictou (apt to promise then perform their faith) came and swore fealty unto him: With whom he marches forward into the Country, recovers many Castles and pieces of importance. Whereof particularly by his own letters from Parthenai he certifies his justices of the Eschecquer. And withal shows them how he had 
Vide Append.  granted to the Son of the Earl of March, his daughter joan in marriage (though said he the King of France desired her for his Son, but fraudulently, etc.  
After this he goes into Britain, takes in the city of Nantes, prepares to encounter with Louis the French Kings Son, who was come down with a mighty army to oppose his proceeding. But the Poictovins distrusting his power, or he them (having discovered the forces of the Enemy) refused to fight: Whereupon the King of England to his extreme grief, forsook the field, and made a dishonourable truce with the King 
The famous battle of Bouines.  of France; and this was the last of his transmarine attempts. His forces in Flanders had far worse success, for the King of France with all the power he could possibly make encounters them at the bridge of Bouines, and overthrew the Emperor Otho, and the whole army of the confederates, wherein are reported to have been an hundred and fifty thousand foot besides horse, and in the battle slain a thousand five hundred Knights and taken prisoners, Ferrand the Earl of Flaunders the Earls of Salisbury, and Bologne. And (as report the Annals of Flanders,) the Earl of Savoy, the Dukes of Brabant and Lamburg, and the Earl of Luxemburg: the Emperor Otho 4. hardly escaped, 
The death of the Emp. Otho.  and lived not long after.  
Upon these misfortunes, and fearing the outrage of a necessitous and distempered King, the Barons of England assemble themselves at S. Edmondsbury, where they confer of the late produced Charter of Henry the first, and swore upon the high Altar that if King john refused to confirm and restore unto them those liberties (the rights of the Kingdom) they would make war upon him until he had satisfied them therein: and further agreed that after Christmas next they would petition him for the same, and in the mean time provide themselves of horse and furniture, to be ready if the King should start from his Oath made at Winchester at the time of his absolution for the confirmation of these liberties, and compel him to satisfy their demand. After Christmas 
K. john takes upon him the cross to secure himself from the Barons.  they repair in a military manner to the King lying in the new Temple, urging their desire with great vehemency: the king, seeing their resolution, and inclination to war, made answer that for the matter they required he would take consideration till after Easter next: and in the mean time, he took upon him the cross (rather as is said, through fear then devotion) supposing himself to be more safe under that protection. But the Lords continuing their resolution, foreseeing nothing was to be obtained but by strong 
The resolution of the Barons assembling their army at Stamford.  hand, assemble an Army at Stamford, wherein are said to be two thousand Knights, besides Esquires with those that served on foot: and from thence marched towards Oxford where the King then expected their coming, according to the appointed time, for answer to their demands. And being come to Brackly with their Army, the King sends the Archbishop of Canterbury and William Earl of Pembroke marshal, with other grave Councillors, to demand of them, what were those Laws, and Liberties 
A Schedule of the Demands of the Lords.  they required, to whom they showed a schedule of them, which the Commissioners deliver to the King, who having heard them read, in great indignation asked why the Barons did not likewise demand the Kingdom, and swore that he would never grant those liberties whereby himself should be made a servant. So harsh a thing is it to a power that hath once gotten out into the wide liberty of his will, to hear again of any reducing within his circle: not considering how they who inherit Offices succeed in the obligation of them, and that the most certain means to preserve unto a King his Kingdoms, is to possess them with the same conditions that he hath inherited them.  
The Barons upon this answer, being as hasty as he was avers, resolve to seize on 
The Lords seize on the King's Castles.  his Castles, and presently march towards Northampton, which they besiege, constituting Robert Fitz Walter their General, intituling him the marshal of the Army of God, and holy Church. And after they assail the Castle of Bedford, where William de Beauchamp rendering his charge, receives them: and the Londoners send thither privy message to join with them, and deliver up the City to be guarded by their direction.  
And thither they repair, and are joyfully received, under pact of their indemnity, 
The Lords repair to London.  where daily increasing in number of new Confederates, they make their protestation, never to give over the prosecution of their desire, till they had constrained the King (whom they held perjured) to grant them their Rights.  
King john seeing himself, in a manner generally forsaken, having scarce seven 
King john forsaken of his people.  Knights faithful unto him, counterfeits the Seals of the B B. and writes in their names to all nations that the English were all apostates, and whosoever would come to invade them, he, by the Pope's consent, would confer upon them all their Lands, and possessions. 
The Earl marshal & other mediate a reconciliation.  But this devise working no effect, in regard of the little confidence they had in the King, and the power of the Kingdom: a new mediation is made to the Barons by the Earl marshal and others, and a Parle is had between Windsor, and Stanes in a Meadow called Running-mead (a place anciently used for such Conferences) where after many meetings, and much debate, the King freely consented, for the glory of God, 
A Parliament for restoring the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom.  and emendation of the Kingdom, to confirm those Laws, and Liberties formerly restored, and in part ordained by Hen. 1.  
And to the end that all discord should utterly cease, he grants for the entire and firm enjoying these Laws and Liberties, Security in this manner. That there should be five and twenty Barons chosen of the Kingdom, such as they would, who should, to their utmost power cause the same to be held, and observed. And that, if either the King or his Chief 
Articles of the Agreement confirmed by King john.  justiciar should transgress in any Article of those Laws, and the offence showed, Four Barons of the five and twenty should come to the King, or in his absence out of the Kingdom, to his Chief justiciar, and declare the excess, requiring without delay, redress for the same: which if not made, within the space of forty days after such declaration; those Four Barons should refer the cause to the rest of the five and twenty, who with the Commons of the Land might distrain, and enforce him by all means they could (viz. by seizing upon his Castles, Lands and Possessions, or other goods (his person excepted, and that of his Queen and Children) till amends should be made, according to their arbitration. And that whosoever would; should take their Oath for the execution hereof, and obey the commandment of the five and twenty Barons herein without prohibition. And if any of them dissented, or could not assemble, the mayor part to have the same power of proceeding. Besides for 
Vide Append.  more caution, the four chatelains of the Castles of Northampton, Kenelworth, Nottingham, and Skarbrough, should be sworn to obey the commandment of the Five and twenty Barons; or the mayor part of them, in whatsoever they thought good concerning those Castles. Wherein none should be placed but such as were faithful, and would observe their Oath, etc. That all strangers, whereof divers are expressly nominated should be removed out of the Kingdom. And a general pardon is granted for all transgressions committed, through the occasion of this discord, from the beginning thereof to this present time. And mutual Oaths taken of both sides, in solemn manner, for the inviolable observing all these Articles. The King likewise sends his letters Patents to all the Shreive's of the Kingdom, to cause all men of what degree soever, within their several Shires, to swear to observe those Laws and Liberties thus granted by his Charter.  
And in this manner (though it were to be wished it had not been in this manner) 
1215. Anno. Reg. 17.  were recovered the rights of the Kingdom. Whereof, though they seem to have now the Livery they had not the Seisin. For presently the King being lose from the doing, which he pretends to be by force, unlooses the Deed, and there wanted not those about him, who observing which way his will bend, to turn him more violently upon that 
King john by evil council frustrates his own Grants.  side; not in regard of his good, but their own interests, making more profit by his irregularity then otherwise they could, of his orderly courses: telling him, he was now a King without a Kingdom, a Lord without a Dominion, and a subject to his Subjects. Wicked counsellors, as if it were not enough, to be above men, but to be above mankind, as those Princes would be, that would be under no Law; considering the preservation of Kings and Kingdoms is to have the balance of satisfaction, both of the one and other, equal. But by such Counsellors is he confirmed in his refractory humour. And worthily that Prince deserves to be deceived in his executions, who understands not, as well the Counsellors, as the Council.  
Resolved he is (given over to confusion, and revenge) to dissolve this tie, and privily withdraws himself into the Isle of Wight, from whence he sends his Agents to Rome 
Retires into the Isle of Wight & writes to the Pope.  (where now he could do any thing) to complain of this enforced act to the Pope, who by a definitive Sentence, first condemns and nullifies what was done, and after excommunicates the Barons: who during this absence and retire of their King, knowing the violence of his nature, and doubting their own danger, keep in, and about the 
The Pope excommunicates the Barons.  City of London; and there under colour of Turnements and exercise of arms, invite those who were abroad to resort unto them, and so retain themselves together in a combination for their own defence, without seeking farther to interrupt their King's courses, either by surprise of his person, which they, being of so great strength, might easily have done, or using means to intercept his Agents, and take from him those Limbs of his power that might work to offend them.  
But this must either argue that their end was only to have (but what they had obtained) 
The error of the Barons.  the restitution of the Liberties of the Kingdom (which though thus recovered by violence they seemed desirous to hold with peace) or else their negligence; which may be thought strange in those wakeful and active times, to be such, as to leave a displeased King alone to his own working, especially removed to a place, where the sea being open unto him, his outsending might be without view or noting: unless either they presumed of his little credit abroad, or their own power at home.  
But during this his retire in the Isle, which was three months, he slacks no time to put his desires in execution, and besides his dispatch to Rome, sends the Bishop of Worcester, Chancellor of England the Bishop of Norwich and others with his seal to procure 
The King sends to levy foreign forces.  him foreign forces out of such parts beyond the seas, as held correspondency with him, appointing them to make their repair to Dover about Michaelmas next. In the mean time, without any royal show or stir (attended with some borrowed servants of the Bishop of Norwich, & mariners of the Cink-ports, whom he entertained) he, as they writ, fell to piracy & exercised himself at sea: whiles various reports are made of him here on land: some giving out, that he was turned Fisher, some a Merchant, others a Pirate: But at the time appointed he meets at Dover with those foreign forces, drawn 
He meets with them at Dover.  together, out of Poictou and Gascony, under the Conduct of Sauarie de Malleon, Geffrey and Oliver Butevile brothers: with others out of Lovayne, and Brabant, under Walter Buck, Gerrard Sotin, and Godshall, all desperate adventurers, leading an excecrable sort of people, whose miserable fortunes at home easily drew them to any mischiefs abroad; & with these is King john furnished to set upon his own people. And, had not Hugh 
Hugh de Boves with forty thousand men &c. coming out of Flanders drowned.  de Boves (to whom the Countries of Suffolk, & Norfolk were allotted for service to be done) setting forth from Calais with 40 thousand more (men women and children) been by sudden tempest drowned in the Sea, he had made an universal Conquest of the Kingdom, far more miserable than the Norman; considering that with those he had, he wrought so much as we shall hear presently he did.  
For, after he had recovered the Castle of Rochester which William de Albinet, with memorable courage, held out three months against all that mighty power of his (the 
The King in half a year recovers all his Castles.  Barons not able or not adventuring to secure him) he marched over the most of the Kingdom, and within half a year got in all the Castles of the Barons even to the borders of Scotland, and was absolute Master of all England except the City of London, on which he forbore to adventure, in regard of the close united power of the 
1216. Anno. Reg. 18.  Barons that resolutely held and vowed to die together: and separate them he could not, and therefore from Rochester he marches to Saint Alban's, where the first publication of the Pope's excommunication of the Barons is pronounced.  
And here he divides his Army (consisting most of ravenous strangers) in two 
King john at Saint Albon divides his army in two parts.  parts: appointing his brother William Earl of Salisbury, with Falcasius, Savarie de Malleon leader of the Poictovins, Briwer, and Buc of the Flemings and Brabantines, to guard the Countries and Castles about the City of London, to cut off all provisions, and annoy the Barons by all means possible: himself with the other part of his forces draws Northward, and lays waste all the Countries before him, and both these Armies set only upon destruction, inflict all those calamities, that the rage of a disorderly war could commit, upon a miserable people that made no head at all against them.  
All Countries suffer in this affliction, and King john marching as far as Berwick, had purposed to have carried it farther (threatening Alexander King of Scots that he would hunt the Fox to his hole, alluding to his red hair) had he not been called from that attempt to come back to these parts upon discovery of new designs practised by the Barons, who seeing themselves deprived of their Estates (given away to Strangers) 
The Barons solicit Louis the French Kings son, to take upon him the Crown of England.  their wives and daughters violated, all their substance consumed, desperately fall upon another extreme, making out for succour to Louis the French Kings son soliciting him to take upon him the Crown of England, wherein they promised by their free Election to invest him, and to send pledges for the performance thereof, being persuaded that those forces of the French, which King john had entertained, would upon the coming of those aids from the King of France, being their Sovereign, forsake him. This message is entertained, a Parliament is called at Lions by King Philip the father of Louis, the business consulted, and resolved upon. Louis, besides the assurance made of this proffered election, relies upon a title which he claims by his wife Blanch, daughter to the Sister of King john, and writes to the Barons that he would shortly send them secure, and not be long behind to be with them in person.  
The intelligence of this design is soon intimated to the Pope who presently sends 
The Pope writes to divert Louis from the enterprise.  his Agent to the King of France with letters to entreat him, not to suffer his son to invade or disquiet the King of England, but to defend him, in regard he was a vassal of the Roman Church, and the Kingdom, by reason of Dominion, appertaining thereunto. The King of France answers, that the Kingdom of England, never was, nor is, or ever shallbe the patrimony of Saint Peter, and that King john was never lawful King thereof, and if he were, he had forfeited the same by the murder of Arthur, forwhich he was condemned in his Court, neither could he give away the Kingdom without the consent of the Barons who are bound to defend the same. And if the Pope would maintain this error, it would be a pernicious example to all Kingdoms.  
Herewith the Pope's Agent departs unsatisfied, Louis having first dispatched Commission 
Quater Vigint. Coggis.  to Rome to declare his right & justify his undertaking, sets forth from Calais with 600 ships, and 80 other vessel, and Lands with his Army at Sandwich. King john attends him at Dover with purpose to encounter him at his landing, but upon notice 
Louis lands in Kent 21 of May.  of his great power, and distrusting the faith of his mercenaries, having committed the keeping of the Castle of Dover to Hubert de Burg, forsakes the field (and with it himself) retires first to Winchester, after to Gloucester, and leaves all to the will of his enemy Louis: who after he had obtained the submission of all Kent (except the Castle of Dover which he never could get) he comes to London, where he is joyfully received of the Barons, and upon his Oath taken to restore their Laws, and recover their rights, hath homage and fealty done him as their Sovereign Lord: thither came likewise the Earls Warrein, Arundle, Salisbury, William marshal the younger with many other (forsaking King john) and rendered themselves unto him.  
Guallo the Pope's Agent (notwithstanding the sword was out in all the way of his passage) got to Gloucester, shows King john the Pope's care of him, and in solemn manner 
The little effect the Pope's Exmunication wrought.  pronounces the sentence of Excommunication against Louis and all that took part with him, which though it brought him some comfort for the time, yet it took little or nothing from the enemy: neither could it so confirm his mercenaries, but that most of them left him, and either returned home into their Countries with such spoils as they had, or betook themselves to this new comer. King john was not yet so forsaken, but that he had power enough remaining, to infest, though not encounter his enemies, and faith he found abroad amongst many of his Ministers that well defended their charge. Dover Castle with a small company holds out, against all the force that Louis could bring against it. Windsor Castle guarded but with 60 men could not be won with all the power of the Barons; some other pieces, as Nottingham and Lincoln Castles made very resolute resistance. But nothing is effected, save the ruin of the Country.  
The most-yeelding and fertile parts of the Kingdom as about Gloucester, the marches of Wales, Lincolnshire, Cambridgshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Kent, and all about London, are the Stages of this war, and here they act their mischiefs, which continued all that Summer: And about the later end of October, a burning fever makes an end of this fiery King, which took him upon an extreme grief conceived for the loss of his carriages sunk in the Sands, passing the Washes between Lin and Boston; and was augmented by a surfeit of Peaches, & new Ale taken at the Abbay of Swineshead, from whence, in 
The death of King john.  great weakness he is conveyed to Newarke, where, after he had received the Eucharist, and taken order for the succession of his son Henry, he departs this life, having reigned 18 years, five months, and four days.  
The Abbot of Crockeston, a man skilful in physic and at that time the King's Physician disbowelled his body, who, no doubt would have given notice, to the world had his Master (as it was in after ages vainly bruited) been poisoned by a Monk of 
Mat. Par.  Swinshead Abbay, but the Writers of those times report no such matter. Howsoever his death takes not away the reproach of his life, nor the infamy that follows him, whereunto ill Princes are as subject as their evil Subjects, and cannot escape the brute of a clamorous Pen. witness this Disticque. 
Anglia sicut adhuc sordet foetore johannis,  
Sordida foedatur foedante johann Gehenna.   
He had issue by his wife Isabel (daughter to Aymer Earl of Angolesme) two sons Henry and Richard, also three daughters joane, Eleanor, and Isabel.  
Henry succeeded him in the Kingdom, Richard was Earl of Cornwall, and Crowned 
His issue.  King of the Romans, and had issue Henry, and john that died without issue, also Edmond 
john speed.  Earl of Cornwall and others.  
joane the eldest daughter (married to Alexander the second, King of Scots) died without issue.  
Elinor the second daughter (married to Simon Earl of Leicester) had issue Henry, Simon, Almaricke, Guy, Richard, and Elinor. Henry slain without issue. Simon Earl of Bigorre, and Ancestor to a Family of the Mountford's, in France. Almarick first a Priest, after a Knight. Guy Earl of Angleria, in Italy, and Progenitor of the Mountford's in Tuscaine: and of the Earls of the Campo Bacchi in the Kingdom of Naples. Richard remaining privily in England, and changing his name from Mountford, to Wellesborne, was ancestor of the Wellesbornes in England. Elinor borne in England, brought up in France, married into Wales to Prince Lewin ap Griffith.  
Isabel their youngest daughter (married to the Emperor Frederic the 2) had issue, Henry, appointed to be King of Sicily, and Margaret wife of Albert, Landgrave Thurine. She died in childbed after she had been Empress six years. He had also two natural sons. Geffrey Fitz Roy, that transported soldiers into France, when Hubert forbade his father to go thither: Richard (that married the daughter and Heir of Fulbert de Dover (who built Childham Castle) had issue by her, of which some famelies of good esteem are descended.  
Likewise one natural Daughter joane married to Lewin Prince of Wales.  
The end of the Life, and Reign of King john.   

The Life, and Reign of Henry the third.  
THE death of King john, though it much altered, yet it ended not the miserable businesses of the Kingdom: for Louis, notwithstanding held 
1216. Anno. Reg. 1.  his hopes, and his party though much shaken by the sudden Coronation of Henry, eldest son to King john, solemnized in a great Assembly of State at Gloucester the 28 of October, and committed to the tutelage of the great Marshal, William Earl of Pembroke; the main Pillar of the father, and now the preserver of the Crown to his son, a man eminent both in courage 
Henry the 3 Crowned at Gloucester.  and Council, who with Guallo the Pope's Legate, the Bishops of Winchester, bath, and Worcester work all means to draw the Barons, and as many of power as they could to their new and natural King from this excommunicate stranger, and his adherents. And bred great fluctuation in the minds of most of them doubtful what to resolve upon, in regard of the tender youth of Henry, and their Oath made to Louis.  
But such was the insolence of the French, making spoil and prey of whatsoever they could fasten on (and now invested by Louis, contrary to his Oath, in all those places of importance they had recovered) as made many of the English to relinquish 
The confession of the Viscont Melun at his death.  their sworn fidelity, and forsake his part. Which more of them would have done, but for the shame of inconstancy, and the danger of their pledges, remaining in France, which were great ties upon them. Besides, the popular bruit generally divulged concerning the confession of the Viscont Melun a Frenchman, who, lying at the point of death, touched with compunction, is said to reveal the intention, & vow of Louis (which was utterly to extinguish the English nation, whom he held vile, & never to be trusted, having forsaken their own Sovereign Lord) wrought a great aversion in the hearts of the English, which whither it were indeed uttered, or given out of purpose, it was so to be expected, according to the precedents of all in-brought farreiners upon the divisions of a distracted people.  
And first William Earl of Salisbury, moved in blood to secure his Nephew, took 
divers Lords revolt from Louis.  away a main piece from the side of Louis, and with him the Earls of Arundle, Warren; William, son and heir to the great Marshal, return to the fidelity of Henry, after 6 months they had revolted to the service of Louis, which now may be thought was done but to temporize, and try the hazard of a doubtful game, otherwise a brother would not have forsaken a brother, nor so Noble a father, and son have divided their stars.  
Notwithstanding Louis found hands enough to hold London, withal the Countries about it a whole year after, so that the young King was constrained to remain about Gloucester, Worcester, and Bristol, where his wakeful Ministers fail not to employ all means to gather upon whatsoever advantages could be espied, & at length so wrought as they draw the enemy from the head of the kingdom down into the body, first into Leceister-shire to relieve the Castle of Montsorell, a piece appertaining to Saer de Quincy Earl of Winchester, a great partisan of Louis, and after by degrees, to Lincoln, where, a Noble Lady, called Phillippa (but of what family, time hath injuriously bereft us the knowledge) had, more than with feminine courage defended the Castle, the space of a whole year, against Gilbert de Gant, & the French forces which were possessed of the town.  
The Earl Martial Protector of the King and kingdom, with his son William: the Bishops of Winchester, Salisbury and Chester, the Earls of Salisbury, Ferrer, and Albemarle. William de Albinet, john Martial, William de Cantelupe. Falcasius, Thomas Basset, Robert Veypont, Brent de Lisle, Geffrey Lucy, Philip de Albinet, and many other Barons, and marshal men, being with all the power of the young king (whose forces as he marched, grew daily greater) come to a place called Stow within 8 miles of Lincoln, the Legate Guallo (to add courage & resolution to the army) caused upon confession of their sins, the Eucharist to be ministered and gives them a plenary absolution, solemnly 
The forces of Louis overthrown.  accursing Louis with all his adherents, as separated from the unity of the Church, which done, they set forth, and with such violence assail the City on all sides, as the defendants (after the Earl of Perch, valiantly fight was slain) were soon defeated, and all the principal men taken prisoners, whereof these are nominated: Saer Earl of Winchester, Henry de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, Gilbert de Gant, lately made Earl of Lincoln by Louis. Robert Fitz Walter, Richard Monfichet, William Mowbray, William Beauchamp, william Maudit, Oliver Harcort, Roger de Cressy, William de Colevile, William de Ros, Robert de Ropsley, Ralph Chandnit Barons, besides four hundred Knights or men at Arms, with their servants, horse and foot. The number, and quality of the persons taken, show the importance of the place, and the greatness of the victory, which gave Louis his main blow, and was the last of his battles in England.  
The spoils were very great being of a City, at that time rich in Merchandise, 
The spoil of Lincoln.  whereupon the winners (in derision) termed it Louis his Fair. Many of those who escaped, and fled from this overthrow; were slain by the Country people in their disorderly passing towards London, unto Louis, who upon notice of this great defeat, sends presently over for succours into France, and draws all the power he had in England, to the City of London; whether the Earl Martial with the young King bend their course, with purpose either to assail Louis upon this fresh dismay of his loss, and the distraction of his partakers, or induce him by agreement to relinquish the Kingdom. The first being found difficult, the last is propounded, whereunto Louis would not 
The Peace was concluded the 11 of Sep.  be brought to yield, until hearing how his succours coming out of France, were by Philip de Albenie, and Hubert de Burgh with the forces of the Cinke-ports all vanquished at sea; he then hopeless of any longer subsisting with safety, condiscendes to an accord: takes fifteen thousand marks for his voyage: abjures his claim to the Kingdom: promises by Oath to work his father, as far as in him lay, for the restitution 
1218. Anno. Reg. 3.  of such Provinces in France, as appertained to this Crown; and that when himself should be King, to resign them in peaceable manner.  
On the other part King Henry takes his Oath, and for him, the Legate, and the Protector, to restore unto the Barons of this Realm, and other his Subjects, all their rights and heritage's, with those liberties for which the discord began between the late King, and his people. General pardon is granted, and all prisoners freed on both fides: Louis is honourably attended to Dover, and departs out of England about Michaelmas: above two years after his first ativall, having been here, in the greatest part, a received King, and was more likely to have established himself, and made a Conquest of this Kingdom (being thus pulled in by others arms) than the Norman that made way with his own, had not the All-disposer otherwise diverted it.  
Such effects wrought the violence of an unruly King, and the desperation of an oppressed people, which now notwithstanding the father's iniquity, most willingly embrace the son, as naturally inclined to love, and obey their Princes.  
And in this recovery, the industry of Guallo the Legate wrought much, though what he did therein was for his own ends, & the pretended interest of the Pope, whose ambition 
1219. Anno. Reg. 4.  had been first an especial cause of this great combustion in the Kingdom, but as they who work the greatest mischiefs, are oftentimes the men that can best repair them, so was it in this, and therefore the less worthy of thanks. The Legate was well paid for his pains, and, notwithstanding the great distress of the Kingdom carries away twelve thousand Marks with him to Rome.  
But thus the long afflicted state began to have some peace, and yet with many at the first, ere those virulent humours which the war had bred were otherwise diverted. For many of the Nobles who had taken part with the King, either unsatisfied in their expectations, or knowing not how to maintain themselves and theirs, but by rapine; fall to mutiny, surprising of Castles, and making spoils in the Country, as the Earl of Albemarle, Robert de Veypont, Foulke de Brent, Brian de list, Hugh de Bailioll with many other, but at length, they are likewise appeased. And seeing the war must nurse whom it had bred, an Action is undertaken for the Holy Land, whither Ralph Earl of Chester, Saer de Quincy Earl of Winchester, William de Albeny Earl of Arundle, Robert Fitz Walter, William de Harcort with many other, are sent with great forces: Besides to unburden the Kingdom, all strangers, unless such as came with Merchandise, are commanded to avoid the Land, and all means used for the regaining the ability it had lost.  
And no sooner had this provident Protector the Earl of Pembroke settled the 
The death of the Protector Earl Martial.  King's affairs, but he dies, to the great regrate of the Kingdom; leaving behind him a most Noble memory of his active worth, and is to be numbered amongst the examples of the best of men, to show how much the Wisdom, and Valour of a potent Subject may steed a distracted State in times of danger.  
The Bishop of Winchester (imparting the charge with many other great Councillors) is made Protector of the young King, who in An. Reg. 4. is again Crowned, and the next year after hath by Parliament granted for Elcuage two Marks of Silver of every Knight's fee, for the affairs of the Kingdom, and recovery of his transmarine 
The King again crowned 1. Parliament.  Dominions, which now is designed, and Malleon de savoury the Poictovine with William Long sword Earl of Salisbury sent over into Given to try the affections of that people, whom they find, for the most part inclinable to the obedience of this Crown. The King of France is required to make restitution of what he had usurped, but returns answer; that what he had gotten both by forfeiture, and Law of Arms he would hold.  
To retain amity with Scotland, and peace at home, joan, the King's Sister is given 
1220. Anno. Reg. 5.  in marriage to Alexander King of Scots, and Margueret, sister to the same King, to Hubert de Burgh, now made justiciar of England, and the especial man who guided the greatest affairs of the Kingdom. Wales, revolting under their Prince Lewelin, gave occasion of great charge and trouble to this State in the beginning of this King's reign and long after, till it was wholly subdued. And a commotion in Ireland, made by Hugh Lacie, is appeased by William Earl of Pembroke son to the late great Marshal, 
1221. Anno. Reg. 6.  and some few years after hath the Kingdom a kind of quietness, saving that Falcasius (or Foulke de Brent) with certain chatelains (the dregs of war) fortifying the Castle of Belford with some other pieces of strength, and committing many outrages, gave occasion of business till they were gotten by hard assault.  
But now, the King being come to some years of understanding, was, in a Parliament holden at London, put in mind by the Archbishop of Canterbury, in behalf of the State, of his Oath made, and taken by others for him, upon the peace with Louis for confirmation of the liberties of the Kingdom, for which the war began with his father, and being the mainebase whereon his own good, and that of his people must subsist, without which the whole State would again fall a sunder; they would have him to know it betime, to avoid those miserable inconveniences which the disunion of 
1222. Anno. Reg. 7.  Rule and Obedience might bring upon them all, which though it were impiously there oppugned (as Princes shall ever find mouths to express their pleasures in what course soever they take) by some ministers of his (amongst whom one William Brewer a Councillor is named) who urged it to have been an act of constraint, and therefore 
2. Parliament.  not to be performed; was, notwithstanding promised at that time by the King to be ratified, and twelve knights, or other Legal men of every shire, by writs charged to examen what were the Laws and Liberties which the Kingdom enjoyed under his Grandfather, and return the same by a certain day, and so by that usual shift of Prolongation the business was put off for that time, to the greater vexation of that following. For during all his reign of six and fifty years (the Longest of any King of England) this put him to the greatest imbroylement, made him ill beloved of his paople (ever crossed in his intendments) and far a less King, only by striving to be more than he was: the just reward of violations. And even this first pause, upon the lawful requisition thereof, turned the blood, & show'd how sensible the state was, in the least stoppage of that tender vain: For, presently the Earls of Chester, & Albimarle with many other great men assemble at Leicester with intent to remove from the K. Hugh de Burgh chief justiciar, and other officers supposed to hinder this motion. But the Archbishop of Canterbury by his spiritual power, and the rest of the nobility, more careful to preserve the peace of the Kingdom, stood to the King, and would not suffer any proceeding in this kind, so as the Lords effected nothing at that time, but were constrained to come in, and submit 
Resumptions.  themselves. And here the king by parliament resumes such alienations as had been made by his Ancestors, of what had apertayned to the Crown, whereby he might have the 
1223. Anno. Reg. 8.  more means of his own without pressing his subject; but this served not his turn.  
The next year after another Parliament is held at Westminster, wherein is required the fiftieth part of all movables both of the Clergy and laity, for the recovery of those parts in France withheld from this crown by Louis now King, contrary to his 
3 Parliament.  oath and promise made here in England at his departure. Which motion, though it concerned the honour and dignity of this Kingdom, (being the inheritance of the King, and the Estates of most of the Nobility, and other the subjects, who had lands and possessions in those parts, which no doubt, they desired to recover with their utmost means; yet would they not yield to the grant of this subsidy but upon confirmation of their liberties; which in the end they obtained, in the same words and form as King john had granted them in the two Charters before.  
And twelve Knights or Legal men are chosen in every shire, upon their Oath, to disparte the old forests from the new: and all such as were found to have 
Disforrestations.  been inforested since the first coronation of Henry the second to be disafforested, and disposed at their pleasure, who were to possess them. whereupon they were laid open, ploughed, and improved to the exceeding comfort, and benefit of the subject, whereby men, in steed of wild beasts, were sustained and more room made for them to use their industry.  
Two years with great quietness, and general content (the blessing of a state) 
1225. Anno. Reg. 10.  these liberties were enjoyed, when the King at a Parliament at Oxford, declaring himself to be oflawfull age, and free from custody, to dispose of the affairs of the Kingdom; cancels, and anulles the Charter of Forests, as granted in his Nonage, having no power of himself, or of his Seal, and therefore of no validity: and causes Proclamation to be made, that both the Clergy, and all others, if they would enjoy those liberties, 
4. Parliament.  should renew their Charters, and have them confirmed under his new Seal: for which, they were constrained to pay, not according to their ability, but the will of the chief justiciar, Hugh de Burgh, to whom is laid the blame of this mischief, which procured him the general hatred of the Kingdom; and bread a new insurrection of 
The revoking the Charters of Forests which bred a new insurrection.  the nobility, who, taking advantage upon a breach lately fallen our, between the king and his brother Richard Earl of Cornwell (about the Castle of Barkhamsted appertaining to that Earldom, which the king had committed to the keeping of on Walleran a Dutchman) join with the Earl, and put themselves in arms. For the king maintaining the cause of Walleran commands his brother to render the Castle which he had taken from him; or else to departed the kingdom.  
The Earl answers that he would neither do the one or the other: without the judgement of his Peers; and so departs to his lodging, leaving the king much displeased with this answer. The chief justiciar fearing the disturbance of the peace, advises the king suddenly to apprehend the Earl, and commit him to close custody, but the Earl either through notice, or doubt thereof, flies presently to Marleborough, where he finds William Earl Mareshall, his friend, and confederate by Oath, with whom he hastes to Stamford, and there meets with the Earls of Chester, Gloster, Waren, Hereford, Ferrer, Warwick, with divers Barons, and men at arms: from whence they send to the King advising him to right the injury done to his brother. The cause whereof, they impute to Hugh de Burgh, and not to himself, beside they require restitution to be made without delay, of the liberties of the Forests lately canceled at Oxford, otherwise they 
1226. Anno. Reg. 11.  would compel him thereunto by the sword.  
The King, to annoyed this danger, appoints them & day to come to an assembly at Northampton, where a concord is concluded: and to satisfy his brother, (besides the rendering unto him his Castle) he grants him all that his mother had in dower, and 
s. Parliament.  whatsoever lands the Earl of Britain held in England, with those of the Earl of Bologn lately deceased, and so the Parliament broke up. After this the general motion 
1227. Anno. Reg. 12.  for the holy wars entertains some time. Which so strongly wrought in that credelous world as sixty thousand sufficient men, are reported to have undertaken that voyage: of whom Peter Bishop of Winchester, and William Bishop of Excester are the leaders.  
The King is solicited by Hugh le Brun Earl of March, who had married his Mother, and by other great men of Normandy, to come over into France to recover his right, upon the great alterations happening in those parts by this occasion.  
Louis the eight (who succeeded Philip the second,) being lately dead after his great siege of Avignon, and his wars made against the Heretics Albegeois in Province, leaves the Kingdom to his Son Louis of the age of twelve years, in whose minority his Mother Blanch, taking upon her the regency, so discontented the Princes of the 
French Hist.  blood, as they oppose themselves against her, holding it both dishonourable and dangerous, that a woman and a stranger by the Council of Spaniards (whom she advanced above the Naturals of the Kingdom) should govern all according to her pleasure, and therefore enter league against her. The chief of whom were Philip Earl of Bologne, uncle, by the Father, to the King: Robert Earl of champaign, Peter de Dreux Duke of Britagne, and Robert Earl of Dreux his brother, and with these Hugh the Earl of March takes part, in regard the Queen Regent had erected the Country of Poictou to a Conty, and made Earl there of Alphonso her Son, brother to the young king, whereby finding himself enclosed within that County, he refuses to acknowledge Alphonso for Lord: instigated thereunto by his wife, a Queen Dowager of England, who could not comport a superior so near her door, in so much as they likewise draw in the Earl of Lusignan, brother to the Earl of March, who also, presuming upon the greatness of his house descended of kings, was apt to take their part; and these with the Earl of Britagne call in the King of England. Who after he head exacted great sums of the Clergy, of the City of London for redemption of their liberties, and taken the third part of all the goods of the jews, passes over with an Army, lands at Saint Mallos, is met by many Nobles of Poictou, who with the Earl of Britagne do homage unto him, and great preparations are made to recover such pieces as had been obtained by the late King of France.  
The Queen Regent sets out a powerful army to stop the proceeding of the King of England, and much mischief is wrought on both sides in Pocitou, Xaintonges, Angoumois, where their friends and enemies suffer all a like. At length, seeing no great good to arise by their travail, both weary of the business, either a peace, or truce is concluded.  
The King of England besides an infinite expense of treasure having lost divers of his Nobles and other valiant men in the journey, without any glory returns home, bringging with him the Earl of Britagne and many Poictovins to receive their promised rewards, which, notwithstanding all the former expense must be wrung out of the substance of the poor subject of England.  
Upon his return he entertains a purpose of Marriage with a sister of the King of Scots, against which, the Earls, and Barons of England generally oppose; alleging it to be unfit that he should have the younger Sister, when Hubert his chief justiciar, had married the eldest: and the Earl of Britagne, by whose Council he was now much directed, dissuades him likewise from it. To this Earl (after supplies obtained towards his expenses, and debts in France) he gives five thousand marks, as if remaining 
The King calls his officers to account.  of the sum he had promised. And for the rest of the Poictovins, their preferments and rewards were to be had by the displacing and spoils of his Officers, Receivors, and others whom now he calls to account, and casts for defrauding him in their offices, of whom Ralph Breton treasurer of his Chamber is first, who was committed to prison and grievoulsy fined: then Hubert de Burgh his chief lusticiar, (a man who 
1228. Anno. Reg. 13.  had long ruled all under him in a place ever obnoxious to detraction and envy) is called to account for such treasure as passed his office (which was then for all reliefs, and subsidies whatsoever raised on the subject) and, notwithstanding he had the king's Charter for it during life, yet is he thrust out of his office, and beside accused of heinous crimes of treason.  
No sooner was this great officer, and inward councillor fallen into the King's displeasure, but presently a whole volley of accusations (which fear in time of favour held in) were discharged upon him, and every act of his examined, and urged according to the passion of the complainers. The city of London lays to his charge the execution of their citizen Constantine (in the time of a riot committed between their people and those of Westminster at a wrestling in Saint Iames fields, Anno. Reg. 4.) as done without warrant and law, and crave justice for his blood. Hubert, to avoid this sudden storm coming upon him, fled to the Church of Merton for Sanctuary, whence, by armed men sent to pursue him, he is drawn out by force, and committed to prison. Of which violence done contrary to the privilege of that sacred place, the Bishop of London, in whose dioses it was, complains, and so wrought that he is brought back again to the same chapel. But yet all that could not shelter him from the King's wrath, who gives strict commandment to the Shreive's of Hartford and Sussex to set a guard about the place, that no sustenance be brought him. Hunger enforces him to commit himself to the King's mercy, and away is he sent prisoner to the vice, his money, left in the custody 
The King removes his officers.  of the templars, is brought forth, and seized into the King's hands; claiming that, and much more as stolen out of his exchequer. Stephen de Segraue is put into his office, a worse minister for the commonwealth (which seldom gains by such shift) and who must shortly run the same fortune. Walter Bishop of Carliel is likewise thrust out of his office of Treasurer, and William Rodon Knight, of his place of Marshal of the king's house, and all the chief Councillors, Bishops, Earls and Barons of the Kingdom, are removed, as distrusted, and only strangers preferred to their rooms. Peter Bishop of Winchester, lately returned from the holy wars to be the author of most unholy discord at home, is charged to be the cause hereof, and with him, one Peter de Rivallis, now the sepeciall minion about the King.  
These strains of so strange and insufferably violences so exasperate the Nobility, as many (whereof Richard, now Earl Martial upon the death of his brother William was chief) do combine themselves for defence of the public, and boldly do show the King his error, and ill advised course, in preferring strangers about him, to the disgrace and oppression 
The Lords combine for the public defence against the K.  of his natural liege people, contrary to their laws and liberties, and that unless he would reform this excess, whereby his crown and Kingdom was in eminent danger, he and the rest of the nobility would withdraw themselves from his council, whereunto the Bishop of Winchester replies: that it was lawful for the King to callwhat strangers he listed about him for defence of his crown and Kingdom, thereby to compel his proud, and rebellious subjects to their due obedience. With which answer the Earl, and the rest, depart with more indignation: vowing that in this cause, which concerned them all, they would spend their lives.  
Hereupon the King suddenly sends over for whole legions of Poictovins, and withal summons a Parliament at Oxford whether the Lords refused to come, both in regard they found themselves despised, and holding it not safe by reason of those multitudes 
The Lords refuse to come to Parliament upon summons  of strangers. Then was it decreed by the King's Council that they should be the second and third time summoned, to try whether they would come or not. And here, from the Pulpit, whence the voice of GOD and the people is uttered, the King is boldly showed the way to redress this mischief of the Kingdom, by one Robert Bacon a Friar Predicant: but more comically by Roger Bacon, (in pleasant discourse) ask the king: my Lord, what is most nocent to Seamen, and what feared they most, the King replies: Seamen know that best themselves; then, my Lord I will tell you: Petrae et Rupes, alleging to Petrus de Rupibus Bishop of Winchester.  
After this, the Lords were summoned to a Parliament at Westminster: whether likewise they refused to come, unless the King would remove the Bishop of Winchester, 
1232. Anno. Reg. 17.  and the Poictouines from the court: otherwise, by the Common-council of the Kingdom they send him express word, they would expel him, and his evil councillors out of the land and deal for the creation of a new King.  
Upon this threatening, pledges are required of the nobility to be delivered by a certain day for security of their allegiance. But no act passed in this Parliament though 
6. Parliament.  though divers Lords came thither, as the Earl of Cornwall, Chester, Lincoln, Ferrer, and others, in regard the Earl Martial, the Lord Gilbert Basset, and other Nobles were not present, Then are Writs sent out to all who held by knight's service to repair to the King at Gloucester by a certain day: which the Earl's marshal and his associates refusing, the King without the judgement of his court, and their Peers, cause to be proclaimed outlaws, seizes upon all their lands, which he gives to his Poictouines, and directs out Writs to attach their bodies wheresoever in the kingdom.  
The Bishop of Winchester to weaken the party of the marshal, won the Eatles of Chester and Lincoln with a thousand marks, and the King had so pleased his brother the Earl of Cornwall, as he likewise left them. Whereupon they withdraw them into Wales, and confederate with Lewelin and other great men in that country, (whither also came Hubert de Burgh escaping out of the vice Castle, and joins with them) taking their oath intermutually, that no one without other should make their accord.  
The King goes himself in person with an Army, against these revolted Lords, into Wales, Where he had the worst of the business, and much dishonour, returns to Gloucester, 
The K. with an army against the Lords.  employs new forces of strangers, but all without success. Whereupon a Friar of the Order of Minors is employed to confer with the Earl marshal, and to persuade him to come in, and submit himself to the king's mercy, whom he had heard to say, that notwithstanding his great offences, he would pardon, and restore to his estate upon submission; and beside gives him so much of Herefordshire, as should conveniently maintain him. Besides the Friar told him what he heard of other Councillors about the King, concerning the wishing of his submission, and in what form they desired 
Vide Appond.  it should be imparted in private. And then, as of himself, he uses all inducements. possible to draw him thereunto, showing how it was his duty, his profit, and safety so to do. Wherewithal the Earl nothing moved, told the Friar what injuries he had received, and that he could not trust the King so long as he had such Councillors about him: who only sought the destruction of him, and his associates, who ever had been his loyal subjects. And after many objections made by the Friar with urging the King's power, his own weakness, and the danger he was in: the Earl concludes that he feared no danger: that he would never yield to the Kings Will, that was guided by no reason: that he should give an ill Example to relinquish the justice of his cause to obey that Will which wrought all injustice, whereby it might appear, they loved worldly possessions more than right and honour, etc.  
So nothing was done, the war continues with much effusion of blood, all the borders of Wales unto Shrowesbury, are miserable wasted, and made desolate. At length means is used to draw the Earl marshal over into Ireland to defend his estate there, which was likewise seized upon, by authority given under the King's hand and Seal, and all those great possessions descended unto him from his Ancestor the Earl Strongbow (the first conquerors of that country) spoiled, and taken from him. And here, seeking to recover his livelihood he lost his life circumvented by treachery: his death gave occasion of grief both to his friends and enemies. The king disavows the sending 
1234. Anno. Reg. 19  of this commission into Ireland protesting he never knew thereof, and discharges himself upon his councillor. A poor shift of weak Princes.  
After two years his affliction, a Parliament is assembled at Westminster, wherein the Bishops gravely admonish the King (by his Father's example, and his own experiene, 
7 Parliament.  of the mischief of dissension between him, and his Kingdom, occasioned through the ill council of his ministers) to be at union with his people, to remove from him strangers, and others, by whose instigation, for their own ends, these disturbances are fostered, and his natural Subjects estranged from him, to the great alienation of their affections, which was of dangerous consequence. Wherefore (after recital of the grievances of the State, and the abuses of his Ministers, which were such as all corrupted times produce) they humbly besought him to govern his, according to the example of other Kingdoms, by the natives of the same, and their Laws: otherwise they would proceed by Ecclesiastical censure, both against his Councillors, and himself.  
The King seeing no way to subsist, and get to his ends but by temporising, consents to call home these Lords out of Wales, restores them to their places and possessions, amoves those strangers from about him, and calls his new Officers to account. The Bishop of Winchesler. Peter de Rivallis and Stephan Segraue thereupon take Sanctuary, but afterward, upon mediation they obtained, with great fines, their Liberty, dearly paying for their two years eminency and grace.  
Things thus appeased the King gives his sister Isabel in marriage to the Emperor Frederic the second (successor to Otho, and grandchild to Frederic Barbarossa) the Archbishop of Cologne and the Duke of Louvain were sent for her. She is conducted 
Isabel the King's Sister married to the Emperor.  by the King her brother to Sandwich with three thousand horse. The marriage is solemnized at Worms. She was the third wife of this Emperor, an alliance that yielded neither strength or benefit (though that were both their ends) to either Prince. The continual broil which this Emperor held with all the Popes of his time, Innocent the third, Honorius, Innocent the fourth Gregory the ninth) was such and so great as all he could do, was not enough for himself. For not to let go that hold of the Empire he had in Italy, with his hereditary Kingdoms of Naples and Sicil which the Popes wrought to draw to the Church, he was put to be perpetually in conflict, never free from vexations, thrust from his own courses, enjoined to undertake the Holy wars, to waste him abroad, weakened at home by excommunications, and fines for absolutions, for which, at one time he paid eleven thousand marks of Gold. And in the end the Popes so prevailed that in the Grave of this Frederic was buried the Imperial Authority in Italy, after he had thus reigned four and thirty years, leaving his son Conrade successor rather of his miseries then his inheritance. He had a son by Isabel named Henry, to whom he bequeathed the Kingdom of Sicily, and a hundred thousand ounces of Gold, but he lived not to enjoy it.  
To the marriage of this Sister, the King qives thirty thousand marks, besides an Imperial Crown and other ornaments of great value: towards which, is raised two 
1236. Anno. Reg. 20.  Marks upon every Hide Land. And the next year after, himself marries Elinor daughter to Raymond Earl of Province, a match in regard of the distance of the place, with the means and degree of Estate, little advantageous either to him, or his Kingdom, but the circumstance of alliance drew it on, with some other promises which were not observed. So, that he is neither greater, nor richer by these alliances but rather lessened in his means, having no dower with his wife, full of poor kindred, that must draw means from this Kingdom.  
After the solemnisation of this marriage (which was extraordinarily sumptuous) a Parliament is assembled at London, which the King would have held in the Tower, whither the Lords refusing to come, another place, of more freedom, is appointed: where, after many things propounded for the good of the Kingdom order is taken that all Shreive's are removed from their Offices upon complaint of corruption; and 
Shreive's removed for corruption.  others of more integrity, and abler means (to avoid bribery) put in their rooms, taking their Oaths to receive no gifts, but in victuals, and those without excess.  
Here the King displaces his Steward, and some other Councillors, and offers to take from the Bishop of Chichester, than Chancellor, the great Seal, but the Bishop refuses to deliver it, alleging, how he had it by the common Council of the kingdom, and without assent of the same, would not resign it, and having carried himself irreprehensible in his Office, is much favoured by the people. Peter de Rivallis, and Stephan Segraus, are again received into grace: an argument of the king's levity, and irresolution, moved, it seems, with any Engine to do and undo, and all out of time and order, wherein he ever loses ground.  
And now feign would he have revoked, by the Pope's Authority, some grants of his made heretofore, as being done beyond his power, & without the consent of the Church, which harsh intention adds more to the already conceived displeasure of the people.  
Anno Reg. 21. another Parliament, or the same adjourned is held at London, where, in regard of the great expense for his Sister's marriage, and his own, he requires the 
9 Parliament  thirtieth part of all movables, as well of the Clergy as laity. Whereunto great 
1237. Anno. Reg. 21.  opposition is made, and recital of the many Levies had been exacted of the Kingdom, now of the twentieth, now of the thirtieth, and fortieth parts: and that it was a thing unworthy and injurious, to permit a King, who was so lightly seduceble, and never did good to the Kingdom, either in expelling, or repressing enemy, or amplyfing the bounds thereof, but rather lessening and subjugating the same to Strangers, that he should extort by so many pretences, so great sums from his natural people (as from slaves of the basest condition) to their detriment, and benefit of Aliens. Which when the King heard, desirous to stop this general murmur, promised by Oath that he would never more injury the Nobles of the Kingdom, so that they would benignly relieve him at that present, with this supply: in regard he had exhausted his treasure, in the marriage of his Sister, and his own: whereunto they plainly answer, that the same was done without their Council, neither ought they to be partakers of the punishment, who were free from the fault. After 4 days consultation, the King promising to use only the Council of his natural Subjects, disavowing and protesting against the revocation lately propounded, and freely granting the inviolable observation of the Liberties, under pain of excommunication, hath yielded unto him the thirtieth part of all movables (reserving yet to every man his ready coin, horse, and armour to be employed for the Commonwealth. For the collection of this subsidy, it was ordained that 4 Knights of every 
Four knights of every shire ordained to take charge of the subsidy.  Shire, and one Clerk of the Kings should upon their Oath receive and deliver the same, either unto some Abbay or Castle, to be reserved there, that if the King fail in performance of his Grants, it might be restored to the Country whence it was collected: with this condition often annexed, that the King should leave the Council of Aliens, and only use that of his natural Subjects. Wherein to make show of his part, he suddenly causes the Earls Warren and Ferrer, with john Fitz Geffrey to be sworn his Councillors. And so the Parliament ended, but not the business for which it was called, the King not giving that satisfaction to his subjects as he had promised concerning Strangers, and beside, that order concluded in Parliament was not observed in the levying and disposing of the susidie, but stricter courses taken in the valueing of men's Estates than was held convenient. Moreover William Valentine Uncle to the young Queen, is grown the only inward man with the King, and possesses him so, as nothing is done without his Council: the Earl of Province, the father; a poor Prince, is invited to come over to participate of this Treasure, which seems was disposed before 
The coming of Simon Monford into into England.  it came in. Simon de Monford a French man borne (banished out of France by Queen Blanch) is entertained in England, and preferred secretly in marriage to Elinor the King's Sister (widow of William Earl of Pembroke Great marshal) and made Earl of Leicester by right of his mother Amice daughter to Blanchman Earl of Leicester. Which courses (with other) so incense the Nobility, and generally all the Subjects, as put them out into a new commotion. and Richard the King's brother (whose youth and ambition apt to be wrought upon, is made the head thereof; who being as yet Heir apparent of the Kingdom (the Queen being young and childless) the preservation of the good thereof, is argued to concern him, and he is the man employed 
The grievances of the Kingdom.  to the King to impart the public grievances, and to reprehend, first the profusion of his Treasure (gotten by exaction from the subject.) and cast away upon Strangers who only guide him, than the infinite sums he had raised in his time: How there was no archbishopric or Bishopric, except York, Lincoln & bath, but he had made benefit by their Vacancies: besides what fell by abbeys, Earldoms, Baronies, Wardships and other escheats, and yet his treasure, which should be the strength of the State, was nothing increased. Moreover how he as if both despising his, and the Council of his natural Subjects, was so obsequious to the will of the Romans, and especially of the Legate whom he had inconsiderately called in, as he seemed to adore his footsteps, and would do nothing either in public or private, 
1238. Anno. Reg. 22.  but by his consent, so that he seemed absolutely the Pope's feudary, which wounded the hearts of his people. The King upon this harsh remonstrance of his brother, and the fear of a present commotion, after he had sounded the affections of the Londoners, whom he found resolved to take part against him, he again (by the advice of the Legate, who had earnestly dealt with the Earl of Cornwall to reconcile himself to his brother, but without effect) calls a Parliament at London. Wither the Lords came armed 
10 Parliament  both for their own safety, and to constrain the King (if he refused to the observation of the premices, and reformation of his courses.  
Here, after many debatements the King (taking his Oath) to refer the business to the order of certain grave men of the Kingdom, Articles are drawn, sealed, and publicly set up to the view of all, with the seals of the Legate, and divers great men. But before it came to effect, Simon Monford working his peace with the Earl of Cornwall, and the Earl of Lincoln likewise (with whom he and the State were displeased) the Earl grows cold in the business. The Lords perceiving the staff of their strength to fail them, failed themselves, so that nothing is effected, and the miseries of the Kingdom continue as they did.  
Shortly after, the King takes displeasure against Gilbert Earl of Pembroke (the third son of William the great marshal) and caused his gates to be shut against 
1239. Anno. Reg. 23.  him at Winchester, whereupon the Earl retires into the North. And to show how inconstant this King was in his favours, Simon Norman (entitled Master of the King's Seal, and not only so, but said to be Master of the Kingdom; yea of the King, the Rector, and Disposer of Court) is thrown out with disgrace, the Seal taken from him, and given to the Abbot of Euesham. In like sort, his brother Geffrey a Knight Templar is put out of the Council, both of them much maligned by the Nobility; who had often before laboured their amovement, as held to be corrupt Councillors, and wronger's of the State, and now are they fallen off themselves. But the cause of this their dejection may show, that oftentimes Officers under weak Princes are not so much faulty, as the World holds them to be: for not yielding to pass a Grant from the King made unto Thomas Earl of Flaunders (the Queen's 
Thomas of Savoy marrieth the inheretrix of the Earldom of Flanders, which he held but during her life.  Uncle) of 4 pence upon every sack of Wool (an enormous act then accounted) they both lost their places, though not their reputations in this; their fall discovering what the Envy that attended their fortune, hindered men to see. To this Earl of Flanders the next year after the King grants (notwithstanding) 300 Marks (to be paid out of his Exchequer annually, for his homage.  
Now, besides the great exactions of the King, and his wastes. The Sea of Rome extorts huge sums, as if one Gulf sufficed not to swallow up the substance of the Kingdom, which opened the mouths of our Clergy so wide; as they let out many exclamations against the avarice of the Popes of that time: and the Roman Factors, who by permission of the King, or by his negligence, presumed so far upon the easi-yeeldingnesse of the State, as they wrung out what they listed. In so much, as besides the fleece, they would now have the bodies of their possessions. And the Pope sends his Mandate to have three hundred Romans preferred to the benefices which should be first vacant in England, which so amazed the Clergy, and especially Edmond Archbishop of Canterbury, as he; seeing no end of these concussions of the State, and Liberties of the Church: and himself (on whom the Scandal of all must light, unable by reason of the King's remissness to withstand it, tired with the vanity of worldly actions) gives over all; and betakes himself to a voluntary exile in the 
Edmond Archbishop of Canterbury gives over his Sea.  Abbay of Pontiniac in France; and there applies him to the contemplation of a better life. But before his departure, he yields, as a ransom for his Church, 800 Marks to the Pope.  
The Clergy, although thus left by their head, generally oppose what they could, against the Pope's rapine, who to get money for his wars with the Emperor used daily 
Pope Gregory the 9  new and insolent pressures upon them, in so much as they repair to the King, declare how prejudicial, and detogatory it was to his royalty, and the liberty of the Kingdom to suffer this proceeding, which none of his Predecessors heretofore euct did: and of how dangerous consequence it was to his successors. The King, either not apprehensive of the mischief, or content to join with the Pope to punish and awe the Kingdom, not only refers them to the Legate, but offers to deliver the chief opposers up unto him. Whereupon they seeing themselves forsaken, and no power to succour them but their own, did what they could to withstand the Legates proceeding, who now by the King's animation presumes more peremptorily to urge them to supply the Pope's present occasion, and holds a Convocation at London for effecting the same. Wherein the Clergy declare how this contribution now required by the Pope for the destruction of the Emperor, and effusion of Christian blood was unlawful, he being not an Heretic, nor condemned by the judgement of the Church although excommunicated: That it was against the Liberties of the Church of England, being required under pain of Ecclesiastical censure, as a thing of servitude and compulsion: That they had heretofore given a Tenth to the Pope, on condition, that never any such exaction should again be made, lest it might be drawn to a Custom, for as much as binus 
Cod. de Episcopal. L. Nemo.  actus inducat consuetudinem: That for their business in the Court of Rome, they were to pass through the emperors Countries, and the danger they might have thereby: That it was not safe for the Kingdom to impoverish the King, who had many enemies, against whom he must have to sustain war: And besides how for the furnishing of divers Noble men, undertaking of late the business of the Cross, great contributions had been made: That the Church of England was poor, and hardly able to sustain itself. That a general contribution was to be made by a general Council, etc.  
Notwithstanding these reasons, though at first they staggered the Legate, yet such course was taken by winning some of them, upon hope of preferment, as the rest could not without the note of contumacy but yield perforce, so, by this treason of division, the body of the Council is entered into, and the Pope prevails in this business.  
The King hath now a son lately borne, and Richard his brother Earl of Cornwall 
Edward eldest son to King Hen.  having likewise issue (by permission of the State which, heretofore he could not obtain) undertakes the Cross, and with him his Uncle William Longsword Earl of Salibury, and many other Noblemen. These departing out of England, Peter of Savoy, another 
Richard Earl of Cornwall undertakes the Crosse.  Uncle to the Queen, comes in, and hath the earldom of Richmond bestowed on him, with many other gifts, he is knighted and feasted suptuously, for which the poor jews by way of redemption, pay 20 thousand Marks at two terms of that year. Boniface, the son of Peter of Savoy, Nephew to the Queen is preferred to the Archbishopric of Canterbury. After this the King makes an expedition into Wales, which had often put him to great charge and trouble, having been very unfortunate, in his many attempts 
1241. Anno. Reg. 25.  against Lewellin, entitled Prince, or King of North-Wales; who being lately dead, had left his two sons David, and Griffin by division of State to be at discord between themselves, whereby he came to make an easier end of that business, and now only but with the show of his power, got that, which, heretofore he could not with much blood; hath submission, and fealty rendered unto him by David, withal his charges for that journey, but now this ended, another attempt of greater expense, but less benefit is in hand.  
The Earl of March with his wife, the Queen Mother, and many other Great Lords of Poictou, so work by their earnest solieitation, with assurance of success, as the King is induced to undertake another expedition into France. The 
11 Parliament  matter is moved in Parliament, general opposition made against it, the great expense, and the ill it last brought to the Kingdom, vehemently urged, How it was unlawful to break the truce made with the King of France, who was now too strong for them to do any good, etc.  
Notwithstanding many of the greatest Peers drawn by fair promises, and their own hopes for recovery of their Estates so prevail as the action is resolved on, and an Aid demanded for the same. The very motion for money was so distasteful, as presently all the Kings supplies made from the beginning of his reign, are particularly again, & opprobriously rehearsed, as the 13. 15. 16 and 40 part of all men's movables, besides Carucage, Hydage, Escuage, escheats, Amercements, and such like, 
A repetition of the King's supplies formerly made.  which could not but fill his Coffers. Then the Pope's continual exactions, with the infinite charge for those who undertook the Holy war, are likewise repeated. Besides they declare, how the 30 levied about four years passed (in regard it was to be laid up in certain Castles and not to be issued but by the allowance of four of the Peers) was, as they held it yet unspent: the King, to their knowledge, having had no necessary occasion to employ the same for the use of the Commonwealth, for which it was granted, and therefore resolutely they denied to yield him any more. Whereupon the King comes himself to the Parliament and, in most submissive manner craves their aid at this time, urging the Pope's letter, which he had procured to solicit and persuade them thereunto. But all prevailed not, their vow made to each other not to dissever their voices, or to be drawn to a disunion held them fast together. In so much as the King is driven to get what he could of particular men, either by gift or loan, and uses such means, as notwithstanding, 
The King carries over 30 Barrels of silver into France.  he carries over with him thirty Barrels of sterling coin, and taking with him his Queen, leaves the government of the Kingdom to the Archbishop of York, having first, for his better quiet at home, contracted a match between his daughter Margueret (yet an infant) and Alexander eldest son to Alexander 3 King of Scots to whom he commits the government of the Marches.  
This second expedition into France, had no better success than the first. For therein 
The King's second expedition into France.  he likewise consumed his treasure upon strangers, discontented the English Nobility, was deceived in his trust by the Poictouines, who failed him with his money, and after more than a whole years stay (the Lords of England leaving him) was driven to make a dishonourable truce with the King of France. And after having been relieved with much provision out of England, and another imposition of Escuage, he returns, puts the jews to another redemption; exacts of the Londoners; is visited by his 
An imposition of Escuage with another redemption of the jews.  wives mother, the Countess of Province, who, bringing with her Zanchia her daughter, is (to add to his other expenses) sumptuously feasted, & a marriage solemnized between the young Lady and Richard Earl of Cornwall, whose wife was late dead, and he returned from the Holy wars.  
The old Countess at her return is presented with many rich gifts, having beside, 
The Countess of Province mother to the Queen comes over into England to the great charge of the Kingdom.  received an annual pension of 4000 Marks out of England for five years passed, in consideration of a pact made, that King Henry should, after her disease have the Earldom of Province. But shortly after her return home, she disappoints him of that hope; and bestows the same with her youngest daughter Beautrix, on Charles the French Kings brother, who was after King of Naples, and Sicily. So that she lived to see all her four daughter's Queens; Richard Earl of Cornwall coming afterward to be elected King of the Romans.  
Means now, upon these profusions, to have fresh supply of Treasure, was 
1244. Anno. Reg. 28.  only by way of Parliament which is again in Anno Reg. 28. assembled at Westminster, and therein the King's wants, and the present occasions urged for the necessary defence of the Kingdom, having now to do with Wales and Scotland, whose Princes lately revolting, join together to annoy the same; but nothing could be effected 
12 Parliament  without the assurance of reformation, and the due execution of the Laws, notwithstanding the King comes again himself in person, as before, and pleads his own necessities. Here they desire to have ordained that four of the most grave and discreet Peers should be chosen as conservators of the Kingdom, and sworn of the King's Council, both to see justice observed, and the Treasure issued, and these should ever attend about the King or at least 3, or 2 of them. Besides that the Lord Chief justiciar, and the Lord Chancellor should be chosen by the general voices of the States assembled, or else be one of the number of those four. Besides they propound that there might be two justices of the Benches, two Barons of the Exchequer: and one justice for the jews, and those likewise to be chosen by Parliament. That as their function was public, so should also be their Election.  
But whilst these things were in debating, the enemy of mankind and disturber of Peace, the Devil, saith Mat. Paris, hindered the proceeding, by the coming of Martin a new Legate sent from the Pope with a larger power than ever any before, to exact upon the State; which he supposed now to have been so wrought, and ready, as the Kings turn being served, his likewise should be presently supplied. But making too much haste before the first had passage, he frustrates his own desire, and receives a most peremptory repulse of the whole Kingdom, in so much as his Agent was disgracefully returned home with this displeasing message. That the Kingdom was poor: had great wars, the Church in debt, not able to yield any more. Besides this course was of dangerous consequence to this State, which alone seemed exposed to the Pope's will, and therefore seeing a general Council was shortly to be held at Lions, if the Church would be relieved, it were fit the same should be done by a general consent in that Council.  
Besides, at this time the Emperor Frederic, by his Letters which were openly read 
Vide Append. The Empetor frederick's letters to the King.  in this Assembly, first entreats, as before he had oftentimes done, that the Pope might have no supplies out of England, which (he said) were only required to ruin him, whom contrary to all Piety and justice he had oppressed, by seizing upon his Cities, and Castles appertaining to the Empire. And for many years (notwithstanding his often submission and desire of Peace) proceeded in all foul and Hostile manner against him, both by the sword, and unjust excommunications. And seeing he could obtain no due hearing, he had referred his cause to be arbitrated by the Kings of France, and England, and the Baronage of both Kingdoms. And therefore desires, he might not receive detriment, whence he expected favour, as a brother and friend. Adding in the end, that if the King would be advised by him he would by power free this Kingdom from that unjust tribute which Innocentius the 3, and other Popes had laid upon it. These letters pleased the Assembly and animated them the rather to deny the Pope's Mandate.  
The interposition of this business took up so much time, as nothing else was done in this Parliament, only they granted an Aid to the King, for the marriage of his daughter, twenty shillings of every Knight's fee, and that with much ado and repetition of all former Aids.  
After this, upon a light occasion, the King undertakes an expedition of great charge against Alexander King of Scots, for which every Baron which held in Capite, Spiritual and Lay, were commanded to be ready withal Military provision due for that service. Whereunto, likewise repairs Thomas Earl of Flaunders with three score Knights and a hundred other servants (thirsting for the King's money) whose unnecessary 
Another Greevanee of the Barons.  coming was ill taken by the Barons of Eng. as if the strength of the Kingdom without him, were not sufficient for that Action, which was as suddenly ended as undertaken, by a fair conclusion of Peace with King Alexander; a Prince highly commended for his virtues, by the Writers of that time.  
Upon his return, again that Winter he assembles another Parliament, wherein he moves for an Aid, upon a design he had for Wales, and to supply his wants, and pay 
13 Parliament  his debts, which were urged to be so great, as he could not appear out of his chamber for the infinite clamour of such to whom he owed for his Wine, Wax, and other necessaries of House. But they all to his face, with one voice, refused to grant him any thing. Whereupon other violent courses are taken. An ancient quarrel is found out against the city of London for which they are commanded to pay fifteen thousand Marks. And Passeleise the King's Clerk is employed with others in a most peremptory commission, to inquire of all such lands, as had been inforrested, and either to fine the occupiers 
An inquiry about Lands inforested which bred great grievances.  thereof, at their pleasure, or take it from them and sell the same to others. Wherein such rigour was used, as multitudes of people were undone. So unsafe are private men's estates, where Princes fall into so great wants. Passeleve for his good service in this business should have been prefeired to the Bishopric of Chichester, but the Bishop withstood the king therein.  
Now, in regard to show the King the Estate of his kingdom, and the oppression of Popes; Inquiry was made of the revenues which the Romans and Italians had in England, which was found to be annually, sixty thousand Marks, being more than the 
An inquiry of the Pope's revenues in Eng  yearly revenues of the Crown of England: which so moved the King, as he caused the same to be notified, withal other exactions, by his procurators to the general council now assembled at Lions; Which (with the ill usage of Martin) so vexed the Pope, as he is said to have uttered these words: It is fit that we make an end with the Emperor that 
1245. Anno. Reg. 29.  we may crush these Petty Kings, for the Dragon once appeased or destroyed, these lesser snakes willbe soon trodden down. Which impious speech proceeding from such a mouth, whence the Oracles of peace, and charity ought to be uttered, was as ill taken, bred great scandal, and gave warning to Princes of prevention; who, though they maligned the corruptions of the Court of Rome, they were yet ever at one with the Church.  
And the Clergy of England were most forward to vindicate the State from that miserable oppression which of late by degrees they were drawn unto, through the humility of their zeal: For, such is the nature of Domination, wheresoever it sits, that finding an yeeldingnes to endure, it never thinks it hath power sufficient, unless it hath more than enough: for, if the Popes (the professed souraignes of piety) upon the advantage of men's zeal, and belief, grew to make their will, and their power equal (so that to question their sanctions was taught to be sin against the Holy Ghost) no marvel if secular Princes, whose consciences are untied, strive to break out into the wildness of their wills from those bounds wherein by the law of the state they are placed.  
But upon the Pope's rejecting the consideration of these grievances of England (which were particularly delivered in this council at Lions) and despising the King's 
Vide Append.  message (who, he said began to Frederize) it was absolutely here ordained, under great penalty, that no contribution of money should be given to the Pope by any subject of 
1246. Anno. Reg. 30.  England: and the King, for a time, bustles against these foreign exactions, in such sort as it gave some hope of redress. But being of an irresolute, and wavering nature, and a feared of threats, soon womanlike gives over what he manfully undertook: so that the Pope continues his former rapine, though having by the continual exclamations of the Clergy, been brought to promise never to send any more Legates into England, yet employs he other ministers, under the the title of Clerks, who had the same power, as had his former Agents, and effected underhand his desires.  
Now the other part of the state have new occasions of complaint offered. Peter of Savoy Earl of Richmond brings over certain maids to be married to young noble 
1247. Anno. Reg. 31.  men of England the King's Wards, of which Edmond Earl of Lincoln hath one, and Richard de Burgh another. And the same year, 3. of the King's brothers by the mother Guy de Lusignan, William de Valence, and Athelmar Clerk are sent for over to be provided of Estates in England. Thomas of Savoy (sometimes Earl of Flanders by right of his wife) comes with his sister Beatrix Countess of Province the Queen's Mother: 
1248. Anno. Reg. 32.  and they are again feasted, and guifted: for which the King is taxed in the next Parliament convoked at London in Candlemas Term: and beside sharply reprehended for his breach of promise (upon his requiring of another aid) having vowed and declared (upon his last supply) by his Charter, never more to injury the state in that kind. Besides 
14 Parliament  they blame him for his violent taking up of provisions for diet, Wax, Silks, robes, etc. and especially for wine, contrary to the will of the sellers, whereby Merchants both of this, and other 
That he took from his subjects, quicquid habuerlint in esculentis, & poculentis. Rusticorum enim Equos, Bigas, Vina Victualia ad libitum capit. Rishanger.  Kingdoms withdraw their commodities, in so much as all traffic and commerce utterly cease, to the detriment and infamy of the Kingdom. That his judges were sent in circuit under pretext of justice to fleece the people. That Robert de Passeleve had wrung from the borderers of Forests, for encroachments or assarts, great sums of money, and therefore they wonder he should now demand relief from the impoverished commons: and advised (him since his needless expenses (posquam Regni caepit esse dilapidator) amounted to be above 800 thousand pounds) that he should pull from his favourites enriched with this treasure of the Kingdom, and revoke the old Lands of the Crown.  
Then they reprove him for keeping vacant in his hands bishoprics, and abbeys, contrary to the liberties of the Church, and his Oath made at his Coronation. Lastly they all generally complain for that the Chief justiciar, Chancellor, and Treasurer, were not made by the Common Council of the Kingdom, according as they were in the time of his Magnificent Predecessors, and as it was fit and expedient; but such advanced, as followed his will, in whatsoever tended to his gain, and sought not promotion for the good of the Kingdom but their own.  
The King patiently endures this reprehension, in hope to obtain his desire and gives them promises of redress, but nothing is effected; after many meetings and much debate the Parliament is prorogued till Midsommet following, during which time, they would with Patience expect how the King would bear himself towards them; that accordingly they might obey, and satisfy his desire.  
But this delay wrought no good, the King through ill Council grows more obdurate, and harsh to his people, in so much as at the next Session he makes this speech: Would you curb the King your Lord, at your uncivil pleasure, and impose a servile condition 
The King's speech in Parliament.  upon him? will you deny unto him what every one of you, as you list, may do? It is lawful for every one of you to use what counsel he will, and every master of a family to prefer to any office in his house whom he pleases, and displace again when he list, and will you rashly deny your Lord, and King to do the like? Whereas servants ought not to judge their Master, nor Subjects their Prince, or hold them to their conditions. For the servant is not above his Lord, nor the Disciple above his Master. Neither should he be your King, but as your servant who should so incline to your pleasures: wherefore he will neither remove his Chief justiciar, Chancellor, nor Treasurer, according to their motion. In like manner finds he answers to the rest of their Articles, and for the aid he required, it concerned (he said) their Right as well as his. And so the Parliament broke up in discontent.  
The King is advised to furnish his wants with the sale of his Plate, and jewels of the 
Calus, An. 48. & 49. Hen. 3. Beginneth first with sale of Land, then of jewels, pawneth Gascoigne, and after his crown when having neither credit nor pawns of his own, he layeth the ornaments and lewels of Saint Edward's Shrine, gives over housekeeping.  Crown, being told that as all rivers have reflux to the sea, so all these things though sold, and disperse would revert again unto him, and therefore it should not move him, and having with great loss received money for this ware, he inquires who had bought it, answer was made, the City of London, that City, said he, is an unexhaustible Gulf. if octavius treasure were to be sold they would surely buy it, and therewithal inveighes against the City which had so oftne served his turn, and devices all means to vex the same, causing shortly after a new fair to be kept at Westminister, forbidding under great penalty all exercise of Merchandise within London for 15 days, and all other Fairs in England, and namely that of Ely. This novelty came to nothing, the inconvenience of the place, as it was then, and the foulness of the weather brought more affliction than benefit to the Traders.  
That Christmas also (without respect of Royal Magnificence) he requires new years gifts of the Londoners, and shortly after writes unto them his letters imperiously deprecatory, to aid him with money, which, with much grudging they do, to the sum of 20000 pounds, for which, the next year after he craves pardon of the City, sending for them to Westminster Hall. And not with standing his continual taking up of all provisions for his house, he so much lessens his hospitality (introducing, 
1249 Anno. Reg. 33.  say they, the Roman Custom of diet) as was held very dishonourable, and unusual to the English Magnificence of Court.  
Then, whereas he could obtain nothing of the States together, he calls unto him, or writes to every Noble man a part, declaring his poverty and how he was bound 
The King requires newyears gifts.  by Charter in a debt of 30 thousand pounds to those of Bordeaux, and the Gascogines (who otherwise would not suffer him to departed home) at his last being in France. notwithstanding he required nothing but of favour, which where he found, he would return with the like. And failing likewise herein, he addresses his letters to the Prelates, where he finds as little relief. By much importunity, and his own presence he got of the Abbot of Ramsey 100 pounds: but the Abbot of Borough had a face to refuse him the like sum. Though the King, told him it was more alms to give unto him, then to a beggar that went from door to door: the Abbot of Saint Alban's yet was more kind, and gave him 60 Marks. To this lowness, did the necessity of this indigent King (through his profusion) decline him. The jews ever exposed to his will, feel the weight of these his wants, and their Estates are continually ransacked. One Abraham, found a delinquent, redeems himself for 700 Marks. Aron another jew, protests, the King had since his last being in France, taken from him by times, 30 thousand Marks of Silver, beside he had given 200 Marks in Gold to the Queen.  
The Lords assemble again at London, and press him with his promise made unto 
1250. Anno. Reg. 34.  them, that the Chief justiciar, Chancellor, and Treasurer might be constituted by the general Council of the Kingdom; but by reason of the absence of Richard Earl of Cornwall, which was thought to be of purpose, they return frustrate of their desire. So that discontentment still goes on, and neither side get any thing but by hard wrest, which became them both ill, and show us the miseries of a disjointed time.  
The King labours the Covent of Duresme to prefer his brother Athelmar to the Bishopric the Covent refuses him, in regard of his youth and insufficiency: the King answers, that then he would keep the Bishopric 8. or 9 years more in his hand, till his brother were of more maturity. Shortly after the Bishopric of Winchester falls void; and thither he sends presently his solicitors to prepare the Monks of the Cathedral 
The King's speech to the Chapter at Winchester.  Church, to elect his brother, and for that he would not have also their repulse; he suddenly goes thither himself in Person, enters the Chapter house as a Bishop or Prior, gets up into the Precedents Chair, gins a Sermon, and takes this text: justice and Peace have kissed each other, and thereupon uses these words: To me, and other Kings, and to our Princes and justiciars, who are to govern the people, belong the rigour of judgement, and justice: to you, who are men of quiet, and religion; peace and tranquillity: and this day I hear, you have (for your own good) been favourable to my request. justice and Peace have kissed each other. Once I was offended with you for withstanding me in the election of William Rale your late Bishop, a man I liked not, but now I am friends with you for this, and will both remember and reward your kindness, As by a woman came destruction to the world, so by a woman came the remedy. I to satisfy my wife, desirous to prefer her uncle William Valentine, disquieted, and damnified you, so now, willing to advance my brother, by the Mother will reconcile myself unto you, etc. And you are to consider how in this city I was borne, and in this Church baptized. Wherefore you are bound unto me in a straighter bond of affection, etc. Then commends he the high birth and good parts of his Brother, and what honour and benefit they should have by electing him, but concludes with some threatening. So that the Monks, seeing him thus to require the Bishopric, held it in vain to deny him: and Athelmar is elected though with this reservation; if the Pope allowed thereof. Shortly after follows the memorable cause of 
The cause of Sir H. Bath.  Sir Henry de Bath a justiciar of the Kingdom, and an especial Councillor to the King, who by corruption had attained to a mighty Estate, and is said in one circuit to have gotten 200. pound land per annum. he is accused by Sir Philip Darcy of falsehood in the 
1251. Anno. Reg. 35.  King's Court, and the King so incensed against him, as in the Parliament about this time holden in London Proclamation is made that whosoever had any action or complaint against Henry de Bath, should come and be heard: one of his fellow justiciciats accused him of acquitting a malefactor for a bribe. The King seeing the friends of the accused strong, breaks out into rage protesting that whosoever would kill Hugh de Bath should be acquitted for the deed: but afterward he comes pacified by the Earl of Cormwale, and the Bishop of London, who urged the danger of the time, the discontentment 
15 Parliament  of the Kingdom; and how the proceeding in such a manner with one of his council, whom he had used in so great business, would discourage others to serve such a master, who upon malicious accusations should so for sake them, whose places were ever exposed to envy and detraction. And thereupon Sir Henry is released paying, 2000 Marks and after restored to his former place and favour. 
The marriage of Margueret with Alexander K. of Scots solemnizedat at York.   
The King keeping his Christmas at York, the marriage is solemnized between Alexander King of Scots and Margaret his Daughter, the riot of which feast with the vain expenses of apparel (the note of a diseased time) is described by our author, who amongst other things, reports how the Archbishop gave 60. fat Oxen which were spent at one meal; besides that feast cost him 4000 Marks, which shows, the poverty of the Church, was not so great as it was pretended to be, seeing when they would show their glory, they could find what they denied at other times.  
The Pope Solicits the King to undertake the Cross, and so doth Alphonsus' King of Castille; Offering to accompany him in Person to rescue the King of France. Who 
The King of France prisoner with the Soldian.  having even emptied his country both of Treasure and nobility, was now taken prisoner by the Sultan, and held in miserable captivity. A ransom collected for him in France, with great vexation, is by tempest cast away on the Sea, other means are made for treasure, which could not easily be had: the captive king offers to restore Normandy to the King of England so he would come to his rescue. Which, the nobility of France takes ill and disdain the weakness of their King: upon the Pope's solicitation 
The King of England under takes the Crosse.  & the grant of a Tenth of the Clergy and laity for 3. years to come, the king of England undertakes the Gross, rather, it seems to get the money then with any purpose to persorme the journey. Which, had it been collected, would, saith Paris, have amounted to 600. thousand pound, to the utter impourishing of the Kingdom, which was that, they both sought, but by several ways, for many now began to discover, that the Pope, by this embarking the Princes of Christendom in this remote, and consuming war, to waste them, their nobility and Kingdom, was only but to extend his own power, and domination.  
The king by Proclamation calls the Londoners to Westminster, and there causes 
1252. Anno. Reg. 36.  the Bishops of Worcester, and Chichester, to declare his intention; and exhort the people to undertake the cross and attend him: but few are moved by their persuasion, only 3. knights (and they of no great note) are nominated: whom the king presently, in open view, embraces, kisses, and calls brethren, checking the Londoners, as ignoble mercenaries for that few of them were forward in this action, notwithstanding he there takes his Oath for performing of the same and to set forth presently upon Midsummer day next. In taking this oath, he lays his right hand on his breast (according to the manner of a Priest) and after on the book, and kissed it, as a lay man.  
A parliament about this tenth (granted by the Pope but not the people) is called at London, the Bishops are first dealt withal (as being a work of piety) to induce the rest, they absolutely refuse the same, than the Lords are set upon, they answer: 
The Bishops and Lords deny the K. the Tenth granted by the Pope.  what the Bishops (who were first to give their voice consented unto) they would allow the same. this shuffling put the King into so great rage as he drove out all that were in his chamber, as he had been mad. Then falls he to his former course, to preswade them a part, sends first for the Bishop of Ely, deals with him in all mild and kind manner, recounting the many favours he had received at his hands: how forward he had found him heretofore to supply his occasions: and entreats him now to give good example to others, etc. The Bishop replies: he was glad, at any time to have done him acceptable service, but in this, for himself, to go from that form, the universality of the state had determined, he held it a dishonest act; and therefore be sought his highness he would not urge him thereunto, dissuading him from that journey by the example of the King of France, on whom, he might see the punishment of God to be 
The speech of Isabel Countess of Arundel to the king.  fallen, for his rapine made on his people's substance, wherewith he had now enriched his enemies, who were grown fat with the infinite treasure of the Christians transported into those parts.  
The King, seeing the resolution of this grave Bishop, in great passion commanded his servants to thrust him out of door, perceiving by this what was to be expected of the rest; and so falls to his former violent courses. During this Parliament (an ill time for suitors) Isabel Countess of Arundel (widow) comes unto him a bout a Ward detained from her, in regard of a small parcel of land held in Capite (which drew away all the rest) the King giving her a harsh answer and turning away she said unto him. My Lord, why turn you away your face from justice, that we can obtain no right in your Court you are constituted in the midst betwixt God and us: but neither gourne yourself nor us discrectely as you ought, you shamefuliy vex both the Church, and Nobles of the Kingdom by all means you may. To which speech the King disdainfully replies: Lady Countess hath the Lords made you a Charter and sent you (for that you are an Eloquent speaker) to be their advocate and prolocutrix? No Sir, saith she, they have not made any Charter to me. But the Charter which your father and you made, and sworn so often to observe, and so often extorted from your subjects their money for the same, you vaworthily transgress, as a manifest breaker of your faith. Where are the Liberties of England, so often written, so often granted, so often bought? I (though a woman) and with me, all your natural, and faithful people, appeal against you to the tribunal of that High judge above, and Heaven, and Earth shallbe our witness, that you have most unjustly dealt with us, and the Lord God of revenge, avenge us. Here with the King disturbed, asked her if she expected no grace from him being his kinswoman: How shall I hope for grace, said the, when you deny me right? and I appeal before the face of Christ against those Councillors of yours, who, only greedy of their own gain, have bewitched, and infatuated you.  
As boldly, though in fewer words, is he reproved by the Master of the Hospital of 
The King reproved by the Master of the Hospital of jerusalem.  jerusalem in Clerken-well, who coming to complain of an injury committed against their Charter, the King told him; The Prelates, and especially the Templars and Hospitalars, had so many liberties and Charters that their riches made them proud, and their pride mad, and that those things which were unadvisedly granted, were with discretion to be revoked; and alleges how the Pope had often recalled his own grants, with the clause non obstante, and why should not he cassat those Charters inconsiderately granted by him, and his Predecessors. What say you Sir, (Said the Prior, God forbidden so ill a word should proceed out of your mouth. So long as you observe justice you may be a King, and as soon as you violate the same you shall leave to be a King.  
The friars Minors, to whom he had sent a load of Frees to clothe them, returned the same with this message: That he ought not to give Alms of what he had rend from the poor, neither would they accept of that abominable gift. With these and many such like bold encounters (ill becoming the obedience of Subjects) is this King affronted: to show us the ill complexion of the time, and how miserable a thing it is for a Prince to lose his reputation, and the love of his people, whereby they both have their vexations.  
And daily more and more hardened he is against the English: whereby Strangers 
Strangers commit riots.  are made so insolent, as they commit many riots and oppressions in the Kingdom. William de Valence (whose youth and presumption went which way his will led him) goes from his Castle of Hartford to a Park of the Bishop of Ely, lying near his manner of Hatfield, where after having spoiled much game he enters into the Bishop's house and finding no drink but Ale, causes the Cellar door being strongly barred, to be broken open by his people, who after they had drunk their fill, let out the rest on the floor. But a greater violence than this was offered to an Official of the Archbisnop of Canterbury by the commandment of the Elect of Winchester (the one brother to the Queen, the other to the King) which troubled them both, and gave them much to do before it was appeased. Guy de Lusignan, the other brother of the King coming as a guest to the Abbot of Saint Alban's violates the Rights of Hospitality, and many other injuries, are reported by our Author to have been committed by strangers, and much complaint is made of that time, wherein, this was said to be the usual exclamation. Our inheritance is given to Aliens, and our houses to Strangers, which notwithstanding the King seeks still to prefer.  
A daughter of Guy de Lusignan Earl of Angolesme is married to Richard (or Gilbere de Clare Earl of Gloucester a man eminent, and dearly loved of the Nobility: Learned in the Laws of the Land; and held a great Patriot: which manacle of alliance locked not yet his hands from defending the liberties of his Country, the King promises her a dower of five thousand Marks, which he sought to borrow of divers, but could not.  
The City of London is again compelled to the contribution of 1000 Marks: and the gascoins being upon revolt (unless speedy remedy were taken) general musters are made, and commandment given that whosoever could dispend 13 pound per annum, should furnish out a horseman. This with the extreme wants of the King occasions another Parliament, wherein the State began, it seems wisely to consider that all their opposition did no good, the King's turn must be served one way or other, some must pay for it; and where it lighted on particulars it was far more heavy, than it could be in general: and therefore they agreed to relieve him rather by the usual way, then force him to those extravagant courses which he took. But so, as the reformation of the government and ratification of their laws might be once again solemnly confirmed.  
And after fifteen days consultation to satisfy the King's desire, for his holy expedition 
A Tenth, and Scutage granted by Parl.  (a Tenth is granted by the Clergy) which yet by view of the Lords should, upon his setting forth, be distributed for 3. years; and Scntage, (3. Marks of every knight's Fee) by the laity for that year. And now again those often confirmed Charters are ratified, and that in the most solemn and ceremonical manner, as Religion and State, could ever devise to do.  
The King with all the great Nobility of England, all the Bishops and chief Prelates 
1253. Anno. Reg. 37.  in their reverent Ornaments, with burning candles in their hands assemble to hear the terrible sentence of Excommunications against the infringers of the same. And, at the lighting of those Candles, the King having received one in his hand, gives it to a Prelate that stood by, saying, it becomes not me being no Priest to hold this candle, my heart shallbe a greater testimony. and withal, laid his hand spread on his breast the whole time the sentence was read, which was thus pronounced: Autoritate dei omnipotratis, etc. which done he caused the Charter of K. john his Father granted by his free consent to be 
Vide Append.  likewise openly red. In the end, having thrown away their candles (which lay smoking on the ground) they cried out: So let them who incur this Sentence be extinct, and stink in hell. And the King with a loud voice said: As God me help, I will, as I am a Man, a Christian, a Knight, a King crowned, and anointed, inviolably observe all these things. And therewithal the Bells rung out, and all the people shouted with joy.  
Never were laws amongst men (except those holy commandments from the mount) established with more majesty of Ceremony to make them reverend, and respected then were these: they wanted but thunder and lightning from heaven (which if prayers could have procured, they would likewise have had) to make the sentence ghastly, and hideous to the infringers thereof. The greatest security that could begiven was an oath (the only chain on earth, besides love, to tie the conscience of man, and humane society together) which, should it not hold us, all the frame of government and order must needs fall quite a sunder.  
Now the business of Gascoigne (that required present care) is in hand, which the 
The K. resumes Gasoigny from his brother Richard, gives it to his son Prince Edward  better to know, we must return to the head whence it sprung. 27. years past, the King, by the council of his Lords, freely granted to his brother Richard all that Province, who is there received as their Lord with their oaths of Fealty made unto him; and so continues, until the King (having issue of his own, by motion of the Queen) revokes his gift, & confers it upon his eldest son Edward. Richard, though he were deprived of the possession would not yield to forego his right, and at the King's last being in Gascoigny, many of them stand doubtful whom to attend; the King in great displeasure commanded his brother to resign his Charter, and renounce his right; which, he refusing to do, the King commands those of Burdeax to take, and imprison him: but they (in regard of his high blood, the homage they had made him, and the king's mutability, who might resent his own commandment) would not adventure there on. Then he assails them with money which effected more than his commandment: the Earl is endanger to be surprised, escapes out of Bnrdeaux, and comes over into England.  
The King assembles the nobility of Gasconie at Bordeaux; invaighs against his brother: a man, he said was covetous, and a great oppressor, a large promiser, but a spare payer; and that he would provide them of a better governor: with all, promises them thirty thousand Marks (as a price of their obedience) and so nullifies the Charter of his former donation, with their homage, and takes their oath of Fealty to himself. Which yet they would not make unto him, till he had enwrapped himself 
Simon Monford Earl of Leicester sent into Gascony.  both by his Charter and Oath for this promised sum: whereunto they so held him, as thereby, afterward they lost his love. And to be revenged on them, he sends Simon Monford Earl of Leceister, a rough and Martial man to Master their pride: makes him a Charter for 6. years to come, and furnishes him with 10000 marks the better to effect his command. Monfort by his stern government so discontents the Gascons, as after three years suffering, they send the Archbishop of Bordeaux with other great men, to complain of his hard dealing, and accuse him of heinous crimes: their greevences are heard before the King and his council. Monfort is sent for over, to answer for himself, the Earl of Cornwall for his received wrong in those parts, and, the Lords of England for their love to him, take Monforts part; and that so eager, as the King comes about to favour and countenance the Gascons against Monfort; not for his love to them, but to awe, and abate the other. Whereupon Montfort enters into undutiful contestation with the King, upraydes him with his expenseful service: wherein, he says, he had utterly consumed his Estate: and how the King had broken his word with him: and requires him either to make it good, according to his Charter, or render him his expenses. The King in great rage told him, no promise was to be 
Monforts contestation with the K.  observed with an unworthy traitor: Wherewith Monfort ryses up protesting that he lied in that word, and were he not protected by his royal dignity, he would make him repent it. The King commands his servants to lay hold on him, which the Lords would not permit. Monfort thereupon, grew more audacious saying, who will believe you are a Christian? were you ever confessed? if you were, it was without repentance, and satisfaction. The King told him he never repent him of any thing so much, as to have permitted him to enter into this Kingdom, and to have honoured, and it stated him, as he had done.  
The Gascoignes, after this, are privately sent for by the king, who gives them all comfort, and encourages them against Monfort, whom yet he would again send over to his charge, but with clipped wings, whereby both himself and they might the better be revenged on him, and withal confirms the state of Gascoigne to his son Edward whom he promised them shortly to send over, wherewith they are much pleased, and after they had done their homage to the Prince, depart. The effect of this confused, and ill-packt 
Monfort returned to his charge.  business was such, as all indirect courses produce. Monfort returns in flames to plague the Gascoignes, and they in like manner him, but he by his great alliance in France draws together such a power, as beyond expectation, he over matches the Gascoigne whose Estates he exposes to spoil, and therewithal entertains his great collected army. They again send over their complaints, and unless they were speedily relieved, they of force must put their country into some other hand that would protect them.  
And in this state stood Gascoigne now at the time of this last Parliament, whither the King, upon this late supply granted (omitting his Eastern enterprise) goes with 
The K. goes over into Gasc. with 300. great ships.  300. Sail of great ships and lands at Bordeaux in August, Anno Reg. 38. having first deposed Simon M. from the government there, and makes void his Charter by Proclamation. Monfort retires from thence, and is offered entertainment by the French, but refuses it. Before Winter the King had in some fort appeased the Gascoignes, and taken in such Castles, as had long held out against him, and the late governor. For they having put themselves under the protection of the King of Spain; who being so 
Alliance with the King of Spain.  near a neighbour, and the discontents and factions of the country strong, caused the King of England with more haste, and care to look to his work, and the rather for that the King of Spain pretended title to Aquitaine; of whom, that King Henry might be the more secure, he sends to treat with him of a marriage betwixt Prince Edward, 
1254. Anno. Reg. 38.  and his Sister Elionor, whereunto the King of Spain willingly consents.  
The King of England keeps his Christmas at Bordeaux. The Queen sends him a newyears gift of 500 Marks, and the next Summer, with the Prince, goes over unto him. The marriage is solemnized at Burgos, where the king of Spain knights the Prince, 
Prince Ed. marries Elionor sister to the King of Spain.  and by his Charter quits his claim to Aquitaine, for him, and his successors for ever. The king of England investes the Prince, and his Wife therein, and beside gives unto him Ireland, Wales, Bristol, Stanford, and Grantham. This business dispatched, the king prepares to return, having consumed all whatsoever he could get in this journey, which, with the other two he had before made, was reckoned to have cost him 27. hundred thousand pounds, and was said to be more than all the Lands he had there (should they be sold) were worth, which, when he was told, he willed it might not be revealed in public to his disgrace.  
Now in regard of danger by sea he obtains leave of the King of France (lately returned 
King Henry comes to Paris with 1000 horse, is teasted by the K. of France.  from Captivity) to pass through his Country, and comes to Paris with a 1000 horse, besides Sumpters, and Carts, where he stays 8 days, is sumptuously feasted, and with as great magnificence feasts the King of France. This meeting, in regard of the two Queens, Sisters, and their other two Sisters the Countess of Cornwall, and Province (who were likewise afterward, Queens) was made the more triumphant, and splendidous. The King about Christmas arrives in England, and the first that paid for his coming home, were the Londoners, and the jews. The Londoners presenting him with 
He returns into England fines the Londoners.  100 pounds were returned without thanks: then being persuaded that plate would be better welcome, they bestow 200 pounds in a fair vessel: that had some thanks, but yet served not the turn. An offence is found, about the escaping of a prisoner for which they pay 3000 Marks. Now complains he of his debts, which he says to be 300 thousand Marks, and how his own means was diminished by the preferment of the Prince, who carried away 15 thousand Marks per annum, and money must be had howsoever. First he gins to serve his present turn with loans, and boroughs great sums of the Earl of Cornwall, upon pawn, & after the King had wrung what he could from the jews, he lets them out to farm to this rich Earl to make the best of them.  
Then a Parliament is called in Easter Term, which yields nothing but returns of 
1257. Anno. Reg. 41.  grievances, and complaints of breach of Charter, with requiting their former pretended rights in electing the justiciar, Chancellor and Treasurer. After much debate to no purpose, the Parliament is prorogued till Michaelmas after, when likewise the King's motion for money is disappointed, by reason of the absence of many Peers being not, as 
16. Parliament adjourned.  was alleged, summoned according to the Tenor of Magna Charta. New occasions of charge, and dislike arise. Thomas Earl of Savoy, the Queen's brother, hath wars with the City of Thuren, and must be supplied by the King, and Queen, and his brother Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury. The elect Bishop of Toledo brother to the King of Spain with other great men, come over, lie at the King's charge, and are presented with great gifts. Shortly after, Elionor the Prince's wife arrives with a multitude of Spaniards, and she must be met, and received by the Londoners in sumptuous manner; and her 
Pope Alexander 4.  people after many feastings returned home with presents. The Pope sends the Bishop of Bononia with a Ring of investiture, to Edmond the King's second son for the Kingdom of Sicily (with the hope of which Kingdom his Predicessor Innocent the 4 
Edmond the King's second son is promised the Kingdom of Sicily.  had before deluded the King himself) and he is returned with a great reward. Then comes Rustandus with power to collect the Tenth of England, Scotland and Ireland, to the use of the Pope and the King, and also to absolve him from his Oath for the Holy War: so that he would come to destroy Manfred son to the Emperot Frederick, now in possession of the Kingdom of Sicily and Apulia. And this man likewise hath great gifts bestowed on him, besides a rich prebend in York: but yet he obtained not, what he came for, of the Clergy, who protested rather to lose their lives and livings, then to yield either to the will of the Pope or the King, who they said, were as the Shepherd, and the Wolf combined to macerat the flock.  
The Pope sent likewise to borrow of the Earl of Cornwall 500 Marks, in regard of his nephews preferment to the Kingdom of Sicily, but the Earl refused it, saying, he would not lend his money to one on whom he could not distrain. So this project came to nothing, though all means were used to draw it on. News was spread that Manfreds' forces were urterly defeated, and himself either slain or taken prisoner: wherewith the King is so much joyed as he presently vows with all speed to make an expedition thither, and gives his son Edmond no other title but King of Sicily. This vain hope had already, by the cunning of the Popes enwrapped him in obligations, of a hundred and fifty thousand Marks. But shortly after this news proves false, and the contrary is notified. Manfred is victorious, and the Pope's power defeated by those of Apulia, who took such indignation that the Pope should give away their Country (without their consent) to an unknown Stranger, as with all their main power they join to establish Manfred, who is now found to be the legitimate son of Frederick, and confirmed in his right, which a strong sword will make howsoever.  
The King keeps his Christmas at Winchester, where the Merchants of Gascoigne 
The complaint of the Merchants of Gascoigne.  having their wines taken from them, by the King's Officers, without due satisfaction, complain to the Prince, being now their Lord, and show him, How they were better to trade with Saracens and Infidels then thus to be used here, as they were. The Prince addresses him to his father, and craves redress herein. but the Officers having been with 
An ill Office of Officers.  the K. before to prevent the clamours of the Gascoignes, and telling him, how they falsely exclaim, relying wholly upon the Prince's favour, who took upon him their unjust cause (and that there ought to be but one in England, to whom the ordering of justice appertained) put him into so great a rage with the Prince, as he breaks out into these words. See now my blood, and mine own bowels impugn me, behold my son, as my brother hath done, is bend to afflict me, the times of my grandfather Henry the second are again renewed, what will become of us? but this passion being allayed by Council, he dissembles the matter, and gives order that these injuries should be redressed. But yet the Prince for more caution, amplyfing his train road with 200 horse. So easily are jealousies, by evil Ministers infused into Kings, who are of themselves too apprehensive in that kind, being a thing that soon turns the blood.  
And now to add to the misery of these times, there are new mischiefs committed by the insolence of the Servants of the Prince, who being himself young, was attended by many youthful and violent spirits, many strangers, and men without means, who, wheresoever he went, made spoil, and took for their own, whatsoever 
Insolences committed by the Prince's servants.  they could fasten on, to the extreme vexation of the subject. And they report how this Prince meeting a young man travailing on the way caused one of his ears to be cut off, and one of his eyes put out: which foul act, made many to suspect his disposition, and what he would prove here after. And indeed, had he not been endued with an innated Nobleness of Nature (which, with his long experience in travail and great actions overcame the Vices, the looseness of the time, and his own breeding contracted) he might have proved as bad, as any other. For unless Princes of themselves, by instinction from above be not endued with a natural goodness, they shall gain little by their education, wherein they are rather showed what they are, than what they should be: and are apt to learn to know their greatness, than themselves: being ever soothed in all whatsoever they do.  
These youthful actions of this Prince, with his riotous train (which are said to be more ravenous, than those which Louis brought out of France with him) put out the Welsh (of whom he had now the government) into open act of rebellion, and to make spoil of the English, as his did of them: whereupon he craves means of his father, the Queen, and his Uncle Richard to suppress them. But all was vented already, the King's treasure was gone over the Alps, Earl Richard had lent more than he could get in, and the Earl of Savoy in his wars had spent that of the Queens.  
The King is still at his shifts to supply his everlasting necessities. Now he comes himself into his Exschequer, and, with his own voice pronounced That every Sheriff, which appeared not yearly in the Octaves of Saint Michael, with his money, as well of his Farms as amercements and other dues: for the first day should be amerced five Marks for the second, ten, for the third fifteen, for the fourth, to be redeemed at the King's pleasure. In like sort, that all Cities and Freedoms which answer by their Bailiffs, upon the same default should be amerced, and the fourth day to lose their freedoms. Besides every Sheriff, through out England is amerced in five Marks for that they did not distrain within their Counties upon whomsoever held 10 pound land per annum, and came not to be made knight, or freed by the King. Then falls he to the examination of measures for Wine and Ale, for Bushels and Weights, which likewise brought in some small thing, and every year commonly hath one quarrel or other to the Londoners, and gets some thing of them.  
But now there fell out 2 business that entertained some time, and gave occasion to amuse the world with conceits of some great advantage and honour to the Kingd. by the Election of Richard Earl of Cornwall to be King of Romans, which was (as our 
The Earl of Cornwall Elected King of the Romans.  Writers say) by the general consent of all the Electors, and by them is he sent for to receive that Crown: the matter is here debated in Council. Some, who thought his presence, necessary to sway businesses in the Kingdom, were unwilling, and dissuade him by example of the miserable destruction of two lately elected to that dignity, Henry the Landgrave of Turing, and William Earl of Holland: but others, and especially the King (who was willing to be rid of him, as one he had often found too great for a subject: and being a King abroad he might make use of him) persuades him to take it upon him, which he is easily (though seeming otherwise) induced to do.  
But the German Writers (who are best witnesses of their own affairs) declare how after the murder of the Earl of Holland, the Electors were divided about the choice of a successor. Some stiff to uphold their ancient Custom in Electing one of their own Country, which was more natural. Others, of a stranger, who might better support their declining State; which was more politic. Long were the conflicts of their councils: hereupon in the end, their voices who stood for strangers were most, but they likewise disagreed among themselves, some would have Richard, brother to the King of England, others Alphonsus King of Spain, both of them not only contending who should have it, but who should give most to buy it: in the end Richard being nearest at 
Richard Crowned at Aquisgrave.  hand, & his money the readier, is preferred by the Bishop of Metz, the Bishop of Cologne, and the Palsgrave, whose voices he is said to have bought, and afterward is crowned at Aquisgrane. Now to confirm himself, say they, in his State, he proceeds in all violent, and hostile manner (according as he was set on) against those who opposed his Election, and having consumed himself both by his excessive gifts, in purchasing the suffrages he had, and by this prosecution, he came to be dispossessed, forsaken, and forced to return into England to his brother Henry, then in war with his Nobles. Thus they deliver it.  
But before the Earl departed out of England, the Earl of Gloucester, and Sir john Mansel, were sent into Germany to sound their affections, and how they stood disposed towards him. They return well persuaded of the business, and shortly after the Archbishop of Cologne comes to conduct him over, on whom, the Earl bestows 500 Marks towards his charges, and a rich Mitre set with precious stones. This Prince the Earl of Cornwall is reported able to dispend 100 Marks a day for ten years, besides his revenues in England.  
The French, and especially the King of Spain are much displeased with this advancement, complaining to the Pope and the King of England of the supplantation of the Earl of Cornewal. Spain pretending to have been first elected, but being, it seems a Philosopher, and studious in the Mathematics (which he first reviude in Europe) he was drawing Lines, when he should have drawn out his purse, and so came prevented of his hopes.  
About the time of the departure of Earl Richard (in the jollity of the Kingdom 
1257. Anno. Reg. 41.  upon this new promotion, & to set forward another) the King calls a Parliament, wherein (bringing forth his son Edmond, clad in an Apulian habit) he uses these words: Behold my good Subjects, here my son Edmond whom God of his grace hath called to the dignity of regal excellency, how fitting and worthy is he the favour of you all, and how inhuman, and 
15. Parliament  tyrannous were he who (in so important a necessity) would deny him Council, and aid? And then shows them, how by the advice and benignity of the Pope, & the Church of England, he had for attaining the Kingdom of Sicily bound himself, under Covenant of losing his Kingdom of England, in the sum of 140 thousand Marks. Moreover, how he had obtained the Tenth of the Clergy, for 3 years to come, of all their benefices to be estimated according to the new rate, without deduction of expenses unless very necessary: besides their first fruits likewise for 3 years. Which declaration, how pleasing it 
52 thousand Marks, upon conditions promised by the Clergy.  was to the Clergy, may be judged by their former grudge. Notwithstanding, after they had made their pitiful excuses, in regard of their poverty, they promised upon the usual condition of Magna Charta etc. so often sworn, bought and redeemed, to give him 52 thousand Marks, but this satisfied him not.  
The next year after is another Parliament at London wherein, upon the Kings pressing 
1258. Anno. Reg. 42.  them again, for means to pay his debts to the Pope, the Lords tell him plainly: they will not yield to pay him any thing. And if unadvisedly he without their consents, and council bought the Kingdom of Sicily, and had been deceived, he should impute it to his own imbecility, & been instructed by the example of his provident brother, who, when the same Kingdom was offered unto him by Albert the Pope's Agent, absolutely refused it in regard it lay so far off; So many Nations between: the cavils of the Popes: the infidelity of the people: and the power of the pretender etc. Then repeat they their own grievances, the breach of his promises contemning both the keys of the Church, and the Charter he had solemnly sworn to observe: the insolence of his brethren, and other Strangers, against whom, by his order, no Writ was to pass out of the Chancery, for any cause what soever: How their pride was intolleable especially that of William de Valence, who, most reproachfully had given the lie to the Earl of Leicester, for which he could not be righted upon his complaint: How they abounded all in riches, and himself was so poor, as he could not repress the small forces of the Welsh that wasted his Country, but going the last year against them, and effecting nothing, returned with dishonour. The King hearing this (as he was apt upon rebukes sound urged to be sensible, and his own necessities constraining him thereunto) humbles himself, and tells them: how he had often by ill council been seduced, and promises by his oath, which he takes on the tomb of Saint Edward, to reform all these errors. But the Lords not knowing how to hold their ever-changing Proteus (saith Paris) in regard the business was difficult, get the Parliament to be adjourned till Saint Barnabas day, and then to assemble at Oxford. In the mean time the Earls Gloucester, Leicester, Hereford, the Earl marshal Bigod, Spencer and other great men confederate, and provide by strength to effect their desires. Whilst the King put to his shifts to obtain money, gets the Abbot of Westminster, upon promise of high preferment to put his Seal and that of his Covent to a deed obligatory, as a surety for three hundred Marks, that by his example he might draw on others to do the like. Sending his trusty Counsellors, and Clerk Simon Passeleve abroad with his Letters, and this Deed unto other Monasteries. But Passeleve, notwithstanding all the diligence and skill he could use, by threats or otherwise: telling them, how all they had came from the benignity of Kings, and how their Sovereign was Lord of all they had, they flatly refuse to yield to any such Deed. Saying, they acknowledged the King to be Lord of all they had, but so, as to defend, not to destroy the same. And thus he comes likewise disappointed in this project.  
The Prince, who likewise must participate in the wants of his father, was drivien 
Prince Edward mortgages Stamford, and other towns to William de Valence.  to mortgage the Town of Stamford, Braham and many other things, to William de Valence, who out of his store, supplied him with money, which after turned to the good of neither, for it laid a recentement on the necessity of the one, which made him break through his bands, and Envy on the other whose superfluity made him odious.  
But now comes assembled the Parliament at Oxford, and in a hot season (the worst time for consultation) and here burst out that great impostume of discontent so long in gathering. The train which the Lords brought with them, was pretended to be for some exploit against the Welsh, upon the end of the Parliament: and their securing the ports, to prevent foreigners, but the taking order for keeping of the Gates of London, and their Oaths and Hands given to each other, showed that they were prepared to make the day theirs. Here they begin with the expostulation of the former Liberties, and require the observation thereof according unto the Oaths, 
The Barons expostulate for their former Liberties.  and Orders formerly made. The Chief justiciar, Chancellor, and Treasurer to be ordained by public choice: The 24 conservators, of the Kingdom to be confirmed, 12 by the Election of the Lords, and 12 by the King, with whatsoever else made for their own imagined security. The King seeing their strength, and in what manner they required these things, swears again solemnly to the confirmation of them, and causes the Prince to take the same Oath.  
But the Lords left not here, the King's brethren, the Poictouines and other Strangers must be presently removed, and the Kingdom cleared of them, and this they would have all the Peers of the Land sworn to see done. Hear they found some opposition in the Prince, the Earl Warrein and Henry eldest son to Richard now King of Romans, the last refusing to take his Oath without leave of his father; they plainly 
Cron. Lichfield, Henry eldest son to the King of Romans refuseth to take his Oath.  told him that if his father would not consent with the Baronage in this case, he should not bold a Furrow of Land in England. In the end, the King's brethren and their followers are despoiled of all their fortunes, and exiled by proscription under the Kings own hand directed to the Earls of Hereford, and Surrey, with charge not to pass either their Money, Arms, or Ornaments but in such sort as the Lords appointed: and after their departure, 
Claus 49.  he enjoineth the City of Bristol, and other ports not to permit any strangers or 
Hen. 3.  kinsmen of his to arrive, unless they did so behave themselves, as both he and the Lords should like.  
The Poictouines retiring to Bolongne in France, send to King Louis to crave safe passage 
Mat. Par.  through his Country into Poictou, which (in regard the Queen of France had been informed how they had defamed her Sister of England) was, by her means denied at that time, and Henry son to the Earl of Leicester (whose estimation was great in France) follows them with all eagerness thither, to incense the French against them. And as they whom Envy tumbles down from high places, shall be sure ever to have all the thrusts possible to set them headlong into disgrace with the world, so now the death and sickness of diverse great men and others, happening in England soon after this fatal Parliament, is imputed to poisons supposed to have been prepared by those Gentlemen. The Earl of Gloucester in a sickness suddenly lost his hair, his teeth, his nails: And his brother hardly escaped death, which made many to suspect their nearest servants and their Cooks. Walter Scotny the Earl's Steward being one, is strictly examined, committed to prison, and after without confession executed (upon presumptions) at Winchester. Elias a converted jew, is said to have confessed, that in his house the poison was confected, but it was when he was a Devil, not a Christian. Any thing in the prosecution of malice serves the turn. Every man that had received any wrong by those great men, now put up their complaints, and are heard to the agravation of their insolence and injustice. Guido de Rochfort a Poictovin; to whom the King had given the Castle of Rochester, is banished, and all his goods confiscate. William Bussey Steward to William de Valence is committed to the Tower of London, & most reproachfully used, as an especial minister of his masters insolences. Richard Grace whom the Lords had made Captain of the Castle of Dover, is set to intercept whatsoever the Poictouines conveyed that way out of England, and much treasure of theirs, and the elect of Winchester is by him there taken: besides great sums committed to the new Temple are found out, and seized into the king's hands. And as usually in such heats much wrong is committed in these prosecutions of wrongs. But now (as an amuzatory to make the ill governed people think they are not forgotten) the new chief justiciar Hugh Bigod brother to the Earl marshal (chosen this last Parliament by public voice) procures that four Knights in every shire should inquire of the oppressions of the poor done by great men, & under their hands, and seals certify the same, by a certain day to the Baronage, that redress might be made. Moreover, order was taken that from thence forth, no man should give any thing (besides provisions) for justice, or to hinder the same, and both the corrupter and corrupted to be grievously punished. Notwithstanding this pretended care of the public it is noted by the writers and records of that time, how the Lords enforced the services of the King's tenants which dwelled near them, and were totidem tyranni: how they furnished the especial fortresses of the kingdom with 
Regist. in Scace. William Rishangar.  Guardians of their own, sworn to the Common state, and took the like assurance of all Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Coroners, & other public ministers, searching the behaviour of many by strict commission upon oath. And to make their cause the more popular, it was rumoured that the King's necessity must be repaired out of the Estates of his people, and how he must not want whilst they had it, whereupon the King sends forth proclamation: How certain malicious persons had falsely and seditionsly reported, that he meant unlawfully to charge his Subjects, and subvert the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, and by these subtle suggestions altogether false, averted the hearts of his people from him; and therefore desires them not to give credit to such perturbers, for that he was ready to defend all Rights an Customs due unto them, and that they might rest of this secured, he caused of his free-will his letters to be made Patents.  
But now Monfort, Gloucester and Spencer, who had by the late institution of the 24 Conservators, drawn the entire managing of the Kingdom into their hands, enforce 
1258. Anno. Reg. 42.  the King to call the Parliament at London, where the Authority of the 24 is delivered unto themselves, and order taken that three at the least, should attend in the Court, to dispose of the custody of Castles, and other businesses of the Kingdom, of the 
18. Parliament at London. Ordinat. inter Record. Civil. Lond.  Chancellor, Chief justiciar, and Treasurer, and of all Officers great and small. And here they bind the King to lose to them their Legal obedience whensoever he infringed his Charter.  
In this State stood the Kingdom, when intelligence was given to the Lords that 
Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere, & ad gravamen nostrum open & operam dare, ac si nobis in nullo tenerentur Chart. Orig. sub Sigillo.  Richard King of Romans had a purpose to come over into England, which made them greatly to suspect (being ignorant of the occasion) lest he were sent for by the King to come with power to subvert them, by the example of King john. Whereupon they send to know the cause of his coming, and to require of him an Oath before he should land, not to prejudice the now established orders of the Kingdom: which he sternly refuses to do, saying: He had no Peer in England, being the son and brother of a King, and was above their power: and if they would have reform the Kingdom, they ought first to have sent for him, and not so presumptuously attempted a business of so high a Nature. The Lords upon return of this answer sends presently to guard the Ports, and come strongly to the Coast, prepared to encounter him if occasion were offered. But finding 
The Lords require an oath of him.  his train small, accompanied only with his Queen, two Germane Earls, and eight Knights, they upon his promise to take their propounded oath receive him to land: but would neither permit the King (who came thither likewise to meet him) nor himself to enter into Dover Castle. At Canterbury they bring him into the Chapter house, where the Earl of Gloucester standing forth in the midst, calls out the Earl, not by the name of King, but Richard Earl of Cornwall, who in reverend manner coming forth, takes his Oath ministered in this manner.  
Hear all men, that I Kichard Earl of Cornwall do here swear upon the Holy Evangelists 
The Oath of the King of Romans.  that I shall be faithful, and diligent to reform with you the Kingdom of England, hitherto by the Council of wicked persons overmuch disorded, be an effectual coadjutor to expel the rebels and disturbers of the same, and this Oath will inviolably observe under pain of losing all the Land I have in England: so help me God.  
In this manner deal the Lords to bind this great Earl unto them, supposing his power to have been more than it was, which at length they found to be nothing but an Airy Title: for having consumed all that mighty substance abroad, in two years (which with great frugality, had been many in gathering) he returns in this manner home, poor and forsaken by the Germans, without any other means to trust unto, but only what he had in England.  
Notwithstanding upon his return the King takes heart, and seeks all means to vindicate his power, dispatching first messengers secretly to Rome, to be absolved from 
1259. Anno. Reg. 44.  his enforced Oath, then sends into Scotland to the King, and the Queen his daughter for aids to be ready upon his occasions. And to have the more assurance of the King of France, and be freed from foreign business, he makes an absolute resignation of whatsoever right he had to the Duchy of Normandy, and the Earldoms of Anjou, 
King Henry resigns his right to Normandy, etc.  Poictou, Tourene, and Maine, in regard whereof the King of France gives him three hundred thousand pounds (some say crowns) of Aniovine money, and grants him to enjoy all Given beyond the river Garoune, all the Country of Xantonge to the river of 
1261. An. Reg. 45.  Charentè, the Countries of Limosin, and Quercy for him and his successors, doing their Homage, and Fealty to the Crown of France, as a Duke of Aquitaine, and a Peer of that kingdom,  
The Lords likewise on the other side seek to strengthen their association, and hold in each other to their Oaths, and observation of their orders, which was hard to do: for consisting of manifold dispositions there was daily wavering, sometimes Pikes among themselves, in so much as the Earl of Leicester (the chief man that kept the fire of that saction in) told the Earl of Gloucester finding him staggering, that he cared not to live with such men, whom he found so mutable and uncertain, for said he, my Lord of Gloucester, 
The Lords combine against the K.  as you are more eminent, so are you more bound to what you have undertaken for the good of the kingdom. And as he incensed others, so had he those that animated him, as Walter Bishop of Worcester, and Kobert, Bishop of Lincoln who enjoined him upon remission 
W. Rishenger.  of his sins to prosecute the cause unto death, affirming how the peace of the Church of England could never be established but by the material, sword.  
But now many being the temptations, many are drawn away from their side, especially after the sentence given against them by the King of France (made Arbitor of the quarrel) who yet though he condemned the provisions of Oxford, allowed the 
1262. An. Reg. 46.  confirmation of King john's Charter, by which distinction he left the matter as he found it, for those provisions (as the Lords pretended) were grounded upon that Charter. Howsoever, his sentence much advantaged the King of England, & made many to dispense with their Oath, and leave their party. Amongst whom was Henry Son to the Earl of Cornwall (on whom the Prince had bestowed the Honour of Tyckhill) who coming to the Earl of Leicester told him, he would not be against his Father, the King, nor his allies: but said he, my Lord, I will never bear Arms against you, and 
1263. Anno. Reg. 47.  therefore I crave leave to departed. The Earl cheerfully replies: my Lord Henry, I am not sorry for your departure, but for your inconstancy, go, return with your arms, I fear them not at all. About the same time Roger de Clifford, Roger de Leiborn, Hamo I Strange, and many other (won with gifts) depart from the Barons.  
Shortly after Roger de Mortimer of the King's part breaks into open act of hostility, makes spoil of the lands of the Earl of Leicester, who had now combined himself with Llewellin Prince of Wales, and had sent forces to invade the lands of Mortimer in 
The beginning of the wars.  those parts. And here the sword is first drawn in this quarrel, about three years after the Parliament at Oxford. The Prince takes part with Mortimer, surprises the Castle of Brecknock with other places of strength which he delivers to his custody. The Earl of Leicester, recovers the town and Castle of Gloucester, constrains the Citizens to pay a thousand pounds for their redemption, goes with an Army to Worcester possesses him of the Castle, thence to Shrewsbury and so comes about to the Isle of Ely, subdues the same, and grows very powerful.  
The King, doubting his approach to London (being not yet ready for him) works so as a mediation of peace is made and agreed upon these conditions. That all the Castles 
1264. Anno. Reg. 48.  of the King should be delivered the keeping of the Barons, the Provisions of Oxford should be inviolably observed. All strangers by a certain time should avoid the Kingdom, except such as by a general consent should be held faithful, and profitable for the same. Here was a little pause, which seems was but a breathing for a greater rage. The Prince had fortified Windsor Castle, victualled, and therein placed strangers to defend it, and himself marches to the town of Bristol, where, in a contention between the Citizens, and his people being put to the worse, he seends for the Bishop of Worcester (an especial partaker of the Barons) to protect, & conduct him back. When he comes near Windsor, he gets into the Castle which the Earl of Leicester was going to besiege, & being about Kingston, the Prince meets him to treat of peace, which the Earl refuses and lays siege to the Castle which was rendered unto him, the strangers turned out & sent home into France,  
The King to get time convokes another Parliament at London, wherein he won many Lords to take his part, & with them (the Prince, Richard Earl of Cornwall, Henry 
19 Parliament held at London.  his son, William Valence with the rest of his brethren lately returned) he marches to Oxford whither diverse Lords of Scotland repair to him: as john Coming, john Balliol, Lord of Galloway, Robert Bruce, and others, with many Barons of the North, Clifford, Percy, 
Scottish Lords come to aid the King of England.  Basset, etc. From Oxford withal his forces he marches to Northampton, where he took prisoners, Simon Monfort the younger, with 14. other principal men, thence to Nottingham making spoil of such possessions, as appertained to the Barons in those parts.  
The Earl of Leicester in the mean time, draws towards London to recover and make good that part, as of chiefest importance, and seeks to secure Kent with the Ports. Which hastes the King to stop his proceeding, & secure the Castle of Rochester besieged.  
Success, and authority now grows strong on this side, in so much as the Earls of Leicester, and Gloucester in behalf of themselves, and their party write to the King, humbly protesting their loyalty, and how they opposed only against such as were enemies to him and the Kingdom, and had belied them. The King returns answer, how themselves were the perturbers of him and his siate: enemies to his person, and sought his and the kingdoms destruction, and therefore defies them. The Prince, and the Earl of Cornwall send like wise 
The Barons mediate a peace.  their letters of defiance unto them. The Barons notwithstanding doubtful of their strength, or unwilling to put it to the hazard of a Battle, mediate a peace, & send the Bishops of London, and Worcester with an offer of 30 thousand Marks to the King, for damages done in these wars, So that the statutes of Oxford might be observed: which yeeldingnes, the other side supposing to argue their debility, made them the more neglective, and securer of their power, which commonly brings the weaker side (more watchful of advantages) to have the better.  
The Earl, seeing no other means but to put it to a day (being a man skilful in his work) takes his time to be earlier ready than was expected, and supplies his want of hands with his wit, placing on the side of a hill near Lewis, where this battle was 
The battle of Lewis.  fought, certain ensigns without men in such sort, as they might seem a far of to be squadrons of succours, to second those he brought to the encounter, whom he caused all to wear white-crosses, both for their own notice, and the signification of his cause, which he would have to be for justice. Here the fortune of the day was his, the King, the Prince, the Earl of Cornwall and his son Henry, the Earls of Arundel, Hereford, and all the Scottish Lords are his prisoners. The Earl Warrein, William de Valence, Guy 
The K. Prince and others taken prisoners.  the Lusignian the King's brethren, with Hugh Bigod Earl marshal save themselves by flight. Five thousand are slain in this defeit, which yet was not all the blood, and destruction this business cost.  
All this year, and half of the other, is Simon Monfort in possession of his prisoners: the King he carries about with him to countenance his actions, till he had gotten in all 
1265. An. Reg. 46.  the strongest Castles of the Kingdom. And now (as it usually falls out in considerations where all must be pleased or else the knot will dissolve) debate arises between the Earls of Leicester, & Gloucester about their dividend, according to their agreement. Leicester (as fortune makes men to forget themselves) is taxed to do more for his own particular, than the common good: to take to himself the benefit and disposition of the King's 
Monsort taxed of wrong.  Castles: to usurp the redemption of prisoners at his pleasure: to prolong the business, and not to use the means of a parliament to end it. His Sons also presuming upon his greatness 
The Earl of Gloucester leaves him.  grow insolent, which made Gloucester to forsake that side, & betake him to the Prince, who lately escaping out of the Castle of Hereford, had gotten, a power about him of such as attended the opportunity of a turning fortune, and to revenge the dishonour of one Battle by another.  
The revolt of this Earl brought many hands to the Prince, whereby many pieces of strength are regained both in England and Wales, The Earl of Leicester to stop the proceeding of this mighty growing Prince (being now with his Army about Worcester) imbattailes in a plain near Euesham to encounter him: and noting the manner of the approach of his Army, said to those about him: these men come bravely on, they learned it not of themselves, but of me. And seeing himself likely to be beset, and over-laid with numbers, advised his friends Hugh Spencer, Ralph Basser, and others to shift for themselves, which when he saw they refused to do: then said he, let us commit our souls to God, for our bodies 
The Earl Monsort slain.  are theirs, and so undertaking the main weight of the Battle, perished under it. And with him are slain his Son Henry, eleven other Barons with many thousands of common soldiers. At the instant of his death, there happened so terrible a thunder, lightning, and darkness, as it gave them as much horror as their hideous work.  
And so ends Monfort this great Earl of Leicester, too great for a subject, which had he not been, he might have been numbered amongst the worthiest of his time. Howsoever, the people which honoured, and followed him in his life, would (upon the fame of his miracles) have worshipped him for a Saint after his death, but it would not be permitted by Kings.  
And here this Battle delivers the Captive King, (but yet with the loss of some of his own as well as his subjects blood, by a wound casually received therein) and rid him of his jailor Monfort, whom he hated & had long feared more than any man living, as himself confessed upon this accident: passing one day (shortly after the Parliament at Oxford) upon Thames, there happened a sudden clap of thunder, wherewith the King was much affrighted and willed presently to be set on shore at the next landing, 
1266. Anno. Reg. 50.  which was at Duresme house, where Monfort then lay, who seeing the King arriving hastes down to meet him, and perceiving him to be troubled at the storm, said, that he needed not now to fear, the danger was passed. No, Monfort, said the King, I fear thee, more than I do all the Thunder and tempest of the World. And now the King with the victorious Prince, the redeemer of him, and the Kingdom, repairs to Winchester, 
18 Parliament held at Winchester.  where a Parliament is convoked, and all who adhered to Simon Monfort, are disinherited, and their estates conferred on others, at the King's pleasure. The Londoners have their liberties taken from them, Simon and Guy de Monfort, Sons of the Earl of Leicester, with the disinherited Barons and others who escaped the Battle of Euesham 
All who took part with Monfort disinherited.  take, and defend the Isle of Ely. The Castle of Killing worth defended by the servants of the late Earl, although it were in the heart of the Kingdom, endured the Siege of half a year against the King and his Army: in the end their victuals failing they yield upon condition to departed, their lives, members, and goods saved. And it is worthy the note that we find no exccution of blood, except in open Battle, in all these combustions, or any noble man to die on a Scaffold, either in this King's reign, or any other since William the first, which is now almost 300 years. Only in Anno 26. of this King, William Marisc, the Son of Geffrey Marsc a Nobleman of Ireland, being condcmned of piracy, and treason was hanged, beheaded, and quartered: and is the first example of that kind of punishment we find in our Histories.  
After the Parliament at Winchester the King goes with an army against the disinherited Barons, and their partakers, which were many resolute, and desperate persons strongly fastened together. And being at Northampton, Simon and Guy de Monfort, by mediation of friends, and promises of favour came in and submitted themselves to the King, who, at the earnest suit of the Earl of Cornwall their Uncle and the Lord Philip Basset, had restored them to their Estates, but for Gloucester, and others who (doubting their spirits) wrought to hold them down where their fortune had laid them. In so much as they were feign in the end to fly the Kingdom, and work their fortunes other where, which they did, the younger in Italy, the Elder in France: where they were propagators of two great Famelies. Their mother was banished shortly after the battle of Euesham. A Lady of eminent note, the daughter and sister to a King, nocent only by her fortune, who from the Coronet of miserable glory, betook her to the vail of quiet piety, and died a Nun at Montarges in France.  
Three years after this, the disinherited Barons held out in those fastnesses of the Kingdom where they could best defend themselves, made many excursions, and spoils 
Motions of peace made to the disinherited Lords.  to the great charge and vexation of the King, at length motions, and conditions of render are proposed, wherein the Council are divided. Mortimer now an eminent man in grace, with others stated in the possessions of the disinhereted, are avers to any restoration, alleging it a great act of injustice, for them to be forced to forego what the King 
1267. Anno. Reg. 51.  had for their pains, and fidelity bestowed on them, and the others justly forfeited, and therefore would hold what they had. Gloucester with the 12. ordained to deal for the peace of the state, and other his friends which were many, stand mainly for restoration. This caused new pikes of displeasure, in so much as Gloucester, who, conceiving his turning, not so to serve his turn, as he expected, taking his time, again changed foot: retires from the Court, refuses to come to the King's Fcast on Saint Edward's day: sends messengers 
The Earl of Glocest. revolt●  to warn the King, to remove strangers from his Council, and observe the provisions of Oxford, according to his last promise made at Euesham; otherwise that he should not marvel, if himself did what he thought fit. Thus had victory no peace, the distemperature of the time was such, as no sword could cure it: recourse is had to Parliament (the best way if any would serve, for remedy) and at Bury is the state convoked, where likewise all who 
19 Parliament  held by Knights service are summoned to assemble, with sufficient horse and armour for the vanquishing of those disherited persons, which, contrary to the peace of the Kingdom held the Isle of Ely.  
john de Warreine Earl of Surrey, and William de Valentia, are sent to persuade the Earl of Gloucester (who had now levied an army upon the borders of Wales) to come, in fair manner to this Parliament, which he refuses to do, but yet thus much the Earls had of him under his hand, and seal: never to bear arms against the King, or his Son Edward, but to defend himself, and pursue Roger Mortimer, and other his enemies, for which he pretended to have taken arms. The first demand in the Parliament was made by the King and the Legate; for a grant of a Tenth of the Clergy for three years to come, and for the year past, so much as they gave to the Barons for defending the Coasts against the landing of strangers. Whereto they answer, that the war was begun by unjust desires, which yet continues, and necessary it were to let pass so evil demands, and to treat of the peace of the Kingdom; to convert the Parliament to the benefit thereof, and not to extort money, considering the land had been so much destroyed by this war, as it could hardly be ever recovered. 2. Then was it required, that the Clergy might be taxed by lay men, according to the just value of what appertained unto them. They answer: it was no reason, but against all justice, that Lay men should inter meddle in collecting Tenths, which they would never consent unto, but would have the ancient taxation to stand. 3. Then was it required, they should give the Tenth of their Baronies and Lay Fee, according to the utmost value. They answer: themselves were impourished by attending the King in his expeditions, and their lands lay untilld by reason of the wars.  
4. Then it was required, that the Clergy should in am of a Tenth, give amongst them 30. thousand Marks to discharge the King's debts contracted for Sicilia, Calabria, and Apulia, They answer; they would give nothing in regard all those taxations, and extortions formerly made by the King were never converted to his own, or the benefit of the Kingdom. 5. All this being denied, demand is made, that all Clergy men that held Baronies, or other Lay Fee should personally serve in the King's wars. They answer, they were not to fight with the material, but the spiritual sword, etc. that their Baronies were given of mere alms, etc. 6. Then was it required, the whole Clergy should discharge the 9000. pounds, which the Bishops of Rochester, Bath, and the Abbot of westminster stood bound to the Pope's Merchants for the King's service at their being at the Court of Rome. They answer: they never consented to any such lone, and therefore were not bound to discharge it. 7. Then the Legate, from the part of the Pope required, that without delay predication should be made throughout the kingdom to incite men to take the Cross for the Holy war, whereunto answer was made, that the greatest part of the people of the Land were already consumed, by the sword, and that if they should undertake this action, few or none would be left to defend the Kingdom, and that the Legate hereby showed a desire to extirpate the natives thereof and introduce strangers. 8. Lastly it was urged, that the Prelates were bound to yield to all the King's demands by their oath at Coventrie; where they swore to aid him by all means possible they could. They answer, that when they took that oath, they understood no other aid, then spiritual, and wholesome council, So nothing was obtained but denials in this Parliament.  
The Legate, likewise employs solicitors to persuade the disherited LL. which held the Isle of Ely, to return to the faith, and unity of the Church, the peace of the King, according to the form provided at Coventry, for redeeming their inheritances from such as held them by gift from the King for 7. years profits, and to leave of their robberies. The disherited return answer to the Legat. First, that they held the faith, they received from their Catholic Fathers, and their obedience to the Roman Church, as the head of all Christianity; but not to the avarice and wilful exaction of those who ought to govern the same. And how (their Predecessors whose heirs they were, having conquered this land by the sword) they held themselves unjustly disherited. that it was against the Pope's Mandate, they should be so dealt withal.  
That they had formerly taken their Oath to defend the Kingdom and Holy Church, all the Prelates thundering the sentence of excommunication against such as withstood the same and according to that Oath they were prepared to spend their lives. And seeing they warred for the benefit of the Kingdom, and Holy Church, they were to sustain their lives by the goods of their Enemies, who detained their Lands, which the Legate ought to cause to be restored unto them, that they might not be driven to make depradation in that manner, which yet was not so great as was reported: for that many of the Kings and Princes followers made roads, and committed great robberies which, to make them odious, were imputed, and given out to be done by them, wherefore they wish the Legate to give no credit to such reports: for if they should find any such amongst them, they would themselves do justice upon them without delay.  
Besides they declare to the Legate, that he had irreverently ejected out of the Kingdom the Bishops, of Winchester, London and Chichester, men circumspect and of deep judgement, whereby the Council of the Kingdom was in great part weakened to the danger thereof, and therefore willed him to look to the reformation of the same: and that they might be restored to their Lands without redemption. That the proutsions of Oxford might be observed. That they might have Hostages delivered them into the Island to hold the same peaceably for five years to come, until they might perceive how the King would perform his promises.  
Thus they treat, not like men whom their fortunes had laid on the ground, but as they had been still standing: so much wrought either the opinion of their cause, or the hope of their party. But this stubborness so exasperates the King as the next year following, he prepares a mighty Army, besets the Isle so that he shuts them up, and Prince Edward, with bridges made on Boats enters the same in divers places, and constrains them to yield. In the mean time the Earl of Gloucester, with his army collected on the borders of Wales to aid them, marched to London where, by the Citizens he was received: but the Legate who kept his residence in the Tower so prevailed 
The Earl of Gloucester reconciled.  with him, as he again renders himself to the King to whom he was afterward reconciled, by the mediation of the King of Romans, and the Lord Philip Basset upon forfeiture of twelve thousand Marks, if ever after he should raise any commotion.  
This effected, the King goes with an Army into Wales, against Lewellin, for aiding Simon Monfort and the Earl of Gloucester, in their late attempts against him, but his wrath being by the gift of 32 thousand pounds sterling, appeased, peace is concluded betwixt them, and four canters, which had by right of war, been taken from him, restored.  
And here was an end of the first Barons Wars of England, wherein we see what effects it wrought, how no side got but misery and vexation, whilst the one struggled to do more than it should, and the other to do less than it ought, they both had the worst, according to the usual events of such imbroylements.  
The next year after this appeasement, the Legate Ottobon signs with the 
1269. Anno. Reg. 53.  Croissado both the King's sons Edward, and Edmond, the Earl of Gloucester, and divers Noblemen induced to undertake the Holy War by the solicitation of him: and the King of France, who notwithstanding his former calamities endured in that action, would again adventure therein. So much either the desire of revenge, with the 
Prince Edw. his brother and others undertake the Holy War.  recovery of his fame and honour, or the hope of enjoying another World provoked him to forego this, and haste to his final destruction. And for that Prince Edward wanted means for his present furnishment, this King of France lent him 30 thousand Marks, for which he mortgaged unto him Gascoigny. An act, which subtler times would interpret to be rather of Policy than Piety, in this King to engage in such manner, and upon so especial a caution, a young stirring Prince, likely in his absence to embroil his Estate at home, and to draw him along in the same adventure with himself, without any desire otherwise, either of his company or aid; considering the inconveniences that stung these several Nations heretofore by their incompetability, in the same action: but here it were sin to think they disguised their ends, or had other coverings for their designs then those through which they were seen; their spirits seem to have been warmed with a Nobler flame.  
And now whilst this preparation is in hand, King Henry labours to establish the Peace of the Kingdom, and reform those excesses the war had bred, causing by 
21 Parliament at Marleborough.  proclamation stealth of Cattle to be made a crime Capital, and the first that suffered for the same was one of Dunstable who had stolen twelve Oxen from the inhabitants of Colne, and being pursued to Redburne was by the Bailiff of Saint Alban's (according to the King's Proclamation condemned and beheaded. And the same year the King assembles his last Parliament at Marleborugh where the Statutes of that Title were enacted.  
Near two years it seems to have been after the undertaking the Cross before 
1271. Anno. Reg. 55.  Prince Edward set forth, a time long enough (if those resolutions would have been shaken) to have bred an alteration of desire, but so strong was the current of this humour as no worldly respects could give any the least stoppage thereunto. Otherwise a Prince so well acquainted with action, so well understanding the world, so forward in years (being then 32) so near the possession of a Kingdom, would not have left it, and an aged father broken with days and travail to have betaken himself (with his dear and tender consort Elionor and as it seems then young with child) to a voyage that could promise nothing but danger, toil, misery, and affliction. So powerful are the operations of the mind, as they make men neglect the ease of their bodies, especially in times not dissolved with those softenings of Luxury and Idleness which unmannes them. And we cannot but admire the undauntable constancy of this Prince, whom all the sad examples of others calamities (crossing even the beginning of this action) could not deter from proceeding therein. For, first the King of France who with two of his sons, the King of Navarre and a mighty Army, being set out before, and by the way besieging the City of Tunis in Africa (possessed then by the Sarazines that infested Christendom) perished miserably by the Pestilence that raged in his Army, and with him one of his sons and many of his Nobles, whereby all their enterprise was dashed and utterly overthrown. Besides, Charles King of Sicily, brother to this King of France, who likewise came to aid him, returning home, lost the greatest part of his Navy by tempest. Moreover many of this Princes own people were desirous to leave him and return home. Whereupon he is said to have stricken his breast, and sworn: that if all his followers 
The resolution of Prince Edmond.  forsook him, he would yet enter Tolemais or Acon, though but only with his Horse-keeper Fowin. By which speech they were again incensed to proceed: but yet his Cousin Henry son to the King of Romans, obtains leave of him to departed, and was set on shore in Italy: where, notwithstanding he found what he sought to avoid, Death; and was slain in the Church at Viterbo (being at divine service) by his own Cousin German Guy de Monfort (son to Simon late Earl of Leicester) in revenge of his father's death. The news of which unnatural murder seems to hasten the 
1274. Anno. Reg. 57  end of Richard King of Romans, who died shortly after, and the next year following, finished likewise Henry the 3 of England his act, in the 65 of his age having reigned 56 years, and 20 days. A time that hath held us long, & taken up more than a tenth part from the Norman Invasion to this present: and yielded notes of great variety with many examples of a crazy, and diseased State, bred both by the inequality, of this Prince's manners, and the impatience of a stubborn Nobility.  
He had by his wife Elionor six sons, whereof only two survived him, Edward and Edmond: 
His issue.  and two daughters, which lived to be married, Margueret the eldest to Alexander King of Scots. Beatrice the other to john the first entitled Duke of Britain.  
Hear endeth the Life, and Reign of Henry the third.   

The Life, and Reign, of Edward the first.  
Upon the death of Henry, the State assembles at the new Temple, and 
1272. Anno. Reg. 1.  proclaims his son Edward King, though they knew not whether he were living, swears fealty unto him: causes a new Seal to be made: and appoints fit ministers for the custody of his Treasure, and his Peace, whilst himself remains in Palestine, where by an Assasin (making show of delivering letters) he receives three dangerous wounds with a poisoned knife, whereof he was hardly recured. After three years travel, from the time of his setting forth, and many conflicts without any great effect, disappointed of his aids, and his ends, he leaves Acon (which he went to relieve) well fortified, and manned: returns homeward, lands in Sicily, is royally feasted by Charles the King thereof: passes through Italy, with all the honour could be showed him, both by the Pope, and the Princes there. Thence descends into Burgogne; where at the foot of the Alps, he is met by many of the Nobility of England, and there challenged by the Earl of Chabloun (a fierce man at Arms) to a Turneament: Wherein again he hazards his person to show his valour, which may seem to be more than became his Estate, and dignity. From thence he comes down into France, where he is sumptuously entertained, and feasted by Philip 3. (surnamed the Hardy) to whom he doth homage for all the Territories he held of that Crown.  
Thence he departs into Aquitaine, where he spent much time in settling his affairs. 
His Coronation.  And after six years, from his first setting out, he returns into England: Receives the Crown (without which he had been a King almost three years) at the hands of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury in Septemb. 1275. And with him is Elionor his 
Reg. 3 An. 1274.  Queen likewise Crowned at Westminster. Alexander King of Scots, and john Duke of Britain, (who both had married his Sisters) being present at the Solemnity.  
The spirit and abilities of this Prince showed in the beginning of his Actions under his Father, after the great Defeit he gave the Barons at Euesham: The prosecution of the disherited Mutineers of the Kingdom: The exposition of his Person to all hazards, and travail: His single Combat with Adam Gordun the Outlaw near Farnham: His great adventure and Attempts in the East: And finally his long experience in the affairs of the World, with his Maturity of years (being about 35. before he came to the Crown) might well presage what an able Master he would prove in the manage thereof. And how (by these advantages of Opinion, and Reputation) he was likely (as he did) to make a higher Improvement of the Royalty; havingwonne, or worn out, the greatest of those who heretofore opposed the same. In so much as he seems the first Conqueror, after the Conqueror that got the Domination of this State in that eminent manner, as by his government appears,  
And even at his first Parliament, held shortly after his Coronation at Westminster, he 
Quintam Decimam omnium bonorum Temporalium tam Clericorum, quam Laicorum in audito more ad unguem taxatam Rex iusserat confiscari Mat. West  made trial of their patience, and had the Fifteenth of all their goods (Clergy and Lay) granted unto him, without any Noise as we hear off. The Clergy having yielded before a Tenth for two years to be paid to him, & his brother Edmond toward the charge of the Holy War. But yet all this could not divert the Designs he had to abate the power Ecclesiastical, which by experience of former times, he found to be a part grown to strong for the Sovereignty, whensoever they combined with the Lay Nobility: and therefore now at first (whilst he was in the exaltation both of opinion and estimation with the World) he began to set upon their privileges. And in Anno Reg. 6. (to extend saith the Monkish History, the Royal Authority) he deprived many famous Monasteries throughout England of their Liberties, and took 
His proceeding against the Clergy  from the Abbot, and Covent of Westminster the Return of writs granted them by the Charter of his Father King Henry 3. The next year after he got to be enacted the Statute of Mortmain, to hinder the increase of their temporal possessions (which made them so powerful) as being detrimental to the Kingdom, and the Military service of the same. In the Second Statute of Weminster, he defalked the jurisdiction of Ecclesiastical judges. He left not here, but afterward growing more upon them, he required the Moiety of all their goods, as well Temporal, as Spiritual for one year: which (though it put them into extreme perplexity and grief) they yet were feign to yield to his demand. And at the first propounding thereof, one Sir john Hauering Knight stands up amongst them, as they were assembled in the refectory of the Monks at Westminster (and said) Reverend Fathers, if any here will contradict 
Mat. West.  the King's demand in this business, let him stand out in the midst of the Assembly, that his person may be known, and seen, as one guilty of the King's peace. At which speech they all sat mute. So much were the times altered since the late reign of the father, wherein such a business could not have so passed. But now this Active King being come home, and having composed his affairs abroad, must needs be working, both to satisfy his own desire in amplifying his power, and entertaining his people in those times incompatible of rest; and therefore some action must be taken in hand.  
Wales, that lay nearest the danger of a superior Prince, and had ever struggled for 
An occasion taken for subduing of Wales.  liberty, and the rule of a Native Governor; had always been the Receptacle, and aid of the Rebellious of England: had ever combined with Scotland to disturb the peace, and government thereof: having never her borders without blood, and mischief; was an apt subject to be wrought upon in this time. And occasions are easily taken, where there is a purpose to quarrel, especially with an Inferior. Leoline, now Prince of that Province, who had so long held in the fire of the late civil wars of England (and dearly paid for it) having refused upon summons to come to the King's Coronation, and after to his first Parliament (alleging he well remembered, how his father Griffin burst his neck out of the Tower of London, for which he brooked not that place) and therefore returned answer, That in any other, upon Hostages given him, or Commissioners sent to take his Fealty, he would (as it should please the King) be ready to render it. This gave occasion that King Edward the next year after, goes with a powerful Army: enters his Country with Fire and Sword 
Reg. 4. An. 1276.  in so fierce manner, as Leoline (unable to resist) sues for Peace, and obtains it, but upon those conditions, as made his principality little different from the tenure of a subject. And beside he was fined in fifty thousand pounds sterling, and to pay 1000 pounds per annum for what he held, which was but for his own life. But yet the King to gratify him in some thing that might be a tie to this Peace, restored unto him Elionor (daughter to Simon Montfort late Earl of Leicester) who, with her brother Almericke had been lately taken prisoners by certain ships of Bristol, as she was passing out of France into Wales, to be made the miserable wife of this unfortunate Prince. Whose restraint, and affliction might perhaps be a motive, the rather to incline him to this lowness of submission, and accord: which, as it was made by force (an unsure contractor of Covenants) so was it by disdain, as ill an observer, soon broken. And either the ill administration of justice upon the Marches (the perpetual Fire-matches of bordering Princes) or the ever-working passion of desire of Liberty in the Welsh, threw open again (within three years) this ill infensed closure. And out is Leoline in arms; surprises the Castles of Flint, and Ruthland, with the person of the Lord Clifford sent justiciar into those parts: and commits all 
Reg. 6. Anno. 1278.  acts of Hostility. With him joins his brother David, on whom King Edward (to make him his, finding him of a more stirring spirit) had bestowed, after the last accord, the honour of Knighthood: matched him to the daughter of the Earl of Derbie, a rich Widow: and given him, in steed of his other lands, the Castle of Denbigh with 1000 pounds per annum. All which graces could not yet hold him back from those powerful inclinations os Nature. The aiding his Country, the partaking with his Brother, and the attempting of Liberty.  
King Edward advertised of this Revolt (being at the vice in Wiltshire) prepares an Army to repress it. But before his setting forth, he privately goes to visit his Mother Queen Elionor living in the Nunnery at Amsbury; with whom whilst he conferred, there was brought into the Chamber one who feigned himself (being blind) to have received his sight at the Tomb of Henry 3. As soon as the King saw the man, he formerly knew him to be a most notorious lying Villain. And wished his Mother in no case to believe him. His Mother, who much rejoiced to hear of this Miracle (for the glory of her husband) grew suddenly into rage, and willed the King to avoid her Chamber. The King obeys, and going forth meets with a Clergy man, to whom he tells the story of this impostor, and merrily said, He knew the justice of his father to be such, that he would rather pull out the eyes (being whole) of such a wicked wretch, then restore them to their sight.  
The Archbishop of Canterbury (to whom the Welsh had before sent a Roll of their grievances, and the causes that drove them to revolt) of himself goes, and labours 
Reg. 11. Anno. 1283.  to bring in Leoline, and his brother to a resubmission and stay the ruin which he foresaw would light upon the Nation. But nothing could he effect, certain petty defeites Leoline had given to the English: the instigation of his people: the conceit of a Prophecy of Merlin (that Gin of Error) how he should be shortly crowned with the Diadem of Brute; so overweighed this poor Prince, as he had no ear for Peace, 
The death of Leoline the last of the Welsh Princes.  and shortly after no head; the same being cut off (after he was slain in battle by a common soldier) and sent to King Edward. Who (as if his death were not sufficient without his reproach) caused the same to be crowned with ivy, and set upon the Tower of London. This was the end of Leoline the last of the Welsh Princes, betrayed (as they writ) by the men of Buelth.  
Shortly after, to finish this work of blood, is David his brother taken in Wales, and judged in England to an ignominious death. First drawn at a horse tail about 
The execution of David his brother at Shrewsburie the first in that kind.  the City of Shrewsbury, then beheaded, the Trunk of his Body divided, his Heart, and Bowels burnt, his Head sent to accompany that of his brother on the Tower of London, his four quarters to four Cities, Bristol, Northampton, York, and Winchester: a manifold execution, and the first showed in that kind to this Kingdom, in the person of the son of a Prince, or any other Nobleman, that we read of in our History.  
But this example made of one, of another, grew after to be usual to this Nation. And even this King (under whom it began) had the blood of his own, and his brother's race, miserably shed on many a scaffold. And just at the sealing of this Conquest, Alphonsus his eldest son of the age of 12. years (a Prince of great hope) 
The death of the Prince Alphonsus.  is taken away by death. And Edward, lately borne at Carnarvan (an Infant, uncertain how to provo) is heir to the Kingdom; and the first of the English entitled (Prince of Wales) whose unnatural destruction, we shall likewise hear of in his time.  
But thus came Wales (all that small portion left unto the Britons the ancient 
Wales united to England.  possessors of this Isle) to be united to the crown of England, Anno Reg. 11. And strange it is how it could so long subsist of itself, as it did; having little or no aid of others; little or no shipping (the hereditary defect of their Ancestors) no Alliance, no confederation, no intelligence with any foreign Princes of power out of this Isle: and being by so potent a Kingdom as this, so often invaded, so often reduced to extremity, so eagerly pursued, almost by every King, and said, to have been (by many of them) subdued, when it was not; must needs show the worthiness of the Nation, and their noble courage to preserve their liberty. And how it was now at last gotten, and upon what ground we see; But the effect proves better than the cause, and hath made it good. For in such Acquisitions as these, the Sword is not to give an Account to justice; the public benefit makes amends. Those miserable Mischiefs that afflicted both Nations come hereby extinguished. The Division and Plurality of States in this Isle, having ever made it the Stage of blood, and confusion: as if Nature that had ordained it but one Piece, would have it to be governed but by one Prince, and one Law, as the most absolute glory and strength thereof, which otherwise it could never enjoy. And now this prudent King (no less provident to preserve then subdue this Province) established the government thereof according to the Laws of England, as may be seen by the Statute of Ruthland Anno Reg. 12.  
This work effected, and settled. King Edward passes over into France (upon notice of the death of Philiple Hardy) to renew and confirm such conditions, as his State 
Reg. 13. Anno. 1286.  required in those parts with the new King, Philip 4 (entitled le Bel) to whom he doth Homage for Acquitaine, having before quitted his claim to Normandy for ever. And afterwards accommodates the differences between the Kings of Sicily, and Arragon in Spain (to both of whom he was allied) and redeems Charles entitled Prince of Achaia (the son of Charles King of Sicily) prisoner in Arragon, paying for his ransom thirty thousand pounds.  
After three years and a half being abroad, he returns into England, which must now supply his Coffers emptied in this Voyage. And occasion is given (by the general 
Reg. 16. An. 1289.  complaints made unto him of the ill administration of justice in his absence) to inflict penalties upon the chief Ministers thereof; whose manifest corruptions, the hatred to the people of men of that profession (apt to abuse their Science, and Authority) the Necessity of reforming so grievous a mischief in the Kingdom, gave easy way thereunto by the Parliament then assembled; wherein, upon due examinations, and proof of their extortions, they are fined to pay to the King these sums following.  
First Sir Ralph Hengham Chief justice of the higher Bench, seven thousand Marks. 
Sir Ralf Henghans' a chief Commissioner for the government of the Kingdom in the King's absence.  Sir john Loveton justice of the lower Bench, three thousand Marks. Sir William Bromton justice, 6000 Marks. Sir Solomon Rochester, four thousand Marks. Sir Richard Boyland, 4000 Marks. Sir Thomas Sodington, two thousand Marks. Sir Walter Hopton, 2000 Marks: these four last were justices I●enerants. Sir William Saham 3000 Marks. Robert Lithbury Master of the Rolls, 1000 Marks. Roger Leicester, 1000 Marks. Henry Bray Escheater, and judge for the jews, 1000 Marks. But Sir Adam Stratton Chief Baron of the Exchequer was fined in 34000 Marks. And 
Officers fined for bribery & extortion.  Thomas Wayland (found the greatest delinquent, and of the greatest substance) hath all his goods, and whole estate confiscated to the King. Which were it but equal to that of Sir Adam Stratton, these fines being to the King's Coffers above one hundred thousand Marks; which, at the rate (as money goes now) amounts to above 300 thousand Marks. A mighty treasure to be gotten out of the hands of so few men. Which, how they could amass in those days, when Litigation, and Law had not spread itself into those infinite wreathe of contention (as since it hath) may seem strange, even to our greater getting times. But peradventure now the number of Lawyers, being grown bigger than the Law (as all trades of profit come overpestered with multitude of Traders) is the cause (that like a huge River dispersed into many little Rilles) their substances are of a smaller proportion, than those of former times, and Offices now of judicature peradventure more piously executed.  
Of no less grievance, this King the next year after eased his people, by the banishment of the jews; for which the Kingdom willingly granted him a Fifteenth. Having before (in Anno Reg. 9) offered a fift part of their goods to have them expelled, 
The banishment of the jews.  but then the jews gave more, and so stayed till this time, which brought him a greater benefit by confiscating all their Immovables with their Talleiss, and Obligations which amounted to an infinite value. But now hath he made his last commodity of this miserable people, which having been never under other cover then the will of the Prince, had continually served the turn in all the necessary occasions of his Predecessors, but especially of his father and himself. And in these reformations that are easeful, and pleasing to the State in general; the justice of the Prince is more noted, than any other motive, which may be for his profit. And howsoever some particular men suffer (as some must ever suffer) yet they are the fairest, and safest ways of getting: in regard the hatred of the abuses, not only discharges the Prince of all imputation of rigour, but renders him more beloved & respected of his people. And this King, having much to do for money (coming to an empty Crown) was driven to all shifts possible to get it, and great supplies we find, he had already drawn from his Subjects. As in the first year of his Reign, Pope Gregory procured him a Tenth of the Clergy for 2. years, besides a Fifteenth of them, and the Temporalty. In the third likewise another Fifteenth of both. In the Fift, a Twentieth of their goods 
His many supplies, & means for Money.  towards the Welsh Wars. In the seventh the Old Money was called in, and New coined in regard it had been much defaced by the jews, for which 297. were at one time executed at London, and this brought him in a great benefit. In Anno Reg. 8. seeking to examine men's Titles to their Lands by a Writ of Quo Warranto (which opposed by the Earl Warreine, who drew out his Sword upon the Writ, saying, How by the same he held his Land, and thereby would make good his Tenure) the King desists & obtains a Fifteenth of the Clergy. In the eleventh, he had a Thirtieth of the Temporalty, & a Twentieth of the Clergy for the Welsh Wars. In the Thirteenth, Escuage, forty shillings for every Knight's fee for the same purpose. In the Fourteenth, he had a Thousand Marks of certain Merchants fined for false Weights. In the seventeenth, those fines fore-declared of the judges. In the Eighteenth, this Confiscation of jews, & a Fifteenth of the English. After this Anno Reg Nineteenth pretending a Voyage to the Holy-Land, the Clergy grants him an eleventh part of all their Movables, and shortly after the Pope procures him a Tenth for Six years to be collected in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and laid up in Monasteries until he were entered into Mare Maggior. But he made the Collectors pay him the money gathered for Three years without going so far, having occasion to use it at home, about the purchase of a new Kingdom.  
For, the crown of Scotland (upon the death of King Alexander, & of the Daughter of 
Reg. 17. Anno. 1290.  his daughter Margaret, who was to inherit) was now in controversy. Six Competitors pretend title thereunto; all descending from David earl of Huntingdon, younger brother to William King of Scots, and great Uncle to this late King Alexander. This title King Edward takes upon him to decide, pretending a right of Superiority from his Ancestors 
The occasion of his Wars with Scotland.  over that Kingdom. The Scots which swayed the Interregnum, are constrained for avoiding further inconveniences, to make him Arbiter thereof, and the Six Competitors bound to stand to his Award. Two are especially found, between whom the Right lay: john Balliol Lord of Galloway, and Robert Bruce: the one descending 
King Edward chosen by the Scots to arbitrate the right of the pretenders to that Crown.  from an elder Daughter, the other from a Son of a younger Daughter of Alan, who had Married the Eldest Daughter of this David Brother to King William. The Controversy held long. Twelve of either Kingdom learned in the Laws, are elected to debate the same at Berwick: All the best Civilians in the Universities of France are solicited to give their opinions, the differences, and perplexednes whereof made the decision more difficult: According to the Nature of Littigation that ever begets rather Doubts than Resolutions, and never knows well how to make 
Reg. 18. Anno 1291.  an End.  
King Edward, the better to sway this business by his presence, takes his journey Northward, and whilst he sought to compass greater felicity, he lost the better part of what he had in this world, his dear consort Elionor (who had ever attended 
Queen Elionor dies. Her Praise.  him in all his Fortunes, the Paragon of Queens, and the honour of Womanhood: who is said to have sucked the Poison out of the Wound given him by the Assasin in the East, when no other means could preserve his Life) dies by the way in Lincolnshire. With whose Corpse, in extreme grief he returns back to Westminster, causing (at all especial places where it rested by the Way) goodly engraven Crosses, with her Statue to be erected, As at Stamford, Waltham, West-Cheape, Charing and others, Grateful Monuments of his Affection, and her renowned Faithfulness.  
Her Funerals performed, back he returns to his Scottish business: And now Six years it was since the Death of King Alexander, and much time having been 
Scottish Hist.  spent, and nothing concluded in this controversy: King Edward that would be sure (whosoever prevailed) to have the hand that should make him, deals privately with Bruce (who had the weaker Title but the more friends) and promises him, if he would yield Fealty and Homage to the Crown of England, he would invest him in that of Scotland. Bruce answers, He was not so desirous of Rule, as thereby to infringe the Liberties of his Country. Then with the like offer he sets upon Balliol, who having better right but less love of the people, and more greedy of a Kingdom, than honour 
Bal ol made King of Scotland.  yields thereunto: is Crowned King at Scone: hath Fealty done him of all the chief Nobility, except Bruce: comes to Newcastle upon Tyne where King Edward then lay: and there (with many of his Nobles) swears Fealty, and did Homage unto him, as his Sovereign Lord. Which Act, as he thought done to secure him, overthrew 
Reg. 21. Anno. 1294.  him. For, being little beloved before, hereby he became less: such as stood for Bruce, and others of the Nobility (more tender of the preservation of their Country's liberty) grew into Stomach against him; as having not only discontented them in this Act, but shortly after in his justice, in the case of the Earl of Fife, one of the six Governors in the time of the Anarchy, who had been slain by the family of Aberneth. And the brother of this Earl now prosecuted in Law, before King Balliol in his high Court of Parliament (where having no right done him, King Balliol giving judgement on the side of the Aberneths) the wronged Gentleman appeals to the Court of the King of England. King Balliol is thither summoned: appears, sits with King Edward in his Parliament till his cause was to be tried, and then is he cited by an Officer to arise and stand at the place appointed for pleading: He craves to answer by a Procurator: it is denied: than himself arises, and descends to the ordinary place, and defends his cause.  
With which Indignity (as he took it) he returns home, with a breast full 
Balliol discontented returns into Scotland.  charged with indignation: Meditates revenge, renews the ancient League with France: Confirms it with the marriage of his son Edward, with a daughter of Charles brother to King Philip, glad, in regard of late offences taken against the 
Reg. 23. An. 1296.  King of England, to embrace the same: Which done, Balliol defies King Edward: renounces his Allegiance as unlawfully done, being not in his power (without the consent of the State) to do any such act. Hereupon broke out that mortal dissension between the two Nations (which during the reign of the three last Scottish Kings had held fair correspondence together) that consumed more Christian blood; wrought more spoil, and destruction, and continued longer than ever quarrel we read of did between any two people of the World. For he that began it could not end it. That Rancour which the Sword had bred, and the perpetually-working desire of Revenge of wrongs (that ever beget wrongs) lasted almost three hundred years. And all the Successors of this King (even to the last, before this blessed Union) have had 
The occasion of the wars between England and Scotland.  their shares more or less in this miserable affliction, both to their great expense of treasure, & extreme hindrance in all other their designs. Although the intention of this Great and Marshal King for reducing this whole Isle under one government, was Noble, and according to the Nature of power, and greatness, that ever seeks to extend itself as far as it can: yet as all such Actions hath much of iniquity, so had this, and we see it was not force or the Sword could effect it. God had fore-decreed to make it his own work by a cleaner way, and ordained it for an unstained hand to set it together in peace, that it might take the more sure, and lasting hold, which otherwise it could never have done. Violence may join Territories, but never affections together; which only must grow voluntarily, and be the work of itself. And yet no doubt it was in the design of this King to have obtained it in the fairest manner he could. As first shows his seeking to match his son Edward with Margaret daughter to the King of Norway, grandchild, and heir to the last King Alexander, who (dying an Infant soon after her grandfather) disappointed his hopes that way: and drove him to have recourse to his Sovereignty, which being opposed, he was forced to take the way of Violence, both to maintain his own honour, and to effect what he had begun. Whereof the miserable events were such, as now we may well spare their memory, and be content those bloody Relations should be razed out of all Record: but that they serve to show us the woeful calamities of our separation, and the comfortable blessings we enjoy by this our happy Union. Neither doth it now concern us to stand upon any points of Honour, whether of the Nations did the bravest Exploits in those times, seeing who had the better was beaten, neither did the overcomer conquer, when he had done what he could: That little which was gained, cost so much more than it was worth, as it had been better not to have been had at all. And if any side had the Honour, it was the invaded Nation, which being the Weaker, and Smaller, seems never to have been subdued, though often overcome: Continuing (notwithstanding all their miseries) resolute to preserve their Liberties; which never People of the World more Nobly defended, against so Potent, & rich a Kingdom as this, by the which, without an admirable hardiness, and Constancy, it had been impossible, but they must have been brought to an utter consternation.  
For all what the power of this Kingdom could do (which then put all the strength to do what it could) was showed in this King's time: Who now (upon this defection of King Balliol, and his League made with France) Counter-leagues with all the 
King Edward combines with other Princes.  Princes he could draw in, either by gifts, or Alliance to strengthen his party abroad. As first with Guy Earl of Flanders, with whose Daughter he seeks to match his Son Edward. Then with Adolph de Nassaw the Emperor, to whom he sends Fifteen thousand pounds Sterling to recover certain Lands of the Empire which Adolph claimed in France: He had likewise married one of his daughters to the Duke of Bar, who pretends Title to Champaign, another to john Duke of Brabant: All which, with many other confining Princes, he sets upon the King of France; who had (for Certain spoils committed on the Coast of Normandy, by the English, and no redress obtained) summoned King Edward, as owing Homage to that Crown, to appear and answer it in his Court, which he refusing to do, is by an Arrest condemned to forfeit all his Territories in France: And an Army is presently sent forth to seize upon 
An Army sent into France  the same, led by Charles de Valois, and Arnold de Needle Constable of France. Bordeaux with divers other Pieces of importance are taken, and fortified. For the recovery whereof, the King of England sends over his Brother Edmond Earl of Lancaster, 
Another into Scotland.  the Earls of Lincoln and Richmond with eight and twenty Bannerets, Seven hundred men at Arms, and a Navy of three hundred and Sixty Sail. And notwithstanding all this mighty charged, and Forces employed in those parts. King Edward sets upon King Balliol (refusing upon Summons to appear at his Court at Newcastle, standing upon his own Defence) and enters Scotland with an Army sufficient to 
Reg. 24. Anno. 1297.  Conquer a far mightier Kingdom, consisting of Four Thousand men at Arms on Horse, and Thirty Thousand Foot, besides 500 Horse, and one Thousand foot of the Bishop of Duresme: intending here to make speedy work that he might afterward pass over Sea to aid his Confederates, and be revenged on the King of France.  
Berwick is first won with the Death of Fifteen Thousand Scots, (our writers report more: but nothing is more uncertain than the number of the slain in Battle) and after that the Castles of Dunbarre, Roxborough, Edinburgh, Sterling, and Saint john's Town were won or yielded unto him, King Balliol sues for peace: Submits 
King Edward's victories in Scotland.  himself; takes again his Oath of Fealty to King Edward as his Sovereign Lord. Which done, a Parliament for Scotland was held at Berwick, wherein the Nobility did likewise Homage unto him, confirming the same by their Charter under their hands, and Seals. Only William Douglas refuses, content rather to endure the misery of a Prison, then yield to the subjection of England. King Balliol (Notwithstanding his submission) is sent Prisoner into England, after his Four years dignity, I cannot say Reign: For it seems he had but little power, and King Edward returns from this expedition, leaving john Warrein Earl of Surrey and Sussex, Warden of all Scotland, Hugh. Cressingham Treasurer, and Ormesley Chief justice, with Commission to take in his Name the Homages, and Fealties of all such as held Lands of that Crown.  
And here this Conquest might seem to have been effected, which yet was not. 
Reg. 25. Anno. 1298.  It must cost infinite more Blood, Travail, and Treasure, and all to as little effect. And now the French businesses (that require speedy help) are wholly intended. For which King Edward calls a Parliament at Saint edmond's Bury, wherein the Citizens, and Burgesses of good Towns granted the eighth part of their goods, and other of the people a twelfth part. But the Clergy (upon a prohibition from Pope Boniface, that no Tallage or Imposition, laid by any lay Prince, upon whatsoever appertained to the Church should be paid) absolutely refuse to give any thing. Which Prohibition may seem to have been procured by themselves, in regard of the many Levies lately made upon the estate Ecclesiastical. As in Anno Reg. 22. they paid the moiety of their goods; of which the Abbay of Canterbury yielded 596 pounds 7 shillings and 10 pence: and beside furnished six horses for the Sea-coasts. This levy as Stow notes in his collection amounted to six hundredth thousand pounds. And in Anno Reg. 23. the King seized into his hands all the Priories Aliens, and their goods. Besides he had a Loane of the Clergy, which amounted to 100 thousand pounds, whereof the Abbot of Bury paid 655 pounds.  
Notwithstanding now, upon this their refusal, the King puts the Clergy out of 
The King puts the Clergy out of his protection.  his protection, whereby they were to have no justice in any of his Courts (a strain of State beyond any of his Predecessors) which so amazed them being exposed to all offences and injuries whatsoever, and no means to redress themselves, as the Archbishop of York, with the Bishops of Duresme, Ely, Salisbury, Lincoln, yielded to lay down in their Churches the fifth part of all their goods, towards the maintenance of the King's wars: whereby they appeazed his wrath, and were received into grace. But the Archbishop of Canterbury by whose animation the rest stood out, had all his goods seized on, and all the Monasteries within his Diocese and part of Lincoln, taken into the King's hands, and Wardens appointed to minister only necessaries to the Monks, converting the rest to the King's use. At length by much suit, the Abbots, and Priests giving the fourth part of their goods, redeem themselves, and the King's favour. Thus will Martial Princes have their turns served by their Subjects, in the times of their Necessities howsoever they oppose it.  
During this contrast with the Clergy, the King calls a Parliament of his Nobles at Salisbury, without admission of any Churchmen; wherein, he requires certain of the great Lords to go unto the wars of Gascoine, which required a present supply, upon the death of his brother Edmond (who having spent much treasure, and time in the siege of Bordeaux without any success, retires to Bayon, then in possession of the English, and there ends his life. But they all making their excuses, every man for himself; the 
The Lords refuse to go into Gascoigny except the King went in person.  King in great anger threatened they should either go, or he would give their lands to others that should. Whereupon Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford high Constable, and Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk marshal of England, make their declaration, that if the King went in person they would attend him, otherwise not. Which Answer more offends, and being urged again; the Earl marshal protested he would willingly go thither with the King, and march before him in the Vanguard, as by right of inheritance he ought to do. But the King told him plainly he should go with any other, although himself went not in 
Mat. West.  Person. I am not so bound said the Earl, neither will I take that journey without you. The King swore by God, Sir Earl you shall go or hang. And I swear by the same oath, I will neither go, nor hang, said the Earl: and so without taking his leave departs.  
Shortly after the two Earls assembled many Noblemen, and others their friends to the number of thirty Bannerets, so that they were fifteen hundred men at Arms well appointed, and stood upon their own guard. The King like a prudent Prince who knew his times, prosecutes them not as then, but lets the matter pass: In regard that both his business in France, and the pressing necessity of aiding his Confederates (whereon his honour, and whole estate abroad depended) called him over into Flanders; which the King of France had now invaded; pretending the same title of Sovereignty to that Province, as King Edward did to Scotland. And having had intelligence 
The French King invites the Earl of Flanders to Paris, and there imprisons him.  of the intended Alliance, and other designs of the Earl Guy, sends for him (as if knowing nothing thereof) to come with his wife, and daughter to make merry with him at Paris: where in steed of feasting, he makes him his prisoner, and takes from him his Daughter, in regard he sought being his vassal to match her to the Son of his capital enemy. The Earl excuses it the best he could, and by much mediation is released, and suffered to departed, but without his Daughter: of whose surprise, and detention (contrary to the Law of Nations) he complains to the Pope, and other Princes, who earnestly urge the release of the young Lady, but all in vain; and thereupon this Earl (presuming on the aid of his confederates) takes arms, and defies the King of 
The French King invades Flanders.  France. Who now comes with an Army of sixty thousand against him; which caused the King of England to make what speed he could, to relieve this distressed Earl, and to leave all his other businesses at home in that broken estate which he did; the Scots in revolt, and his own people in discontent. For which yet he took the best order he could: leaving the administration of the Kingdom during his absence to the Prince, and certain especial Councillors, as the Bishop of London, the Earl of Warwick, the Lords Reginald Grace, and Clifford, and beside, to recover the Clegry received the Archbishop of Canterbnry into favour.  
And being ready now to take ship, the Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, and the Commons send him a Roll of the general grievances of his Subjects: Concerning his 
This roll of grievances is recorded by Tho. Wal. viz. Append.  Taxes, Subsidies, & other Impositions; with his seeking to force their services, by unlawsull courses: his late impost laid of forty shillings upon every sack of Wool, being before but half a mark, estimating the Wool of England, to a fift part of all the substance thereof. The King sends answer, that he could not alter any thing without the advice of his council, which were not 
Reg. 26. Anno. 1299.  now about him: and thereforè required them, seeing they would not attend him in this journey (which they absolutely refused to do though he went in person, unless he had gone into France or Scotland) that they would yet do nothing in his absence prejudicial to the peace of the Kingdom. And that upon his Return, he would set all things in good order as should be fit.  
And so with 500 sail, eighteen thousand men at Arms, he puts out for this journey, wherein Fortune showed him, how she would not be always his: For contrary to 
King Edward passes over into Flanders to the aid of the Earl Guy.  his expectation he found the Country of Flanders distracted into popular factions; a rich & proud people, who though they were willing to aid their Prince, and defend their liberties (which they respected more than their obedience) yet would they not be commanded otherwise then themselves pleased. And now the King of France, daily getting upon them (having won Lisle, Douai, Courtray, Bruges, and Dam; and the Emperor Adolph failing of his aid and personal assistance, as un-interessed confederates often do, especially having received their gage before hand, as had this Emperor to the sum of 100 thousand Marks) drove the King of England into great perplexity, and held him with long delays, to his extreme travail and expenses: which forced him to send over for more supply of Treasure, and give order for a Parliament to be held at York by the Prince, and such as had the manage of the State in his absence. Wherein, for that he would not be disappointed, he condescends to all such Articles as were demanded concerning the great Charter: promising from thenceforth never to charge his subjects otherwise then by their consents in Parliament, and to pardon such as had denied to attend him in this journey. For which the 
A Parliament held at York in the absence of the King.  Commons of the Realm granted him the ninth penny of their goods: the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the Clergy of his Province, the Tenth penny: York, and his Province, the Fifth: so the King's instant wants are relieved, and the Kingdom satisfied for a present shift. But it is not well with a State, where the Prince, and people seek but to obtain their several ends, and work upon the advantages of each others necessities: for as it is un-sincere, so it is often un-successull, and the good so done hurts more, than it pleasures.  
The King thus supplied, stays all this Winter in Gaunt, where his people committing 
The Gantois take arms against the English.  many outrages, so exasperats the Gantois; as they took arms, made head against them, slew many, and put the King's person in great danger: so that, do what the Earl Guy, and himself could to appease them, in satisfying such, as had received wrong, and giving the rest fair words, he hardly could escape safe out of the Country; 
King Edward in danger.  which rather desired to have the English commodities, than their companies. This was the success of his journey into Flanders, which he leaves at the Spring of the year, having concluded a truce with the King of France for two years. And 
He returns into England.  the poor Earl Gay left to himself is shortly after made the prey of his enemy, and his Prisoner in Paris; where he & his daughter both died of grief. And Flanders is reduced to a possession, though not to the subjection of the King of France. For after they had received him for their Lord, his exactions & oppressions upon them, contrary to their ancient Liberties so armed the whole people, being rich and mighty, as they gave France the greatest wound that ever before it received at one blow; which was at the famous battle of Courtray, wherein the Earl of Artoise General of the Army, Arnold de Neel Constable of France, and all the Leaders with Twelve thousand Gentlemen were slain. And to show what this King of France got, by seeking to attain 
The History of France.  this Sovereignty of Flanders (as well, as we shall hear of the King of England's getting upon Scotland for the same title) It is recorded in their Histories, that in the space of Eleven years, this quarrel cost the lives of 100 Thousand French men. Besides it drove the King likewise to consume the substances of his people, as well as their blood, and to load them with new impositions as, that of Malletoste and the Tenth Denier upon the liure of all Merchandises, which in the Collection bred great outcries, and dangerous seditions among his Subjects: And these were the fruits of these great attempters.  
Now for King Edward of England, he presently after his return, falls a new upon 
Reg. 27. Anno. 1300.  Scotland, which in his absence had beaten his officers, and people almost out of the Country, slain Sir Hugh Cressingham with 6000 English: recovered many Castles, and regaind the Town of Berwick. And all by the annimation and conduct of William Wallice a poor private Gentleman (though nobly descended) who seeing his 
K. Ed. prosecutes his Scottish business. Will. Wallice animates the Scots against the subjection of England.  Country without a Head, and thereby without a Heart (all the great men either in Captivity or subjection) assembles certain of as poor and desperate estate as himself, and leads them to attempt upon whatsoever advantages they could discover, to annoy the English. And having therein good success, it so increased both his Courage, and Company; as he afterwards comes to be the general Guardian of the whole Kingdom: leads their Armies; effects those great Defeits upon the Enemy: and was in possibility to have absolutely redeemed his Country, from the subjection of England) had not some private Emulation amongst themselves, & the speedy coming of King Edward, with all his power) prevented him. So much could the spirit of one brave man work, to set up a whole Nation upon their feet, that lay utterly cast down. And as well might he at that time have gotten the Dominion for himself, as the place he had: but that he held it more glory to preserve his Country, than to get a Crown. For which, he hath his immortal honour; and whatsoever praise can be given to mere Virtue, must be ever due unto him.  
And now King Edward to bring his work near together, removes his Exchequer 
K. Ed. removes his Escheker and Courts of justice to York.  and Courts of justice to York: where the continued above Six years. And thither calls he a Parliament, requiring all his Subjects that held of him by Knight's setuice, to be ready at Roxborough by a peremptory day: where are assembled Three thousand men at Arms on barded Horses, and Four thousand other aimed men on Horse without bards, with an Army on foot answerable, consisting most of Welsh, and Irish: beside, Five hundred men at arms out of Gasconie, and with this power makes he his second expedition into Scotland.  
The Earls of Hereford, and Norfolk, notwithstanding their former contempts, attend him. And although he were thus girt with all this strength, and in the midst of his mightiness, they urge the ratifications of the Two Charters, and their Pardons: which they held not sufficient to secure them, in regard the King was out of the Realm, at the late granting thereof. The Bishop of Duresme, the Earls of Surrey, 
The famous Battle of Fonkirk.  Warwick, and Gloucester undertook for the King, that after he had subdued his Enemies, and was returned, he should satisfy them therein. And so these two Earls with the Earl of Lincoln, Led his Vanguard at the famous Battle of Foukirke, 
The Scots overthrown.  which the King of England got, wherein are reported to be slain, 200 Knights, and Forty thousand foot of the Scots. But William Wallice with some few escaped to make more work.  
And here again that Kingdom might seem, as if quite overcome. Most of the estates of the Earls, and Barons of Scotland (with their titles) that had stood out were bestowed on the English Nobility, to make them the more eager to maintain & 
A Parliament at St. Andrew's.  prosecute this Conquest. And a Parliament is called at Saint Andrew's, where all the great men of that Kingdom (except only Wallice) again swear Fealty to the King of England.  
The Scottish writers here set a wide mark of Tyranny upon King Edward in this 
The Scotish writers inveigh against the tyranny of K. Ed.  expedition, as not content to carry away captive all such as might seem to have any the least ability to stir: but also endeavours to extinguish if it were possible, the very memory of the Nation: abolishing all their ancient laws, traducing their Ecclesiastical rights, to the custom of England: despoiling them of their Histories: their instruments of State: their antic Monuments, left either by the Romans, or erected by themselves: transporting all their Books and Bookmen into England: Sending to London the Marble stone, wherein (as the Vulgar were persuaded) the Fate of the Kingdom consisted: and left them nothing that might either incite them to remember their former fortune, or instruct generous spirits in the way of Virtue and worthiness. So that he bereaved them not only of their strength: but of their minds: supposing thereby to est ablish a perpetuali Domination over that Kingdom.  
This journey ended, a Parliament is called at Westminster, wherein the promised confirmation 
A Parliament at Weatminster.  of the Two Charters, and the allowance of what disforrestation had heretofore been made, was earnestly urged, and in the end with much a do granted, with omission of the Clause, Saluo jure Coronae nostrae, which the King laboured to have inserted, but the people would not endure the same: the perambulation of the Forests of England is committed to Three Bishops, Three Earls, & Three Barons.  
In this little pause of Peace at home, a Concord is, by the mediation of Pope Boniface, 
Reg. 28. Anno. 1301.  concluded with the King of France: whose sister Margeret, the King of England takes to wife in the Sixty two year of his age (something to late for so young a Match) and the Daughter of the same King is likewise affianced to the Prince. And thereupon restitution made of what had been usurped by the French King in Gasconie, Bordeaux returns to the obedience of the King of England (to the Merchants of which City he paid 150 Thousand ponuds for his brother edmond's expenses in the late wars, & all is well on that side. Besides the same Pope obtained permission, for john Balliol the captive King of Scots to departed and live in France upon certain lands he had there, and undertook for his observation of the Peace, and his confinement, who shortly after dies, having had little joy of a Crown or scarce leisure to know he was a King. The Decrying, and calling in of certain base Coin named Crocard, and Pollard, with the new stamping them again, yielded something to the King's Coffers: which must be emptied in Scotland, whither again (having been scarce Eighteen months at home) he makes his Third expedit. but did little, besides the regaining of Sterling Castle which held out Three months siege against all his power, and Engines reared with infinite charge, and labour. And in the end not won but yielded up by the Defendant William Oliver, upon promise which was not kept with him. The rest of the Scots made no head, but kept in the Mountains, and Fastnesses of their Country: whereby the King's Army having more to do with barrenness than men, suffered much affliction and many Horses were starved.  
Now upon this Peace with France, the Scots being excluded and having none to relieve them, send their lamentable complaints to Pope Boniface, showing him the afflicted state of their Country: the usurpation of the King of England upon them, and his most tyrannical proceeding with them, contrary to all right and equity. Protesting they never knew of any Sovereignty he had over them, but that they were a free kingdom of themselves; and so at first he dealt with them, upon the death of their last King Alexander, both in the treaty of the marriage for his son Edward, with Margaret the heir of Scotland: and also after her death for the decision of the Title, wherein he sought by their consents to be made Arbitror, as he was. Howsoever afterward they were constrained to give way to his will; yet, what they ever yielded unto was by reason they were otherwise unable to resist etc. Upon this remonstrance of the Scots, the Pope writes his powerful letters to the King of England, to forbear any further proceeding against them; Claiming withal, the Soveraintgie of that Kingdom, as belonging to the Church.  
The King answers the Pope's Letters at large. Alleging from all Antiquity, how the direct and superior Dominion of Scotland, had ever appertained to this Crown, even from Brute to his own time: And withal the whole Nobility write to the Pope, avowing the same right. And absolutely conclude that the King their Lord should in no sort undergo his Holiness judgement therein. Neither send his Procurators (as was required) about that business, whereby it might seem that doubt were made of their King's Title, to the prejudice of the Crown, the Royal Dignity, the Liberties, Customs and Laws of England; which by their oath and duty they were bound to observe, and would defend with their lives. Neither would they permit, nor could, any such unusual, unlawful, and detrimental proceeding. Nor suffer their King, if he would, to do, or any way to attempt the same. And therefore besought his Holiness to intermeddle no more in this matter. These Letters subscribed with all their 
Vid. Apend.  names were dated at Lincoln; where, then was held the Parliament Anno Domini 1301.  
The Pope upon this answer, or rather having his hands full of other business, stirs no more in this. The King of France whom he had excommunicated, and given away his Kingdom to the Emperor Albert of Ostrich, shortly after so wrought, as his Spiritualty was surprised at Anagne a City of Abruzzo, whither he was retired from the troubles of Rome; and so violently treated by Sciarra Colonesse, a Bandito of Rome, and Nog●ret, an Albigioye (whom he had both persecuted) as in extreme rage, and anguish within few days after he ends his turbulenr life.  
And the King of England (having been supplied, with a Fifteenth upon Confirmation 
Reg. 32. Anno. 1305.  of the Charters again, at the Parliament at Lincoln) he makes his Fourth expedition into Scotland, and as it were the Fourth Conquest thereof, having had Four times Homage and Fealty sworn unto him. Which might seem sufficient to confirm his Soveraingtie, whereof now he rests secure, and home returns in triumphant manner: Removes his Exchequer from York: Feasts his Nobilitty at Lincoln with all Magnificense: From thence he comes to London, and renders solemn thanks to God and Saint Edward for victory. Which to make it seem the more entire, shortly after, William Wallice (that renowned Guardian of Scotland, betrayed by his Companion) is sent up prisoner to London: adjudged according to the Laws of England, to be drawn, hanged, and quartered, for his treasons committed against the King (whom at his Arraignment he would not yet acknowledge to be his King) protesting never to have sworn Fealty unto him.  
Thus suffered that worthy man for the defence of his own in a strange Country, and remains amongst the best examples of Fortitude & Piety in that kind. And now King Edward, being (as he supposed) at an end of all his business: an universal Lord at home: strong in Alliance, and Peace abroad; begins to look more severely to the government of this Kingdom, and to draw profit out of those disorders, which the Licence of War, and Trouble had bred therein. And first, amongst 
The case of Sir Nicholas Segraue.  other examples of his power (which it seems he would have equal to his will) is the case of Sir Nicholas Segraue, one of the greatest Knights then of the Kingdom, who being accused of treason by Sir john Crombwell, offers to justify himself by Duel, which the King refuses to grant, in regard of the present War then in hand. Whereupon Segraue without licence and contrary to the King's prohibition, leaves the King's Camp, and goes over Sea to fight with his enemy, for which the King (as against one that had not only contemned him, but as much as in him lay exposed him to death, and left him to his enemies) would have justice to proceed against him. Three days the judges consulted of the matter and in the end adjudged Segraue guilty of death, and all his movables and immovables forfeited to the King. Notwithstanding in regard of the greatness of his blood, they added. He went not out of England in contempt of the King, but only to be revenged of his accuser, and therefore it was in the King's power to show mercy unto him in this case. The King hereto in great wrath replied, have you been all this while consulting for this? I know it is in my power to confer grace, and on whom I will to have mercy, but not the more for your sakes then for a dog. Who hath ever submitted himself to my grace and had repulse, but let this your judgement be recorded and for ever held as a Law. And so the Knight for example and terror to others, was committed to prison, though 
Mat. West.  shortly after by the labour of many Noble men of the Kingdom, Thirty of his Peers girt with their swords standing out to be bound body for body, and goods for goods to bring him forth whensoever he should be called; the King restored him to his estate.  
Shortly after, the King likewise sends out a new writ of inquisition, called Trailbaston, For Intruders on other men's lands, who to oppress the right owner would 
The inquisiti on of Trailbaston.  make over their lands to great men: For Batterers hired to beat men: For Breakers of the Peace: For Ravishers, Incendiaries, Murthercrs, Fighters, False Assisors, and other such Malefactors. Which Inquisition was so strictly executed, and such fines taken, as it brought in exceeding much treasure to the King. So did likewise another Commission the same time sent forth to examine the behaviour of Officers, and Ministers of justice, wherein many were found Delinquents, and paid dearly for it. Informers here, as fruitful agents for the Fiske (and never more employed then in shifting times) were in great request. Besides these means for treasnre above ground, this King made some profit of certain Silver mines in Devonshire, as is to be seen in Holinshed, but it seems the charge amounting to more than the benefit, they afterwards came discontinued.  
The King likewise now begins to show his resentiment, of the stubborn behaviour of his Nobles towards him in times past; and so terrefies Roger Bigod Earle-Marshall, 
Reg. 33. An. 1306.  as to recover his favour, the E. made him the heir of his lands (though he had a brother living) reserving to himself a Thousand pounds' pension per annum during his life. Of others likewise, he got great sums for the same offence. The Earl of Hereford escapes by death. But the Archbishop of Canterbury (whom he accused to have disturbed his Peace in his absence) he sends over to Pope Clement the Fift (who succeeded Boniface) that he might be crushed with a double power. This Pope was Native of Bordeaux, and so the more regardefull of the King's desire, and the King more confident of his favour; which to entertain and increase he sends him a whole Furnish of all Vessels for his Chamber of clean gold: which great gift so wrought with the Pope, as he let loose this Lion, untied the King from the covenants made with his Subjects concerning their Charters confirmed unto them by his three last Acts of Parliament, and absolved him from his oath: an Act of little Piety in the Pope, and of as little conscience in the King, who (as if he should now have no more need of his Subjects) discovered with what sincerity he granted what he did.  
But suddenly hereupon there fell out an occasion that brought him back to his right Orb again, made him see his error & reform it, finding the love of his people, lawfully ordered to be that which gave him all his power, & means he had, & to know how their subsistances were intermutuall. The news of a new King made, & crowned in Scotland was that which wrought the effect hereof. Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick, son to that Robert who was Competitor with Balliol, escaping out of England. becomes head to the confused body of that people, which, having been so long without any to guide them, any entire Council, scattered in power, disunited in mind, never at one together, were cast into that miserable estate as they were. For had they had a King as well as their enemies to have led them, held them together, & managed their affairs accordingly, that which they did in this distraction, shows how much more they would have done otherwise. And therefore no sooner did Bruce appear in his design, but he effected it: had the Crown, and hands ready to help him at an instant; and that before Rumour could get out to report any thing of it. Although john Comyn his cozen german being a Titeler himself, a man of great love & Alliance in Scotland, wrote to have bewrayed Brucos intention to the King of England, in whose Court they both had lived, and were his Pensioners. But Bruce (as great undertakers are ever a wake, and ready at all hours) prevents him by speed: 
Bruce murders john Cumyn in the Church.  and either to be avenged on him for his falsehood, or rid of him as a Competitor, finding him at Dunfrays, sets upon and murders him in the Church.  
Which Foundation laid on blood (the Place, the Person, and the manner making it more odious) much stained his beginning, and effected not that security for which he did it, but raised a mighty party in Scotland against him. King Edward (though so late acquainted herewith, as he could not be before hand with him, yet would he not be long behind to overtake him) sends Amyer de Valence Earl of Pembroke, the Lords Clifford and Percy with a strong power to relieve his Wardens of 
King Ed. sends and prepates for Scotland.  Scotland, who upon this Revolt were all retired to Berwicke, whilst himself prepares an Army to follow. Wherein to be the more free, and Nobly attended, Proclamation is made, that whosoever ought by their paternal succession, or otherwise had means of their own for service, should repair to Westminster at the Feast of Penticost, to receive the order of Knighthood, and a Military ornament out of the King's Wardrobe.  
Three hundred young Gentlemen, all the sons of Earls, Barons, and Knights, assemble at the appointed day, & receive Purples, Silks, Sindons, scarves wrought with gold or Silver, according to every man's estate: For which train (the King's house being too little, by reason a great part thereof was burnt upon his coming out of Flanders) room is made, and the Apple Trees cut down at the New Temple for their Tents, where they attire themselves and keep their Vigil. The Prince (whom the King then likewise Knighted, and girt with a Military Belt, as an ornament of that honour; and withal gave him the Duchy of Acquitaine) kept his vigil with his train at Westminster, and the next day girds these Three Hundred Knights with the Military 
The Prince gives the honour of Knighthood to 300 Gentlemen.  Belt, in that manner as himself received it. At which ceremony the press was so great, as the Prince was feign to stand upon the high Altar (a place for a more divine honour) to perform this: Which being solemnized, with all the State and Magnificence could be devised, the King before them all makes his vow, that alive, or dead, he would revenge the death of john Cumyn upon Bruce, and the perjured Scots: Adjuring his son, and all the Nobles about him upon their Fealty, that if he died in this journey, they should carry his corpse with them about Scotland, and not suffer it to be interred, till they had vanquished the Usurper, and absolutely subdued the Country. A desire more Martial than Christian, showing a mind so bend to the world, as he would not make an end when he had done with it, but designs his travail beyond his life.  
The Prince, and all his Nobles promise upon their faith to employ their utmost 
Reg. 34. An. 1307.  power to perform his Vow, and so upon grant of the Thirtieth penny of the Clergy and the Laity, and the Twentieth of all Merchants, he sets forth with a potent Army presently upon Whitsuntide and makes his last expedition into Scotland, Anno Reg. 34. The Earl of Pembroke, with that power sent before, and the aid of the Scottish party (which was now greater by the partakers of the Family of Cumyn, being many, mighty, & eager to revenge his death) had, before the King arrived in Scotland, defeated in a battle near S. john's town, the whole Army of the new King, and narrowly miss the taking of his person: Who escaping in disguise recovered an obscure shelter, and was reserved for more, and greater battles: His brother Nigell Bruce, and shortly after Thomas, and Alexander a Priest, were taken and executed after the manner of Traitors at Berwicke; so that K. Edward at his coming, had not so much to do as he expected. But yet he passed over the Country, to show them his power, and to terrify his enemies, causing strict in quisition to be made for all who had been aiding to the murder of Cumyn, and the advancement of Bruce. Many, and great Personages are 
A great execution made of the Scots.  found out (being impossible amongst a broken people for any to remain undiscovered) and were all executed in cruel manner to the terror of the rest. The Age of the King of England, his Choler, Wrath, & desire of revenge made him now inexorable, & to spare none of what degree soever they were. The Earl of Athol (though of the Royal blood, and allied unto him) was sent to London, and preferred to a higher Gallows than any of the rest. The wife of Robert Bruce taken by the Lord Rosse is sent prisoner to London, and his daughter to a Monastery in Lindsey. The Countess of Boughan that was aiding at the Coronation of Bruce is put into a wooden Cage, and hung out upon the walls of Berwicke, for people to gaze on etc.  
Which rigorous proceeding rather exasperates the Enemy, and adds to the party of Bruce, than any way quailed it: desperation being of a sharper edge, then hope. And though Bruce now appeared not, but shifted privily from place to place, in a distressed manner (attended only with two noble Gentlemen, who never forsook him in his fortunes, the Earl of Lenox, and Gilbert Hay) yet still expectation, love, and the well-wishing of his friends went with him, and so long as he was alive they held him not lost; this affliction did but harden him for future labours: which his enemies (who now neglected to look after him, as either holding him dead, or so down as never to rise again) found afterwards to their cost. For this man, from being thus laid on the ground, within few years after, gets up to give the greatest overthrow to the greatest Army, that ever the English brought into the Field, and to repay the measure of blood in as full manner as it was given.  
All this Summer the King spends in Scotland, and winters in Carlisle, to be ready 
A Parliament. at Carliel.  the next Spring if any fire should break out, to quench it. For resolved he is not to departed, till he had set such an end to this work, as it should need no more. And here he holds his last Parliament, wherein the State mindful of the Pope's late action, got many Ordinances to pass for reformation of the abuses of his Ministers, and his own former exactions; who being but poor, sought to get where it was to be had. Wring from the elect Archbishop of York in one year Nine thousand five hundred Marks: and beside, Anthony Bishop of Duresme to be made Patriarch of jerasalem, gave him and his Cardinals mighty sums. This Bishop Anthony is said to have had in purchases, and inheritances, 5000 Marks per annum, besides what belonged to his Mitre: which showed the Pope the riches of this Kingdom, 
The King and Pope divide the benefit of the Clergy.  and moved him to require the fruits of one years revenue, of every Benefice that should fall void in England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland; and the like of abbeys, Priories, and Monasteries: which though it were denied him, yet something he had; the King and he dividing it betwixt them. The Pope granted the King the Tenth of all the Churches of England for two years: and the King yielded that the Pope should have the First fruits of those Churches. And the better to effect this business, the Pope makes an errand, and sends Petrus Hispanus Cardinal, a Latere to call upon the King for consummation of the Marriage between Prince Edward, and Isabella daughter to the King of France. And this Cardinal got something, but not so much as he expected.  
Whilst they were thus busy at Carliel, about the opening of the Spring, opens 
K. Bruce teeovers new forces.  himself the hidden King Robert Bruce, and with some forces he had gotten together, suddenly assails the Earl of Pembroke at un-awares, and gave him a great defeit; and within Three days after chases the Earl of Gloucester into the Castle of Air, where he besieged him, till by the King's forces, he was driven again to his former retire. But this showed, that so long as he was (in what estate soever he was) there would be no end of this war.  
Which caused King Edward to send out his strict commandment, that whosoever ought him service should presently, upon the Midsummer after, attend him at Carliel. 
K. Ed. enters Scotland and dies there.  And withal he sends the Prince to London, about the business of his Marriage. In july, although he found himself not well, he enters Scotland with a fresh Army, which he led not far; for falling into a dysentery, he dies at Borough upon the 
Reg. 35. An. 1340.  sands, as if to show on what foundation he had built all his glory in this world; having Reigned Thirty four years, Seven months, Aged Sixty eight. A Prince of a generous spirit, wherein the fire held out even to the very last: borne & bred for action and military affairs, which he managed with great judgement: ever wary, and provident for his own business: watchful and eager to enlarge his power: and was more for the greatness of England, than the quiet thereof. And this we may justly say of him, that never King before, or since shed so much Christian blood within this Isle of Britain, as this Christian warrior did in his time, and was the cause of much more in that following.  
He had issue by his first wife Queen Elionor Four Sons, whereof only Edward 
His Issue.  survived him, and Nine Daughters, Elionor married to the Earl of Bar. joan to Gilbert Clare, Earl of Gloucester; Margaret to john Duke of Brabant. Marry lived a Nun in the Monastary of Amsberie. Elizabeth married first to john Earl of Holland, after to Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford, the rest died young. He had by his Second wife Two Sons Thomas Surnamed Brotherton which was marshal & Earl of Norfolk, and Edmond Earl of Kent.  
The end of Edward the First.   

The Life, and Reign of Edward the second.  
EDward of Carnarvan, removed more than one Degree from the Father in height of Spirit, and nearer the Grandfather in flexibility, and 
Reg. 1. Anno. 1307.  easiness of Nature (which made him apt to be taken) began his Reign in july 1307. in the Three and twentieth year of his Age. A Prince which shows us what confusion and mischief attends Riot, Disorder, Neglect of the State, and advancing unworthy, or ill-disposed Minions to the prejudice of others, the grief of his people, and the diminution of the Royal Majesty. And though his youth might somewhat excuse the first sickness of his private Favours, yet those often Relapses of his showed it was an habitual indisposition in the whole state of his Mind, not to be cured.  
Never was Prince received with greater love, and opinion of all, or ever any that sooner lost it. For his very first actions discovered a headstrong wilfulness that was 
K. Ed. the first, imprisoned his son, and exiled Pierce Gaveston.  uncouncellable: Whereof the entertaining again his old Companion Pierce Gaveston was one, whom the Father had banished the Kingdom, finding him to have corrupted the youth of his Son, and lead him to commit many riots: amongst which was the breaking of the Park of the Bishop of Chester. for which he both 
Anno. Reg. 33  imprisoned his Son, and exiled Gaveston. Besides this provident King (as if foreseeing the mischief might ensue) at his death charged his Son (upon his blessing) never to recall or entertain Pierce Gaveston again about him, and required the Lords (who were present) to see his Will observed therein: which notwithstanding, he 
Pierce Gaveston recalled and preferred by the King.  broke before his Father's Funerals were performed: and not only entertains, but invests Gaveston in the earldom of cornwall, and the Lordship of Man; being both of the Demaines of the Crown, and makes him his chief Chamberlain. Then to be revenged on the Bishop of Chester his Father's Treasurer (who had abridged his expenses, and complained of him for his riot) he caused him to be arrested, committed to prison, and seizes upon all his goods, which he gave to Gaveston: makes a new Treasurer of his own: removes most of his Father's Officers: and all without the advice, or consent of his Council, which gave them their first discontent, and bewrayed his disposition.  
Before his Coronation, a Parliament was held at Northampton, wherein was ordained, 
A Parliament at Northampton held before the Coronation.  that the moneys of his Father (notwithstanding the people held them base) should be current; and a Fifteenth of the Clergy, a twentieth of the Temporalty is there granted. After the Funerals performed at Westminster, he passes over to Bologne, where his Nuptials with Isabel, Daughter to Philip le Bel, are sumptuously 
The marriage of K. Ed. solemnized at Belogne.  solemnized. at which were present the King of France, the King of Nauare, his Son, the King of Almain, the King of Sicily, and three Queens besides the Bride, with an extraordinary concourse of other Princes. At which Feast Gaveston is said to have exceeded them all in bravery, & daintiness of attire, wherewith afterward he infected the Court of England. A mischief the most contagious to breed a Consumption in a State, that can be introduced. For, the imitation thereof presently distends itself over all, and passes beyond the example, and at length all means to maintain it. And had he done no other hurt to the Kingdom than this, it had been enough to have made him (as he was) odious thereunto. But beside, he afterward filled the 
Gaveston corrups the King.  Court with Buffoons, Parasites, Minstrels, Players, and all kind of dissolute persons to entertain, and dissolve the King with delights and pleasures. Whereby he so possessed him, as he regarded no other company, no other exercise, but continually day, and night spent his time, and treasure in all Wantonness, Riot, and disorder: neglecting the affairs of the State: and the company, and counsel of all the rest of the Nobles: who assembling together (at the instant, when he was to be Crowned with his Queen at Westminster, Anno Reg. 2.) require him that Gaveston might be removed from 
The Lords displeased with Gavest.  out the Court, and Kingdom; otherwise they purposed to hinder his Coronation at that time. Whereupon the King to avoid so great a disgrace, promises on his faith, to yield to what they desired in the next Parliament; and so the Solemnity with much festination, and little reverence is performed. Wherein, Gaveston for carrying Saint Edward's Crown before the King, aggravates the hatred of the Clergy, and Nobility against him.  
Shortly after his Coronation, all the Knights Templats throughout England are at once arrested, and committed to prison. They were an order of Knights iustituted by Balduin the Fourth King of jerusalem about 200 yearts past, & first appointed for 
The Knight's Templars arrested & committed to prison.  the defence of that City, and the safe conveying of all such as travailed thither: afterwards they were dispersed through all the Kingdoms of Christendom & by the pious bounty of Princes, & others, enriched with infinite possessions, which made them to degenerate from their first institution, & become execrably vicious. So that all the Kings 
Their dissolution.  of Christendom at one instant (combining together) caused them to be apprehended within their Dominions, and put out of their order, and estates. The King of France began, having a purpose to make one of his Sons King of jerusalem, & possess him of their revenues. Their accusation follows their apprehension, and condemned they are (rather by fame, than proof) in the general Council at Vienna; as appears by the condemnatory Bull of Pope Clement the Third: Wherein he hath this clause, Quanquam de iure non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis, dictum ordinem reprobamus. Their estates are after given to the Hospitaliers.  
These businesses passed over, the Lords prosecute their purpose against Gaveston, 
The Lords prosecure Gaveston.  whose insolency, and presumption upon the King's favour; made him so far to forget himself, as he scorned the best of them all, as much as they hated him. Terming Thomas Earl of Lancaster the Stage player: Aymer de Valence Earl of Pembroke, joseph the jew: and Guy Earl of Warwick, the black dog of Ardern: Which scoffs, leaving behind them the sting of revenge (especially where they touch) drew such a party upon him, as in the next Parliament, the whole Assembly humbly besought the 
Reg. 3. Anno. 1310.  King to advise, and treat with his Nobles, concerning the State of the Kingdom, for the avoiding of eminent mischief, likely to ensue through neglect of the Government; and so far urges the matter, as the King consents thereunto, and not only grants them liberty to draw into Articles what was requisite for the Kingdom, but takes his oath to ratify 
A Parliament. The king takeshis oath to rate fie whatsoever Articles the Lords would conclude in Parliament.  whatsoever they should conclude. Whereupon they elect certain choice men both of the Clergy, Nobility, and Commons, to compose those Articles. Which done, the Archbishop of Canterbury, lately recalled from exile, with the rest of his Suffragans, solemnly pronounce the sentence of excommunication against all such who should contradict those Articles, which are there publicly read before the Barons and Commons of the Realm, in the presence of the King. Amongst which the observation and execution of Magna Charta is required, with all other ordinances necessary for the Church and Kingdom. And that as the late King had done, all Strangers should be banished the Court, and Kingdom, & all ill Councillors removed. That the business of the State should be treated on by the Council of the Clergy and the Nobles. That the King should not begin any war, or go any where out of the Kingdom, without the common Council of the same.  
Which Articles though they seemed harsh to the King yet to avoid further trouble 
Gaveston banished into Ireland.  he yields unto them, but especially to the banishment of his Minion, as if that would excuse him for all the rest; and away is he sent into Ireland, where he lived a while, not as a man exiled, but as the Lieutenant of the Country. The King not enduring to be without his company, never ceased working till he had recalled him back again: which within a few months after he did. And to make him (as he thought) to stand the faster on his feet, he marries him to his Niece (the Daughter of joan de Acres) Sister to Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester, a man beloved and highly esteemed of all the Nobility: for whose sake he hoped Gaveston should find the 
Gaveston recalled.  more favour amongst them, but all this could not shelter him. Either his behaviour, or their malice was such as they could not endure to have him about the King, who by making him so great, lessened him, and the more he was enriched, the worse was his estate; The subjects spectators of their Kings immoderate gifts, held it to be taken out of the bowels of the Commonwealth, & as it were of their substance that was so wasted. For it is reported, the King gave him the jewels of the Crown, which he sold to Merchant strangers, and conveyed much treasure out of the Kingdom, whereby the King sustained great wants, and the Queen is abridged of her allowance, whereof she complains to the King of France her Father.  
These stingues put the Barons on to send plain word to the King, that unless he 
The Lords threaten the King.  put from him Pierce Gaveston, and observe the late Articles, they would all with one consent rise in arms against him, as a perjured Prince. The King (whom they found was apt to be terrified) yields again upon this message to the banishment of his Minion: whose fortune being to have a weak master, was driven to these sudden extremities, 
Gaveston again banished.  mities, and disgraceful expulsions, at their will who were his enviers; and who now obtain this Clause; that if hereafter he were found again within the Kingdom he should be condemned to death as an enemy of the State. Ireland was now no more to protect him: France most unsafe for him (wait being their laid to apprehend him) in Flanders he luiks a while, but in great danger: and finding no where any security, back again he adventures upon England, and into the King's bosom (the sanctuary he thought would 
Gaveston returns.  not be violated) he puts himself, and there is he received with as great joy as ever man could be. And to be as far out of the way and eye of envy as might be, the King carries him into the North parts, where notwithstanding the Lords shortly after found him out. For no sooner had they heard of his return, and receiving into grace, but they presently combine and take arms, electing Thomas Earl of Lancaster 
The Lords take arms.  for their Leader. This Thomas was the Son of Edmond, the second Son of Henry the third: and was likewise Earl of Leicester, Ferrer, and Lincoln, a most powerful and popular Subject, with whom joins Humphrey Bohun Earl of Heresord, Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, Guy de Beaucham Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Arundel, With many other Barons. But Gilbert Earl of Gloucester the King's Nephew, for that he would neither offend him, nor be wanting to his Peers, stands as Mediator for their liberties, and the peace of the Kingdom. The Earl Warrein remained a while doubtful, and favouring rather the King's part, till the Archbishop of Canterbury induced him to consent with the Lords: who being thus prepared send to the King in the behalf of the whole communalty, beseeching him to deliver up unto them Pierce Gaveston, or else to send him away with his train out of England. The King neglecting their petition they set forward in arms towards the North. The King and Gaveston, withdraw to Newcastle, & there being advertised of the strength of the 
Gaveston taken and beheaded.  Lords, they take ship (leaving the Queen in much grief behind) and land at Scarborough Castle; whereinto the King puts Gaveston with the best forces he could provide for his defence, and departs himself to wards Warwickshire.  
The Earls of Pembroke and Warrein sent by the Earl of Lancaster lay siege to the Castle. Gaveston is forced to render himself into their hands, but entreats thus much that he might be brought once more to speak with the King, and then after they should do with him what they pleased. The Earl of Pembroke undertakes upon his honour he should, but as his servants were conducting him to wards the King, the Earl of Warwick took him from them by force, and commits him to his Castle of Warwick, where after some consultation among the Lords (not withstanding the King's earnest solicitation for his life, they condemned him to the block, and took off his head.  
This was the end of Pierce Gaveston, who for that he was the first Privado of this 
The description of Peirce Gaveston.  kind ever noted in our History, and was above a King in his life, deserves to have his Character among Princes being dead. Native he was of Gascoine, and for the great service his father had done to this Crown, entertained and bred up by King Edward the first, in company with his son this Prince, which was the means that invested him into that high favour of his. He was of a goodly parsonage, of an haughty and undauntable spirit, brave and hardy at arms, as he showed himself in that Turneament which he held at Wallingford, wherein he challenged the best of the Nobility, and is said to have foiled them all; which inflamed the more their malice towards him. In Ireland where he was Livetennant during the short time of his banishment, he made a journey into the mountains of Dublin, brak and subdued the Rebels there, built Newcastle in the Kerns country, repaired Castle Kevin, and after passed up into Munster and Thomond, performing every where great service with much valour and worthiness. He seems to have been a Courtier which could not fawn nor stoop to those he loved not, or put on any disguise upon his Nature to temporize with his enemies; But presuming upon his fortune (the misfortune of such men) grew in the end to that arrogancy as was intolerable, which the privacy of a King favour usually begets in their Minions, whose understanding and judgement 
The miserable ostate of Minions.  being dazed therewith, as is their sight who stand and look down from off high places never discern the ground from whence they ascended. And this extraordinary favour showed to one though he were the best of men, when it arises to an excess, is like the predomination of one humour alone in the body, which endangers the health of the whole, and especially if it light upon un worthiness, or where is no desert, and commonly Princes raise men rather for appetite then merit, for that in the one they show the freedom of their power, in the other they may seem but to pay their debt.  
But this violent part of the Lords showed the nature of a rough time, and was the beginning of the Second Civil War of England. For now having had their desire in 
The peremptory proceeding of the Lords.  this, and finding their own power and the weakness of the King, they peremptorily require the confirmation and execution of all those Articles formerly granted; threatening the King that unless he presently performed the same, they would constrain him thereunto by strong hand. Thus will Liberty never cease till it grow licentious, and such is the misery of a State, where a King hath once lost his reputation with his people, and where his Nature agrees not with his Office, or answers the duties thereunto belonging. And with this menacing message they had their swords likewise ready drawn, and with strong forces assemble about Dunstable making towards London where the King then lay.  
The great Prelates of the Kingdom, with the Earl of Gloucester labour to appease 
The Prelates and the E. of Gloucester labour to pacify and bring in the Lords.  them, and (with two Cardinals, which at that time were sent by the Pope to reform these disorders of the Kingdom) they repair to Saint Albon and desire conference with the Lords, who receive them very peaceably, but their letters which the Pope had written unto them, they refused to receive, saying they were men of the sword, and cared not for the reading of letters: that there were many worthy and learned men in the Kingdom whose Counsels they would use, and not strangers, who kyew not the cause of their commotion: absolutely concluding, that they would not permit Foreigners and Aliens to intermeddle 
Their submission.  in their actions, or in any business that concerned the Kingdom. With which answer the Cardinals return to London. But the Prelates of England so labour the business 
Reg. 5. Anno. 1313.  as the Lords were content to yield up to the King such Horses, Treasure, and jewels as they had taken of Pierce Gaveston at Newcastle, so that the King would grant their petitions, And thereupon john Sandall Treasurer of the Kingdom, and Ingelard Warle Keeper of the Wardrobe, are sent to Saint Albon to receive those things at their hands.  
About this time Queen Isabel is delivered of a son at Windsor whom Louis her brother, 
Queen Isabel delivered of a son.  and other great men and Ladies of France, would have had christened by the name of her father Philip, but the Nobility of England had him named Edward. And here the King keeps his Christmas, feasts the French with great Magnificence, and is said (or rather suspected) to be evil counseled by them against his Nobles, between whom there being so ill correspondence already, any imagination serves to make it worse, Suspicion causing all things to be taken in ill part.  
Shortly after, a Parliament is called at London, wherein the King complains of the great contempt was had of him by the Barons, their rising in Arms, their taking and murdering 
A Parliament.  Pierce Gaveston etc. Whereunto with one accord they answer: how they had not offended therein, but rather mereted his lous and favour, having taken arms not for any contempt of his Royal person, but to destroy the public enemy of the Kingdom, banished before by the consent of two Kings: a man by whom his fame and honour was most highly disparaged, his substance, and that of the Kingdom wasted, and a most dangerous dissension between him and his subjects raised. Whereof otherwise with all their labour and travail they conld never have had an end. Besides they tell him plainly, they would now no longer attend vain promises nor be deluded with delays, as they had hitherto been concerning their required Articles. Which stout resolution of theirs, the Queen with the Prelates, and the Earl of Gloucester seeing, they seek by all persuasions to qualify their heat, and at length so far prevailed with them; as to appease the King's wrath they brought them and their confederates in open Parliament, to humble themselves to the King, and to crave pardon for what they had done, which they obtained, and the King receives 
The Lords are pardoned. A Fifteenth granted.  them into grace, as his loyal subjects, grants them their Articles, and particular pardons by his Charter, for their indemnity concerning the death of Gaveston. And for this, the State upon his great wants granted him a Fifteenth. Guy de Beauchamp Earl of Warwick is here appointed to be one of the King's Council, who 
Reg. 6. Anno. 1314.  being a man much envied by such as possessed the King, shortly after dies, not without suspicion of poison.  
Whilst the State of England stood thus diseased at home, through the infirmity of a weak Head, that of Scotland grew strong by the providence of a vigilant King, who had not only overcome the Scottish faction, and recovered the most of his own 
K. Bruce grows strong in Scotland.  Country, but also made spoils on this, wasting all Northumberland in such sort, as King Edward wakened with the outcries of his people and the great dishonour of the 
K. Ed. goes with a mighty Army into Scotland.  kingdom, is drawn to take arms for redress thereof, and enters Scotland with the greatest Army that ever yet went thither, consisting as the Scottish writers report of 100 Thousand men, whereof were great numbers of Flemings, Gascoines, Welsh, and Irish, who in imagination had devoured the Country before they came thither, and thought not of Battles, but of dividing the prey. Besides the King had with him most of the Nobility, and especial men of England, except Thomas Earl of Lancaster, the Earls of Warwick, Warrein and Arundel, who refused to go, for that the King protracted the execution of the foresaid Articles.  
The Castle of Sterling is the piece that is to be relieved, which chief now held out, defended by Philip Mowbray a valiant Knight, who seeing the daily success of Bruce, had manned and victualled the same for many months. Near to this place upon the River Bannocke is encountered this great Army of England by Bruce, with 30 Thousand Scots, a small number say their writers, in respect of their enemies: but as men hardened with daily use of war and domestical evils, fierce and resolute, carrying all their hopes in their hands, of life, estate, and whatsoever was dear unto them. The advantage of the ground was theirs, having behind unaccessable Rocks to defend them, before a Moorish uncertain ground wherein they digged trenches, 
The battle of Bannocks borough.  which they pitched full of sharp stakes, and covered them over with hurdles, so that that footmen might pass over safely without impediment, but it so confounded the Horse, as it gave the Scots the day, and the greatest overthrow to England that ever it received. There perished in this Battle (called of Bannocks Bourough) Gilbert 
The defeit of the English.  the last Clare Earl of Gloucester, a main Arch of the State of England, and Robert Lord Clifford the Noblest of our Barons, with the Lord Tiptoft, the Lord marshal, the Lord Giles de Argenton, the Lord Edmond de Maule, & 700 Knights, Esquires and Gentlemen of sort: of common soldiers, theirs say Fifty thousand, ours Ten: taken prisoners Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford, Ralph de Morthelmere (who married joan de Acres, Countess dowager of Gloucester,) with many others: the King and those who were preserved escaped by flight.  
This defeit put Scotland both into Arms and Wealth, so that they held their own the better for a long time after, and discouraged so much this kingdom for many years as it wrought not (though it often attempted) any great revenge. King Eddward upon his coming back to York showed a great desire to repair this dishonour, but nothing was done; his people grew cold, home they return, and sit down by their loss. The poor Borderers have the worst of it, and become so dejected as 100 of them would fly from three Scots saith Walsingham. To such a sudden faintness are the inferiors brought, when the nobler parts of a State, which should give them spirit, are ill affected.  
This disaster (as mischief never comes alone) was attended with inundations, which brought forth Dearth, Dearth Famine, Famine Pestilence, all which exceeded any that ever before had been known. A Parliament is called at London upon 
A Parliament at London.  the beginning of this Dearth to abate the prices of victuals, which suddenly grewto be excessive. And therefore it was ordained, that an Ox fatted with grass 
Reg. 8. An. 1315.  should be sold for sixteen shillngs, fatted with corn for twenty shillings, the best Cow for twelve shillings, a fat Hog of two years old three shillings four pence, a fat Sheep shorn fourteen pence, with the fleece twenty pence, a fat Goose for two pence half penny, a fat Capon two pence, a fat Hen a penny, four Pigeons 
Rates for victuals.  a penny, whosoever sold above should forfeit their ware to the King. Hear seems then to have been no Calves, Lambs, Goslings, Chickens, young Pigs, to be sold, those dainties were not yet in use.  
After these rates imposed, all kind of victuals grew more scarce than before, and such a Murrain followed of all kind of cattle, with a general failing of all fruits of 
A Dearth which lasted 3. years.  the earth, by the excessive rains and unseasonable weather, as provision could not be had for the King's house, nor means for other great men to maintain their Tables (such a just punishment had Excess and Riot inflicted thereon in those days) in so 
Reg. 10. An. 1317.  much as men put away their servants in great numbers, who having been daintily bred, and now not able to work, scorning to beg, fell to Robbery and spoil, which adds more misery to the kingdom. Three years this affliction held, & was attended with so great a Pestilence and general sickness of the common sort, caused by the ill nutriment they received, as the living scarce sufficed to bury the dead.  
Notwithstanding could all this extinguish the rancour between the King and his Nobles, but daily one mischief or other broke out, to hold in and increase the same. The wife of Thomas Earl of Lancaster is taken out of his house at Canford in Dorcetshire, 
The wife of the E. of Lancaster taken out of his house at Canford.  by one Richard Saint- Martin, a deformed Dwarf (as he is described) a follower of the Earl Warrein: claiming her for his wife, and avowing how he had lain with her before she was married to the Earl, which the Lady herself to her perpetual ignomy; and the shame of honour, voluntarily averred. This base creature claims by her the Earldoms of Lincoln, and Salisbury, whereunto she was heir; Which with out being supported by great Abettors, he would never have presumed to attempt. The King is noted an Actor herein, which being in so tender & reserved a business as marriage, added much to his other violations of order: & gave 
The King advertised of his errots.  occasion and hardiness to inferior persons to reprove his courses as may be noted by this passage. Being at the celebration of the feast of Pentecost at dinner in the open Hall at Westminster, a woman fantastically disguised enters on Horse-bake, and riding about the Table delivers him a letter, wherein was signified the great neglect he had of such as had done him, and his father noble services, taxing him for advancing men of unworthy parts, etc. which letter read, and the woman departed, put the King into a great rage. They who guarded the door being sharply reprehended for suffering her to enter in that manner, excused themselves, alleging, it not to be the fashion of the King's house in times of festivals to keep out any which came in that manner, as they thought to make sport. Search being made for this woman, she is found and examined who set her on. She confessed a Knight gave her money to do as she did. The Knight is found, and upon examination boldly confessed, he did it for the King's honour and to none other end, and escapes without further ado.  
Thus while the North parts were not only infested with the Scots, but likewise by such of the English as under colour of using aid for resistance, rob and spoiled 
The miserable affliction of the Borderers.  all where they came, to the miserable undoing of the people. Besides Robert Bruce now absolute King of Scots, sends his brother Edward with a mighty power into Ireland, whereof he got a great part, and the title of a King, which he held three years. Thus all things went ill, as evermore it doth in dissolute and dissenrious times wherein the public is always neglected.  
But these mischiefs abroad was the occasion that a reconciliation between the 
A reconciliation between the King & the Nobles. A new occasion of trouble.  King and the Earl of Lancaster is made by the mediation of two Cardinals upon such conditions as were soon after unjustly broken by the King. A Knight is taken passing by Pomfret with letters sealed with the King's Seal, directed to the King of Scots about murdering the Earl, which Messenger is executed, his head set upon the top of the Castle, and the letters reserved to witness the intended plot. Which whether it were feigned or not, the report thereof cast an aspersion upon the King, 
Reg. 11. Anno. 1318.  and won many to take part with the Earl. After this, upon an invasion of the Scots foraging as far as Yorks, a Parliament is assembled at London, wherein again the King by the working of the Cardinals, and Clergy of England yields, faithfully 
A Parliament at London.  to observe all the former required Articles. Whereupon an aid is granted him of Armed men to go against the Scots. London sets forth 200. Canterbury 40. Saint- Albon 10. and so of all Cities and Boroughs according to their proportion, whereby a great Army was levied. Which coming to York; through mutiny, emulation, and other impediments was dissolved, and turned back without effecting any thing.  
The next year after upon the rendering up of Berwicke to the Scots by the treason of Peter Spalding who had the custody thereof; the King of England raises an Army 
Reg. 12. Anno. 1319.  & beleagers it: the Scots to divert his forces, enter upon England by other ways, and were like to have surprised the person of the Queen lying near York. The siege notwithstanding is eagerly continued, and the King in great possibility to have 
The L. Hugh Spencer the younger succeeded Gaveston in the office of L. Chamberlain.  regained the Town, had not the Earl of Lancaster with his followers withdrawn himself upon discontent, hearing the King say, how he would give the keeping thereof to the Lord Hugh Spencer the younger, who was now grown an especial Minion (the successor both of the Office, and private favour of Gaveston) and therefore not to be induted by the Earl.  
Those of York and the Country adjacent having received inestimable damages by the Scots, collect an Army of 10000 men, & encounter them at Milton on Swayle; but being not well led, nor experienced they received the defeite, with the loss of 3000 men. Whereof the King being certified and seeing all things to succeed ill with him, concludes a truce with the Scots for two years, and again returns with dishonour from those parts. In the time of this peace, a great flame arises from a 
Reg. 14. Anno. 1321.  small spark, and took beginning upon this occasion. A Baron named William Brews, having in his licentious age, wasted his estate, offers to sell unto diverse men a part of his inheritance called Powes. Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford, in regard the land lay near his, obtains leave of the King to buy it, and bargains for the same. The two Rogers Mortimer, Uncle and Nephew, great men likewise in those 
Another occasion of revolt.  parts, not understanding it seems any thing of the former bargain, Contract also for the same land, with the said Sir William Brews. Hugh Spencer the younger hearing of this sale, and the land adjoining to part of his, obtains a more especial leave of the King, being now his Chamberlain, and buys it out of all their hands.  
The Earl of Hereford complains himself to the Earl of Lancaster (the refuge of all discontented men) who at Sherborn enters into a Confederation with divers Barons there assembled, taking their oaths intermutually to live and die together, in maintaining the right of the kingdom, and to procure the banishment of the two Spencer's father, and son, whom they now held to be the great seducers of the King and oppressors of the State, disposing of all things in Court at their will, and 
The Lords oppose the Spencers.  suffering nothing to be obtained but by their means: Which the State accounted a mischief most intolerable and grievous unto them, seeing all graces and dispatches were to pass out but at one door, whereby the King's benignity and power is diminished, the Kingdom dishonoured, all corruptions introduced to the overthrow of justice and good order.  
And under this pretence they take Arms, wherein themselves proceed not in that 
And take Arms.  even way of right as they made show, but follow the fury of their wills, being once out and astray, they seize upon, and make spoil of the lands and goods of those persons they prosecuted, and all such as had friendship and affinity with them, killing their servants and disposing their Castles at their pleasure. And coming armed thus to S. Albon they send to the King, residing then at London, the Bishops of London, Salisbury, Hereford and Chichester (who were there assembled to consult for peace) requiring him as he tendered the quiet of the Realm to rid his Court of those Traitors the Spencers, condemned in many Articles of high Treason, by the Communality of the Land, and withal to grant his Letters Patents of Pardon and Indemnity both to them, and all such as took part with them, and that for no offences past or present they should hereafter be punished. The King returns answer, That Hugh Spencer the father was beyond the Seas employed in his business, 
The King excuses the Spencers.  and the son was guarding the Cinque-Portes according to his office, and that it was against Law and Custom they should be banished without being heard. Moreover that 
Denies the Lords their demands.  their request was void of justice and Reason, for that the said Spencers were ever ready to answer to all complaints made against them, according to the form of Law, and if the LL. could prove they had offended the Statutes of the Realm, they were willing to submit themselves to the trial thereof. And beside swore he would never violate the oath made at his Coronation, by granting letters of Pardon to such notorious offenders who contemned his person, disturbed the Kingdom, and violated the Royal Majesty. Which answer so exasperated the Lords as presently they approach to London, and lodged in the Suburbs till they obtained 
The Lords come armed to London.  leave of the King to enter into the City: Where they peremptorily urge their demands; which at length by mediation of the Queen and the chief Prelates, the King 
The King yields unto them The Earl of Hereford publishes the King's Edict in Westminister Hall.  is wrought to condescend unto, and by his Edict published in Westminster Hall, by the Earl of Hereford, are the Spencers banished the Kingdom. Hugh the father keeps beyond the Seas, but the son secretly hides himself in England expecting the turn of a better season. The Lords (having thus obtained their desire with the King's Letters of impunity) depart home, but yet not with such security, as they gave over the provision for their own defence.  
Shortly after, there fell out an unexpected accident that suddenly wrought their confusion. The Queen who had ever been the nurse of peace, and laboured to accord 
The occasion of the Queen's displeasure with the Lords  the King and his Barons, making her progress towards Canterbury was disposed to lodge in the Castle of Leeds, appertaining to the Lord Badlesmere (who had been long the King's Steward, but lately took part with the Barons) and sending her marshal to make ready for her and her train, they who kept the Castle told him plainly, that neither the Queen or any else should enter there, without letters from their Lord. The Queen herself goes to the Castle, and receives the like answer, whereupon 
She is denied lodging in the Castle of Leeds.  she is driven to take such lodging other where as could be provided. Of which indignity she complains to the King, who took it so to heart, as presently with a power of armed men out of London, he lays siege to the Castle, takes it, hangs the 
The King takes the Castle of Leeds. Grows strong.  keeper, Thomas Culpeper, sends the wife and children of the Lord Badlesmere to the Tower, and seizes upon all his goods and treasure. And having this power about him, and warmed with success and the instigation of the Queen, suddenly directs his course to Cicister where he kept his Christmas, and there provides for an army against the Barons, whereof many (seeing the King's power increasing) left their associates and yield themselves to his mercy, amongst whom were the two Rogers Mortimer, men of great might and means, the Lord Hugh Audeley, the Lord Maurice Barkley, and others, who notwithstanding, contrary to their expectation, were sent to diverse prisons. The Earls of Laucaster and Hereford seeing this sudden change withdrew themselves and their companies from about Gloucester towards the North-parts. 
The Lords withdraw into the North parts, and are overthrown.  The King follows them with his Army wherein were the Earls of Aihol and Angus, and at Burton upon Trent, where they had made head, discomfited their forces and put them all to flight. Whereupon seeking to escape they retire further North, and at Burrough Briggs are encountered by Sir Simon Ward Sheriff of York, and Sir Andrew Harckley Constable of Carlisle, who (after the Earl of Hereford was slain in striving to pass the Bridge) took the Earl of Lancaster, with diverse other Lords and brought them to Pomfret, where the third day after, the King sitting himself in judgement with Edmond Earl of Kent his brother, the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl Warren, Hugh Spencer, lately created Earl of Winchester and others, Sentence of death is given against Thomas Earl of Lancaster, by drawing, hanging, and beheading as a traitor. The two first punishments are pardoned in regard he was of the 
The execution of the E. of Lancaster, with divers other Losds in diverse places.  royal blood, and only beheaded he was the same day without the town of Pomfret before his own Castle. And by the like judgement were condemned the Lord Roger Clifford, the Lord Warrein Lisle, the Lord William Tuchet, Thomas Maudit, Henry Bradburne, William Fiztwilliams, William Lord Cheyny, Thomas Lord Mowbray, joseline Lord Danyll, all which were executed at York. Shortly after the Lord Henry Teyes is taken, drawn, hanged and quartered at London, the Lord Aldenham at Windsor, the Lords Badlesmere, and Ashbiunham at Canterbury, the Lord Gifford at Gloucester; principal men in principal places, to spread the more terror over the kingdom. All their estates and inheritances are confiscated, and many new men advanced by the same. And this is the first blood of Nobility that ever was shed in this manner in England since William the first, which being such, and so much as 
The first of any Earl or Baron of England that ever was executed upon Scaffold, or otherwise, since the time of William the first.  it was, opened veins for more to follow, and procured a most hideous revenge, which shortly after ensued. Thus is the beam of power turned, and Regality (now in the heavier scale) weighs down all.  
And presently upon this Maister-worke, the King both to busy the minds of his people, and to Keep their hands doing whilst the terror thereof lasted, marches from York with a mighty host (but small provisions) into Scotland. Where, the Scots conveying themselves and all succours out of his way, put that want upon him, as confounded his great Army without blows, forcing him to return with much dishonour. And having passed far within his own Country, they assailed him at unawares, and had like to have taken his person, as well as they did 
The King's ill success in Scotland.  his treasure with the Earl of Richmond (with whom having miserably ransacked all the Country over, even to the walls of York, they return loaden with mighty 
Reg. 16. Anno. 1323.  spoils safe into Scotland; & this was the success of this unfortunate King (not borne for triumphs) in his third Scottish expedition.  
And now being at leisure, in a calmer homour it seems, he began to have a sense of the Execution of the Earl of Lancaster, which he discovers upon this occasion. Some about him making earnest suit to grant a pardon to one of the Earls followers (a man of mean estate) and pressing him hard thereunto, he falls into a great passion, exclaiming against them as unjust and wicked Councillors, which would urge him so to save the life of a most notorious varlet, and would not speak one word for his near kinsman the Earl of Lancaster: who said he, had he lived might have been useful to me and the whole kingdom; but this fellow the longer he lives the more mischief he will commit, and therefore by the soul of God, he shall die the death he hath deserved. Sir Andrew Harckley who was the man which took prisoner the Earl of Lancaster at Burrough Brigges, being advanced for his service to the Earldom of Carliel, enjoyed his honour but a while: for the next year after, either thrust out into discontent, by the Spencers envying his high 
The E. of Carlisle degraded & executed.  preferment, or combining with the Scots, alured with the hope of a great Match (as he was accused) is degraded of all his honours, drawn, hanged and quartered at London for treason, and remains amongst the examples of sudden downfalls from high places, under an inconstant and ill governing Prince.  
Occasion drew on a Parliament to consult, amongst other important businesses 
Reg. 17. An. 1324.  concerning the Summons lately sent to King Edward, from the new King of France Charles le Bel (who succeeded his brother Philip le Long) to come and do his homage For Gascoine, and it was by the common consent of all decreed that the King shoould not go in person at that time but send some especial men to excuse or defer 
A Parliament.  his appearance.  
Besides in this Parliament, the King required a subsicy both of the Clergy and Laity, for the redemption of john Britain Earl of Richmond, lately taken prisoner 
The King is denied a Subsidy.  by the Scots. But it was denied and alleged that no contribution ought of right to be made but for the redemption of the King. the Queen or Prince, and so nothing was there gotren but more displeasure. The Bishop of Hereford was arrested, and accused of high 
The Bishop of Hereford accused of treason.  treason before the King and his Council for aiding the King's enemies in their late rebellion, but he refused to answer (being a consecrated Bishop) without leave of the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose Suffragan he was (and who he said was his direct judge next the Pope) or without the consent of the rest of his fellow Bishops, who then all arose and humbly craved the King's clemency in his behalf; but finding 
He refused to answer.  him implacable they took away their fellow Bishop from the Bar, and delivered him to the custody of the Archbishop of Canterbury, till some other time the King should appoint for his answer to what he was charged withal. Shortly after he was again taken and convented as before, which the Clergy understanding, 
The B. taken from the Bar.  the Archbishops, Canterbury, York, and Dublin, with ten other Bishops, all which with their Crosses erected went to the place of judgement, and again took him away with them, charging all men upon pain of excommunication to forbear to lay violent hands on him, with which audacious act the King was much displeased, and presently commanded inquiry to be made ex officio judicis, concerning those objections against the Bishop, wherein he was found guilty, though absent, and had all his goods and possessions seized into the King's hands.  
This act lost him the Clergy, and added power to the discontented party, which 
The B. being absent is condemned ex officio.  was now grown to be all in general, except the Spencers and their followers, who enriched with the spoils of the Barons, governed all at their pleasure, selling the King's favours, and shutting him up from any others, but where they pleased to show 
The presumption of the Spencers.  him: and in this violence which knows no bounds, they presume to abridge the Queen of her maintenance, and lessened her household train, which was the rock whereon they perished.  
The proceeding of the King of France against the King of England for the omission of his homage, was grown so far, as that all his territories there were adjudged to be forfeited, and many places of importance seized on by the French, 
The Earl of Kent sent into Gascoine.  whereupon Edmond Earl of Kent the King's brother is sent into Gasconie but to little effect, the King of France was before hand, his power ready and his people in those parts yielding that way where they saw most force. So that, either the King of England must go in person to appease this trouble, or send his Queen to her brother to mediate an accord, otherwise all was there in danger to be lost. For the Kings going in person, the Spencers held it unsafe both for him, and them, if he should leave his kingdom at home in so great, and general discontent as then it was. Wherefore the Queen with a small train is sent over to accommodate the 
The Queen is sent to accommodate the business of France.  business, which she negotiates so well, as all quarrels should be ended upon condition the of King England would give to his son Edward the Duchy of Aquitaine with the earldom of Ponthieu, and send him over to do homage for the same, which after many consultations the King is wrought to yield unto.  
The Prince is sent with the Bishop of Exeter and others, to the Court of the King 
The Prince is sent to do his Homage for the Duchy of Aquitaine.  of France, where he was most welcome to his mother, who herein had her desire, and being wholly bend to revenge (whereof none are said to be more eager than women) found there, besides her great party in England, those who nourished that humour in her amongst whom was chief Roger Mortimer Lord of Wigmor, lately escaped out of the tower of London, a gallant young Gentleman whom she especially favoured. The Bishop of Exeter perceiving some plots to be in hand, and their 
The Bishop of Exeter discovers the Queen's plots.  close consultations made without him, withdraws secretly from thence, and discovers to the King so much as he observed of their courses. The King sends presently for the Queen and Prince, soliciting withal, the King of France to hasten their return, which when he saw was neglected and delayed, he caused them openly to be proclaimed enemies to the kingdom, banishing them and all their adherents out of the 
The Queen proclaimed enemy to the Kingdom.  Land: and withal causes all the Ports to be strongly kept, and sends three Admirals to attend on several coasts to oppose their landing.  
The Queen to inflame her the more is informed of a plot laid to murder her, and the Prince: and either doubting how much the money of England might work in those should be tempted therewith, or else finding little forwardness in her brother to aid or countenance her course against her husband, withdraws to the Earl of Haynault being then a Prince of great means, and likewise Earl of Holland, to whose daughter Phillippa she contracts her son the Prince, and gets aid and money of him to transport her into England. Arriving at Harwich with the Prince, the Earl 
The Queen returns with forces.  of Kent the King's brother (whom she brought with her from the Court of France) the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Roger Mortimer, and john brother to the Earl of Heynault with 2500 Henowayes and Flemings, she was received with great joy and concourse of all the discontented Nobility and others: and especially by the Bishops of Hereford and Lincoln, who soon resorted unto her, as men who had lost, to recover their fortunes.  
The King, upon notice of this sudden and safe arrival of the Queen, demands aid 
Reg. 19 Anno. 1326.  of the City of London, which returns answer, That they would with all duty honour the King, Queen, and Prince, but their gates they would shut against all foreigners and traitors to the Reatme, and with all their power withstand them. The King with his small Council 
The King demands aid of the City of London.  about him reposing no assurance in this answer (after Proclamation made that none, upon pain of death, should aid the Queen, and commandment given to destroy all her adherents, only her own person, the Prince, and his brother the Earl of Kent excepted, and that whosoever brought the head of Roger Mortimer should have 1000 pounds) he leaves the City, committing the keeping of the Tower to Sir john Weston with the guard of his younger son john of Eltham, and his Niece the Countess of Gloucester (first wife to Pierce Gaveston, now of Hugh Spencer the younger: a Lady unfortunate by the over great fortunes of both her husbands) and departs towards the West, hoping to find aid in those parts as formerly he had done against the Barons, but he saw the world was altered, and no man there to regard him. 
The King departs towards the West.   
The Queen advertised of his course marched after him (growing daily greater as she marched) and comes to Oxford, where the Bishop of Hereford Preached before her and the whole assembly, and delivers the cause of her proceeding taking for his 
The Queen follows.  Text, My Head acheth, my Head acheth: and concludes most undevinely, that an aching, 
2. King. 24.  and sick Head of a Kingdom, was of necessity to be taken of, and not otherwise to be cured. A most execrable doctrine, and repugnant to the Sacred Word, which in all corrupted times is evermore produced, to abuse men's Credulity and justify Impiety in whatsoever Ambition or Malice shall attempt: a sin beyond all other that can be committed upon earth. And the more to countenance the Queen's proceeding, it was noised two Cardinals were seen in her Camp, sent by the Pope to excommunicate such as took Arms against her, and the cause of hers to be for the delivering the kingdom from the misleaders of the King, the Spencers, the Lord Chancellor, and their adherents, all others to be safe. And here proclamation is made, that nothing should be taken from any subject without paying ready money, and a penalty imposed on whomsoever 
The Queen's Proclamation.  did the contrary, as for the value of three pence to lose a finger, six pence the hand, twelve pence the head, and that whosoever brought to the Queen the younger Spencers head should have 2000 pounds. Thus is a bad cause defended with show of justice, and an vunaturall presumption made to seem right by power and authority: An impotent woman led with passion, and abused by wicked counsel is brought to make head against her own head, to conduct an innocent son against the father; to undertake an action she knew not how to manage, and to put herself into their hands, who having other ends than hers, would work beyond, though under her authority, what pleased themselves. And though the event (as commonly it doth in such attempts) prove worse than the intention of the undertaker; yet howsoever, the infamy of all what was acted lies foul and open upon her Memory, and no Apology extant any way to cover it, and therefore we must leave the same as we find it. And better had it been for the honour of the state of England to have been without her great dower, then to have had her example, the worst of a Queen it ever yet had. The miserable King having his reputation (the main support of Majesty) blown up with the hurlewinde of his pursuers, found few or no hands to aid him: So that, after he had put Hugh Spencer the father into the Castle of Bristol, with what defence could be provided for the guarding thereof; he leaves to trust the Land, and commits himself to a more unfaithful Element, the Sea, with purpose either to hide himself a while in the Isle of Lundie, or to pass over into Ireland, 
The King betakes him to the Sea.  but tossed to and fro with contrary winds (after Sir Thomas Blunt his Steward with others were shrunk from him) he lands in Wales in Glamorgan shire; where, though he found not safety he found love and was hidden in the Abbey of Neth  
The Queen with her Army from Oxford goes to Gloucester, where the Lords Percy and Wake, with aid from the North, met her; and thence to Bristol: assails and wins the Castle: puts to death the defender Hugh Spencer Earl of Winchester without form or trial of Law: causing him to be drawn, and hanged, on the common 
Hugh Spencer the father hanged at Bristol.  gallows in his Coat armour, cut up before he was dead, headed, and quartered. This done, she passes to Hereford, and the King being not to be found, Proclamation is made, that if he would return and conform himself to rule the State as he ought to do, he should come and receive the government thereof, by the general consent of his people. But he, either not daring (as destitute both of courage and counsel) to trust to this offer, or not well informed thereof, keeps himself still concealed. Whereupon (as may seem was intended) advantage is taken to dispose of the government, and the Prince who is now under their guard, is made Guardian of the Kingdom, hath Fealty sworn unto him, and a new Chancellor, and Treasurer, are appointed.  
Long it was not ere the King came to be discovered as a person too great for any cover, and was by Henry Earl of Lancaster brother to the late Thomas, William 
The King taken prisoner.  Lord Zouch and Rises ap Howell taken and conveyed to the Castle of Kenelworth. The younger Spencer with Baldock the Chancellor, and Simon Reading apprehended with him, are sent to the Queen to Hereford, Spencer (who was now Earl of Gloucester) is drawn, and hanged on a gallows Fifty foot high (wherein he was exalted above his father, otherwise had the like execution) and likewise in his Coat armour, whereon was written Quid gloriaris in malitia. psal. 52. Simon Reading was hanged Ten foot lower than he: But Baldock in regard he was a Priest, had the favour to be pined to death in Newgate. And here likewise a little before was the Earl of Arundel with two Barons, john Danyll, and Thomas Micheldever executed as Traitors by the procurement of Roger Mortimer, for adhering to the King's part.  
To accompany these mischiefs of the Country, the Commons of London made insurrection, and force their Mayor, who held for the King to take their part, let out all prisoners, possesses them of the Tower, put to death the Constable thereof, Sir john Weston, murder the Bishop of Excester to whom they bore an especial hatred, for that being the King's Treasurer he caused the justices Itenerants to sit in London 
A Parliament at London, where the Prince is elected King.  by whom they were grievously fined, and thus all is let out to liberty and confusion.  
After a months stay at Hereford, the Queen with her son returning kept Christmas at Wallingford, their Candlemas at London, where the Parliament being 
Reg. 20. Anno. 1327.  assembled agreed to depose the King, as unfit to govern (objecting many Articles against him) and to elect his eldest son Edward: which they did in the great Hall at Westminster, with the universal consent of the people there present, and the Archbishop of Canterbury makes a Sermon upon this text, Vox populi, vox Dei, exhorting the people to invoke the King of kings for him they had there chosen.  
The Queen, either out of the consideration of the difference of a husband and a son (whom now she was not like long to guide) or through remorse of conscience looking back upon what she had done, takes this election grievously to heart, insomuch as her son to recomfort her, swore he would never accept of the Crown without the consent of his father, whereupon by a common decree, three Bishops, two Earls, two Abbots, four Barons, three Knights of every Shire with a certain number of Burgesses of every City and Borough, and especially of the Cinque-Ports, are sent to the imprisoned King at Kenelworth, to declare unto him the election of his son, and to require the renunciation of his Crown and royal dignity, whereunto if he would not consent, the State was resolved to proceed as it thought good. The King being first privately made acquainted with the Message 
The King is brought to resign his Crown.  (the most harsh to Nature that could be imparted) and by two, whom he especially hated (for having especially offended them) the Bishops of Hereford and Lincoln was brought forth before the assembly; to whom as soon as his passion (wherewith he was overcharged, would give him leave) he confessed, how he had been misguided (the common excuse of a poor spirit) and done many things whereof now he repent, which if he were to govern again, he would become a new man, and was most sorrowful to have so much offended the State, as it should thus utterly reject him, but yet gave them thanks that they were so gracious unto him, as to elect his eldest son for King. Having spoken to this purpose, they proceed to the Ceremony of his resignation (which chief consisted in the surrender of his Crown) for the form whereof, being the first that ever was seen in England, they could follow no precedent but must make one, and William Trussell a judge put it into the Style of Law to render it the more authentical, and pronounced the same in this manner. I William Trussell in the name of all men of the Land of England, and of all the Parliament 
The form of his resignation.  Procurator, resign to thee Edward the Homage that was made to thee sometime, and from this time forwards now following, I defy thee and prive thee of all royal power, and I shall never be tendant on thee as King after this time. This was the last act and the first example of a deposed King, no less dishonourable to the State then to him. He was a Prince more weak than evil, and those exorbitances of his met with as great or greater in his people, who as we see, dealt over roughly and uncivilly with him. He is reported by some to have been learned (which perhaps might make him the softer) to have written verses when he was in prison: to have founded Oriall College, and Saint Mary Hall in Oxford.  
He had by his wife Isabella two sons, Edward borne at Windsor, who succeeded 
Misissue.  him, and john Surnamed of Eltham, who was created Earl of Cornwall An. 1315. and died in the Flower of his youth in Scotland. And also two daughters, joan married to David Prince of Scotland, and Elionor to the Duke of Gelder's.  
The end of Edward the second.   

The Life, and Reign of Edward the third.  
Upon the resignation of Edward the second, Edward his son of the 
1327. An. Reg. 1.  age of fourteen years, began his Reign the twentieth of january 1327, and sends forth Proclamations of his peace into all Shires in this form. Edward by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, to N. N. our Sheriff of S. greeting. Whereas the Lord Edward, late King of England our father by the common council and assent of the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other chief men, with the whole Commonalty of this Realm, did voluntarily amove himself from the government thereof, willing & granting that we as his eldest son and heir, should assume the same etc. which proclamation made to palliate a wrong did but the more, discover it. Within 5 days after was he crowned at West. by Walter Archbishop of Canterbury: at which solemnity the Q. made show of great sorrow & heaviness, but being after pacified by the enlargement of her jointure (which took up three parts of the King's revenues) she began to be of better cheer. Twelve especial 
The Queen hath her jointure enlarged. Twelve especial men chosen for the government.  men are here appointed to manage the affairs of the Kingdom, till the King were of fit years to govern of himself: the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishops of Winchester, Hereford and Worcester, Thomas Brotherton Earl marshal, Edmond Earl of Kent, john Earl Warrein, Thomas Lord Wake, Henry Lord Percy, Oliver Lord Ingham, and john Lord Rose; but the Queen and Roger Lord Mortimer usurped this charge, and took all took all wholly to themselves. And to busy the present and 
An expedition into Scotland.  uphold this Change, an expedition instantly is undertaken for Scotland, wherein (those strangers still retained which the Queen brought over with her) are employed under the conduct of the Lord john Beaumond brother to the Earl of Haynault, and at York the whole Army were to meet, where the English (being not all of a party) quarrel with those strangers, and so great a conflict arose between them as cost some blood, and was hardly appeased, an ill presage of that journey.  
At Stanhop Park the English Army encounter the Scottish, and though the English were thrice greater, and might easily have vanquished them, yet by the treason of some great men (as it was bruited) they escaped all away, and nothing was done; so 
The Scots retire from Stanhope Park, ●● nothing done.  that the young King borne for victories, was deprived the honour of his first action, which yet, being not conducted by his own Spirit, was held more dishonourable to others then to him. Upon their return, all the Hannowayes and Stipendaries are sent home into their own Countries.  
During this business the deposed King remains prisoner at Killingworth, with the allowance of 100 marks a month for his expenses, deprived of all those comforts the world should yield him. His wife whom he loved (though now the author of all his misery) sends unto him letters and apparel, but excuses her coming as being not permitted by the State: Neither was he thought safe enough where he was, nor so straightly looked unto, as they desired to have him, being in the custody of his Uncle the Earl of Lancaster; And therefore they commit him to other guardians, and men of the most rough Natures could be found, the Lord Matrevers and Thomas Borrney, who from thence removed him to the Castle of Berckley in Glocestershire, where long he 
The miserable estate of the imprisoned King.  stayed not, but was conveyed to Corfe Castle, and thence to other places up and down to beguile and disappoint his friends, by the uncertainty of his being, if any plot were laid (which they doubted) to restore him. Besides to disguise him the more, and that he might not be easily known, they shave his Head and Beard, which as a servant of his Sir Thomas de la More a Knight of Glocestershire reports (who wrote his life) was done in the open fields, by the commandment of Gourney who most barbarously caused the miserable King to sit on a Molehill whilst the Barber shaved him, and to take cold water out of a ditch to wash him withal, which the patiented King (saith this Reporter) seeing, told them, That yet in despite of them he would have warms water at his Barbing, and therewithal shed abundance of tears. Other vile reproaches this savage jailor put upon his anointed Sovereign, as here-conveyed him back to Berckley 
He is murdered at Berkley Castle.  Castle, where shortly after he, and Matrevers caused him to be murdered in a most hideous manner by thrusting up a hot Iron into his bowels thorough an hollow instrument, whereby no outward Note might appear to bewray how he came by his death: For the body being after laid forth, and viewed by many substantial Citizens of Bristol and Gloucester (called thither for that purpose) they could find no sign either of wound or poison, so that their Evidence confirmed the report that was given out, how he died of extreme grief. This was the end of Edward the 2 within eight months after his deposing.  
The deed-doers Matrevers and Gourney though they had commission and great hopes given them to do as they did, yet being by those who were ashamed to avow it, they durst not abide the trial, but as Fugitives fled presently their Country: Gourney three years after was taken at Merseilles, and murdered on the Sea before he came to England, that he might tell no tales who set him on work. But this was not all the blood this deed cost, the judgement of God fell heavily, not only upon the great contrivers, but even upon the whole Kingdom: and what the issue of this present Prince, whose throne (though without his guilt) was thus set up on his father's blood, sustained in after times, the many imbrued Scaffolds, the diverse bloody fields, the infinite slaughters in the civil discord of their divided families, which the consumed race of the most part of all this present Nobility will testify. But now for the present, the authors of this change use all means to increase and fortify their own fortunes, whilst the State in general receives no great satisfaction thereby. men's expectations are not answered in that manner as they were conceived, The Queen mother and her Minion Mortimer (lately created Earl of the Marches of Wales) guide all, and all that is not well done, or amiss in the Government is now attributed to them and their council: So that discontentments in gender new Factions according to the Nature of turbulent times.  
The King's marriage with Phillippa of Haynault is solemnized, and a Parliament is 
1328. Anno. Reg. 2.  held at Northampton, where a dishonourable peace is concluded with the Scots, and confirmed by a match between David Bruce Prince of Scotland, son to Robert Bruce, and joane sister to the King of England, which match by reason of the tender age of the Prince, being but seven year old, could promise little good. Besides by the secret working of the Queen Mother, the Earl of March, and Sir james Douglasse, The King surrenders by his Charter his Title of Sovereignty to the Kingdom of Scotland, 
A Parliament at North.  restores diverse Deeds, and instruments of their former Homages and Fealties, with the famous Evidence called the Ragman Roole, and many ancient jewels and Monuments amongst which was the Black Cross of Scotland, etc. Moreover any Englishman is prohibited to hold Lands in Scotland, unless he dwelled there. In consideration whereof King Bruce was to pay 30 thousand Marks. Shortly after another Parliament is held at Winchester, 
A dishonourable peace made with Scotl.  where Edmond Earl of Kent, brother to the late deposed King, is accused and condemned upon his confession, for intending the restoring of his brother, and conferring with diverse great men concerning the same, but without any matter of fact. This miserable Earl stood on the Scaffold from one till five, and no Executioner could be found to dispatch him, at length a silly wretch of the marshalsea cut off his head.  
These violences and unpleasing courses in a new alteration, could not long hold without effecting another, which the next year produced. A Parliament is held at Nottingham wherein all the power and glory of the Queen and Mortimer (being scarce 
A Parliament at Nottingham.  of three years growth) were overthrown; the Queen hath all her great jointure taken from her, and put to her pension of 1000 pounds per annum, Mortimer is accused to have procured the late King's death; to be the author of the Scots safe escaping from 
Articles against Mortimer.  Stanhope Park, corrupted with the gift of twenty thousand pounds: to have procured the late marriage, & peace with Scotl. so dishonourable to the King and Kingdom: to have consumed the King's treasure, besides all what was taken from the Spencers: to have been too familiar with the Queen, etc. And for these heinous offences is condemned of high treason, sent up to London, drawn and hanged at the common Gallows at the Elms, now called Tyburn, 
He is hanged at Tyburn.  where his body remained two days as an opprobrious spectacle for all beholders. Such were the tragical and bloody returns, those ambitious supplanters of others, got by exchange of the times, which now, may seem, made the world weary of such violences, and more wary to run into them. And the King growing to years of more Ability to govern of himself, wrought a greater respect of his service in those who were of power about him, seeing him to be of a spirit likely to go through with his work, and therefore they use their best advice to put him into courses that might be most honourable for him and the Kingdom. The stains which his youth had received by such as governed the same, are now discovered, and means devised how to take them of. And withal, occasions fall out to put him into Action.  
And first a new King of France lately crowned (upon the death of Charles le Bel 
King Edward is summoned to do his homage to Philip de Valois K. of France.  without issue Male) requires his homage according to the custom for the Duchy of Guien and his other lands in France held of that Crown: whereunto though King Edward was supposed to have the better right, yet seeing Philip de Valois was now in possession of the same, and himself then young, his own Kingdom factious, turbulent and unsettled, he was not as yet otherwise then by Law (which seldom gets a Crown) able to debate his title; and therefore is content to temporize, and go over in person to perform this ceremony, which did much prejudice his after claim, laid an imputation upon the justness of his cause, having thereby acknowledged and made good the right of his Competitor.  
The difference between them stood thus: Philip le Bell father to Isabella, Mother 
The Title of K. Ed. to the Crown of France.  to King Edward, had three sons, Louis, Philip, and Charles which all were successively Kings of France, and died without any issue male to inherit the kingdom, and notwithstanding Louis the eldest son had a daughter, whom Eudes Earl of Bologne her uncle by the mother laboured to have crowned Queen, yet for that it was adjudged contrary to the Salicque Law, which debarred women from the succession, Philip the younger brother of Louis is add admitted to the Crown. This Philip likewise left four daughters, and yet doth Charles his brother succeed him by the force of the same law (which passed now as a case adjudged) without any controversy. Charles dying leaves his wife young with child: difference arises about the Regency of that kingdom, between King Edward of England the Nephew, and Philip de Valois, cousin-germane to the last King Charles. This Philip was the first Prince of the blood, son to Charles de Valois, brother to Philip le Bell. And though King Edward was in degree nearer than he, yet was the Regency adjudged to Philip (if the Queen brought forth a son) as descending from a brother more capable of the Crown then King Edward descending from a daughter that was uncapable, as they alleged.  
The Queen at length delivered of a daughter the process is ended, and Philip received and crowned King of France, by their Salicque Law, maintained to be unviolable. Robert de Artois a Peer of great power, was a special means of his pre. ferment, and the exclusion of King Edward, who shortly after upon Summons given 
1331. An. Reg. 5.  (as is aforesaid) goes over and meets King Philip at Amiens; where, by the Counsels of both Kings, two especial points are debated, the one concerning the quality of the Homage, pretended liege by the Council of King Philip, but denied by that of King Edward. The second point, for the lands in Guiene, which the last King Charles had detained as his, whereof the Council of King Edward demanded restitution, as appertaining to that Duchy. The Composition for this last point was easy, in regard of the treaty of Peace made between the said King Charles and Edward the second, the last of May 1325. wherein their rights were saved by protestations, reciprocal, advised and received in offer and acceptance of Homage made to the said King Charles by this Edward before he was King, which protestations were agreed to be followed and repeated in this, with Covenant that if King Edward would pursue his right in Parliament, he should have justice done him accordingly for those things in controversy. Now for the first point concerning the quality of his Homage, it was accorded without specifying the same, that it should be done and received according to the usual manner of former kings, with sufficient time granted to King Edward to inquire of the said quality, and to make his declaration thereof. And thereupon 
jean Tilet.  the sixth of june 1329. King Edward in a Crimson velvet gown embroidered with 
K. Ed. doth Homage to the French K.  Leopards, with his Crown on his head, his sword by his side, and golden spurs on his heels, presents himself in the body of the Cathedral Church at Amiens before King Philip, sitting in his chair of estate in a velvet gown of violet colour, embroidered with flowers de lis of gold, his Crown on his head, and his Sceptre in his hand with all his Princes and Peers about him. The Viscount Melun Chamberlain of France, first commands King Edward to put off his Crown, his sword, and his spurs and to kneel down, which he did on a crimson velvet cushion before King Philip, and then the Viscount putting both his hands together between the hands of the King of France, pronounced the words of the Homage which were these: You become Liegeman to the King my master here present as Duke 
The form of the Homage.  of Guyene and Peer of France, and you promise to bear saith and loyalty unto him. Say yea, and King Edward said, yea, and kisses the King of France (as the Lord of the Fee) in the mouth, the like Homage he then did for the Earl do me of Ponthieu  
This act of submission performed in the person of a King, young, active, haughty, and powerful, who held himself wronged in doing it to whom he did, bred that rancour in his heart, as it had been better for all Christendom that Ceremony had been spared at this time, and not so punctually been exacted by King Philip; whom their own Historians blame for standing so much upon his Regality, with one as mighty as himself, and more able and likely to shake his new got Throne then any other whatsoever: to whose passion considering the fiery heat of his youth, he should rather have ministered Oil then Vinegar, and more hospitably intertertained him in his Court, coming with that State and Magnificence, as he did, attended with the best of all the kingdom of England to show what he was, and to beget a respect of his high estate. But these are the errors of improvident Princes, who carried with the sway of their own will, embroil themselves and their subjects, that ever suffer the worst and are sure to pay dearly for others faults.  
And now thus wounded in reputation, with a mind swollen for revenge, the King 
K. Ed. returns out of France entertains the Scottish business.  of England returns to settle his affairs at home, where Scottish businesses fall out to entertain him. The late peace concluded with them is held so dishonourable, as it must not hold, and to break the same, followed an occasion begun upon their own quarrels. The tender age of their King (the affliction of kingdoms) with the emulation and factions in great men, put Edward Balliol son to john Balliol (sometime King of Scotland) thirty two years after his father's deposition, to attempt 
Ed. Balliol comes out of France defeated his opposers & is crowned King of. Scotland.  the recovery of that Crown: and out of France, where he had all that while remained, he comes by the solicitation of his friends into England, where he was permitted underhand to get aid, and had all such Scots and English who were of the faction against Bruce to take his part, and with them he suddenly assails those who had the government of that kingdom during the nonage of the young King David (being at that time with the King of France) and overcame them in a battle, with the slaughter of many Noble men, and Thousands of the common people, and thereupon was immediately crowned King of Scotland at Scone. But his party being not so potent as they could maintain and defend his quarrel against all those which opposed it, he was forced notwithstanding this great defeit, to retire him into England to get more aid of King Edward; who now shows himself in the action, 
Berwick recovered.  joins with Balliol against his brother in law king David, goes in person with a strong Army to recover Berwicke, which after three months siege, being valiantly defended 
The battle of Halidown hill.  by the Lord Seton, was again taken in, and the Army of the Scots which came to the rescue thereof at Halidowne hill utterly defeated: where were slain seven Earls, 900 Knights and Baronet's, four hundred Esquires, and about two and thirty thousand common soldiers, as our writer's report, theirs, fourteen thousand. And with this effusion of blood is Balliol returned to his miserable kingdom.  
In this oppugnation of Berwicke, though my haste be great, I must not so much 
A memorable act in the oppugnation of Berwicke.  trespass virtue as to overpass one memorable particular, recorded by the Scottish writers, which is, how the Lord Seton seeing all relief failing, and the assaults so violent, as he could not long hold out, conditions with king Edward, if rescue came not at such a day to render him up the town: and for assurance delivers him two of his sons. Shortly after king Edward, having notice of the Scottish Army approaching with greater power and speed than he expected, and likely to be there before the day, summons the Lord Seton to render the town presently otherwise he should see his two sons executed before his face, and withal a Gallows is made ready within sight of the town, the young Gentlemen brought forth and under the hand of the Executioner; wherewith the distressed Lord, rend between those powerful passions of Nature and Honour, standing doubtful what to do, his wife the mother of those sons, a Lady more than a woman, comes unto him, exhorts him to remember his Fealty sworn to the King, his Charity to his Country, the dignity of his noble Family, that they had other children left though these were destroyed, and besides themselves were not so old, but that they might have more. How those, if they should be preserved from death at this time might otherwise shortly perish by some worse occasion: And what a stain he should lay on the name of Seton, and their posterity for ever, by a base act of yielding and betraying the place committed unto him: whereby also he was not certain whether he should preserve his children or no: for how could he hope that this King, who had violated his first promise with him, would perform the last. And therefore besought him that he would not prefer an uncertain and momentany benefit, before a certain and perpetual ignominy. And so recovering her Lord's resolution for holding out, withdrew him from the walls, into some other parts aside, that he might not be Spectator of the execution of his innocent children.  
The next year after this defeit at Hallidown Hill, Edward Balliol King of Seots at 
1333. An. Reg. 7.  Newcastle doth Homage to the King of England as his superior Lord, and takes his oath of Fealty, Binding himself and his heirs to hold that Kingdom of him and his successors for ever with the inheritance of five Countries next adjoining to the Borders. So large a part yields he to forego, rather than to be in danger to lose the whole, which 
Edward Balliol doth Homage for the Kingdom of Scotl.  yet could not secure his estate, but rather embroil it the more, by reason of the discontent which most part of the Nobles of Scotland conceived upon this act of Alienation, and subjection of their Country. Insomuch as it gave both Kings, continual occasion of trouble for a long time after, with the expense of infinite treasure. 
A Parliament holden at London.  There was granted to the King of England for these wars a Fifteenth of the Temporalty, a Twelve of Cities and boroughs, and a Tenth of the Clergy, in a Parliament holden at London. And. 3 years together the King goes in person with armies into those parts, and never returned without destruction and bloodshed of that afflicted people: inso much as it may move us to admire, how it could be possible that little corner of this Isle, being no more fertile, and withal so often wasted could breed so many (had 
A remarkable consideration.  it bred nothing but men) as had been slain in battle within these fifty years past, and yet still to be able to supply and furnish their fields with such numbers as they did, both to maintain their own quarrels, defend their liberties, and that poor ground they dwelled upon, which was not worth so much blood as it cost them, deserving to have had a better piece of earth, and a more perspicuous place in the world to have showed those acts of magnanimity and courage, as they did.  
The reason that moved King Edward with such violence to prosecute the business of Scotland was out of a desire, so to settle the same, as he might be wholly for the 
1336. Anno. Reg. 10.  designs he had upon France, which chief he intended, and was the sooner put thereinto by the instigation of Robert de Artois, who being chased from thence by King Philip his brother in Law, comes over into England, and is here entertained with great honour.  
This Robert a Prince of the blood of France descended from Robert son to Louis the eighth, brother to S. Louis, had long contention with Maud his Aunt Countess 
Robert de Artois discontented with the Fr. King.  of Burgogne about the Earldom of Artois; and presuming upon his own power, his alliance with King Philip who had married his sister, and the service he had done in advancing him to the Crown, counterfeits a Deed thereby to overthrow his Aunt's right, which being afterward discovered, made it the more, and moved the French King to give judgement on her side, so that the County of Artois was by arrest of Parliament, confirmed upon Maud, which so offended Robert, as in his rage, he openly said, He would unmake the King by the same power he made him: Which rash menace uttered before many witnesses so stung the French King, as presently he lays to apprehend him, but failing therein, causes him to be proclaimed Traitor, confiscates 
jean Tillet.  all his estate, forbids his subjects whosoever, either without or within the Kingdom, which held of that Crown, in any sort to receive him, comfort, counsel or aid him, upon pain of confiscation of body and goods: and withal charges them by any means to seize upon his person, and to send him prisoner unto him. Whereupon this chased Prince finding no place on that side safe for him, over he 
Robert de Artois comes into Engl.  comes into England, is joyfully entertained by King Edward, made of his Council, invested in the Earldom of Richmond, and here is he the Kindlefire between these two mighty Nations, and began such a flame, as lasted above an hundred years after, and the smoke thereof much longer. First he discovers to King Edward the secrets of their Counsels in France, and what means had been used for the advarcement of King Philip, whose title he now disapproves, and prefers that of King Edward, as more just: and a declaration is published and sent to the Pope and all the 
Vid. Apend.  Neighbour Prince showing the usurpation of Philip de Valois upon that Crown.  
Now had King Edward ever since his return from Amiens prepared to make good his party to oppose the French King, and by the assistance of his Father in law William Earl of Haynault, combined with the Dukes of Brabant, and Geldres, the Earl of juliers, the Archbishop of Cologne, Valeran his brother, john of Haynault, and other Princes of Germany. And beside, had of late obtained by great gifts of Louis de Bavier, the present Emperor, to be Vicar General of the Empire, whereby he was 
V Ed. made Vicar general of the Empire.  to have all those Prince's confiners upon France, who held of the same, to do him service. And this grace the Emperor did him, the rather for that he had stood for him against his competitor Frederick of Ostrich, with whom the French king took part; and beside he had married King Edward's wives sister, which might be a motive to procure him this honour. Then seeks he to gain and draw in the Flemings whose Earl though adhering to the French King as his Vassal; yet the Cities which ever entertained a kinke of liberty among themselves, were easily won to take part with King Edward, in regard their wealth chief grew by the wools of this Kingdom, which by a Parliament holden at London, Anno Reg. 9 were prohibited to be 
The making of cloth introduced in this kingdom.  transported unwrought, That Clothes should be made here, and habitation with all Privileges and Liberties allowed to such Artifieers as would come from other parts to inhabit. Besides it was enacted, That none should wear other than English Cloth, except the King, Queen and their Children, that no man should wear any facing of silks or furs, but such 
The first sumptuary Law we find in our History.  as could dispend 100 pounds, per annum. But those ordinances (more beneficial to this Kingdom than these wars will be) were upon this new entertained correspondence with the people of Flanders, soon after neglected; but yet the making of cloth 
K. Ed. wins jaques d' Artivile  continued, and many come out of Flanders to exercise that trade in England.  
Now there was among the Flemings one jaques de Artevile, Citizen of Gaunt, a Brewer as some say (but of more than Beer) a man of greatest estimation amongst the people, and was as their Tribune or chieftain in their tumults, him King Edward gets by great rewards to take his part, and thereby had them all ready to assail the French King upon any occasion.  
Having thus prepared his party abroad, all means are devised to raise moneys at 
Means used for money.  home to supply this business. The Tenth penny of Towns and boroughs, a Fifteenth of others, and a Tenth of the Clergy is granted in a Parliament at Northampton. All such treasure as was 
Vid. Apend.  committed to Churches throughout England for the holy war is taken cut for the King's use in this. The next year after, all the goods of three orders of Monks, Lombard's, Cluntacques and Cistercences are likewise seized into the King's hands: and the like Subsidy as before, granted at Nottingham. Honour's are likewise bestowed on many Noblemen to encourage 
Reg. 12. Anno. 1338.  them in this intended action. Henry of Lancaster the younger, is created Earl of Derby, William Montacute Earl of Salisbury, Hugh Audeley Earl of Gloucester, William Clinton Earl of Huntingdon, William Bohun Earl of Northampton, Robert Vfford Earl of Suffolk: Prince Edward was likewise at this time created Earl of Chester, and Duke of Cornwall. In anno Reg. 12. at a Parliament at Northampton (as some writ in the absence of the King) was granted by the laity, one half of their Wools, but of the Clergy 
A subsicy of wool.  was levied the whole, and they were caused to pay Nine Marks for every sack of fine Wool. The next year after a Fifteenth was likewise paid in Wool by the communalty. And 
K. Ed. goes into Fland. with his wife and children.  now for the better managing of his work abroad (having well accommodated the Scottish affairs) he goes over into Flanders, takes with him his Queen and children, lies at Antwerp, where, by persuasion of the Flemings he took upon him the Style, Title, and Arms of the King of France, whereby they held they might the better justify their partaking in his quarrel, and dispense with their oath formerly made to the French King, having beside bound themselves in 20 hundred thousand crowns never to bear Arms against the King of France, and thereupon the league was established between them and King Edward. The French King was not behind in his 
The French Kings partakers.  preparations and confederacies, having to take his part the King of Bohemia, the Count Palatine of Rhine (who covenanted to serve him against K. Edward and his adherents, with 300 horse for 56000 Florins) The Bishop of Mets, Albert & Otho Dukes of Ostrich, Theodore marquess of Monferat, Amè Earl of Geneva, besides many Princes of Estate, and diverse great Captains out of Germany, French-County, Savoy, Dauphine, Spain and other Countries. So that all the best of the Christian World, are 
Means to appease these two Kings.  either in Arms, or aiding in this quarrel, between these two mighty Kings. Long were they preparing and making a noise before they came to grapple; and much was wrought by the Pope, and the King of Sicily, a great ginger (who devined by skill he had in the Stars of much future calamity to France) to have accorded them, which would not be.  
The Preface of this war began on the Borders of each others State: On this side King Edward sets upon Cambray defended by the French. Philip on the other, seizes on 
The French King seizes on Duchy of Guienne.  the Duchy of Guienne, and thither sends Conte d Eu Constable of France with the Earls of Foix and Arminiacg, who surprise many strong pieces thereof: Besides he hath a great Navy at Sea which committed much spoil on the coast of England. King Edward 
King Edward enters into France.  enters France by the way of Vermandois and Thierache, approaches near to King Philip: Both Armies were lodged between Vironfosse and La Flamenguere, the day of the fight appointed upon the Friday after, the Battles on both sides made ready, the advantage of number was on the French; But both Armies furnished with brave men of war, and circumspect, depart without encounter: The French esteeming it no discretion to put the person, and state of their King to the hazard of Battle within his own Kingdom: And the English consisting of less number, thought fit not to assail them: and so they passed the day in Countenances, and nothing was done. Only this accident fell out, which after gave matter of sport: A Hare starting before the head of the French Army, a great shot was suddenly made, which they who were behind 
Froissart.  supposing to have been upon the onset of Battle, disposed themselves to fight: some 
Knights of the Hare.  Esquires for their more encouragement, are according to the custom presently Knighted, who were ever after called Knights of the Hare.  
The next morning early both Kings dislodge, the French retires to Paris, the King of England into Brabant, where after he had strongly fastened his confederated, and disposed of his affairs, he leaves the Queen and returns into England about Candlemas, 
1330. An. Reg. 14.  having been in Brabant above a year, lands at the Tower about Midnight (and finding it unguarded was much displeased) sends for the Mayor of London, whom he commanded to bring before him the Chancellor and Treasurer, with john S. Paul Michael Wath, Philip Thorp, Hen. Stratford Clergy men (who it seems were officers for his receipts) and john Sconer justice of the Bench, all which, except the Chancellor were arrested and committed to prison, as were afterward in like manner divers officers of justice and accountants upon inquiry made of their unjust proceeding. 
A Parliament at London. Great Subsides granted. Custom, at first but temporary.   
Then calls he a Parliament at London in Lent which granted unto him for custom of every Sack of Wool, Forty shillings, for every 300 Wooll-fells, Forty shillings, for every Last of Leather, Forty shillings: and of other Merchandizes according to that rate, the same to endure from that Easter to the Whitsuntide Twelvemonth after. Besides, there was granted of Citizens and Burgesses, a ninth part of Goods, of Foreign Merchants and other a Fifteenth, of Husbandmen, the Ninth Sheaffe, the Ninth Fleece, the Ninth Lamb for two years. Also another Tenth of the Clergy. And for his present supply, he hath Loans of diverse wealthy persons, and the City of London let 20 thousand Marks. For the grant of which mighty Subsidy, the King (besides his Pardon to drivers kinds of offenders 
Pardons and Remission of ancient Debts. ) remits all Amercements for transgression in his Forests, Reliefs, and scutage unto the first time of his going into Flanders: Besides all Aids for the marriages of his Sons and Daughters during his reign: pardoning and remitting all ancient debts and arrearages both 
Retribution.  of his farmers and others any way due, in the time of his Progenitors, and his own, till the tenth year of his reign (excepting such as were compounded for, and determined to be paid into his Exchequer) and here he likewise confirms the great Charter.  
During King Edward's abode in England, William Montague Earl of Salisbury, and Robert Vfford Earl of Suffolk, left in Flanders to oppose the proceeding of the French, having performed diverse great exploits with happy success, and presuming overmuch 
The Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk taken prisonerg in France.  upon their fortune, were in an encounter about Lisle, so overlaid by multitude, as they were both taken and sent prisoner to Paris, to the great joy of the French King: who now to impeach the King of England's return, had prepared a mighty Navy in the Haven of Sluice, consisting of 200 Sail of Ships (besides many Galies) and two thousand armed men in the Port, ready to encounter him upon his landing: Whereof King Edward being advertised, provides great strength, with the like number of Ships, and sets out to Sea upon Midsummer Eve, is met the morrow after with a Navy likewise from the North parts, conducted by Sir Robert Morley, and in counters his enemy which lay to intercept him, with such force and courage, and advantage of wind and Sun, as he utterly defeated their whole Navy, took or sunk all their Ships, 
King Edward vanquishes the French Kings great Navy.  slew 30 thousand men, and landed with as great glory, as such a victory (the greatest that ever before was gotten by the English at Sea) could yield. Most of the French, rather than to endure the Arrows, and sharp swords of the English, or be taken, desperately leap into the Sea. Whereupon the French Kings jester, set on to give him notice of this overthrow (which being so ill news, none else willingly would impart on the sudden) said, and oftentimes reiterated the same, Cowardly Englishmen, 
jean Tillet.  Dasterdly Englishmen, fainthearted Englishmen. The King at length asked him Why: For that said he, They durst not leap out of their ships into the Sea, as our brave Frenchmen did, By which speech the King apprehended a notion of this overthrow: which the French attribute to Nicholas Buchet one of their chief Commanders, who had armed his Ships with men of base condition (content with small pay) and refused Gentlemen, and sufficient Souldeirs, in regard they required greater wages: and it often happens that the Avarice of Commanders have been the occasion of great defeits.  
But this loss much abated the power of the French King, who notwithstanding in these Martial times was soon supplied, both out of his own Dominions, and those of his Confederates, and makes a mighty head against this victorious, powerful and freshly furnished King of England; who suddenly sets down before Tourney, with 
King Edward and sends hic Challenge to the French King.  all his own and his adherents forces. And from Chin (a place neere-by where he lodged) sends his cartel the 17 of july, to Philip de Valois, lodging at S. Andrew les air with his puissant army. Declaring how he with the power of his own Kingdom, and aid of the Flemings, was come to recever his right in the Kingdom of France unjustly detained from him, contrary to the Laws of God and Man: and that seeing no other means would serve, he was forced in this manner to have recourse to his sword. Notwithstanding seeing the business was between them two, he offers for the avoiding of Christian blood, ànd devastation of the Country, to try the same by combat in close Camp, body to body, or each of them accompanied with 100 choice persons: which if the said Philip refused, then to strike battle within ten days after, before the City of Tourney.  
Philip de Valois returns answer the last of july in this manner, Philip by the grace of God King of France, to Edward King of England: We have perused your letters sent to the 
The French Kings answer to the Challenge.  Court of Philip de Valois, containing certain requests to the said Philip: and for that it appeareth: hose letters and requests were not written or made unto us, we will in no sort answer you. But seeing by those letters, and otherwise we understand how you, led by Wilfulness, without all reason, have entered our Kingdom of France with armed power, and committed no small damage in the same, and on our people, contrary to the duty of a Liegeman: having lalely sworn homage unto us, acknowledging us, as by right King of France, and have promised that obedience which is due from the Vassal to his Liege-Lord, as is manifest by your letters Patents under your great Seal, which we have with us, and you likewise aught to have the same with you. And therefore our intention is as becomes our Honour, to chase you out of our Kingdom, as we firmly hope in Christ (from whom we have our power) to do. For that by this your war, most wickedly begun, our journey undertaken for the East is hindered, no small number of Christians there murdered, the holy service neglected, and the Church dishonoured. And whereas you allege you possess the aid of the Flemings, we are assuredly persuaded, that they with the Communality of their Country, will so bear themselves towards our cozen their Earie and us their superior Lords, as they will not omit to observe their honour and fidelity, whatsoever hath been by some, through ill counsel perpetrated for their own private, contrary to the common good.  
The French writ how King Philip with this Letter sent word to King Edward, how by his cartel he adventured nothing of his own, but only exposed the dominion of another, which was without all reason. If he would hazard the kingdom of England (though it were less) against the kingdom of France, the said King Philip would enter combat in close camp with him, on condition the Victor should enjoy both kingdoms. But that, they say, King Edward would not do.  
Three months the siege of Turney had continued (and nothing effected but the waste of the Country about) all the eyes of Christendom bend upon this action, both kingdoms, deeply engaged, expecting with anxiety the doubtful event thereof, when jane de Valois sister to Philip, widow of William late Duke of Haynault, and mother 
A mediation for peace.  to Phillippa wife to King Edward, a Princess of excellent virtue, came from Fountenelles where she had rendered herself a Nun vowed to God, to mediate a peace between these two intaged Kings, her brother and her son in law: and labours to stay the sword of destruction lift up for blood, trualying from one to the other (stubbornly bend to their intentions) and never left them (though often denied) till she had with great patience, and wise counsel qualified their boiling passions, in such sort as she obtained day and place for both Kings to parley together. A memorable work to be effected by a woman, especially in such an age of Iron as that was. This parley brought forth a truce for one year, and both these great Armies 
A Truce concluded.  are dissolved. The French King returns home, and so doth the King of England with his Queen: who had remained in those parts three years, and had there 
Anno Reg. 15.  brought forth two sons, Lionel, afterwards Duke of Clarence, and john borne at Gant, who first was Earl of Richmond, and after Duke of Lancaster.  
But King Edward's condescending to this sudden truce, had indeed no other motive than the want of his supplies of treasure, which came short to his expectation, notwithstanding those mighty impositions which were laid on his subjects. And whereas he had upon his last return into England, in great displeasure, removed his Chancellor, and imprisoned his Treasurer, with other Officers (most of them clergymen) and still held them in durance, john Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury, (on 
john Strarford Archbishop of Canterbury his Letters to King Edward.  whom the King laid the blame of his wants) writes him a most bold and peremptory Letter to this effect: first showing him how it was for the safety of kings and their Kingdoms, to use grave and wise Counsellors, alleging many examples out of holy Writ of the flourishing happiness of such as took that course, and their infelicity who followed the contrary. Then wills him to remember how his father led by evil counsel vexed the kingdom, putting to death, contrary to the law of the Land, diverse of the Nobility, and wished him to consider what happened thereby unto him. Also to call to mind, how himself at first, through evil counsel about him, had almost lost the hearts of his people. But afterwards, by the great circumspection and care of his Prelates and Nobles, his affairs were reduced into so good order as he recovered them, and now possessed them in such sort, as they all, both Clergy and Lay, have yielded their helping hands, more to him then to any of his Progenitors, whereby he had gloriously triumphed over his enemies, the French and Scots, and is reputed the noblest Prince of Christendom. But now at this present, through the wicked counsel of such as affect their own profit more than his honour, or the welfare of his people, he had caused Clergy men and others to be arrested, and held in prison by undue proceeding, contrary to the laws of England (which he was bound by his oath at his Coronation to observe) and against Magna Charta, which whosoever shall presume to infringe, are to be by the Prelates (according to the Bull of Pope Innocent the fourth) Excommunicate. So that hereby he incurred no small danger to his soul, and detriment to his State and honour. Then he telleth him, how he doubted that if the King proceeded in this manner, he should lose both the hearts of his people and their help, in such sort as he should not be able to prosecute his war in hand, and thereby give his enemy's heart and occasion to rise against him, to the hazard of his honour and the kingdom. And therefore advises him to assemble the Nobles and prudent men of the Land, and to consult with them (without whose aid and counsel he could not govern his kingdom, or perform his enterprises) concerning what was a miss. And whereas, said he, certain near about you by their adulation and soothing, falsely betray and deceive you, we here denounce them Excommunicate, and beseech you as your spiritual Father, that you hold them so. Besides, he urges him, that whereas through the negligence of some Ministers of his, the City of Turney was not gotten, the matter might be examined in Parliament, and inquiry made, to whose hands, from the beginning of the war, the wools and moneys were committed to be bestowed, and by whose default the City of Turney was not subdued, but left in such manner as it was: and that as an equal and wise Lord he would chastise such as were culpable, and not condemn or misdeem his subjects without sufficient trial, etc. This Letter bare date the 1. of january.  
Then writes he also to Robert Bowser Chancellor of England, showing him what contributions the Clergy had yielded to the King by their free consents, & that none other were to be exacted of them. Requiring him to do nothing prejudicial to the Law of Magna Charta; and that if any Writ, Commission, or Precept had gone out of the Chancery contrary thereunto, or the privileges and liberties of the Church or Kingdom, he should within ten days after the receipt of these his Letters (as he said the Chancellor was bound to do) revoke and annul the same. This bare date the 28. of january.  
Another Letter he likewise sends to the King and his whole Council, declaring that whereas contrary to the privileges and liberties of the Church and Kingdom contained in Magna Chatta, john de Saint Paul, Michael de Wath, Robert Chickwill, john Thorpe, and Henry Stratford, were arrested, committed to prison, and there detained without being indicted, or convicted of any notorious crime, and that whosoever were aiding or counciling to this proseeding had incurred the sentence of the Canon, which he had caused to be published both in his own Diocese, and in all other of his suffragans. And therefore besought the King and his whole Council, without delay to deliver the said prisoners, otherwise (he 
Quatenus de iure poterunt excusari.  plainly writes) that according to his Pastrall charge, he must proceed to the execution of the sentence. Concluding how notwithstanding it was not his intention to include therein the King, Queen, or their children, so far as they might by law be excused.  
To this purpose he likewise sends to the Bishop of London and other his Suffragan Bishops, whom after having complained of the great exactions and wrongs done to the Church by lay men) he charged him not only to denounce and publish in their Church, but fix up in all eminent places the sentence of Excommunication, against all offenders in those articles of Magna Charta: which are at large added to his 
Vid. Append.  Letter, to the end (as he said) that every man might know the danger, and none pretend to be ignorant thereof.  
The King wakened with this clamour of the Archbishop, is feign to apologize for himself, by his Letters written to the Bishop of London, wherein, after having declared 
King Edward accuses the Archbishop of false dealing.  how much he had ever honoured and trusted the Archbishop, he accuses him of manifest wrong, for that relying upon his counsel, he was put at first upon this action against the French King, and by him assured he should not want treasure and means for the performance thereof, and that he needed not to care but only to provide men to execute the work. And how notwithstanding, through the negligence or malice of the said Archbishop and his officials, those provisions granted him by his subjects in Parliament, were in so slender proportion levied, and with such delays sent over, as he was priest of necessity (to his great grief and shame) to condescend to the late Truce, and through extreme wants (charged with mighty debts) forced to throw himself into the gulf of the usurers; in such sort, as having just cause, he began to lookeinto the dealings of his Officers: some of whom upon apparent notice of their ill administration of justice, their corruptions and oppression of his subjects, he removed from their places, and some of inferior degree culpable of the same offences, he committed to prison, and there detained them, to the end he might find out by their examinations, the truth of their proceed, whereof none could so well inform him as the Archbishop, to whom of long time, he had committed the whole administration of the kingdom. And therefore desirous to confer with him at London, he had of late sent an especial messenger, his trusty servant Nicholas de Cantelupe, that he should repair thither: which the Archbishop refuse to do, alleging how he stood in fear of some about the King, and therefore would not endanger himself, nor departed from his Church. Then the King sent Ralph Scafford, the Steward of his house, with safe conduct under his great Seal for the Archbishop's security. Notwithstanding he refused to come, returning word how he would have no conference with the King but in open Parliament: which at that time (said the King) was not for especial reasons convenient to be called. Then aggravates he the undutiful contempt of the Archbishop and his hypocritical dealing with him: avowing that although by hereditary right, and the divine grace he was advanced to that sublimity of regal power, he held it always to have been a detestable thing to abuse the greatness thereof, and how he affected nothing more in the world, then to govern his subjects with mildness, clemency, and moderation of justice; that he might with peace enjoy their love. And how notwithstanding the Archbishop had most injuriously (by his Letters published in diverse parts) torn his innocency, and slandered the faithful service of his Counsellors and Officers, who executed his regal justice, exclaiming how the people were oppressed, the Clergy confounded, the kingdom aggrieved with taxations and all kind of exactions. Which the King argues was to no other end, but to raise sedition amongst his people, and to withdraw their love and obedience from him. Lastly, to give notice of the archbishops corruption, he declares how, himself being under age, had through his counsel made so many prodigal donations, prohibited alienations, and excessive gifts, as thereby h●s treasury was utterly exhausted, and his revenues diminished, and how the Archbishop corrupted with bribes, remitted without reasonable cause, great sums which were due unto him, applying to his proper use, or to persons ill-deserving many commodities, and revenues which should have been preserved for his necessary provisions. And therefore concluded, unless he desisted from this his rebellious obstinacy, he intended in due time and place more openly to proceed against him: enjoying them to publish all and singular these his malignities, and to cause others to do the like, for the manifestation of his own pious and Princely intention, in relieving his own and his subjects wrongs. This Letter was said to have been penned by Adam Bishop of Winchester, and bare date the 12. of February, An. Reg. 15.  
Thus the King and his Officers, whose proceed must not receive a check, are cleared, and the imputation rests upon the Archbishop, who is charged with great accounts, & pressed by such as lent the King money, to render the same. But shortly after the King found much to do in the Parliament held at London, being earnestly petitioned by the whole Assembly of the three Estates, that the great Charter of Liberties, and the Charter of Forests might be duly observed, and that whosoever of the King's Officers infringed the same should lose their place: that the high Officers of the kingdom, should as in former times, be elected by Parliament. The King stood stiff upon his own election and prerogative, but yet yielded, (in regard to have his present 
Vid. Stat. 15. Edward. 3.  turn served, as himself after confessed) these Officers should receive an oath in Parliament, to do justice unto all men in their offices, and thereupon a Statute was made & confirmed with the King's Seal; both for that, and many other grants of his to the subjects, which notwithstanding were for the most part presently after revoked.  
The truce agreed on before Turney for one year, was by the Commissioners of both 
The Articles Vid. Appen.  Kings, and two Cardinals from the Pope, concluded at Arras, which yielded some cessation of Arms, but not of plotting more mischief. Louis of Bavier (entitled Emperor) is won to the party of the French King, becomes his sworn confederate, 
The Emperor revokes the Vicariate, the reason why. Vid. Append.  and revokes the Vicarshippe of the Empire, formerly confirmed on the K. of England, pretending the cause to be for concluding the late truce without him, as appears by his Letters to King Edward, which are again by him fully and discreetly answered.  
But in steed of this remote and unconstant confederate (whose power lay without the limits of France) Fortune brought in another more near, and of readier 
The controversy for the Duchy of Britain.  means to offend, within the body of that kingdom. The inheritance of the Duchy of Britain is in controversy between Charles de Blois, Nephew to King Philip, and john de Monfort, upon this title: Arthur Duke of Britain had by Beatrix his first wife, two sons, john and Guy, by Yoland Countess of Monfort his second wife john de Monfort. john the eldest son of Arthur having no issue, ordained jane his Niece, daughter to his brother Guy (who died before him) to succeed him in the Duchy. This jane, Charles de Blois marries on condition his issue by her should inherit the same, wherein after consummation of the Marriage he is invested, and had homage done unto him during the life of john their uncle. But after his death, john de 
Monfort doth homage for the Duke of Britain to King Edward.  Monfort claims the Duchy, comes to Paris to do homage for the same to the French King. Charles de Blois in the right of his wife, opposes him, the controversy is referred to the Parliament. Sentence passes on the side of Charles. Monfort enraged repairs to the King of England, doth his homage unto him for the Duchy, is received with great applause, and his title (howsoever held bad at home) is here made to be good. Returning back into Britain both with comfort & means, after some encounters 
Monfort taken prisoner His wife prosecutes her husband's quarrel.  with his enemy, he is taken and committed prisoner to the Lowre in Paris: His wife the Countess of Monfort sister to Louis Earl of Flanders (a Lady who seemed to have more of the man then her brother) prosecutes her husband's quarrel, puts on Armour, leads and encourages her people, surprises, and defends many strong pieces of Britain: but in the end, like to be overlaid by the power of Charles de Blois, she craves aid of the King of England, and hath it sent, under the conduct of the Lord Walter de many, which relieved her for the present, but the future required more: whereof King Edward was not sparing, in regard of his own designs, for aids are seldom sent to foreigners but for the Senders benefit. The Lady herself comes over into England to treat both for supplies and alliance, tendering a match between her son and a daughter of King Edward. The Earls Salisbury, Pembroke, and Suffolk, 
Forces sent over into Britain.  the Lords Stafford, Spencer, and Bourchier, with Robert de Artois Earl of Richmond, are sent with great forces back with the Lady. Many were the encounters, surprises, and recovering of Forts between the English and the French; and in this action 
The death of Robert de Artois.  Robert de Artois received his last wound, at the siege of Vannes, but yet was brought to die in England, it being not in his Fate, that his country (which by his means had suffered so much affliction) should have his bones, though it had his blood, which he lost with little honour, though with much valour, leaving behind him but the fame of a Rebel, after he had served the English about six years.  
King Edward shortly after these supplies sent into Britain, goes himself in person with more, and lying before Vannes (lately recovered by the French) john Duke of Normandy eldest son to the French King, sent to aid Charles de Bloys, with an Army of forty thousand, came to give him battle, and being upon the point of encounter, a mediation of truce is made by two Cardinals, sent from Pope Clement the fixed, and concluded for three years, upon many conditions, with a reference to the Pope, and the Court of Rome, to hear and examine the differences betwixt the two kingdoms, but not to determine them without the consent of both Kings. This pause again gives them more time to work for greater wounds, and nothing is left unpractised that might advance the same. And though the people now seemed to put off their Armour, they left not off arms, but had diverse bicker, both in Britain and Gascony, for which either side accused other.  
King Edward returning, makes an expedition into Scotland against K. David, whom he chased into the islands: And here the Isle of Man is conquered by William Montacut Earl of Salisbury, whom king Edward caused to be styled King thereof, and returning back, solemn Turneaments are held at Dunstable, where he is attended with 230. Knights. For now all the pastime, and exercise in England were Iustes and Turneaments held in Smithfield, Windsor, and other places. A society of Knights of the Round table, in imitation of King Arthur, is designed, & a magnificent Chamber of 200. foot round, erected for the same at Windsor, and to this society many strangers of other Countries are alured. The French K. also practices the like martial association in France. 
Reg. 17 An. 1343.   
And about this time began the order of the Garter, instituted at Windsor upon a solemn feast there celebrated (which held for many days) and served that time as an 
The institutio of the Order of the Garter.  Emblem of a tie and combinement in honour of such as were admitted thereunto, which was the end of the constitution thereof: Howsoever the Garter of the Countess of Salisbury, taken up by the King in dancing with her, was said to have been the occasion. But it were some derogation to that noble institution, to impute the original thereof to an act of Levity, seeing with what a grave and religious ceremony it is performed. Although, we see oftentimes, accidents of little consequence give beginnings to things of great estimation, which time makes venerable.  
But besides these exercises of Arms, this great and provident King, during this truce, takes especial care for the Government of the Kingdom, and reformation of the abuses thereof, which daily grow as diseases in full bodies, and must of necessity have sometimes their cure, otherwise there will be no health in a State. A Parliament is called at Westminster, wherein upon the grievous complaint exhibited by the Earls, 
The Nobility write to the Pope concerning his collation of Benefices in England.  Barons, Knights and Burgesses against the collation of Benefices on strangers, a letter was sent to Pope Clement 6. in humble manner beseeching him to consider how inconvenient, and derogatory it was to the state of the Kingdom of England, that such reservations, provisions, and collations, of Benefices as had been formerly used, should in such sort be continued. For that the Churches of England had in times past been endowed, by noble and worthy persons: to the end the people might be instructed by such as were of their own language: and how by the usurpation of some of his Predecessors, strangers, and sometimes enemies to the Realm, were preferred to many of them, whereby the money and profits were transported, the Cures unfurnished, alms and Hospitality unused, the edifices ruinated, the charity and devotion of the people diminished, and many other grievous enormities, contrary to the will of the Founders, occasioned: which they could not suffer any longer, and therefore besought his Holiness wholly to revoke such reservations, provisions and collations, that meet and native persons might exercise those Cures, and without delay to signify his intention therein, otherwise they meant to employ their diligence, that remedy and redress might be had according to reason. The date of these Letters was in full Parliament at Westminister the 28. of May 1343, with which were like wise sent the King's letters to the same effect, by Sir john Shoreditch, a grave person and of great understanding in the Law; whose message made 
Sir john Shoreditch sent with these Letters.  him so unwelcome to that Court, as he departed without leave, or answer, which though the Pope afterward sent: yet the King proceeded to the prohibition of all such provisions & collations within his Realm, on pain of imprisonment, or death to whom soever should in time to come present or admit any such person or persons, who by the Pope were so preferred to the prejudice of the King's royal prerogative. And to this effect were Writs directed to all Archbishops, Bishops, & others to whom it appertained, inhibiting them in no wise to attempt any thing preiudial to this ordinance.  
Here is the Archbishop Stratford with much ado upon his submission reconciled 
The Archbishop of Canterbury reconciled.  to the King's favour. And much debating there is in this Parliament concerning Wools and the asseasement of certain prices upon the same, more or less, according to the several parts of the Realm: and concerning customs to be imposed on them, as at three Marks and a half upon the transportation of every sack; but it seems nothing was done in this business.  
Ptince Edward about the age of 13 is created Prince of Wales, and Commissioners 
Prince Edward created Prince of Wales.  are appointed to be sent to the Pope to treat of Peace between the two Kings, according to the Articles concluded in the truce, which were john Bishop of Excester, Henry de Lancaster Earl of Derby, Hughle Dispensier Lord of Glamorgan, Cousins to the King, Rauph Lord Stafford with others.  
The next year after, another Parliament, or the same prorogued, is held at London, 
Reg. 18. An. 1344.  wherein after much altercation, a tenth was granted by the Clergy, and a fifteenth by the laity for one year, and a certain Coin of gold called the Floren of base alloy, which had been for the wars in France, is decried, and Nobles of finer coined, to 
A Parliament.  the great liking of the subjects. And for their better commodity the exchange of moneys at London, Canterbury and York is ordained. Shortly after general Musters are taken throughout the Kingdom, and Certificate made of all sufficient and able Bowmen, 
General musters and appointing of Armour.  and of all others fit to bear Arms. Besides, a Commission is sent into every country to inquire of men's abilities, and all of five pounds to teu of lay Fee, were appointed to find an Archer on horseback, of 25 pounds, a Demi-lance, and so rateably above. The King himself goes in person to confirm and make the Flemings fast unto him: and at Sluice, jaques van Artevile with other Commissioners from their chief Towns, repair unto him, where a motion is made, that either Louis their Earl should do homage to the King of England, or else be disinherited, and Edward Prince of Wales received for their Lord: for which King Edward promises to erect their County to a Dukedom. Artevile was forward to entertain this motion: but the rest of the Commissioners require leave to acquaint therewith the Towns that sent them, which though they were all desirous to have the Protection of the King of England, yet disliked the disinheriting of their natural Lord. Artevile notwithstanding undertakes to induce them unto it, and returns to Gant, guarded with five hundredth Welsh, which he desired to have, for that one Gerrard Denyse Provost of the Weavers opposed him, and sought his destruction. The people whom he had so often led to mutiny against others, now upon his return rose against himself, and a Cobbler with an Axe struck out his brains. And so King Edward lost his great Agent, which much displeased him, and disappointed his business in those parts. Yet the Towns sent to excuse themselves of this accident, laying the fault on the turbulent Gantoys, and in all things vowing their faithful service unto him: only to the disinheriting of their Earl they could not consent. But they hoped to persuade him to become his homager, and to procure a match between the son of their Earl, and his daughter. And thus pacifying his present displeasure, the league is renewed betwixt them, and King Edward returns to prosecute his other designs.  
But now the wars in Guien grew hot, the Earl of Derby General of the Army, assaults and takes in Villefranche, Agenois, Angolesme, Rions, Saint Basile, with many other Cities and Castles. The French King sends his eldest son john Duke of Normandy to encounter him; who recovers the Cities of Angolesme, and Villefranche, & thus is the sword out before the Truce is expired, the breach whereof, the French King lays on the King of England, and he the same on him, for entertaining King David, and setting the Scots upon attempts of invasion of his Realm. So that it seems both were prepared to break, not able to hold their hands any longer from the fatal work of destruction.  
It was now the twentieth year of this mighty and active King's reign, wherein 
Reg. 20. Anno. 1346.  he had prepared the greatest Fleet that ever yet crossed the Seas for France, and over he passes into Normandy in july, leaving for Wardens of England in his absence, the Lords Percy, and Nevile, taking the young Prince with him, about the age of fifteen years, to learn him the way of men, and what travel greatness was borne 
The king goes with a mighty Army into Normandy.  to endure, to attain glory in this world. His Army consisted of four thousand men at Arms, and ten thousand Archers, besides Welsh & Irish, which followed on foot; he had of Earls, Hereford, Northampton, Arundel, Huntingdon, Warwick, Suffolk, and Oxford: of Barones, Mortimer, (who was after Earl of March) john, Louis, and Roger Beauchamp, Cobham, Lucy, Basset, Barkeley, and Willoughby, with diverse other, both Knights and gallant Captains. He had of late entertained Godfrey de Harcourt, who had been as a minion to the French King, and became another Robert de Artois, upon some discontent, or doubt of some discoveries of favouring the English party in Britain, for which cause the French King had a little before executed Oliver de Clisson, Bacon, Percy, Geffrey de Malestroit, men of especial mark, whom he had there employed. And now instead of this Harecourt had won from King Edward the Lord john de Beaumond, who had long served him, was his wives Uncle, and acquainted 
john de Beaumond when King Edward had made him Earl of Cambridge, takes the French Kings part.  with all his courses. Such is the trust of mercenaries, who sell their faith for better entertainment. Neither did this Harecourt long hold out, but changed colours, and made his peace with the French King his natural Lord: but in the mean time did him and his country much mischief. For upon King Edward's landing with his mighty Army, in the Isle of Costantine in Normandy by his conduction, he made him one of his Marshals, and the Earl of Warwick the other. The Earl of Arundel is appointed Constable. He divides his people into three battles, one to march on his left hand, along the Sea coast; the other on the right, conducted by the two Marshals, and himself in the midst with his main Army. The Earl of Huntingdon employed for Admiral of his Fleet, was to take all the ships he found on the Sea 
The manner of King Ed. proceeding with his Army.  coast. The three Armies by land lodged every night in one field. And first he sacks the City of Caranton, slew all he found armed or disarmed therein, burns, razes, desolates the City, saying he sacrificed those oblations to Bacon, Percy, and others (whose heads he found set upon the principal gate) unjustly massacred by Philip. Thence he marches forward, and took Saint Lo, a rich Town of merchandise, and pillaged the same. Then after some bickring, became Master of Caen, and put all that country into so great terror, as Falaise, Lyseaux, Honfleur, strong walled towns, rendered themselves unto him. This done he spread his power in the Isle of France, to draw out Philip to the combat, giving out that he would wrestle with him in the eye of all France, on the great Theatre before his capital City of Paris.  
Philip this while held not his arms in his bosom, but had ramassed one of the 
The French K. prepares to oppose K. Ed.  fairest Armies, saith the French History, that ever was seen in France, composed of French, Lorraynes, Almains, Genovoys, which he led towards Meulan, where King Edward was said to have made a stand and attended him; but upon report of his coming on, retires: it was supposed he fled for fear, but the event showed that the great God of Armies had destined his victory for another place. King Philip follows and overtakes him at a Village called Arenes, a name remarkable (signifying the Sand) to show on what unstable earth all the trust of humane forces, and the designs of the great are founded. This mighty Army of King Philip, having the advantage to be at home where all was theirs, made him account the victory certain. King Edward retires to gain the River of Some at Blanquetaque, but the passage was to be disputed by the sword. For Philip had before sent thither Gundemar de Fay, with a thousand horse, and fix thousand foot. King Edward notwithstanding resolves to 
K. Ed. goes over the river of Some, defeites the Fren.  pass or perish, and plunges foremost into the River, crying out: They who love me will follow me. At which voice all thrust in without dispute, striving who should be foremost, and lo presently the shore gained by the English. Gondomar astonished with this unexpected, and bold adventure, astonishes his people by his fearful countenance. So that the English encountering the French all in disorder, fell upon them and put them to flight. But the retreat was near to Abbe-ville and Saint Requier. The loss was not so great as the shame, but served as a presage for a greater mischief to France. These disrouted men all affrighted flock into Abbe-ville. Where King Philip 
The French K. resolves to encounter K. Ed.  enraged with this dishonour, resolves to revenge it, and presently to provoke King Edward to the combat. The advise of his Council was otherwise; to suffer his troops to repose some few days, & recover their spirits, & King Edward to cool and spend his, in the mean while. But hardly had this King the patience to stay in Abbe-ville one day, whiles the bridge to pass over his Army, was repairing. And 
His impatience and his hopes.  with this precipitation and fury, into the field he marches, clevated with an assured hope of a triumphant victory.  
King Edward better tempered, manages his work with admirable discretion and vigilancy, and had now in camped in a Village called Crecy, and there entrenched and fortified himself, not only with the trees of the Forest about it, but with deep rampires, and other defences beside: causing also a Park to be paled under the wood side behind his host, wherein were placed all the Carts and Carriages. His Army consisted of thirty thousand men, but in order and courage double the number. The vanguard he gave to the Prince, & for guides the Earl of Warwick, 
The ordering of K. Ed. Army.  Godfray de Harecourt, the Lords Stafford, De la ware, Bourcheir, Clifford, Cobham, Holland, Sir john Chandos, Sir Bartholomew Burwash, Sir Robert Nevile with eight hundred men at Arms, and two thousand Archers, besides a thousand other, most of them Welsh men. The second battle was committed to the Earls Arundel, and Northampton, the Lords Rosse, Willoughby, Basset, Saint Albin, Multon, and others, wherein were eight hundred men at Arms, and twelve hundred Archers. The third battle the King led himself, having seven hundred men at Arms, and two thousand Archers. These Battles thus ordered, mounted on a white Hobby, he road from rank to rank to view them, the one Marshal on his right hand, the other on his left, encouraging every man that day to have regard to his right & honour.  
The French Kings Army was greater both in lustre and advantage, composed of above sixty thousand combatants well armed, whereof the chief were, Charles Earl of Alencon the King's brother, john de Luxembourg King of Bohemia, Charles de Bloys the King's Nephew, Ralph Duke of Lorraine, the Earl of Flanders, Nevers, Sancerre, the Dolphin de Viennois: of Barons, Knights, and Gentlemen, above three thousand: and on the Eve of the battle Amè Earl of Savoy arrived with a thousand men at arms more, which made the French king swell with assurance of the mastery, so that he longed to be at the encounter. The Vanguard he commits to his brother 
The ordering of the French Kings Army at the battle of Cressy.  Conte d' Alencon, the Rear to the Earl of Savoy, the main battle he leads himself: his heat would scarce permit time for a little counsel what was fit to be done. The old King of Bohemia advised that the Army should first take some repast, and that the Infantry consisting of Genoveses (which were about fifteen thousand crossbows, and sure men) should make the first front, and the cavalry to follow, which was agreed on. After their repast the Vanguard set on, the Conte d' Alencon, contrary to this order, took it ill that the Genovese were in the first rank, & in fury caused them to change place, which changed the Seat of the Army, and wrought that discontent as it irritated them more against the leader than the enemy: beside there fell at the instant a piercing shower of rain, which dissolved their strings & made their bows unusesull, and at the breaking up of the shower, the Sun shone full in the face of the French (dazzling their sight) and on the backs of the English, as if all made for them.  
King Edward who had gotten to a windmill hill, beholding as from a Sentinel, with a settled spirit, the countenance of the enemy, and discovering both this accident, 
King Edward discovers the disorders of the Frdnch.  and the hurlement made by the change of place, slacks not to take advantage thereof, and instantly sends to charge that part, without giving them time to reaccommodate themselves; insomuch as the discouraged Genoveses recoil, which the Conte d' Alencon perceiving, and coming on with the horse, in great rage cries out, On, on, let us make way upon the bellies of these Geuouese, who do but hinder us: and instantly pricks on with a full carrier through the midst of them, attended with the Earls of Lorraine, Savoy, and the Dolphin de Viennois, and never takes breath till he came up to the English battle, where the Prince was, which they found better settled: their horses flanked with troops of Archers, whose strings having not felt the rain, reigned such a shower of steel upon them, as cooled their heat and all disordered them. The French king seeing his brother thus endangered, makes up to disengage him, whereupon the fight grew hot and doubtful, insomuch as the Commanders about the Prince, send to King Edward to come up with his power to aid them: the King demands the messenger, whether his son were slain or hurt: the messenger answered no, but he was like to be over laid. Well then said the King, return, and tell them who sent you, that so long as my son is alive, they send no more to me what ever happen, for I will that the honour of this day be his. And so being left to try for themselves, they wrought it out with the sword, and recovered the advantage, by reason the French king (having his horse slain under him and in danger to be trodden to death, had he not been recovered by the Lord john Beaumond, his new Pensioner) was to the great discouragement of his people withdrawn out of the field. Whereof notice being once taken by the English, the day was soon after theirs, and 
King Edward obtains the victory in this great battle of Cressy.  the greatest victory they ever had yet against the French: and so bloody as there is not mention made of one prisoner taken in the battle: for they being once put to rout, were all, whom the sword could overtake, slaughtered out right. Some few troops that held together, saved themselves by retiring to places near adjoining. The French king himself with a small company got to Bray in the night, and in approaching the walls, the Guard, asked Who goes there, he answered, The fortune of France. His voice being known the gates are opened, and in is he received with the tears and lamentations 
The French King flies.  of his people, when yet seeks to comfort all he could. The number of the slain on the place are certified to be 30. thousand. The chief men were Charles d' Alencon, john Duke of Borbone, Ralph Earl of Lorraine, Louis Earl of Flanders, jaques 
The number of the slain.  Dauphin de Viennois, Son to Imbert (who after gave Dauphine to the Crown of France) the Earls of Sancerre, Harcourt (brother to Geoffry) and many other Earls, Barons, and gentlemen to the number of 1500. This memorable victory happened upon the Saturday after Bartholomew day, being the 26. of August 1346.  
All the Marks of an entire overthrow rested with King Edward: the field of the Battle, the bodies of the slain, and their spoils. The occasion of this great defeit (according to humane conjecture) the French attribute to the choler, rashness and precipitation of their King and his brother, and sure temerity and presumption have ever been the ruin of great Actions, especially in war.  
King Edward managed this victory with as great moderation as he wan it: and first, having embraced his Son, commending his valour showed that day, he renders thanks to God after, as he had invoked his aid before at the beginning of the Battle, and early in the morning, being Sunday, he sent out 300. Lances, and 2000 Archers to discover what was become of the enemy, who found great Troops of such as were coming from Abbe-uille, St. require, Rouen, and Beauvoys, (ignorant of what had happened) led by the archbishop of Rouen and the Prior of France, whom they like wise defeated, and slew 7000. Our Writers report, that of Stragglers which were fled from the Battle, or coming on, (having lost their way by reason of a thick mist which happened that morning) were slain many more than in the field the day before, which showeth us the wonderful loss this afflicted Country sustained at one fatal blow.  
But this was not all the victories that fell to King Edward that year, there was an other of more importance gotten in England, by the Queen and his people at home against the K. of Scots; who being set on by the French to divert the war there, entered 
King David overthrown and taken prisoner.  upon this Kingdom with 60. thousand men, as our Writers report, assuring himself of success, in regard (as he supposed) the main strength thereof was now gone into France. But he found the contrary: the Lords of the North, as Gilbert de Humfrivile, Earl of Angos, Henry Percy, Ralph Nivile, William Dayncourt with the archbishop of York, the Bishop of Durham, and others of the Clergy, gathered so great force, and so well ordered them by the animation of the Queen (who was there in person) as they utterly defeated this great Army; took David their King prisoner, with the Earls of Fife, Menteth, Murry, Sutherland, the Lord Douglas, the archbishop of Saint Andrew's and others, and put to the sword 15. thousand Scots. This Victory sell likewise upon a Saturday, and six weeks after that of Cressie. And as if all concurred to make this year triumphant. The aids sent to the Countess of Monfert in Britain, lead by Sir Thomas Dagworth, overthrew and took prisoner, Charles de Blois, pretender to that Duchy, and with him Monsieur la Val, the Lords Rochfort, Beaumanoyr, 
Charles de Bloys taken prisoner.  Loyacque, with many other Barons, Knights and Esquires: there were slain in the encounter the Lord De la Val (father of him which was taken) Vicont Rohan, Monsieur de Chasteau Brian, de Malestroit, de Qnintin, de Direval, great Lords, besides many other worthy men at Arms, Knights and Esquires, to the number of about 700. Thus all fell before the Sword of England.  
Now King Edward, without meddling with the great Cities, Amiens, and Abbeville, which were both near, marches on directly and sets down before Calais, a Town of more importance for England, and the gate to all the rest: wherein john de Vienne Marshal of France, and the Lord d' Andreghen, a great man in his time, commanded. All that Winter King Edward having sheltered his people as in another Town, furnished with all provisions, lay without any molestation of the French King, who 
King Edward besiegeth Calais.  this while was likewise besieged with the affliction of his own state. Misfortune is ever held a great fault, both in mighty men and mean, and opens the mouths of those whose hearts are perverse. The people of France were in extreme poverty, yet notwithstanding the necessity of the King's affairs must constrain fresh supplies. The ill managing the public treasure, the falsehood of the Financiers, the decrying of Moneys, the diminishing of traffic, augmentation of impostes, Subsidies, gables, etc. were the causes of this public murmur, and put the people in despair, seeing no end of the troubles wherein their King was daily more and more engaged. And now was no way to help him, but by an assembly of the States. Wherein the Financiers, Receivers and managers of moneys are called to render an account, and the treasure committed to the disposing of the Clergy and the Nobles, to take away suspicion in the people of ill dealing. Four Bishops, two Abbots, and four Knights are chosen for that business. Pierre des Essars, Treasurer of France, is committed to 
The State of France.  prison, condemned in a great Fine to the King. Other Officers and accountants restore at once, what they were long in gathering. The Banquiers, Lombard's, and other usurers, are put to the press for their unlawful exactions: the Interests are proved to exceed the Principal, which is confiscate to the King, and the Interest given to the Debtors. Courses, wherewith indigent Kings in expensive times use to serve their turns, and please their oppressed people. Which I have the rather noted, though it lie without our circle, to show that other Kings likewise laid hand upon what they could fasten, as well as ours have done, and made benefit of men's offences: only this of the Usurer is new to us, but yet like to that practised heretofore upon the jews, and might serve a turn with as much content to the people, and as fair a show of a just correction as theirs did, the nature of the Extortors being alike.  
Aided with this means, and the ready service of his Nobles and ablest subjects, the French king, in the Spring, hath an Army in the field, approaches Callais, but finds no way open to come to relieve it. The King of England was both Master of the Haven, and possessed all other ways whatsoever were passable, and had the Flemings his friends, who with a huge Army had besieged Air, and did much mischief on the confines of France. To oppose them, is john Duke of Normandy, the Prince, sent for out of Given, who being no sooner removed from thence, but Henry of Lancaster, Earl of Derby became master of the field (having an Army consisting of twelve hundred men at arms, two thousand Archers, and three thousand other foot, English and Gascoines) takes in most of the Towns of Yaintonge, and Poictou, in the end besieged and sacked Poitiers, and so returns to Bordeaux with more pillage than his people could well bear. Thus the French suffer every where. Their King, not being able to approach to grapple with the king of England, sends to solicit him to appoint some place of battle, and he would encounter him. King Edward returns answer; If he would make his own way to come thither unto him, there he should find him: for, from thence he would not part, having there lain so long, to his great labour and charge, and being now so near the point of gaining the place. The two Cardinals sent from the Pope, labour to mediate a peace, and Commissioners on either side meet to treat: but nothing could be effected. So that the French King was forced to break up his Army and retire to Paris, leaving Callais, and the defendants unrelieved, to the mercy of the Besieger, which when they understood, they sent to desire Parle, had it granted, and therein received this final sentence: that six of the chief Burgesses should be sent to the King bareheaded, barefooted, in their shirts, with halters about their necks, the keys of the Town and Castle in their hands, and submit themselves to the Kings will: for the residue he was content to take to mercy. This sentence intimated to the miserable townsmen, 
Conditions for the rendering of Calais  they all in lamentable manner looking each on other, who should be chosen for this sacrifice, one amongst the rest stands up, and boldly spoke to this effect. Fellow citizens, for mine own part I that have so often exposed my life, in this long siege for my Country (and have been every day to die) am now most willing to sacrifice the same for my last oblation thereunto, and will cheerfully carry my head to the victory of the King of England, not desiring to survive the perdition of my miserable Country. Which free and resolute speech so wrought with this amazed people, as now they strive who should be one of the six; and cried, Let us go, let us go unto death, it is the last daty we ought to render to our native soil. Six are presently chosen, and sent according to the sentence, presenting themselves on their knees to the King, and beseeching him to show mercy unto them. The King commands them instantly to be carried to their execution, and would not (although great supplication was made for them by his Counsel) be diverted; in regard as he said of his oath: till the Queen, great with Child, fell 
The Queen obtains pardon for the Burgesses of Calais.  on her knees before him, and with tears obtained their pardon, and had them given unto her: which done she caused them to be clothed, gave them their dinner, and six nobles a man, appointing them to be safely conveyed out of the Army, and set at liberty. An Act worthy of so great a Queen, and the greater by this her deed of mercy. The King though in this he were stern, yet was he more sparing of blood than his Grandfather Edward 1. and had more of Compassion; as showed an Act in this Siege. When victuals within the Town began to fail, and all unuseful persons, as 
King Edward's Clemency.  old, men, women, and children put out of the gates, he forced them not back again which he might have done, the sooner to consume their store, but suffered them to pass thorough his Army, gave them to eat, and two pence a piece to every one,  
And thus was that strong Town of Callais the third of August 1347. gotten, 
The Conquest of the Town of Calais.  after almost an years siege with infinite cost and labour: all the inhabitants are turned out, and sent away to seek new dwellings; a Colony of the English planted therein, and so it remained in the possession of the Crown of England, 210. years after. And now this triumphant King having made truce for some few months, and taken order for the safe-keeping of his hard got prize, returns with his Queen, the Prince, and his people into England, to make Holiday, and enjoy the benefit 
King Edward returns into England.  of their booties brought home out of France, which are said to be so great as every house had some part, and the wives of England, now flourish with the stuff and ornaments of those of France, who in the mean time lament their losses: and here is nothing but Feasts, and Triumphs throughout the Kingdom. And to add to this glory, the Prince's Electors send to signify, that they had chosen King Edward, 
King Edward refuseth the Election of King of the Romans.  King of the Romans: which great dignity, notwithstanding he refused, being it seemed out of his way, or cumbersome to deal withal.  
But before that year ended, this great jollity, here in England turned to the saddest mourning that could be possible. The invisible Sword of Heaven makes such a 
The first great Pestilence.  ravage upon Mankind, as had not been known before. A contagious Pestilence ariseth in the East and South parts of the World, that dispreads itself over all Christendom. And in England they writ that it took away more than the half of men: as if the Divine providence seeing them thus violently bend to destroy and massacre one another, would lessen their numbers for their fields, and take to itself the vengeance of bloodshed in his terrible manner. Churchyards could not here suffice to bury the dead, new grounds are purchased for that purpose. It is noted there died in London, between the first of january and the first of july 57374. persons. Other Cities and Towns suffered the like, according to their portions. All which calamity notwithstanding, could not deter those eager Princes from prosecuting their quarrel, nor yet so unfurnish their fields but that they found still fresh hands for bloodshed, as showed their many conflicts shortly after. But yet it gave some pause, till the fervour of the contagion assuaged, which was also attended with a miserable famine, murrain of Cattle, and sterility of the earth, caused through the indisposition of the Heavens, and want of culture.  
The first Action after this, was the Kings going over to Caluis, upon an information 
Anno Reg. 23.  of a practice to surprise the Town, contrived by the French, which was thus. Monsieur de Charmy, Governor of Saint Omers, had dealt with Americo de Pavia, whom King Edward had left Captain of the Castle of Callais, offering him 20. thousand 
King Edward goes over to Calais.  Crowns to be received into the Castle: Americo accepts the offer, and appoints a night for the business. In which night (by advertisement from Americo) King Edward arrives with 300. men at Arms, and 600. Archers. Monsieur Charmy sets out 
The French circumvented in their practice.  likewise the same night from Saint Omers with his Forces, and sent 100 armed men before with the Crowns to Americo, and to possess the Castle. The men are let in at a Postern Gate, the Crowns received, and themselves laid in hold. Which done the gates of the Town are opened, and out marches the King before day, to encounter Monsieur de Charny, coming on with his forces, who perceiving himself betrayed, put his people to the best defence he could, and the king of England to a hard bickring; who, for that he would not be known there in person, put himself and the Prince, under the colours of the Lord Walter many, and was twice beaten down on his knees, by Monsieur de Riboumont, a hardy Knight (with whom he fought hand to hand) and yet recovered, and in the end took Riboumont prisoner. Charny was likewise taken, and all his forces defeated. King Edward the night after (which was the first of the new year) feasted with the prisoners, and gave Riboumont in honour of his valour (wherein he honoured his own) a rich chaplet of Pearl, which himself wore on his head (for a New-yeares-gift) forgave him his ransom, and set him at liberty. The rest pay dearly for what they got not, and were well warned how to traffic in that kind. Yet the English not long after in the like practice had better success, and got the Castle of Guisnes (a peace of great importance near Calais) for a sum of money given to one Beauconroy a French man. Of which Castle, when the French King demanded restitution, in regard of the Truce; King Edward returns answer: That for things bought and sold between their people, therein was no exception, and so held it.  
Shortly after, the French king not borne to live to see any better fortune, dies, leaving that distressed kingdom to his son john; who found far worse. For 
An. 1305. Reg. 24.  these fore noted wounds, were but as scratches to that State, compared with those horrible maims it endured in his, and after in the Reigns of Charles 6. and 7. till the sword of England was turned home upon itself, to let out the blood of revenge 
The French King dies.  with as tragical mischiefs, on the fuccessours of these great actors, who now thus wrought others ruins abode.  
King Edward, the next year after, is again in person with a Fleet on the Sea, to encounter certain Spanish ships, passing from Flanders loaden with cloth and other 
King Edward in action at sea against the Spaniards.  commodities, whom, after a great fight, and much blood shed on either side, he took with all their substance: for that the Spaniards the year before, entered the River Garonne, and took away certain English ships, loaden with wines and slew all the English. His forces in Guien were not idle this while, but many conflicts passed between the French and them; notwithstanding the Truce which was renewed. The wars in Britain likewise continue, and are hotly maintained between the two Ladies, the widow of Monfort, and the wife of Charles de Bloys (whose husband remains prisoner in England) eager defenders of either's pretended right.  
diverse overtures of peace had been made by Legates, sent from the Pope, and Commissioners often met, to the great expense of both Kings, but nothing could be concluded, (the winner & the loser seldom agreeing upon conditions, in regard the one will have more than the other is willing to yield unto) & so temporary Truces (which 
Alterations of moneys.  were but slenderly observed) are only taken to win time. These actions not only consumed our men, but the treasure of the kingdom. The war, though invasive, could not maintain itself. The moneys here are altered, and abated in weight, and yet made to pass according to the former value. Before this time there were none other pieces but Nobles and half Nobles, with the small pieces of silver called starlings: but now groats of fourpences, and half groats of two pence, equivolent to the sterling money, are coined, which enhanced the prices of things, that rise or fall according to the plenty or scarcity of Coin. Which made servants & labourers to 
A Parliament.  raise their wages accordingly. Whereupon a Statute was made in the Parliament, 
Anno Reg. 27.  now held at Westminster, to reduce the same to the accustomed rate which was given before the late great Mortality. This caused much murmuring amongst them, imputing the cause thereof to William Edington Bishop of Winchester, the King's Treasurer, whom they held to be the Author of the abatement of the Coin.  
The King conceiving displeasure against the Flemings, for being disappointed of the Match between a Daughter of his, and their young Earl Louis (who was escaped into France, and bestowed on a daughter of the Duke of Brabant) withdraws the Mart or Staple of Wools from their Towns, greatly enriched thereby, and can 
The Staple established in England.  said the same to be kept at Westminster, Chichester, Canterbury, Lincoln, Warwick, York, Newcastle, Excester, Carmarden, Bristol, and Hull. Holding it fit to advance his own Towns than Strangers, by the commodities of the Kingdom. And here are provident Ordinances enacted, for the governing and ordering this Staple.  
An Act is also made in this Parliament, that all Wears, Milles, and other stoppages 
Walsinham.  of Rivers, hindering the passages of Boats, Lighters, and other Vessels should be removed. An Act most commodious to the Kingdom, but it took little effect, saith my Author, by reason of bribing and corrupting Lords, and great men, who regarded more their own, than the public benefit: A mischief fatal to all good Ordinances; and yet is it an honour to that time, that so behoufull an Act was ordained. For, this easy conveying and passing of Commodities from place to place, to impart the same more generally, would (no doubt) be an infinite benefit to this State: And seeing God hath made us Rivers proper for the same, it is our negligence, or sloth if we mar them, or make them not useful in that kind, as other Nations do with far lesser Streams.  
There is mentioned also an Act to be made, at the instance of the Londoners, that 
Stow.  no common Whore should wear any Hood; except rayed, or striped with divers colours, nor Furs, but garments reversed, the wrong side outward: wherein they did well to set a deformed mark upon foulness, to make it appear the more odious.  
After this Parliament, Henry Earl of Derby, is created Duke of Lancaster, and 
The Earl of Derby created Duke of Lancaster.  Ralph Lord Stafford, Earl of Stafford; and here Charles de Bloys, a long Prisoner in England, agreed for his Ransom, which was 40. thousand Florins, and was permitted to return into Britagne to provide the same. Great mediation is made by the Pope to accord the two Kings, and Commissioners meet on both sides, to treat and conclude a Peace. The chief Article in deliberation, was; That the King of England should enjoy all the Lands of his Duchy of Aquitaine, without holding the same by resort or 
Treaty of Peace.  homage of the Crown of France: and in consideration thereof, should resign all his Claim and Title to that Kingdom. And this was in a manner then fully agreed on, yet in the end broken off by the French (Alleging, they could not alienate any thing from the Body of that Crown) to their farther confusion and mischief, having been better to have spared a formal Ceremony appertaining to a part, then to have had the whole so miserably rend and torn in pieces as it was. And yet in the end were they feign to make their agreement upon the same very Article, at the Treaty of Britigny.  
But now the Commissioners returning without effecting any thing, the King of 
Anno Reg. 27.  England grew so displeased, as he would not hearken to any further prorogation of Truce, though it were instantly urged by two Cardinals, sent from avignon by Pope Clement the 6. (who being a Frenchman borne, laboured much for the peace of his Country) and preparation is made for fresh wars. The Prince of Wales, now grown a man, is appointed by Parliament to go into Gascoigne with 1000 men at Arms, 2000 Archers, and a great number of Welshmen, and in june following, sets forth with 300. Sail; attended with the Earls of Warwick, Suffolk, Salisbury, and Oxford, the Lord Chandos, the Lord james Audley, Sir Robert Knoles, Sir Frank de Hall, with many others.  
About Michaelmas following, the King himself passes over to Calais with another 
King Edward passes with an Army into France.  Army, taking with him two of his Sons, Lionel of Antwerp, now Earl of Ulster, (by the right of his wife, Elizabeth Daughter and Heir to William Brugh;) And john of Gant, and Earl of Richmont. There met him at Calais, of mercenaries out of Germany, Flanders, and Brabant, a thousand men at Arms. So that his Army consisted of three thousand men of Arms, and two thousand Archers on horseback; besides Archers on foot. The City of London sent 300. men at Arms, and 500 Archers all in one Livery, at their own charge. But all this great power effected nothing at that 
Returns with out doing any thing.  time, the French king would not be drawn to any encounter: both in regard of the potency of his enemy, and some turbulencies happening amongst his own people, but he so disfurnishes the country (where the English were to pass) of all provisios to sustain them, as the King of England was forced to return.  
The distemperatures of France that this time diseased it, grew from the violent humours of Charles King of Navarre, who had married jane the French kings daughter, a Prince of a stirring spirit, subtle, haughty, and presuming upon his great Estate, and high blood, being the son of Louis Conte d' Eureux and jane daughter to king Louis Huttin, which jane was put by the inheritance of the Crown of France by Philip le Long her Uncle, in regard of their Salicque Law: and by him preferred to be Queen of Navarre, in whose right this Charles her son, bore both the title and state of that kingdom, with many other great inheritances: all which 
The King of Navarre, disturbs the French King.  could not yet content him, but holding himself wronged that he had not also the Counties of Champagne and Bry, which appertained to his mother by the same right as did the kingdom of Navarre, enters into violent courses. And (daring not to complain directly of the King) he falls upon the Constable of France, as chief of his Council, and one of whom he was jealous, in regard of the King's particular favour unto him, and in the end caused him to be murdered in his bed at L' Aigle in Normandy, rushing himself up into his Chamber, accompanied with his brother Philip of Navarre, two of the Harecourts, and diverse other of his own retinue. After the deed done, he retires to his own City of Eureux, and justifies the act to be lawful.  
The French King, though extremely stung herewith, yet was feign to temporize, and promises the king of Navarre, if he would come and crave pardon, he should have it. Whereupom he appears at Paris before the Council, to render reason for his act, is condemned, as guilty of treason (notwithstanding the King's promise) & committed prisoner. Three Queens are earnest suitors for him, his mother (the old Queen of Navarre) his sister (the widow of the late King Philip de Valois) and his own wife daughter to the French King. His release is obtained, and away he goes with the rancour of this wound (which had been better not given, unless it had been home) offers his service to the King of England (who knew well how to make use of such a powerful member) and withal surprises certain pieces in Normandy, practising all he could to withdraw the people's affections, and aids from their King, when he had most need of them. These insolences, notwithstanding the French king is feign to endure and dissemble, until he might again take him upon some advantage: to use force, he saw was dangerous, both in regard of his party, and the time. An occasion at length fell out, whereon he seizes. Charles his eldest son being lately invested in the Duchy of Normandy, is visited by all the great men in the Country, amongst whom as chief comes the King of Navarre, and 
The French King commits the King of Navarre prisoner.  is royally feasted at Rouen. Whereof the French king having notice, sets out of Paris suddenly, takes him at dinner with his son, and without farther process causes four of the principal which massacred the Constable, to be presently executed: of which, two were the Harecourts brethren: and withal sends away Navarre under sure guard to Arras, and his chiefest servants to diverse prisons. 
The Duke of Lancaster sent into Normandy to aid the King of Nauarres brother, and others.   
This sudden execution, though it gave a present amazement, yet it wakened the partisans of Navarre, and especially Philip his brother, who with Geoffrey Harecourt (Uncle to the two brethren) post over into England, exclaiming against this violent murder, invoking King Edward, in a case of so notorious injustice, to aid them: offering their hearts, their goods, their towns and havens, to let him into Normandy. The occasion is entertained, the Duke of Lancaster is sent over with 
Anno D. 1335. Reg. 29.  four thousand men at Arms, and by the assistance of this great party, wins many strong Towns.  
King Edward to be furnished for so great actions, hath by Parliament granted unto him fifty shillings upon every sack of wool, for six years next ensuing: by 
Fifty shillings granted by Parliament of every sack of wool, for six years.  which imposition it was thought, (say our Histories) the King might dispend a thousand marks sterling, a day. Such vent of wools were there in that time. And presently after the Parliament, in winter (to show that he was for all weathers) he goes with an Army to recover Berwick, which had been surprised by the Scots, whilst he was last at Calais; and here hath he not only his Town, but the whole Kingdom of Scotland resigned unto him, by Edward Balliol, who held himself King 
Edward Balliol resigns the Kingdom of Scotland to King Edward, reserving to himself a pension.  thereof by the best Title, but not best regarged: For King Alexander (though now Prisoner in England) had the most powerful Party there: & so both were Kings to their several sides that held them so: a miserable distraction to that poor Kingdom. And every where dwelled affliction but in England, and here was nothing but Triumphs, Vanquishing, and Recovering in all parts.  
The Prince enters Given, passes over Longuedoc to Tholouse, Narbonne, Burges, without any encounter in the field; sacks, spoils, destroys where he goes, and loaden with booty returns to Burdeanx.  
The French King thus assaulted on all sides, gathers what power he possibly 
Anno Reg. 30. 1336.  could, and first makes against his enemies in Normandy, recovers many of his lost Towns; and was likely to have there prevailed, but that he was drawn of force to oppose this fresh Inuador, the Prince of Wales, who was again abroad, & come up into Toureyne; against whom he brings his whole Army, causing all the Towns and passages 
The French King hath the Prince of Wales at an advantage.  upon the River Loyr to be strongly guarded: Whereupon the Prince, whose forces were not to encounter those so mighty, was advised to withdraw again thorough Toureyne, and Poyctou, towards Bordeaux. The French King to prevent his course follows, and within two Leagues of Poitiers hath him at a great advantage. Two Cardinals at that instant came from the Pope to mediate a peace. The French King supposing he had his Enemy now in his mercy, would accept of none other conditions, but that the Prince should deliver him four Hostages, and as vanquished, render himself and his Army to his discretion.  
The Prince was content to restore unto him what he had gained upon him, but without prejudice of his honour; wherein he said: He stood accountable to his Father, and his Conntry. So the Legates persuasions (though earnestly urged) could prevail nothing upon the French Kings obstinacy: who presuming of victory (in regard his Army was six to one) would instantly (as loath to lose time to lose himself) set upon the Prince: who reduced to this Strait, takes what advantage he could of the 
The Battle of Poitiers, fought the 19 of September. 1336.  ground, and providently got the benefit of Vines, Shrubs and Bushes, on that part he was like to be assailed, to impester and entangle the French Horse, which he saw were to come furiously upon him. The success answered his expectation, for behold the cavalry of his Enemies upon their first assault, wrapped and encumbered amongst the Vines, so that his Archers without danger, gall and annoy them at their pleasure.  
For the French King to give the honour of the day to his cavalry (whereof he had caused a choice to be selected out of every company, to the discontent of the rest) employed them only without his Infantry: So that they being disordered and put to rout, his whole Army came to be utterly defeated.  
The errors committed in the Battle of Cressie, could not warn this King to avoid the like. For had he had the patience to have timed it out awhile, the Prince could not have possibly subsisted, being thus environed, & shut up from all succours as he was: and now thus furiously assaulted, and having no safety but what was to be 
The French King taken prisoner.  wrought by the Sword (which desperation ever makes the sharper) He, and his showed that admirable courage that day, as purchased them the most memorable glory that ever any Mattiall action did, that was at chived by the English with so few hands.  
Here was now the Head of that great Kingdome-claymed, taken Prisoner, with his youngest son Philip (who valiantly defending his father, when his other brothers forsook him, had afterward the Title of hardy, and became Duke of Burgogne) jaques de Borbon, Conte de Ponthieu, the archbishop of Sens, john d' Artoys, Conte d' Eu, Charles d' Artoys, his brother Conte de Longnevitle Charles Conte de Tancarville, 
The number of Prisoners taken.  the Conts of Vendosme, Salbourg, Dampmartin, and La Roche, with many other Lords of marks besides 2000 Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen; in so much as the Conquerors, holding it not safe to retain so many, let many of them go. The French, who can give best account of their own losses, report there died in the battle a thousand seven hundred Gentlemen, amongst which were fifty two Bannerets: the most eminent, Peter de Borbon, the Duke d' Athens Constable of France, jan de Clermont Marshal, Geoffrey de Charny High Chamberlain. 
The slain in the battle.  There escaped from this battle three of the French Kings sons (for he brought them all thither) Charles Prince Dauphin (and the first so entitled) Lonies after Duke of Anjou, john Duke of Berry, all great actors in the time following.  
This blow might seem to have been enough to have utterly overthrown that kingdom, and absolutely subdued it to the Crown of England, but that is was a body which consisted of so many strong limbs, had such store of spirits dispersed in several parts, and contained so wide an extent of state, as all this blood letting could not dissolve it, or make it faint to give over. And sure these powerful kingdoms, howsoever they may be diseased, and suffer, either through the distemperature of their Heads, or distractions of their other parts, can never (unless by a general dissolution) be so low brought, but they will recover again in the end: their frame holds by many nails, which never fail all together.  
The Prince of Wales in this battle, hath a double victory, the one by the sword the other by his Courtesy: first he visits the captive King, with all reverence and regard of Majesty, comforts him by examples of the fortunes of war, and assures him of all fair entertainment according to his dignity. The especial great men who were actors in this work must not pass unremembered, the Earls, Warwick, Suffolk, 
A memorable act of james Lord Audley.  Salisbury, Oxford, Stafford: the Lords, Cobham, Spencer, Barkley, Basset: Of Gescoignes Le Capital de Beuf, the Lords Pumier, Chaumont, and others. And here the Lord james Audley is renowned both for his valour and bounty, who having vowed to be foremost in this fight, performed his word, & sealed it with many wounds: for which the Prince having rewarded him with the gift of Five hundred marks, fee-simple in England, he presently gave it to four of his Esquires, who had with him endured the brunt of the day. Whereupon the Prince demanding, whether he accepted not his gift, he answered how these men had deserved the same, as well as himself, and had more need thereof. The Prince pleased with this reply, gave him five hundred marks more in the same kind. An example of the worthineste of the time, wherein good deservings went not unrewarded.  
All things providently accommodated after the battle, the Prince with his ptisoners first retires to Bordeaux, and thence passes with great glory into England, now 
Anno Reg. 31. 1336.  the Theatre of triumph. The French king is lodged at the Savoy, than a goodly palace of Henry Duke of Lancaster. Many prisoners upon reasonable ransom, and many upon the French kings word (undertaking for them) are delivered and sent home honourably. David King of Scots, who had remained prisoner eleven years in England, is shortly after, by the earnest solicitation of joan his wife, sister to King Edward, set likewise at liberty for the ransom of a hundred thousand marks striulin, to be paid in ten years. The security now had of France, gave way to this Prince's liberty.  
Above four years the French King remained prisoner in England, in which time were many overtures, and great offers made for his delivery, but nothing effected. Charles the Dauphin, who managed that kingdom (during the captivity of his father) a Prince of great discretion, wrought all means possible to bring that factious people to yield their contribution, for ransoming their King, but little prevailed. The Parliament there called to consult thereof, rather augments the misery of the State, then provides remedy. Wherein after the Dauphin had gravely delivered 
The state of France during their King's captivity.  the desolation and danger they were in, being thus deprived of their Head, and the necessity of recovering and relieving the same, by their utmost means: There was a choice required of fifty (to avoid confusion) to be made out of all the Provinces, to consult of what was propounded, according to the instructions they should receive. These fifty, after many meetings, send for the Dauphin to hear their resolution, which was much otherwise then he expected. For instead of aid and subvention, they require reformation in the State. And first, the Bishop of Laon, chosen their Speaker, besought him to keep secret what should be uttered unto him by the States. Theyong Prince answers: That it were much prejudicial to the degree he held in the Kingdom, to take Law of his Father's Subjects: and therefore commuanded them (by their Allegiance) openly to reveal what they had in their hearts. The Bishop there upon, declares the evil managing of the Public Revenues, demands redress, and Commissioners appointed to call such as were answerable, to yield their Accounts: That all who had managed the Treasury, should be deposed from their Office; That both the Moneys, and all the affairs of the State, should from thenceforth be directed by four Bishops, and twelve Burgesses, whereof the City of Paris should be chief: and that without this Council the Dauphin should do nothing: And in conclusion, they instantly require; That the King of Navarre might be set at liberty. On which Conditions they would yield any reasonable subvention for redeeming their King.  
To these harsh Demands, the Daupbin requires time to answer, which he so puts off from day to day, (in hope thereby to separate and dis-vnite their Counsels) as the the Deputies, at length, tired with delay grew cold, and the Assembly broke up without doing any thing.  
But this left such a poison as infected the people, and specially those of Paris, who shortly after presumptuously demand to have the King of Navarre delivered, according to the Decree of the Deputies; and without delay they so wrought with Pinquigny, the Governor of Artoys (who had the keeping of this Firebrand) as he 
The King of Naurre set at liberty.  was delivered after 19 months imprisonment, and comes to Paris so accompanied, as showed both of what Spirit and state he was, and that he meant to take his time of revenge. Here is he welcome with the applause of the whole City, to whom in public manner with great eloquence, he declares the wrongs he had received; and beside intimates, what right he had to the Crown of France, thereby to embroil the affairs of that State, which were already too much in combustion. This put the business of redeeming the captive King quite out of their minds for that time: and the Dauphin is constrained (by an Act of Abolition) to acquit the King of Navarre and his Complicies, of all former offences. And seeing the perverseness of the Parisians, goes to solicit other Cities, and Provinces: travailing from place to place for aid and succour, leaving his brother Philip, Duke of Orleans, at Paris, to keep them in (the best he could) during his absence.  
The Province of Languedoc, is renowned in their Histories, for being the first that made the largest offer of aid towards the redemption of their King, in the Assembly of the three States at Tholouse, wherein they promised to their Governor, the Conte d' Arminiacque not only to employ their Revenue, but their movables, and even to sell their wives jewels to raise the same. Besides, to witness their public sorrow, they ordain, that no costly Apparel, Feasting, Plays, or other iollyties, should be used within their Province, during the time of their King's captivity. Champagne by their example doth the like. But nothing could move the Parisians to yield any thing. The King of Navarre had won them, both from their obedience, and all humanity, and put them into such flames of rebellion, as when the Dauphin came back to the City, the Provost of Merchants assaulted his house with three thousand Artificrs in Arms, and rushed himself up into his Chamber with certain of his train: wherewith the Dauphin being amazed, the Provost bids him be content, it was resolved it must be so. And presently upon Signal given, jan de Couflans, and Robert de Clerimont, Marshals of France, and his chief Counsellors, are slain in his presence. The Dauphen cries out; What mean you? Will you set upon the Blood of France? Sir (said the Provost) Fear you not, It is not you we seek, it is your disloyal servants, who have evil counseled you. And here withal he takes (and puts on) the Dauphin's hat, edged with gold, and sets his own, which was party coloured, Red and Peach-colour (as the Livery of the City) upon the Dauphin's head, & out he goes adorned with the Hat of a Prince, as a sign of his Dictatorship, causing the bodies of these two noble men to be trailed along the streets to the Court of the Palace, for all the furious multitude which ran to applaud the murder, to gaze on.  
This done the Provost writes in the name of the whole City, to all the great Towns, soliciting them to join with theirs (the principal of the kingdom) and take their Livery, as the Dauphin had done, for the reformation of the State. Besides, they compose a Council of themselves, whereof the Bishop of Laon, the Premier Precedent, the Provost, with some of the University, were chief, assuming a Sovereign power to order all affairs of the State, as a Commonwealth. So that we see in what a miserable confusion that kingdom stood, being without a head, and how apt it was then to shake off all authority, and dissolve the government into parts: showing us that it was no new project amongst them to Cantonize, as the great Towns and the Princes of late practised to do, in their leagues during their civil combustions.  
The Dauphin thus disgraced, with much a do, gets out of this tumultuous City, and retires into Champagne, and at Vertus assembles the States of the Country, whom he found loyal, and ready to yield him all succour. The rest of the great Towns refusing (with much disdain) to join with the City of Paris, offer him likewise their aid: So that he was put into some heart, and likely to effect his desires in short time, had not the King of Navarre, who sought his destruction, still raised new broils in the State, and taken Arms against him.  
Now besides these confusions, greater mischiefs arose in that miserable kingdom: the poor peasants that had been eaten out by the Soldiers, and trodden under foot by their Lords, colleague and arm themselves in the Country of Beawoysis, 
France spoiled by the soldiers and others, on all sides.  and turn head upon the Gentry, and such as had done them wrong, spoiling, sacking, burning their houses, killing their wives and children in most outrageous manner. This was not all, troops of soldiers which had no work or means to live, join together in mighty Companies, overrun and ravage other parts of the kingdom. The forces in Britain under the conduct of Sir Robert Knoles, break out upon the confining Countries, and return loaden with inestimable booties of wealth. All which miserable calamities (enough to have utterly dissolved a State) prolong the imprisonment of their King in England; so that nothing could be effected for his ransom, which King Edward thinks long till he have in his Treasury: and urges likewise for his part, very hard conditions; requiring, say they, besides infinite sums, that King john should do homage, and hold the kingdom of France of the Crown of England: which he with great disdain refuses, as being not in his power to alien what was unalienable, vowing that no misery of his, should constrain him to do any thing prejudicial to his successors, to whom he would leave the State as he received it. But yet at length offers other, and more large conditions than the French were willing to yield unto, which being long in debating, and nothing concluded (after four years expectation) King Edward in great displeasure, resolves to make an end of this work with the sword, and to take possession 
King Edward goes to take possession of the kingdom of France.  of the kingdom of France. And over he passes to Calais, with a Fleet of eleven hundred Sail. His Army he divides into three battles, one he commits to the Prince of Wales, another to the Duke of Lancaster, and the third he leads himself. And first he marches to the City of Aras, which he takes within three days. Thence into Champagne, where the Cities of Sens, and Nevers, are rendered 
Anno Reg. 34.  unto him. The Duchy of Burgogne terrified with these examples, redeems itself from spoil, upon paying two hundred thousand Florins of gold. Furnished with which treasure, and booties by the way, up King Edward marches to Paris, where the Dauphin (who had now the title of Regent, having lately overcome the faction, and executed the principal of the Mutineers) was with great forces (which in the common danger flocked together to defend their Country) and would not (by the example of his father and Grandfather) be drawn out to hazard upon any attempt, but stood only upon his defences: which the King of England seeing, after many provocations, raised his siege, and returns into Britain to refresh his Army.  
In the mean time the Regent lays in mighty store of victuals, provides that the Soldiers should have enough without pressing the inhabitants, and with extreme diligence so fortifies the City, as King Edward returning with all his refreshed power, was utterly disappointed of his hopes, to do any good there. Thus that great City which was like to have endangered the whole kingdom of France, was the only means to preserve it.  
From hence King Edward takes his way towards Chartres, with purpose to besiege that City, but being by an horrible tempest of hail, thunder, and lightning, that fell upon his Army, so terrified as he vowed to make peace with the French King, upon any reasonable conditions, as he shortly after did, at the treaty of Britigny 
The Treaty of Accord concluded at Britigny.  near Chartres, upon these Articles. That the country of Poicton, the Fiefs of Thouars, and Belleville, the Country of Gascoigne, Agenois, Perigort, Limosin, Cahors, Torbe, Bigorre, Rovergne, Angoulmois in sovereignty, with the Homages of the Lords within those Territories, Monstruel on the Sea, Ponthieu, Calais, Guines, La Merk, Sangote, Boulogne, Hames, Vales and Onis should be to the King of England: who beside was to have three Millions of Scutes of gold: whereof six hundred thousand presently in hand, four hundred thousand the year following, and the Surplus in two years after ensuing, upon reasonable payment.  
And for this, the King of England, and his Son the Prince of Wales, as well for them, as their Successors for ever, should renounce all their right pretended to the 
Vid. Append.  Crown of France, the Duchy of Normandy, the Countries of Touraine, Anjou, Maine, the Sovereignty and Homage of the Duchy of Britagne, and the Earldom of Flanders; and within three weeks King john to be rendered at Callais, at the charge of the King of England, except the expenses of his House. For assurance of which Accord should be given into his hand Hostages: Louis Duke of Anjou, john Duke of Berry (King john's sons) Philip Duke of Orleans his brother, john Duke of Burgogne, the Conts of Bloys, Alenson, Saint Pol, Harcourt, Poncian, Valentinois, Grand Pre, de Brenne des Forests, the Lords Vaudemont, Couscy, Piennez, de Saint Venant, de Preaux, de Momerancy, de Garanciecis, La Roche guion, Estou-teville, Le Dauphind ' Auvergne, d' Andrigil, de Craon, sufficient cautions for the said Sums, and conditions. The Scots not to be aided by the French King, nor the Flemings by the English. Charles King of Navarre, and his brother Philip are comprehended likewise in these Articles, etc.  
This Treaty of good accord and final Peace, signified by both Kings, was ratified 
King john delivered.  by their two eldest Sons; Edward, and Charles: and sworn unto by the Nobility of both Kingdoms. The Hostages are delivered unto King Edward, who departing from Honfleur, brought them into England, leaving the Earl of Warwick in France, to have a hand in the execution of the Accord. King john is honourably conducted to Calais, attending the promised Sum, the first gage of his liberty. 
Anno Reg. 35. 1361.  The City of Paris yields one thousand Royals; by whose Example other Cities, contribute according to their proportions. And thus is King john delivered, after having remained Prisoner in England near about five years. And both Kings depart in kind manner, with all demonstrations of brotherly love.  
King Edward returning with his Crowns, calls a Parliament, wherein, the form of the Accord was read, and allowed of all the Estates, and an Oath taken by the Nobles to observe the same for their parts. Hear the King restorees to the Prior's Aliens, their Houses, Lands, Tenements, which he had taken from them, Anno Reg. 12. for the maintenance of his French Wars: which now being ended, he grants by his Letters Patents, in as free manner, as before they held them. A rare Example of a just King, being seldom seen that Princes let go any thing, whereon they have once fastened.  
Now again, was the joy and glory that England received by their get, seasoned 
The second great Pestilence.  with the sourness of another mortality, called The second Pestilence, whereof died many Noble men, the chief was Henry Duke of Lancaster, of the Royal blood, a Prince of great note for wisdom and valour: who had been an especial Actor in all these Wars, and a principal Pillar of the Crown of England: whose Daughter and Heir was a little before married to john of Gaunt (by dispensation being near of consanguinity) whereby he is made Duke of Lancaster. And shortly after, by the like Dispensation, the Prince of Wales marries the Countess 
Anno Reg. 36.  of Kent, Daughter to Edmond, brother to Edward the second. And so both are provided of Matches within the Kingdom. The King gives to the Prince of Wales, the Duchy of Aquitaine, reserving to himself Homage and Fealty, and shortly after sends him over with his wife, and Court to live there. His son Lionel Earl Ulster is sent into Ireland, with a regiment of 1500 men to guard his Eatledome against the Irish, and was created Duke of Clarence in the next Parliament held at Westminster in November, which continued until the feast of Saint Brice, King Edward's Birthday, and the fiftieth year of his age. Wherein for a jubilee he shows himself extraordinarily gracious to his people, freely pardoning many offences, releasing prisoners revoking Exiles, etc. And upon petition of the Commons, causes Pleas which before were in French, to be made in English, that the subject might understand the Law, by which he holds what he hath, and is to know what he doth: A blessed act and worthy so great a King, who if he could thereby have rendered the same also perspicuous, it had been a work of eternal honour: but such is the Fate of Law, that in what language soever it speaks, it never speaks plain, but is wrapped up in such difficulties and mysteries (as all professions of profit are) as it gives more affliction to the people than it doth remedy. Here was also an act passed for Purveyors (as there had been many before in his time) that nothing should be taken up but for ready money, upon strict punishment. For retribution of which relievements the Parliament granted six and twenty shillings eight pence for tranportation 
Vid. Stat.  of every sack of wool for three years. Thus all were pleased, saving, the removing of the Saple, from the Towns of England to Calais, was some grievance to those whom it concerned. Yet the Kings desire to enrich that Town, being of his own acquisition, and now a member of the Crown of England, might herein be well borne withal. And sure this King, the most renowned for Valour and Goodness, that ever reigned in this kingdom, not only laboured to advance the State by enlarging the Dominions thereof, but to make his people as well good as great, by reforming their vices (whereunto fortunate and opulent States are evermore subject) as may be noted in the next Parliament held at Westminster Anno Reg. 37. wherein for the public Good, certain Sumptuary laws, the most necessary to prevent Riot (that dissolving sickness, the fever Hectic of a State) were ordained both for Apparel & Diet; appointing every degree of men from the Shepherd to the Prince, the Stuff & Habits they should wear: prohibiting the adornments of gold and Silver, Silks, and rich Furs to all, except eminent persons. 
Vid. Stat.  Whereby foreign superfluities were shut out, & home-made Commodities only used. The Labourer and Husbandman is appointed but one meal a day, and what meats he should eat, etc. whereby Gluttony & Drunkenness, those hideous evils which have since utterly disfashioned & enfeebled the English Nation, were avoided. So careful was this frugal King for preserving the estates of his subjects from Excess.  
And as provident was he for the ordering of his own, committing his treasure to the safest Chest that Religion could keep locked. For by a certificate Anno 
Clergy men Officers to the King.  Reg. 39 sent to Pope Urban, concerning Pluralities, and the estates of Churchmen in England, there were found more of the Spirtualty which bare office about this King, than any other of Christendom beside. As first Simon Langham Archbishop of Canterbury, was Chancellor of England, William Wickham Archdeacon of Lincoln, Keeper of the Privy Seal: David Weller, Parson of Somersham, Master of the Rolls: Ten beneficed Priests Civilians, Masters of Chancery: William Mulse Deane of Saint martin's le Grand, Chief Chamberlain of the Exchequer, Receiver and Keeper of the King's treasure and jewels: William Askby Archdeacon of Northampton, Chancellor of the Exchecquar: William Dighton Pribendary of Saint martin's, Clarke of the Privy Seal: Richard Chesterfield Prebend of Saint Staphans, Treasurer of the King's house: Henry Snatch Parson of Oundall, Master of the King's Wardrobe: john Newnham, Parson of Fenni-stanton, one of the Chamberlains of the Exchequer, and keeper of the King's Treasury and jewels: john Rousbie, Parson of Harwick, surveyor and controller of the King's works: Thomas Britingham Parson of Asbie, Treasurer to the King for the parts of Guisnes, and the Marches of Calais: john Troy's Treasurer of Ireland a Priest, and beneficed there. These men, being without those Feminine gins of attraction and consumption, devoted only to Sanctity, were thought then fittest to be husbands for his profit.  
Shortly after, three Kings came to visit the King of England; The King of France, the King of Scots, and the King of Cypress: The occasions that moved the French king might be divers, but it seems the especial were to free some Hostages that remained here, and to clear such imputations as were had of him, for not observing in all points the late Accord: wherewith his Nobles were much discontented, and many dissiculties arose among them: so that in an Assembly of the States at Paris, certain particular Lords, whose Homages were passed over to the King of England, protested against it; Alleging, how that the King could not dispose of the Soureigntie of the Kingdom, nor alien his Domain, and therefore they would not obey it. The French King, notwithstanding, least King Edward should: think this but a collusion between him and his subjects, publishes his Commandment for the observation of the Accord, and thereof certifies King Edward. Besides, he had undertaken a journey for the Holy wars, and desired to settle all things in peace at home, before his going. And this might be the occasion of his coming, and not his love to the Conntesse of Salisbury, as is reported. But howsoever, this King showed a Strange disposition to return to the jail, where he had endured so much affliction, and where shortly after his coming, 
The death of King john of France.  he ended his life, much lamented of the King of England, who sole mnly attended his Corpse to Dover, whence it was conveyed to Saint Denys, and entombed with his Ancestors. 
An. 1364. Reg. 38.   
The debate for the Duchy of Britain, is about this time determined, by the death of Charles de Bloys slain in a Battle near Vannes, by john de Monfort, and the English Forces, led by the Lord Latimer, Sir john Chandos, and Sir Hugh Caverley. 
The business of Britain accomdated for a time.  john de Monfort marries Mary Daughter to King Edward, and by his consent, doth his homage for the Duchy, to Charles (now King of France) compounding with the widow of Charles de Bloys for a sum of money, and some estate in land.  
And here we have some time of rest, which the Soldier whom the war had bred, could not well brook. The cast Companies in France, though they had no Head, yet had strong Bodies, and did much mischief in many parts of that Kingdom, till they were employed in the Wars of Spain, which fell out shortly after. A Company of them passed over into Italy, under the conduct of Sir john Haucut, a great 
The Italians call him johannos de Acuto.  Warrior, who found such entertainment with the Princes there (where he revived Military discipline, that had lain long unused among them) and got such honour and estate by his valour, as his fame remains to this day, and his Statue amongst their memorable Princes for action and virtue, though he went but a Taylorout of this Kingdom, which in those days could have furnished the whole world with Leaders, and expert Military men.  
And now here have we brought this mighty King to the Fortieth year of his 
Anno Reg. 40.  Reign, which had it been his last, we had left him the most glorious and triumphant Prince in the world, to whom Fortune never yet showed her back, never was retrograd. But now these last ten years present us with a turning of the Beam, a declination from that height of glory, with certain blemishes that age and frailty brought upon him. This new King of France, Charles the fift, Entitled The wise; recovered great advantages upon him, having in the life time of his Father struggled so with affliction (a better Mistress of wisdom than prosperity) and learned so well to know a Crown before he had it, as now he manages the same with great temperance and vigilancy: and finding the preservation of that State consisted more in counsel then force (which had been too adventurously employed by his Father and Grandfather) he works his fortune by lying still, having excellent aids and ministers to execute his designs, and labour for him: of whom for his wars, Guesclin a Britain whom he made Constable of France, was of especial note, and first showed the way how that State was to be recovered.  
The Prince of Wales remaining in his Duchy of Aquitaine, with a great Court, which required great expenses, and many military attendants, without work, is 
Anno Reg. 41. 1367.  solicited by Peter King of Castille, chased out of his kingdom by his bastard brother Henry, to aid him to recover the same: which the Prince upon great promises of remuneration, undertakes by the consent of his father. The cause was better than the person. For this Peter son to Alphonso 11. King of Castille, had committed so tyrannical outrages, as were intolerable to his subjects, oppressing and destroying 
The Prince of wales aids the King of Castille.  his Nobles to enrich himself, putting away, and after murdering his wife (which was daughter to Peter Duke of Bourbon, & sister to the now Queen of France) by the instigation of his Concubine Maria de Padilla, whom he afterwards married. Whereupon the State adhering to his brother Henry (who though he were a bastard by his birth was more Legitimate by his virtues then he, who was more a bastard by his vices) crowned him King of Spain at Bargos, and forced Peter to fly the kingdom. This Peter thus rejected, the Prince of Wales, with an Army of thirty thousand, attended by his brother john Duke of Lancaster, and many Lords of England, goes to re-inuest in his kingdom. Henry is aided by the French, and those floating companies fore-remembered, led by Guesclin Constable, and Dandrehen Marshal of France; having beside of Castilians, Christians, and Saracens so many, as his Army consisted of near an hundred thousand men. Upon the borders of Castille it came to a Battle, the Prince of Wales hath the victory: Henry is put to flight, the French Leaders taken prisoners, and Peter put into his Throne again at Bargos.  
The work done, reward for the same is required by the Prince, which Peter could not, or cared not to provide, but starving him with delays, enforced him in the end to return to Bordeaux, without money to pay his Army, & which was worse without health, which he never after recovered. This success had this unfortunate action, undertaken to right an ungrateful Tyrant, who afterward notwithstanding, was 
The Prince obtains the victory in Spain.  again dispossessed, taken, and put to death, by his brother Henry. It is written, that to strengthen himself, he combined with a Prince of the Saracens, married his daughter, and renounced the Christian faith: but it is commonly the reward of evil princes to be made worse than they are.  
The Prince of Wales returning thus out of Spain, charged with more debts than before, and destitute of means to content his people, falls upon another misfortune 
The ill success of that journey.  (as commonly men in these declinations, seeking remedies increase maladies) imposing a new taxation upon the Gascoignes, of Fevage, or Chimney money, so discontented the people, as they exclaim against the government of the English, and appeal to the King and Court of France for redress. The King of France, at the instance of the great Lords and others, who were turned over by the accord to hold of the Crown of England, sends a Gentleman to the Prince of Wales at Bordeaux with summons to answer before him and his Court at Paris, to these complaints.  
Now had the Lords of Arminiaque, D'Albert, Peregort, Cominges, and many others, 
Anno Reg. 43. 1369.  made their protestations against the King of England, for the Crown of France: which, they say, they were by nature to obey, and not to a strange Sovereign: that it was absolutely against the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom, to dissever them from the Crown: that the Contract was made in prison, and therefore incivile, and not to be held by the right of Nations. So that they were resolved to spend their lives and estates, rather than be under the government of England. By their example the Cities of the County of 
The Emperor Charles 4. makes a journey into France to reconcile the two Kings.  Ponthieu rendered themselves to Guy Conte de Saint Poll, and Guy de Chastillon.  
The King of England complains of this breach of accord to the Pope, and the Emperor Charles 4. who made a journey into France to reconcile the two Kings, and determine the business. Before whom our Ambassadors first declare how this Accord, having been more for the good of France then us, in regard we resigned thereby, not 
The allegations of the English Ambassadors before the Emperor.  only our Title to Normandy, Touraine, and Anjou, the fairest and richest Countries of France: But also our Title to the Crown, to the end we might hold in Souraigntie the Duchy of Aquitaine, the Country of Ponthieu, with some other pieces, which by Hereditary right appertained to the Crown of England, whereby the effusion of Christian blood was stayed, France had peace, and their King restored in fair manner, after a fair imprisonment, and upon the most reasonable Conditions could be devised: Notwithstanding the French King, (who 
Vid. Appen.  himself, with the whole Council of France contracted the Accord, and solemnly swore to observe the same) hath contrary to the Law of God and Nations (after he had recovered his Hostages by fraud) seized both upon the Duchy of Aquitaine, and the Country of Ponthieu, without denouncing War, by his Heralds, etc.  
The French Reply: How we by the Accord, were bound immediately to with draw our 
The Reply of the French.  Army out of France; which they say we did not, during all the Reign of their King john: That the Peace was thereby made more offensive than the War, they being constrained to purchase the departure of our Soldiers with greater charge than would have maintained an Army. That the breach was on our side, for that the Soldiers were ours. That King Edward was bound to renounce his Title to the Crown of France, in open Assembly of the States of both Realms, which they say was not done. And concerning the releasing of their King: they say, it cost France more gold, than the redeeming of Saint Louis their King, his brother, the Peers, and the whole Army, taken by the Sultan, an Infidel. Thus both sides defend their cause, being easy for Princes who will break out of their Covenants to find evasions. The French King (it seems) though willing to get in what he could, yet was very loath to renew a War, and therefore with many Presents courts the King of England: Who seeing himself thus deluded, prepares to have out his Sword. And 
Anno Reg. 44.  having borrowed great Sums of the Clergy, sends over john Duke of Lancaster, and Humphrey Bohun Earl of Hereford, with a mighty Army to Calais, to invade France on this side; whiles the Prince of Wales works to recover the revolted Towns on the other. But little was effected, The Duke shortly returns. And then Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, with fresh supplies is sent over, who dies in the journey. 
Forces sent into France.  Sir Robert Knoles a man renowned in those times for valour and counsel, is made Leader of an Army, Consisting of many great Lords, who disdaining to be commanded by him whom they held their inferior, overthrew themselves, and the Action.  
Thus all went back, and the French King grows both in State and Alliance. 
Anno Reg. 45.  Margueret, sole daughter and Heir to Louis Earl of Flauders, to whom King Edward sought to match his son Edmond, is won to marry Philip Le Hardy Duke of Burgogne, brother to the French King. And this much vexes King Edward, who 
A Subsidy granted by Parliament, & the manner of seizing the same.  the better to furnish himself for revenge, calls a Parliament at Westminster, wherein he resumes his claim to the Crown of France, and requires aid of his Subjects, and hath it. The Clergy granted him, 50. thousand pounds, to be paid the same year; and the Laity as much. For the levying whereof, every Parish in England was rated first to pay 23 shillings four pence (the great helping the less) upon supposition there had been Parishes enough to have made up that sum. But by certificate upon the King's Writs sent out to examine what number of Parish Churches were in every Shire, they found it came short: and then rated every Parish at five pound sixteen shillings (the greater to help the less) and so, of 8600. Parishes, found to be in the 37. Shires, 50. thousand, 181. pound, 8. peence was raised. But in regard of the great poverty of Suffolk and Devon. Shire, the 181. pound was abated, and the King answered 50. thousand pounds for the laity.  
Upon this Supply the King grants that the great Charter, and the Charter of 
The Duke of Lancaster sent into Aquitaine.  Forests, should be observed in all points: which in most Parliaments of his, is ever the first Act; as may be seen in the printed Statutes. And now john Duke of Lancaster, and Edmond Earl of Cambridge, are sent with Forces into Aquitaine, to aid the Prince of Wales, who after he had sacked the City of Lymoges, that was revolted, his health failing to perform any more, leaves the prosecution of the War to his brother: and with his wife, and young son Richard borne at Bordeaux, returns 
The Prince of Wales returns into England.  home into England, and here resigns unto his father the Duchy of Aquitaine.  
The Duke of Lancaster, after the departure of the Prince, did little, but being now a widower (his wife dying two years before, in the third great Pestilence, in which year also Phillippe wife to King Edward ended her life) he marries Constance eldest daughter to Peter King of Castille, by whom he had the empty title of King, 
The Duke of Lancaster marries Constance daughter to the King of Castille.  and was (after the death of his father-in-law) styled King of Castille and Leon. This Constance, though she were the daughter of a wicked father and infamous mother, yet was so happy, that the daughter she had by this Duke of Lancaster, named Katherine, became after Queen of Castille and Leon, (being married to Henry 3. in possession before, and in her right King of both those Realms) and left her posterity Kings of Spain. Edmond Earl of Cambridge, married also at the same time Isabella 
Anno Reg. 46. 1372.  the youngest daughter of King Peter, and both shortly after returned into England, though without victory, yet with wives. Lionel Duke of Clarence, a little before, marries Violanta, the Duke of Milan's daughter in Italy, where they feasted him so as shortly after he died.  
The City of Rochel, that yet held out for the English, had endured a long siege both by Sea and land, to relieve which important piece, the Earl of Pembroke is sent with forty ships well manned and victualled, and beside furnished with twenty 
The Earl of Pembroke taken prisoner by the Spaniards.  thousand marks to defrey the voyage, who encountering the Spanish Armado sent to aid the French in this siege (by Henry now King of Castille) after a long and cruel conflict, is taken prisoner, and his Navy utterly destroyed. King Edward himself, though now aged, sets forth, with a mighty Army to recover these losses, but thereby 
Anno Reg. 47. D. 1373.  lost more, the winds with his fortune being against him, beat him back, having spent in this preparation Nine hundred thousand marks.  
Shortly after, john Duke of Lancaster, passes over again to Calais with another Army, which he leads through France, by the way of Auvergne, where amongst the mountains he lost many of his people for want of victuals, and almost all his horse, so that he came to Bordeaux with a starved and distressed company, which after some time he relieves and made certain attempts upon the enemy, but effected nothing, the date of victories was out, all went ill with the English. The Duke returns the next year, and all Gascoigne revolts except Bordeaux and Bayon.  
King Edward hath another supply by Parliament, a Tenth of the Clergy, and a Fifteenth of the laity, towards these wars: which now are sought to be ended 
Another Subsidy granted by Parliament.  by treaty, an unlikely way to do any good. Two years are spent therein, at Burges and other places, with great charge of Commissioners, and much debate. The French having now the advantage of the time, would make their own conditions, they require the Town of Calais (from whence King Edward had now removed his Staple, in regard of the danger of merchants goods) and restitution of great sums of money, which were not to be yielded: So that nothing but temporary Truces were to be gotten to serve present shifts, wherein the English, and their party, had ever the worse.  
And here at home, besides the sickness of the Prince (which grew desperate) the State is diseased, the King's age is misled, his treasure exhausted, and his affairs 
Anno Reg. 50. 1376.  ill managed. A Parliament to cure these evils, is called at Westminster, the King's wants are opened, and supplies required: the whole body of the Assembly, weary to bear these continual burdens, in steed of Contributions, exhibit Complaints, charging the King's Officers with fraud, and humbly crave that the Duke of Lancaster, 
A Parliament at Westminster which was called the good Parliament. The Duke of Lancaster with others banished the Court.  the Lord Latimer, than Lord chamberlain, Dame Alice Peirce, the King's Concubine, and one Sir Richard Sturry, might be amoved from Court. Their Complaints and desires are so vehemently urged by their Speaker, Sir Peter de La Mare, as the King rather than not to be supplied, gave way unto them, and all these persons are presently put from Court. The Prince was held to favour their proceeding, for there seems to be no good correspondence between him and his brother the Duke of Lancaster, who now managed all under his aged father, and whose ambition might be dangerous to his young Son Richard, whom he was like to leave to his mercy.  
The King in this Parliament, being the Fiftieth year of his reign, to gratify his Subjects, grants another general Pardon, as another jubilee; wherein only William 
Another jubilee.  Wicham, Bishop of Winchester is excepted, being lately by the procurement of the Duke of Lancaster fallen into the King's displeasure, and forbidden to come to the Parliament. But this jubilee was soon turned to sorrow, by the death of the Prince 
The death of the Prince of Wales.  of Wales which happened in this Parliament time. A heavy loss to the State, being a Prince of whom we never heard any ill, never received other note then of goodness, and the noblest performances, that Magnanimity and Wisdom could ever show: inso much, as what praise can be given to Virtue, is due unto him. His death changed the face of affairs. The late excluded parties return to Court, and their former places. This Parliament, called the good Parliament, now wrought ill effects. 
The Duke of Lancaster returns with the rest, to the Court.  Sr Peter de la Mare, at the suit of Allce Peirce, an impudent woman (working upon the King's impotencies) is committed to perpetual imprisonment at Nottingham. An act without example of former times, and did no good in this, especially being wrought by such a Subject. This woman presuming upon the King's favour, whom 
The revenge and behaviour of Alice Pierce.  she had subdued, grew so insolent (the common evil of such fortunes) that she intermeddled with Courts of justice and other Offices, where she herself would sit to effect her desires: which, though in all who are so exalted, are ever excessive, yet in a woman most immoderate, as having less of discretion, and more of greediness.  
The Duke of Lancaster is come now to have the Regency, and to manage all the 
The Duke of Lancaster governs all.  affairs of the Kingdom, and might thereby presume farther. But King Edward, to prevent the mischiefs, which by disordering the succession might grow in the Kingdom, providently settled the same in this Parliament, upon Richard of Bordeaux, 
Richard of Burdoaux created Prince of Wales.  creating him first Earl of Chester and Corne-wall, and then Prince of Wales; which made much for his present safety, lest john of Lancaster should supplant him, as Earl john did his Nephew Arthur, in the like case. For (sure it seems) the Duke had his design that way bend: but this confirmation by the Parliament (which he had offended) and shortly after a breach with the Citizens of London, put him so by, as he durst not now attempt that which his Son after effected. But yet he behaves himself very imperiously in this state he had. And first shows his authority on the Earl 
The Earl of March resigns his Office of Martial, which is given to Sir Henry Percy.  of March, commanding him over to the guarding of Calais, and the parts there about. Which the Earl refuses, and rather yields up his Rod, with the Office of Martial, then obey his commandment therein. The Duke takes the Rod, and gives it with the Office, to Sir Henry Percy, a man most inward with him.  
Shortly after, the Parliament is assembled again at Westminster (whether a new; or the last prorogued I know not) and thither, the Duke himself brings Prince Richard (of the age of 11. years) places him in the King's Seat, and taught him to 
john Sow.  demand a Subsidy. Which was two Tenths, to be paid in one year: Or twelve 
The Prince motion's a Subsidy in divers kinds.  pence in the pound of all merchandises sold, for one year; and one pound of silver for every Knight's Fee; and of every Fire-house one penny. And this Demand the Duke earnestly urges, Saying, one of them ought of necessity to be granted, in regard the Enemy proclaiming War, purposed to invade the Realm.  
The Knights of the Parliament (whom the Duke they said, had by practice made, 
The Parliament divided  and put by all of the last Assembly, except twelve which he could not alter) require respite to answer: a day is appointed. The mayor part make choice of one Hungerford, a Creature of the Dukes to deliver their answer. The other would have Sir Peter Dela Mare to be enlarged, and deliver theirs; and also answer to what could be objected against him, before the Lords in Parliament, and thereto submit himself. Then the Duke demands aid of the Bishops. They refuse to treat therein, without their Brother, the Bishop of Winchester, prohibited from coming to the Parliament.  
Now there fell out an Accident, that beside gave interruption to this business. A certain Divine, named john Wicliff, deprived by the Archbishop of Canterbuie of a benefice in Oxford, which he was found unjustly to hold, had heretofore, being discontented (the humour that commonly breeds Schism) inveighed in his Sermons, 
A dissension about john Wicliffe.  and other acts in the Schools against the abuses of Churchmen, Monks and other religious orders (which were not then so free from scandal, but might well be taxed) and had by his doctrine there, and in London won many Disciples unto him (who after were called Lollards) professing poverty, going barefooted, and poorly clad in russet, which made them (as extremes are) the more noted, and get passage into the opinion of the people, apt to embrace novelties, and usually beguiled by disguises, in regard they rather believe then judge. Amongst other his Doctrines, he taught that neither King or other Secular Lord, could give any 
His doctrine.  thing in Perpetuity unto Churchmen, and that Temporal Lords if they need, might lawfully take the goods of such religious persons to relieve them in their necessities, by the example of William Rufus, etc. A doctrine very pleasing to great men, who commonly embrace Sects, either for ambition to get, or for jealousy not to lose, or for hatred to revenge.  
This man, the Duke of Lancaster, and Sir Henry Percy, much favour and cherish, 
The Duke of Lancaster favours Wicliffe and why.  extolling him both for his learning and integrity of life, which made him so far presume, as he daily in one Church or other published his opinions without fear: whereupon at length he is cited to answer before the Archbishop, the Bishop of London and others, in Paul's. At the day appointed, the Duke of Lancaster and the Lord Martial go to conduct him: by the way he is animated by his followers not to fear the Bishops, and entering into Paul's, the press is so great, as hardly any passage could be made, whereupon the Marshal using some violence, thrust in upon the people, which Courtney, Bishop of London prohibited him to do, saying: 
The convention of Wicliffe before the Bishops in Paul's.  If he had known he would have behaved himself so in that place, he should not have come into the Church. The Duke hearing these words, angrily replied, That the Marshal should execute his authority, whether he would or not, When they were come to our Lady's Chapel, the Duke and Barons, with the Bishops, sitting down, john Wicliffe (sent for in by the Lord Martial) was by him likewise willed to sit down, in regard he said, the man had much to answer, and needed a convenient seat. The Bishop of London told him, it was against all law and reason, that he who was there cited before his Ordinary, should sit: hereupon contumelious words arose between the Lord Martial and the Bishop, the Duke takes the Marshal's part, and sharply reprehended the Bishop, the Bishop returns the like to the Duke, who in great rage, seeing he could not prevail, swore he would pull down the pride of him, and all the Bishops of England. You trust, said he, in your Parents, but they can profit you nothing. I trust not in my, Parents said the Bishop, nor in any man living, but in God in whom I ought to trust. The Duke, as if whispering in his ear, told him, he had rather pull him out of the Church by the hair of the head, then suffer these indignities: which words the Londoners overhearing, swore with a loud voice, they would rather lose their lives, then suffer their Bishop to be thus injuriously used, and threatened to be pulled out off 
The Citizens of London take their Bishop's part.  his own Church. Their fury was the more incensed against the Duke, for that the day before in the Parliament (whereof he was precedent) it was required in the King's name, that from thence forth there should be no more a Mayor of London, but a Captain appointed for the government of the City, and that the Lord Martial of England should arrest offenders within the Liberties, as in other places.  
About this business, and this wrong offered to their Bishop, the Citizens assembling 
The Citizens in uproar.  the morrow after, to consult amongst themselves, it happened the Lord Fitzwater, and Guido Brian, came into the City, which the people seeing, furiously ran upon them, and were like to beat them down for coming unsent for, at that time. The Lord Fitzwater protested he came for no other end, but to offer his setuice to the City, being by inheritance their Standard-bearer, and was to take injuries offered to them, as to himself, and therefore willed them to look to their defence. Whereupon they presently take Arms, assail the Marshal's Inn, break open the gates, brought forth a prisoner in his gives, and let him at liberty, but found not the Lord Martial, who with the Duke that day were to dine with one john de Ypres, Thence thus surious multitude ran to assail the Savoy, which a Knight of the Duke's seeing, hastes to the place whsre his Master dined, and acquaintes him with this uproar in the City. The Duke leaps from the Table so hastily, that he hurt 
The Duke of Lancasier in danger flees to the Princess.  both his shins in the Form, and with Sir Henry Percy, alone takes boar, and away he gets to Kennington, near Lambeth, where the Princess with the young Prince lay; to whom he complains of this Riot, and the violence offered him. In the mean time the multitude coming to the Savoy, a priest inquisitive to know the business, was answered, They went to take the Duke and the Lord Mashall, and compel them, to deliver Sir Peter de la Mare, unjustly detained in Prison. The Priest replied; That Sir Peter was a Traitor to the King, and worthy to be hanged, At which words they all cried out; This is Percy, this is the Traitor of England, his speech bewrays him though his Apparel be disguised: and presently they ran upon him, and wounded him to death.  
The Bishop of London hearing of this Outrage, leaves his dinner, hastes to the 
The Bishop of London appeases the tumult.  Savoy, admonishes them to be mindful of the Holy time, (being Lent) and for the love of Christ to desist from such seditious acts; assuring them, all thing should be fairly ended for the good of the City. Whereupon they were something pacified, and forbore to assault the Duke's house, whose person (if they could have found) they had (no doubt) made an end of him, and the Lord Martial in this their fury, at that time; but missing him, they yet hung up his Arms reversed, in sign of Treason in all the principal streets of the City.  
The Princess from Kenington, sent Albert de Vere, Louis Clifford, and Simon Burleygh to the Citizens, persuading them to make their peace with the Duke. They returned this answer, That for her Honour they would do whatsoever she commanded: but yet enjoined the Knights, to will the Duke, to permit the Bishop of Winchester, and Peter de la Mare to come to their Answer, according to the custom of the Laws of England. 
The Citizens send to the King.  They sent likewise of the chief Citiznes to the sick King, to excuse them of this Tumult, protesting themselves not to be privy thereunto, but sought all means to suppress the same, which they could not do (the whole Commonalty being in Commotion) upon an Information, that their Liberties should be taken away from them by Parliament. The King told them, It never was in his thought to infringe their Liberties, but he rather desired to enlarge them. And therefore willed them not to fear, but return to appease the Citizens, and keep them in peace and order: which they did, and were well pleased with this answer. But yet they could not stop the passage of Rhymes and Libels (those secret stings that wound unseen) but that they were daily spread in the City to the defamation of the Duke; and to make his name odious to the people. For which, he procured the Bishops to excommunicate the Authors of all such Rhymes, and Libels.  
Notwithstanding, this harsh proceeding of the Duke with the State, and in a time so unseasonable, both for his own Ends and the Public business he undertook; The Commons in Parliament, desirous to aid their King, granted a Subsidy on this condition, that being levied, it should be committed to certain Earls and 
A Subsidy granted in this Parliament.  Barons to see it issued, according to the occasions of the Kingdom. But this Subsidy was of a new nature neither in any of those kinds propounded. Every person, man & woman within the Kingdom, above the Age of 14. years, were to pay 4. pence, (those who lived by Alms only excepted. The Clergy likewise grants 12. pence of every Parson Beneficed; and of all other Religious persons 4. pence of the head, A mighty and unknown Aid, such as never was granted to any King of England before, and became a Precedent for the next Reign: wherein it caused the first and greatest popular Insurrection, that ever was seen in this Kingdom: So tender a thing is it to tax the people by the paul.  
And now hereupon the Parliament ended: but not the Duke's displeasure against the City. The Mayor and Aldermen are brought before the King to Shene, and advised to submit themselves to the Duke, and crave pardon for their grievous offences. They protest as before: they could not stay the rage of the multitude, who committed those insolences, beseeching the King not to punish such as were innocent and ignorant of the fact, promising the Duke, they would endeavour by all means to bring in the malefactors, and compel them to make satisfaction, to the honour of the Duke, and more, said they, we cannot do. Whereupon they were dismissed the Court, and shortly after from their places, by the power of the Duke of Lancaster. Sir Nicholas Brember was elected Mayor in steed of Adam Staple, and other Aldermen appointed in their places, who were put out.  
The King was desirous to have reconciled them to his Son, but sickness having now vanquished him, he is forced to give over the world, as the same did him, before his breath left him. And first his Concubine packing away what she could snatch, even to the rings of his fingers, left him: then his other attendants, by her example, seizing on what they could fasten, shift away, and all his Councillors and others forsook him in his last agony when most he needed them, leaving his Chamber quite empty: which a poor Priest in the house seeing, by chance as he passed, approaches to the King's beds side, and finding him yet breathing, calls 
The death of King Edward and the manner thereof.  upon him to remember his Saviour, and to ask mercy for his offences, which none before about him would do, but every one putting him still in hope of life, though they knew death was upon him (a misery fatal to Princes and great persons, whom flattery will never suffer to know themselves, nor their own state either in health or sickness) made him neglective of those spiritual cogitations fit for a dying Christian. But now stirred up by the voice of this Priest, he shows all signs of contrition, and his last breath expresses the name of jesu. Thus died this mighty and victorious King, at his Manor of Sheen (now Richmond) the 21. day of june, Anno Dom. 1377. in the 64. year of his Age, having reigned fifty years, four months and odd days.  
His Character we find best expressed in his actions, yet thus briefly. He was a Prince, the soonest a man and the longest that held so, of any we read. He was of 
His Character  parsonage comely, of an even stature, graceful, respectively affable, and well expressing himself: A Prince who loved 1. justice, 2. Order, 3. and his People, the Supreme virtues of a Sovereign. 1. His love of justice, was seen by the many Statutes he made 
His justice.  for the due Execution thereof, & the most Straight-binding Oath, he ordained to be ministered unto his judges & justiciars: the punishment inflicted on them for corruption in their Offices, causing some to be thrust out, and others grievously fined, as Sir Henry green, and Sir William Skipwith Anno Reg. 39 He bettered also that form of public justice which his Grandfather first began (and which remains to this day) making also excellent laws for the same, 2. His regard to the observation of Order amongst his people, witness so many Laws, as were made to restrain them from 
His love to his people.  Excesses in all kinds. 3. His love to his subjects, was expressed in the often easing of their grievances, and his willingness to give them all fair satisfaction, as appears by the continual granting of the due observation of their Charters in most of his Parliaments. And when (Anno Reg. 14.) they were jealous, upon his assuming the title of the Kingdom of France, lest England should thereby come to be under the Subjection of that Crown, as being the greater, he to clear them of that doubt, passed a Statute, in the firmest manner could be devised, that this Kingdom should 
His Providence.  remain entire as before, without any violation of the rights it had.  
Provident he was in all his actions, never undertaking any thing before he had first furnished himself with means to perform it. And therein his subjects allowed him more with less ado, than ever any of his Predecessors had: and he as fairly issued what he received from them, having none other private vent of profusion, than his enterprises for advancing the State, & honour of the Kingdom. True it is that most attended and careful he was to get moneys, but yet it was without the Sackage of any man, such as his Grandfather made upon the Officers of justice, the jews and others.  
For his gifts we find them not such as either hurt his own fame and reputation, or any way distasted the State. To be short, he was a Prince who knew his work, and did it: and therefore was he better obeyed, better respected and served then any of his Predecessors.  
His Works of Piety were great and many, as the founding of East-minster, an Abbay 
His works of Piety.  (of the Cisteaux Order) near the Tower. An Abbey for Nuns at Detford. The King's Hall in Cambridge for poor Scholars. An Hospital for the poor at Calais. The building of Saint stephan's Chapel at Westminster, with the endowment of 300. pound, per ann. to that Church. His augmenting the Chapel at Windsor, and provisions there for Churchmen, and 24. poor Knights, etc. These were his public 
His Buildings.  Works, the best Monuments and most lasting to glorify the memory of Princes. Besides these, his private buildings are great and many; as the Castle of Windsor, which he re-edified and enlarged. The Castle of Quinborow, Fortifications at Calais and other places.  
His magnificence was showed in his Triumphs and Feasts, which were sumptuously 
His Magnifcence.  celebrated, with all due Rites and Ceremonies, the preservers of Reverence and Majesty. To conclude, he was a Prince, whose nature agreed with his Office; as only made for it. Those defaillances we find in him at last, we must not attribute to him but his age, wherein we never yet saw Prince happy. When their vigour fails them (which is commonly about 60.) their Fortune doth. Whilst this Prince held together he was indissolueble, and as he was then, we take his Figure.  
Fortunate he was also in his Wife, a Lady of excellent virtue, who though she 
His Wife, and issue.  brought him little or none Estate, she brought him much content, some benefit by Alliance, & a fair Issue. She drew evenly with him in all the courses of Honour that appertained to her side, & seems a piece so just cut for him, as answered him rightly in every joint. Gracious & loving she ever showed herself to this Nation, & did many works of Piety, amongst which Queen's College in Oxford remains especially, a Monument of her Name, and Renown. And it is worthy the Mark, that this King and his Grandfather Edward the first, the best of our Kings had the two best Wives. Which shows that worthiness is such an Elixir as by contaction (if there be any disposition of goodness in the Metal, it will render it of the same Property: So that these Queens could be no otherwise then they were having so execellent Husbands.  
She bore unto him 7. Sons, whereof 5. lived to have Issue; Edward Prince of Wales, Lionel Duke of Clarence, john Duke of Lancaster, Edmond Earl of Cambridge, after Duke of York, and Thomas of Wood-stock, which became Duke of Gloster. Four Daughters (of five she bore) lived to be married. Isabel the eldest, to Ingelxam Lord of Coucy, Earl of Soissons, and Bedford. joan to Alphonso 11. King of Castille, but she died before she lay with him. Marry, to john Monfort Duke of Brittaigne. Margaret, to john Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, and she also died without Issue.  
Thus have we seen the end of this great King: who, how he came to the Crown, we know, and now how he left it we see: in both are considerations of importance. His stepping over his Father's head to come to his throne, though it were not his fault, yet had it a punishment, and that in a most high kind: For, having so plentiful, and so able an Issue Male, he had not yet a Son of his own to sit on his Seat: but left the same (worse than he found it) to a Child of eleven years of age, exposed to the Ambition of Uncles, which over weighed him: to a factious and discontented State at home: to broken and distracted inheritances abroad: himself having seen all his great get, purchased with so much expense, travail, & bloodshed, rend clean from him, and nothing remaining, but only the poor Town of Calais. To show that our Bounds are prescribed us, and a Pillar set by him who bears up the Heavens, which we are not to transpasse.  
The end of the Life, and Reign, of Edward the Third.    

THus far have I brought this Collection, of our History, and am now come to the highest exaltation of this Kingdom, to a State full built, to a Government reared up with all those main Couplements of Form and Order, as have held it together ever since: notwithstanding those dilapidations made by our civil Discord, by the Nonage or negligence of Princes, by the alterations of Religion, by all those corruptions which Time hath brought forth to fret and canker-eat the same. And here I leave, unless by this which is done I find encouragement to go on.