A BRIEF DISCOURSE OF THE SPANISH STATE, WITH a Dialogue annexed entitled PHILOBASILIS.  
AT LONDON, Imprinted by Richard Field dwelling in the Blackfriars near Ludgate. 1590.   

TO THE MOST HIGH MIGHTY AND VIRTUOUS PRINCESS ELIZABETH BY THE GRACE OF GOD QUEEN OF ENgland, France and Ireland, etc. be a most prosperous, long and victorious reign.  
IF Caesar, most gracious Sovereign Lady, encouraged his Pilot being fearful in a tempest at sea, by saying to him, Fear not thou carriest Caesar: how much more may we be comforted, & fear no wind of fortune, your sacred person being in our ark, and your royal hand at the stern of our government: for greater is your Majesty then Caesar, and of more power to give life to the fift Monarchy which shall have no end; then he to the fourth almost ended.  
To subdue mighty nations remaineth only in the monuments of time: but to conquer men with piety (the guidon of all the virtues) is to leave a Trophaea of your majesties victories, so great as no age can comprehend. The consideration of this moveth the world with a reverent regard of your majesties proceed; which being hoved under the wing of God, can suffer no alteration of time or fortune.  
Who would an instance hereof, he can have none more honourable than the resolution of all men to withstand the Spaniards intended invasion; they being than most inclined to your majesties service when the danger seemed greatest by the near approach of the Spanish Armado.  
Seeing then most mighty Princess, the blazon of your virtues is best known by expressing their barbarous tyranny, contraries being perceived by their contrary effects, I thought meet in regard thereof (my duty to your Majesty commanding no less) to display some Spanish colours, whereby the brightness of your glory issued from your qualified government, may the sooner appear to all men.  
This collection I most humbly Dedicate unto your most excellent Majesty, beseeching him who hath placed you in the royal seat, and miraculously preserved your Majesty from sundry sorts of great danger, to give your Highness a most prosperous and long life in assured tranquillity, to the glory of his name, and comfort of your faithful and loving subjects.  
Your majesties most faithful, humble and obedient subject, EDWARD DANCE.   

TO THE NOBLE AND virtuous Reader.  
THose may muse, who suck the breasts of change, that by an odious invective drawing envy, I should stir them who (by the indisposition of time) make the world tremble before them: but let those know, who, to their loss desire novelties, that, I being a natural subject of this realm, esteem nothing my hurt, that may discover the peril and reproach of a common enemy. Common I term him, who, under colour of reformation, seeketh to enlarge his Empire, with the blood of his own sort. Let them then (who affect that faction) rather desire to have such a common weal (which by false positions) they think to be dismembered, than none at all. Let them be moreover persuaded, that there is no religion where there is no care of country, which I conclude from these principles. First that we can not love God whom we have not seen, if we love not our neighbours whom we do see. Secondly that he that regardeth not his household is worse than an Ethenicke. To procure then the ruin of a region, and to be guides to that enemy (against whose avarice being entered, there is no provision to be made) it is to be sea monsters, and such as scour in the sands of Tagus▪ Farewell Noble & virtuous Reader, with this caution, that upon any danger of thy country, thou place thy mind in heaven, thy heart in Court, and thy body in thy cuyrasse.  
E. D. Gent.   

A BRIEF DISCOURSE OF THE SPANISH STATE.  
PHILIP (the father of great Alexander) having increased his small kingdom of Macedonia to the Empire of Greece: and considering how needful the favour of all men was for the life of his reputation in that room; commanded that daily ere he came from his chamber, a boy standing at the door should say with loud voice, Philip remember thou art a mortal man: a course beyond any expectation of that time; he being derived from Hercules, whom for his excellency, they feign was translated amongst the gods.  
Some who have since that time preferred justice before the other virtues, do name humility; (as that which belongeth only to man) to be the meanest notwithstanding that she linketh the rest, and is mother to clemency, who chief bringeth forth the favour of the people.  
The regard which this prudent king had to make his succession immovable, and to raise them to the highest top of glory (as he did by making their ford, by his affability, tempetance and clemency) is of excellent precedent for all Princes: who to effect the like, are to appear before God as men clothed with humility; and before men as God adotned with clemency: they being both men & gods respecting their condition of human frailty; and high place of their royal dignity.  
The error which groweth by the abuse of these things is dangerous, as that which leadeth either into a manifest tyranny, or a remissness of government. For how may he that perceiveth not the passions of men, or feeleth not in himself an inclination to mercy; either relieve the people of their miseries as man, or provide for their infirmities as God?  
To seem therefore such who seek a reformation and benefit of the people (a report very plausible) and covertly to devour many provinces, is a practice neither of man or God, but of devils incarnate. I would there were not any unto whom this might be objected: & that her Majesty whose most noble Progenitors have deserved well of Spain, might, if for no other cause then the ancient league between the Crown of Castill and the house of 
Frossart.  Lancaster, have enjoyed their good neighbourhood and friendship of times past. But seeing that their cheerful countenance (being oppressed with the ill humours of their ambition) is turned into a melancholy dark, I have thought good for the benefit of her majesties subjects, (some of them having vain imaginations of the Spaniards excellent gifts and greatness) to draw the lineaments of their Empire and good nature, by which it may appear how monstrous the proportion of both is, which they would should seem most exquisite and comely to all men.  
It is certain that Spain is of great antiquity, bearing that name under the first Monarchy; but when we shall consider the significations of her and of her first inhabitant, we shall find her age no ornament (as it hath been in the names of the four Monarchies, and of some other nations) but a great deformity considering her incommodities, and perverse qualities of that people all natural defects being made more imperfect by continuance or alteration of times. Touching therefore the significations 
Gieronimo Ruscelli ●el Ptolomeo.  of that country: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (being a Greek word) is interpreted neediness, penury and rarity; and was not long after the division of tongues, first inhabited by the third son of japhet named jobel or Tubal, signifying worldly, 
josephus lib. 1. antiq. cap. 11.  or of the world, confusion and ignomy: which significations meet so jump regarding the state of that counrie, and customs of that nation, as nothing could be devised apt.  
Of this contemptible beginning (which in respect of their meanness was long without suspicion of tyranny have they (loathing the straits of Hercules pillars, and his Plus ultra) extended their limits to the utmost Indians; where they have erected this Trophaea of Alexander's conceit, Non sufficit orbis; but how far from the temperance of good Princes, let any barbarian judge, who would have been glutted with half the miseries of them, with whose evils the Spaniard is not yet satisfied.  
For better expressing the particularities of their policy let us (before we come to the significations of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Tubal, only for an introduction to the nature of both) observe these four points: First how that that nation rising 
1  like the beetle from the cowshern, hurtleth against all things Secondly that they being of the nature of shadows, which 
2  are short the Sun ascending the Meridian; and long, being near the Horizon, make a deceitful proportion of their greatness. Thirdly, that whilst the great kings of 
3  Europe lived, they were obscure, and have only since their time been seen, like glow worms shining in the dark. Fourthly, that this region of Spain (though very 
4  ancient) was after the report of Polybius unknown to the 
Lib. 3. Hist.  old Romans, (the South part excepted) aswell in respect of the unfruitfulness of the soil, as savage and rude life of the inhabitants: all which concern the significations of that country and inhabitant: but first of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
It is convenient, that we perceive the effects of this name by nearer circumstances of ages than the former general points: in respect whereof, we must first look 
1  backward as far as three thousand years: at which time the Phaenicians (who were then of the greatest navigation) 
Diodorus Sicu. rerum anti. lib. 6. cap. 9  did buy of them their metal for things of no account and small price: an argument that either the Spaniards than were of great simplicity (a quality never growing to a habit in them) or that they had great want of those things which are ordinary for the life of man, which is an inseparable accident of the greatest part of their country. Secondly who considereth their natural 
2  disposition to robbery in the maiden years of Spain, 
Diodorus Sic. rerum anti. lib. 5. cap. 2. & li. 6. cap. 9  would think they had only studied that law Lycurgus made in the benefit of secret theft; neither Hercules though he mastered their countrymen Geryon and the sons of Chrysaurus; or the Romans who often restrained them, being able to suppress their thievery. But they depend upon this ground, that those things in which many offend, are always forgiven, and that there is no law prescribed to necessity.  
Thirdly behold their small multitude of people regarding 
3  the bigness of their country, being one of the greatest kingdoms of Europe: which proceedeth of the significations of Spain; caritie, penury and want. For as it is natural that those females that give suck, may bring so many of their kind as they have tets: so is it monstrous to produce more than they have means to relieve: this being always a rule, that there is no region which is fruitful (unless mortality be a depriving cause) but that according to the good providence of nature it is also populous.  
Fourthly, survey the situation of Spain, which generally 
4  yieldeth more rocks and barren hills, than champain and plain fields, from which (after the midst of june) they reap no profit till the next spring: their trees and vines excepted, neither have they any great use of their river waters, which are so troubled and extreme cold in 
Frossard.  the first part of summer by snows, that descend from the hills by the heat of the sun, that they do not only morfound and kill horses, but also men if they have not the daily use of Garlic, which is esteemed very profitable for them that drink corrupted water.  
Fiftly, observe some causes of their rebellion in the 
5  time of the emperor Charles the 5. which were (amongst other mislikes) for that their coin was transported into Italy, Flanders and Almain: and their grain into Portugal 
Antonio di Guevara.  their next neighbour: and note also how they are yearly relieved from the Esterlings and Normandy with corn, and from Brittani with Poultry.  
Sixtly, mark their covetousness: which vice though 
6  it be not always in the poor, yet have they more cause to offend therein, respecting their needy state, than others.  
This fault of avarice is no less peculiar to the Spaniards than theft: both issuing from one fountain, and having their difference but in circumstance of time, and persons: the first belonging to their Princes, is somewhile named ambition: the other appertaining to the meaner sort, they would should be called a military liberty: but we know it by no other name than pilfering and robbery.  
Touching their covetousness, it partly appeareth in fraudulent shifting their creditors: partly by their ravenous desire to oppress all parts, and partly by offending against the affections and dignity of parents.  
As concerning the cozenage of their creditors, our Princes have deeplier tasted their deceit then any others.  
Don Piero, being restored to his kingdom of Castill by the only chivalry and sole charges of the Duke of Aquitaine 
Frossard.  then Prince of Wales; entertained his most noble patron and good benefactor only with promises, and after dispatched him into France with that payment: which being not currant amongst the Gascon and English soldiers, he was compelled to practise diverse things contrary to the custom of those parts, which bred many novelties to the loss of those provinces.  
The Duke of Lancaster pursuing in Galitia the title of 
Frossard.  his wife Constance, daughter to Don Piero and heir of Castille: sent the Archbishop of Bordeaux to Piero king of Arragon, for the arrearages of those sums he was to pay Edward the third and his heirs Dukes of Aquitan, for the yearly discharge of 500 horse: but he had no other payment (the alterations of this Realm not permitting to bring this king to reason) but the imprisonment of his Ambassador in Barcelona.  
The Emperor Charles the 5. as king of Spain, to draw Henry the eight into a war against France, who had paid him yearly from thence 133. thousand crowns for 
john Slei. lib. 3.  his sister's dower and pension; made himself debtor to the king for that annual sum; covenanting moreover that if he married not in convenient time, Marry than Princes, of the age but of seven years, to pay the king four hundred thousand crowns, besides three hundred thousand crowns that were lent him: which bills for any thing I know lie in the deck, unless Queen Marie, to please her husband, canceled them.  
How the French king Charles the 8. released the king 
L'esiat des maisons illustres de France.  of Arragon 50000. crowns, his father Lewis the 11. lent upon the Counties of Roussilion and Parpignan, by mean of that cousining friar, Oliver Maillard, I let pass with these notes, that as it behoveth the kings of France to suspect the hypocrisy of friars in regard of the ambition 
Diodorus Sicu. re anti. lib. 1. cap. 3.  of Spain and Lorran: so it standeth the king of Spain in hand not to die in Egypt, no man being buried there, by an ancient law of that region, (if his government hath been tyrannous) or his debts unpaide.  
To return to the second part of their covetousness, overthrowing the foundation of justice: if this ground be true that nothing is profitable that is not honest, these men are too devout servitors of the Pope, he crying this Prince sweats, or fetch, to leap like water spaniels at the sacred dignities of kings, and to enter violently their domains established by his divine order, who said by me 
Proverb. 8.  kings do reign.  
I will justify it, that if the right of Milan appertain not to the kings of France, who claimed that Duchy by Valentina grandmother to Lewis the twelfth, & daughter and heir to john Galeazzo, who had it of the gift of the Emperor Sigismond, that then it belongeth to the Empire. It is also certain that the Spanish claim to the kingdom of Naples and Sicilia (if the treaty at Madrick help not) is voidable: the same growing upon the adoption 
Bernard de Girard.  of Alphonso king of Arragon, by john the daughter of Lancelot the son of Charles de la Paix, an usurper of those realms: which for good cause she retracted in her life, & conveyed her title to Lewis the third, son to Lewis the second, son to Lewis the first, being Duke of Anjou; and before adopted by joan the daughter of Lewis the son of Robert: all which were lawfully possessed of those Realms. After which Lewis the third Duke of Anjou, having in him the right of the two Queens, and dying without issue, left them to his brother Rene, who having no issue male, gave his interest to his brother Charles who dying likewise without issue, left his title by testament to the french king Lewis the 11. in respect whereof Charles the 8. his son entered Italy & recovered Naples, where he was crowned. Moreover the Spaniard neither as king of Spain or Duke of Burgundy hath any right to Holland, Zealand, and Henault, the same having been the patrimony of jaquet daughter & heir to Guilliam Duke of Baviers & wife to john Duke of Brabant, who died without issue; since which time Philip the Duke of Burgundy his cozen, & his heir (having their will for law) have violently detained those provinces. Furthermore, their title to Maiorica, Minorica, & to the higher Navarre, resteth upon these doubts: first that if king Philip were taken in battle, or entrapped by other means, and imprisoned during his life, whether Spain should be forfeit to him whose captive he were. Secondly, if Spain were prescribed by the holy father (who many times is implacable) whether that kingdom were his, who first laid hand thereon. I am persuaded they would reck on these questions absurd: but if the case be altered with names, it is cock on the hoop for them, & clearer than the midday. For the king of Aragon's conquest of Maiorica, and Minorica was by no other mean then by keeping the king of both in prison till his death: of which wrong the king his son complained to Edward Duke of Aquitan, who assured him, (his wars 
Frossard.  ended for Don Piero of Castille) he would yield him all favour possible.  
Their chivalry in their thievish surprising the higher Navarre (which they hold by force of the Pope's proscription) is of like condition: whereby it may appear that notwithstanding these Cavaleros' have their Rapiers hanging point blank, that it is their penury at home, that gives them stomach, according to their name that they are Sagaces Hispani, to wind, or smell their neighbours cupboards abroad.  
The late Prince of Orange hath declared their injury to Don Anthonio for Portugal, and God himself, (wherein we have to boast and be thankful) hath with haughty style penned our Apology for England: wherefore I omit both, to show the last branch of their covetousness, than which there is nothing that more toucheth their indignity: for if it be proper to the Lion and Tiger to pursue with incredible fury, those that bereave them of their whelps: what greater beastliness can there be in man who hath reason, & is not borne for himself, then contrary to the natural instinct of brute beasts, to make his issue captive, whom nature made free? as the Spaniards by selling the Indian women conceived with child by them, have done to their great obloquy.  
This kind of avarice caused the Indians to practise new matter: but rather it may be the divine punishment, considering the simplicity of that people; who as they could opportunely take the Spaniards, powered melted gold into their mouths, using Thomyris words to Cyrus' head in blood, now drink your fill  
To return from whence I digressed, touching their qualities expressing the significations of Spain. Next to their covetousness their envy is to be regarded, a vice proper to men of base account, and peculiar above all 
Prossard.  others to this nation: as well by testimony of Gaston the Earl of Foix (a Prince of singular magnificence and valour) who (dehorting the Lords of Biern from serving the king of Castill against the Portugal) told them the Spaniards were filthy, lousy, and envious of the prosperity of strangers: which at juberoth the French desiring to have the vanward found true: the king of Castill not being able (in regard of their place) to bring his Spaniards though 20000. to make supply: by mean whereof, the Lords of Biern with their retinue, being 12000. were slain. As also by the Duke of Albas' reproving County Egmond, (who with the aid of our artillery from sea) overthrew the Frenchmen between Gravelin and Dunkercke: which victory the Spaniard imputed only to the Counties temerity, and for recompense of his valour, could not after afford him his life.  
Hitherto have I proved the significations of Spain as causes by their effects, or maxims by their consequences: now remaineth to speak of Tubal, signifying, of the world, worldly, confusion, and ignomy.  
Some may think that what hath been said for Spain belongeth also to Tubal; but I am of another mind: for as it followeth not necessarily, that whosoever is rich, is therefore proud, high minded and insolent, no more is it consequent, that the poor are worldly, confuse, and ignominious: many of both sorts being such whom God doth love: in respect whereof, it behoveth me to handle this, as the other a part; to make apparent that they are no less confuse, and ignominious, than naturally poor and miserable.  
As for these words, worldly, or of the world; although their gross ignorance of divine things may be proved thereby, yet for that they belong to my Masters the Divines, I let them pass.  
First therefore as touching confusion, it is a perverting or confounding the comeliness and order of things Divine, natural, and civil; by mean whereof a detriment or deformity of our persons, dignities, or states presently ensueth.  
As concerning things Divine, there is no nation that so confoundeth their use, and seemeth religious not being so, as the Spaniard for an instant.  
Ferdinando and Isabel after they had recovered Granado from the Moors, were presently entitled the most Christian Princes: which being stomached by France, they had after the name of Catholic, which did no less hurt than the title of universal or supreme bishop: for having so glorious an addition annexed to their new kingdom, they studied to do somewhat, savouring also of novelty, that might seem worthy of the holy father's favour, and their Epitheton: in respect whereof they established a company of the order of Dominicks, to look into the corrupt life & manners of the Moors and jews of Spain, whom they named fathers of the holy Inquisition.  
These Fathers as dropped from heaven, gave great hope of their proceeding to all men; for in short space, all Mahumatisme and judaisme, seemed by their diligent search to be extirped in Spain: neither was there any thing expected from them, but the effects of piety, and propagation of Christianity: their advantage to this sentence, The workman is worthy his hire, excepted; which greatly enriched their holy house with confiscate goods, but after their trade, in which they had found some sweetness, began to decay at home; they thought good (as grayhounds missing wolves do fall to sheep) to make it currant at Naples, which the Princes & people of that kingdom a while withstood: but being after terrified, partly with the Pope's censures, partly with the power of the Emperor Charles the 5. they accepted it, Sed iniquis conditionibus.  
Having gotten free passage for this new creature in Italy, they attempted to make it known to our world, where it bred such antiphysical effects, by tearing the union of Belgia, and renting our peace, that if ever this saying were found true that Religion brought forth riches, and the daughter devoured the mother, it was then when their avarice, cloaked with Christian reformation, filled all places with proscriptions, slaughter, and flame.  
Moreover, where the Greek Tau (having some form of a cross) was amongst the Egyptian Hierographicall letters in great admiration, as containing divine mysteries: and furthermore, where the Emperor Constantine had 
Euseb. lib. 9 cap. 9 Eccle. Hist.  revealed unto him that he should vanquish the tyrant Maxentius in the same sign: these minions notwithstanding they magnify these precedents, naming all Lutheranos, and Burrachios that adore not the same: yet without any religious fear, (which no jew would do, esteeming swine unclean) drew the judge of Tordissillas out of a Church, and strangled him upon a gallows between two hogs, as Christ was crucified between two thieves, wherein they blasphemed not the sign, but the thing signified.  
This report Antonio di Guevarra (a man of more qualified condition than their country yieldeth, made in his Oration at Braxinia to the Knights of the assembly.  
He affirmed also in his Epistle to the bishop of Zamona, chieftain of the rebels in Spain, that one of his priests standing behind a window at Tordissillas, overthrew eleven of the Emperor's soldiers with his Hargabusse: with which each time before he slew one with the bullet, he crossed himself.  
Let Charles the fift censure their Pageants with their holy father, and his venerable company under Bourbon, at that time his son Philip was borne: he doubting whether he had more cause to glory in the birth of his son, or to lament their contempt of the Pope, and holy places.  
I deny not but some Almains had their hands also in that matter, but the fault belonged to no other than the Spaniards: (who the Duke of Bourbon being slain) commanded the army, and were masters of the field.  
In reproving of their abuse, either of the Cross or Pope, let no man take me that I esteem them as things Divine or holy: I speaking only according to their opinion of both, which they reckon divine and holy.  
Now cometh in place the second part of confusion, which consisteth in violating that order which hath been prescribed by nature, for preservation of honesty, and the excellency of man.  
This schoolemistris, was of herself dainty and most excellent, till the serpent deflowered her, and the Spaniard abused her favour: notwithstanding which, she alloweth not the desire of man to increase his like, in unlawful or uncomely sort: both which are against the dignity and intention of Nature, whose object is honesty. Her laws are, that we be followers of modesty, that a Parent should cherish his child, a husband his wife, and all living creatures should live pacified with them of their own kind. But to use women forcibly in public places, or in the presence of many, as some frantic persons accustom 
Sansoninus de Regnis.  in Fez: or for Parents to kill their children, husbands their wives, and one people many Nations, she detesteth, as customs unfit for men, and not used (the first excepted) by fierce and unreasonable creatures.  
I mean to cite but few examples, yet such as may no less express this confusion, than the print of Hercules foot his whole stature.  
At their first arrival in the West Indeses (there accounting nothing unlawful) exercised all tyranny on that people, who having till then enjoyed a long liberty, esteemed the Spaniards more dangerous than wild beasts: in respect whereof many flying their servitude, cast themselves from rocks: other pined themselves with famine, and some cut their throats with sharp stones: neither spared the Indian women that were with child to take venomous potions, and to rip their wombs to set free their infants from the cruel bondage of Spain.  
But this booted not, the Spaniards minding rather to reserve them to foul uses, and to aid them in their slaughters, than they should pine, or end their lives by any other mean then their chivalry.  
Having therefore recovered such as Fortune spared, they shamed not, driving them as droves of beasts, to ravish the women having children fastened to their necks, both their own bands and the Indians beholding them.  
But what durst not these rutters do amongst a naked, & simple people, that omitted no outrage in a country having laws, walled towns, and armed men? for many thousand of like stuff receive this one for proof of the rest.  
At Insul a town in Flaunders, three of these gallants entered a citizen's house wholly of their faction; where two of them held the husband, whilst the third ravished his wife in his presence: who crying for help, & having two neighbours come to his rescue, the Spaniards also cried Spain (a watch word to assist their villainies) whereupon diverse of their company repaired to them, accusing the husband and his neighbours of riot, for which the one was adjudged to be whipped, and the other to be hanged.  
Let this much suffice for that vice, wherein they contend only with unreasonable creatures: somewhat being to bespoken also of their murder and cruelty, which belongeth to this part of confusion, wherein they alone have top and top gallant.  
Solon having given laws to the Athenians, was demanded why he made not one for parricide: for that saith he, I think no man so beastly to commit it. The Philosopher thought nature to have great authority in this matter; but seeing that love only descendeth, she commandeth little.  
That the child hath murdered the parent, moved by a covetous desire, either of patrimony or government, is more apparent in the line of Othomano then piety would: but for the father to kill his innocent son, or the husband his chaste wife, besides that family and the act of Herod, I know no authentic proof, unless Spain can yield some precedent for both.  
In the year 1568. the Duke of Alba descending with the Terrezans of Milan and Naples into the lower countries, upon pretence of pacifying that state: and leaving no kind of tyranny unexercised, gave great mislike of his doings to all men: especially to the young Prince of Spain, who often complained of his cruelty in those provinces: the government of which belonged (as he said no less to him in the life of his father, than it did to Philip (who had the same) in the time of Charles the fift.  
This complaint though it seemed just to some, yet others, chiefly the fathers of the Inquisition, reproved it as matter to be suspected, and savouring more of novelty than appertained to one of his years: by which slander they brought him into common hatred, specially of his father, who being wholly addicted to his secret pleasures, easily believed any thing: in respect whereof, and that he had made committees for hearing all matters of State: it was thought meet by them to restrain the Prince of liberty, as a man without other practice, knowing the greatness of his mind, to shorten his time, although he died not without suspicion of poison.  
The Queen of Spain during his restraint (presuming much on her place, and pitying his innocency and tender years) solicited the king to receive him again into favour: but the malice of the Prince's adversaries prevailed both towards him and the Queen, whom they found no less zealous for the peace of Belgia, then for the king's honour: for which cause they ordered that both their hearses were within one month, which I saw at Antwerp lamented with tears, and at Naples solemnized with joy: so great a matter it was for the provinces to lose good Princes, and for the Spaniards to be rid of them, by whose piety and wise providence their avarice and cruelty had been bridled, and so small a thing it is in Spain, for a father to murder his son, and a husband his wife: the one being after the French phrase Le petit fils of two Emperors and the son of a king: the other the daughter of a king, the sister of kings, and wife of a king.  
Some may object that these reports are scandalous, and belong rather to the Council of Spain, and fathers of the Inquisition, then to the king.  
I confess that besides public fame, which sufficeth to drive the accusant to his purgation; I can oppose but these grounds. First, that he who propelleth not an injury if he may, is no less faulty than he that offereth the wrong: secondly that those subjects, whose Prince regardeth not by what mean his son and wife were oppressed, are not to hope the defence of his civil or martial sword.  
Now remaineth their confusion of things civil, which I ascribe not only to the subversion of positive laws, privileges and customs; but to the overthrow also of that society, which ought to be between men of one nation, or several countries, for maintaining their particular quiet.  
That they have subverted the civil state by altering of ancient ordinances, I hope they will not deny: which if they do, their policy in Belgia (framed by Escou●do secretary to Don john of Austria) (uz. that the king must chastise one Province by an other to be made absolute in all) being compared with the privileges and customs of those Provinces, granted in the Bull of gold, and since confirmed by their Princes, will convince them of great impudency. For if amongst other things contained in that Bull, the Princes of Belgia are prohibited to amplify the Ecclesiastical state further than hath been prescribed, or to levy any money, or to make any innovation in matter of state without consent of the Nobility and people: or to place foreigners in the civil government, unless in some small offices, with this caution, that if they fall into any of these errors, their subjects (making due protestation) are absolved from their obedience: what is it to enjoin diverse towns of Brabant to receive Bishops, the united Provinces the Spanish Inquisition, & Spanish and Italian governors? and to impose this burden, that besides the yearly tenth of men's goods, nothing is bought and sold to the use of the body, out of which the king's officers try not a part of silver? What other thing I say is this alchemy, than the rooting up of a State planted by the hands of good Princes, than which there is no injustice more capital?  
To antiquate these things seemeth no other, than the canceling of society, but they are distinct, and but in part like: some obeying no ordinance, and yet having mutual society; which groweth by a secret agreement of nature making them conversant.  
By which I collect the confusion of society amongst men living under one law, is their morosity only.  
This vice is rife amongst them, and wherein the Spaniard hath his difference from all men, aswell for offending therein their own persons, as private persons the Sovereign, and the Sovereign the subject: as also private persons one another: in all which they have predominatiou, and if it were possible exceed themselves.  
For sinning against their own persons behold a rare example. Don Piero of Castill the son of Alphonso the xi. leading the vanguard of a battle against the Moors of Granado, and being advertised that his uncle Don john, who was in the arergard, was like to be distressed by a sudden eruption of Moors: and finding himself unable to relieve 
Piero Messie.  his uncle, his soldiers departing the field, was so surprised with beastliness, that he fell from his horse dead: which when Don john was certified, he died also. A matter saith the author, not before heard, that a man should die of displeasure: yet precedents no less rare in their sort do follow: but first of offences against the Sovereign.  
A Spaniard beholding Ferdinando (grandfather to Charles the fift) in procession at Barcelona, that day they name Corpus Christi feast, struck him so furiously with a dagger on the neck, that he had slain him if the greatness of his chain had not put by the thrust: and that for no other cause, as he confessed being taken, but that the king stood not in his good grace, and that he liked not his countenance: an opinion no less dainty than that of the Roman Senate: for as they esteemed not on a God, who 
Euseb. Eccl. hist.  was not allowed by their authority, no more would this younker that any should have the name of king, that had not dignity of person agreeable to his room: which villanus temerity hath given just cause for Princes to withdraw their ordinary presence from the common subject; and to bring in this custom, that no man weareth a dagger in Spain.  
But now to their confounding of society with the subject: for the sequel, of singular precedent for all princes.  
Ferdinando the fourth of Castill, for displeasure only against two knights of good name, made their process of execution; and though supplications were offered with tears for pacifying that rigour, yet contrary to the lions nature (who spareth the humble) he proceeded with all severity: in respect whereof the two knights appealed to the great judge, before whom they summoned the king to be in person within twenty days; the last of which, Ferdinando appeared.  
Time may rather want then just matter to blaze their vices, which are not common, but rare and in the highest degree of beastliness: leaving therefore their murdering the Nobility of the sacred order of Burgundi, their cutting out, and searing with hot irons the tongues of honest Citizens, their drawing the mouths of some a sunder with other instruments, their wilful murdering a father at Traiect beyond the Mose, for lodging his son one night; their banishing chaste matrons, for receiving their husbands, an act condemned by no good law, for the inseparable bonds of their love: their furious beastliness at Turnace upon the citizens and a widow named Potier whom they slew with her daughter and niece; and their massacring with bullets the unarmed people at Ipre beholding a godly minister put to death: I will touch only their barbarous inhumanity towards the naked Indians, a people very tractable, if they had found good masters, and such as had skill of honesty.  
Setting the acts of Moses and josua a part, I think there is no precedent that the godly have rooted out the natural inhabitants of any country: but that the wicked have chastised sinners, many passages, both of divine and profane writings have testified. It is then apparent that the Spaniards as idolaters were suffered to chastise idolaters, and not to enlarge the faith: for had their intention been to have learned those simple souls the true knowledge of God, (as they made show at the first by erecting in some regions diverse bishoprics and schools) they would either have continued that order, or have been conversant with them in all mildness and humanity: piety being no way better taught then by demonstration: but as they could seem no others then they were: no more could the Indians gather grapes of thorns: in respect whereof though at the first this naked people might have been moulded into any form, yet after they had tasted the Spanish Creadoes, they abandoned their company, with all rites and ceremonies of the Romish religion, which many of them had reverently before received: neither was there any death so fearful, whether by poison, famine, or other mean before mentioned, that in respect of the cruelty of those Don Diegos, they would not have willingly embraced as their sure port of rest & end of their evils.  
In describing the miserable state of these wretched people, Metellus saith, that to a very ill precedent, many of the Spanish soldiers punished their servants most grievously; if either they brought not home their day hire, or finished not their task in the gold and silver mines, or had committed smalller fault's yielding them (their hands and feet being bound to a cross pale) in steed of their supper, many stripes with cord, or the sinews of a Buphal; dropping on them either boiling pitch or oil: and after washing them with salt water they would lay them so long upon a table, as they imagined those wretches might bear the pain: after this kind of cookery, if a more cruel master happened to some of them, they were buried all night in earth to the neck, as a present remedy for their stripes. If any of them died in this new diet (as it chanced very often) the master accounting to the King the heads of his slain servants was quited of the pain of manslaughter. This cruelty some excuse saith Metellus by the law of Baion: But it appeareth upon just cause wicked to all men, as being void of all piety.  
Touching this barbarous cruelty he bringeth in also one Alquinotec baptised Cacicnis of the province of jucatana, complaining to Monteius general of that province in these or the like words.  
Our nation, Monteius, whilst I was a boy, was grievously afflicted with a disease causing them to vomit worms, whereof the greatest part died: after which (falling by degrees from on evil to another) we had wars with them of Mexico; wherein we lost more than an hundred and fifty thousand; all which, in respect of the slaughter & cruelty that we receive of thee, Monteius, & of thy soldiers, we esteem nothing. Metellus further affirmeth, that the Spaniards having wasted many provinces with their cruelty; and transporting by sea (from other places better peopled) sundry of those miserable & wretched Indians) murdered many by pestering them in the bottoms of their ships: some by famine, & some by their daily stripes, so that few or not one of them landed, that were embarked.  
He moreover specially noteth for the rest, one Piero Calis, who (in driving whole droves of that naked people) slew all that were not able to travel, without regard of age, sex, or their use of labour, which in respect of a continual ease, was most hard and intolerable to them.  
He lastly concludeth with Macchiavel (who maintaineth that where the Pope and Cardinals set footing, they leave most fearful prints of confusion) that in what place the Spaniards display their ensigns, nothing is to be looked for but cruelty and slaughter, and all misery: The province of Cumanus, of 700000. having scarce any remaining: Hispaniola of 2000000. having left but 200. or 150. and Hondurensis of 400000. but 8000. besides the slaughters of Cuba, jamica, and Portus divitis.  
Thus far Metellus, by which I collect, in respect of a Sympathia between the creatures of several kinds, that the Spaniards are no less dangerous, in regard of their cruelty, than the Basilisc, both having a desolate and waste Empire: as also that those Indians having beheld more miseries than all the Nations of the earth, have been reserved for the hands of this cruel and proud Nation, whose condemnation may appear just, and most great.  
I also note the sagacity of this politic and wise people, that if they establish any law tending to reformation, they convert it for the most part to their private commodity: for as they dealt by the Inquisition, specially provided for the Moors and jews of Spain, so have they done by the Law of Baion made by Ferdinando and Isabel for the Cannibals only: not one in these days feeling the smart of either, hath not more piety, or is not more simple than others.  
Omitting for that I would draw to an end, their cruelties 
Petrus Martyr de anglerias.  which have no end: as their hunting the Indians with dogs, and other like villainies, (having spoken before of men offending against their own persons, the subject the Magistrate, and the Superior the inferior.) The next is of confounding society amongst private persons, of one Nation, for which I will cite one example, as it was reported to me at Venice 1569. by a Gentleman of the house of Mantua, of great credit: His other additions I pass with silence, lest he yet live, and may thereby be in danger of the bugs of Milan his neighbours.  
The manner thereof was, as he said, in this sort. One of these monsters meeting his enemy unarmed, threatened to kill him if he denied not God, his power, and essential properties, uz. his mercy, sufferance, etc. the which when the other desiring life, pronounced with great horror, kneeling upon his knees: the Brano cried out, now will I kill thy body and soul, and at that instant thrust him through with his Rapier.  
The last part of confusion is left to their confounding the society of Nations, belonging also to civil society, maintained by Ambassadors, intercourse of traffic, justice ministered strangers, open denouncing of war, and mercy to the vanquished.  
As for the first, though it hath been in use to bear with whatsoever an Ambassador (not exceeding his commission,) or an Herald (wearing the Cote-armor of his Prince) delivered, (as the French king, Charles the sixth, suffered a proud defiance from the Duke of Geldres) yet have the Spaniards (as men tied to no rule) not only murdered Ambassadors passing their country (as Alphonso 
johan. Slai. lib. 14.  d'Aual their Lievetnant in Lombary, slew Caesar Fregoso, and Antony Rinson, sent from France towards Constantinople) but also have killed some sent to themselves: 
Philip du Comines.  as Ferdinando of Arragon, who usurped Naples, murdered one signor jacobo the Ambassador of Francis Duke of Milan, and imprisoned others, as the king of Arragon did the Archbishop of Buxdeaux, sent from the Duke of Lancaster before named.  
Neither have they been less injurious to our merchants: they having arrested some, burned others, and stayed the goods of many without restitution: upon this pretence, they had in their ships or chambers, the Psalms of David, or some treatise of Scripture in the vulgar: the same being either the Earl of Surries sonnets, or some other like matter: but neither were our country men so happy to be afflicted for righteousness, or the Spaniards so just in censuring their lightness, which should have been reform at home: for if the reading a Sonnet, or the books of Amadis du Gaul, which they have increased to a great volume b●e death, which of them are free from judgement? their chiefest Lectures consisting (unless in the superstitious judicials of Astronomy) in such light and vain matter: sed hinc ille lacrymae, that they are of all men most contemptible, if they lose the counterfeit of holiness.  
To seem good and be so, is hard: but to be evil and seem good is easy, and the only thing that hath made them great.  
To seize therefore on the fox's case, it was requisite to name him a horned beast entering the lions den: which rule maketh much for their oppression of all nations by stealth.  
Neither is this name Lutheran unprofitable for them, they meaning to overthrow thereby this position: Contra hostes non est nisi legitimè dimicandum, (which partly is by devouring war to them whom they invade) and to draw us either as heretics, or traitors to their persons, into a degree higher than those that are termed hosts. But how that may be I see not, the one being in question, and the other untrue: unless the regard of neighbourhood 
Gen. cap. 14  be an offence, which Abraham with the testimony of a good conscience used.  
But grant we were worthily excluded the privileges of arms, for not being of that church (we thank God) they are of. What moved them to pretend an indefesible peace (by mean of no less State than Philip the Archduke of Austria) with Lewis the twelfth, named for his piety 
L'estat des maisons ilstres de France.  the father of his country, and being as they term their friends buenos Catholicos, they surprising at that time the kingdom of Naples? surely no other thing then which caused the Duke of Parma to entertain her majesties Ambassadors with a long parley, till their great Armado was upon our coast.  
These things are inexcusable, and therefore I am of this mind, that if they had that bell named Martinella, 
Nic. Macch lib. 2. hist.  which the ancient Florentines rung one month continually before they entered into any war, they would say they could not make her sound for want of a rope.  
Their want of compassion towards the vanquished, is of one scantling with their injustice to strangers, to whom the law of Nations hath always had special regard.  
The laws permit to take arms against enemies, but to spoil them who have submitted their lives to us, is ignoble, and far from the generosity of our elders.  
Some object for their cruelty, the slaughter of the French prisoners at juberoth, wherein (I show my opinion) they had double wrong: first for that they were Portugeses that did that deed, a Nation for this eight hundred years distinct from Spain: Secondly, if they had been Spaniards, they had been without blame, having to do with a new enemy that was fresh and thrice their number. I therefore omit this, and Francis the French king complaining in Guicciardin of his entertainment in Spain: and will for their acts done, put the reader in mind of their gracious behaviour (before recited) towards the simple Indians: and for their purpose to do, show him the intention of the Marquis of Guasto.  
It is in controversy whether a Christian taking a Christian in battle may give his arms: so is it determined, he may not simply detain his prisoner paying his ransom; much less oppress him being yielded: the Marquis notwithstanding these rules, encountering Francis of Bourbon, Earl of Anguien at Sirrizolles, intended 
L'estat des maisens' ilstres de France.  (had he gotten the victory) to send all the frenchmen in chains to the galleys: a most cruel thought, considering the nobleness of the French Nation, and his own profession of knighthood.  
Thus much of their confounding things divine, natural, civil, and foreign; the same appertaining to one of the significations of Tubal: now remaineth to say somewhat of the other and last signification, which is Ignominy; This may be named a reproach or blot belonging to the foulness of any act before done: a description not disagreeing with the French proverb, Orguiell chevauche devant, & honte vene apres.  
That Ignominy followeth our vices as shadows our bodies, though it needeth no proof, experience teaching no less, yet not to leave men to conjectures, behold a position made by Philip de Comines Lord of Argentai, whose singular honesty and valour sufficed to give his sentences the authority of maxims.  
Whosoever is a tyrant (saith he) is also a coward: for an instance of which, after he had cited sundry cruelties of Alphonso the father, and Ferdinando the son (kings 
Philip de Comines.  of Arragon, and usurpers of Naples,) he showeth that upon the approach of the French king Charles the eight to Naples: they both departed the realm in such haste that many of their soldiers leapt out of the windows having not seen the enemy: Alphonso believing that all things took part against him in favour of the French king: and that the moving of the leaves of trees, sounded in the behalf of Charles (as a watchword of party) France, France.  
Ferdinando his son (after Charles had taken his pleasure in the kingdom, and was departed towards France, leaving for his viceroy the Duke Monpensier) returned, and having allied himself with the Venetians and the Marquis of Mantua (who could not digest the greatness and neighbourhood of the French nation) he fell to ill arts, for recovery of that kingdom he lost by cowardice. This disgrace he recompensed with a greater, tending to his perpetual infamy.  
For after the French had cleared all parts from apparent hostility, they were notwithstanding conquered by diseases, gotten by eating the flesh of dead men, which Ferdinando had procured to be sold them for Tunny: the use of which, corrupting the liver by extreme moisture, and matter of too near quality; brought forth most foul ulcers, with other pains, of which many miserably died: leaving for Trophies of their victories, their country name to the disease.  
This is fearfully described by Guicciardin, (in respect 
Lib. 2. Hist.  the disease was infective, and then incurable) and as sincerely laid down by Giovanni Fiorevanti a Philosopher of that time; who beholding the deformity of that sickness, and hearing of their new diet, endeavoured to find the reason by the effects.  
He kept (for that he would not be deceived in the diversity of kinds) a tame Pie and a Dog so long without meat, that the one refused not to eat the flesh of another Pie; and the Dog to feed of an other Dog: by mean whereof the Pie within few days lost her feathers, and the Dog his hair, both having most filthy sores breaking forth in sundry parts of their bodies.  
The want of victual being accessary to this calamity, drove the French to accept no less dishonourable conditions for their departure, than their disease was horrible; the most part of them dying in their return.  
Some reply, that if that contagion were as Fiorevanti conjectured, the Cannibals would have the like: which objection proveth no less than is affirmed, no people being more subject thereto then they that are within that tract: in which (as in the scorpion there is his sting to kill, and his oil to cure) is found the wood Guaicum, a most present remedy for that disease.  
This practice hath deeply touched the renown of 
Exodus 22. Lex Corneliaff. lib. 46. titu. 8.  this Nation, which being in the highest degree of socery, hath for the inevitable danger, hapening by the abuse of things natural, been always severely punished, both by divine and humane laws; I am therefore persuaded that of all villainies it is the greatest, and most worthy of chastisement.  
As for that which is named Magia infamis, or what else may be concluded by imprecation, or incantation; or any other thing meeting with the shrewdness of our nature, it is not to be esteemed: but this only is to be feared, which being received for food entereth the veins and entrails, either inflaming unlawful lust, or abating the power of generation, to cut off descents, or presently killing, or breeding diseases worse than death; and more to be regarded at this instant, in which they strive who shall be, and not who shall reign, then in that age, in which neither their malice or power had taken so deep root as at this time.  
To return from whence I digressed: the Archbishop of Treves, withstanding the election of the emperor Charles the fift (whose greatness was extolled by Maience, in respect of his new kingdom of Spain) affirmed that the Spaniards seldom afford themselves in field without the aid of strangers: a report very slanderous to chivalry, for which (though they be often well backed as they were at Naveret by the Lords of France) they deserve no soldiers crown or garland.  
This cowardice at Navaret, where they had 60000. of their own people, was after objected against them by Monsieur du Lignac in a consultation of war amongst the French men that served king john of Castill (son to Henry the bastard) against the Duke of Lancaster. It hath been also remembered by Frossard, against whom & Monsieur du Lignac, they can take no exception.  
He first citeth the words of one Hartesel an English man at juberothe to the king of Portugal, whom he told that the Spaniards were flying calves without wings, bearing banners waving with the wind: & lastly showeth his own opinion of them as followeth.  
At the first encounter, saith Frossard, they are fierce, (& if they have advantage) high minded: they fight well on horseback; but as soon as they have cast two or three darts, and given a stroke with the sword, and see that their enemies be not discomfited, they turn their horses and fly. This far Frossard, woh in other places doth altogether discommend their footmen, as such that are utterly unprofitable for battle. The like report in a manner Florus maketh, saving that he speaketh somewhat more reverently of the Numantines, Portugeses & Celtiberians, from whom 
Florus lib. 2 cap. 17. 18.  Marcus Porcius Cato, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, conquered seven hundred of their walled towns in few years, as plutarch, Strabo and Polybius witness.  
The great antiquary and historian Antonio di Guevarra, in his epistle to Don Alphonso of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, affirmeth that the Moors in eight months conquered Spain to the rock Horadada, and that the Spaniards were eight hundred years before they recovered that loss: during which time, we must not think that the Negroes sent for women out of Aphrick, or that the Spaniards were in those days very martial.  
By comparing these numbers, I find them no less unable to defend, then to recover a thing lost; so there be an election of seasons, and a provision of other necessaries: which is to be regarded by our nation, as well for that we being brought up in a more temperate and colder clime than Spain, have our natural moisture easily exhausted by the heat of that country opening our poets in the summer: by which that quick and subtle air named Serena entereth the vital parts, and slayeth the body: as also for that we being not accustomed to their strong wines, and having no other waters to mingle with them, than snow broth descending in the spring from the hills into the rivers, fall into pestilent fevers, fluxes, and inflammations of all the inward parts: as moreover, for that after May (about which time they have their harvest) nothing remaineth out of their towns (unless some fruits) to sustain either man, or horse, their fields being extremely parched with the Sun till the return of the Equinoctial.  
Who therefore mindeth to invade Spain, having no acquaintance with that air; it behoveth him to take the field in March, or at the least in April: so counseled john the king of Portugal his father in law the Duke of Lancaster, who having in few weeks conquered Galitia, after contended only with the air & scarcity of the fields; the Spaniards having brought their corn, hay, and other provisions into their walled towns; by mean whereof he lost twelve Barons, four score knights, and two hundred Esquires, besides the common soldiers, and horse of service. Yet are not these discommodities of air or country, or loss of so many great personages and resolute men, to deter us hereafter, we being not to measure at any time our attempts by the events, but by what reason they were enterprised; which, being of late to divert a capital and stubborn enemy, are (necessity commanding) opportunely to be renewed: nothing being impossible to a prudent deliberation, accompanied with true fortitude. Say then, noble countrymen, with resolute Cato speaking to his soldiers in the deserts of Libya,  
These are my mates in arms, whom dangers only lead. 
Luca. lib. 9  But what hear I? Great is the Hesperian god Plutus, Spain not only abounding with fruitful fields and rich mines, but with such men as have been parents of all good customs.  
It sufficeth; but let this be tried by Lazarillo di Tormes, he being less partial than Hieronimo Ruscello, Rodirigo di Toledo, or Taraphe, and by the travelers in Spain, who find nothing in their hosteries but a mat to lie upon, and a candle to bring them to bed. It is no good consequent, there be birds, because there is a nest: or he is a gentleman, for that he never leaveth riding But grant the South of Spain may be compared with the fruitful parts of Italy, and that some of them were of like seed as Pallas: yet it maketh no more for the fertility of the rest, and good breeding of that people, than the teeth of an Aethiopian for the whiteness of his body. Neither doth the variety of their mines prove the fatness of the soil, but the contrary: for all metals being engendered by influence of the Planets (of which they have their properties) and apt temperature of the earth inclined to the disposition of those Planets, of which she is impressed, do show the nature of their cause by their effects, which being in the third and fourth degree of drought, proveth their ground more barren (unless in some part) than any region about them. Moreover their mines (which by men skilful in minerals) are likened to trees having roots, trunks, boughs, branches, blossoms, or flowers) they have been wasted by sundry nations in all ages: as the mines of seacole and kannel, which have their bounds, & are subject to an end.  
First the Phoenecians had (for things of small price) great store of their metal, by the help whereof, they erected diverse colonies in Sicilia, Sardinia, Libya, and Spain itself.  
Secondly the Carthagenians did traffic their brass 
Ezech. cap. 27.  with the Tyrians, & enlarged thereby, & their commodities in other metal, their Empire against the Libyans, Sicilians, and Romans'.  
Lastly the Romans' mined many furlongs with great 
Diodorus Sicu. lib. 6. rerum anti. cap. 9  vaults in sundry parts of Spain, an argument of scarcity in their time, and that the birds were then flown: which is now a cause also the king of Spain prevaileth little for the lower countries: treasure, as some hold, being the sinews of war.  
As for this opinion that other nations should take light 
Girolomo Ruscelli.  from their courtly port & martial behaviour, it is vain, & 
Girolomo Ruscelli.  argueth a yearly pension: Antonio di Guevarra affirming that to give perfection to the Spaniards it behoveth to draw him that is bred in the mountains, to be trained in Castill: which I guess is for no other cause then that the Montanese is by nature rough, and the castilian efeminat: but what state this man will bear, let them report who have either seen beggars set on horseback; or have beheld a man's head placed on a horse's neck, etc.  
This myself can say, that I have known fifteen hundred Biscays (which people Florus nameth the chivalry of Spain) at their first landing in Antwerp to be men contemptible of person, filthy in apparel, and rude in behaviour; and within one month after they had tasted the pay of that town, and relished the cates of that country, to be terrible of countenance, magnifical in gesture, and seeming of so haughty conceit; as though all things were vile which they esteemed not: and therefore dare avow that who so was entertained with their customs, prospered as a tree embraced with ivy.  
This barbarous natural of the Spaniard, was better known to Hannibal, then to men of our time; for he after 
Appianus Alexandrinus libr. L●bico.  his discomfiture at Cilla, having some Spanish horsemen remaining; and fearing in respect of their virtuous training, their readiness to chaffer the state of their friends, fled with on horseman in two days & two nights to Adrumetum distant from the battle three thousand furlongs, which cometh to three hundred seventy five of our miles: an argument he loved and trusted them well from whom he fled in such haste.  
It is a ground that a compound is less perfect, & more dangerous for nature then a simple, if therefore those Spaniards which descended only of Tubal, have, in respect of their parent or soil, but the image of perfect men: what shall we think of the Spaniards of these days, which are confected of the pilferers of the would? truly that there is no vice in which they have not a surplusage above any other nation of the earth: I mean the South of Spain (now containing Catalonia, Aragona, Castilia nueva, Valenza, Granado and Andaluzia) to which only the Romans before Polybius time gave the name of Spain.  
As for Galitia and Portugal, the one taking name of those French men that in the time of Charles the great entered Spain against the Moors, & the other of those French and Normans that in the year 700. past against the Saracens; as also the Biscais descended of those Gauls which were called Celtae, and of those Spaniards named Iberi, as Diodorus in his sixth book of antiquities, and Lucan in his fourth hook make mention: I number them a part, as being each way more honourable than the rest.  
But to return to the South of Spain, (the rest not being known to the learned antiquity) the Goths and Alani (being of those Scythians that dwelled near the river Danubius, who in the time of Honorius came under the leading of Gensericus into Spain) inhabited that part, which is now called Catalonia, a word compounded of both their 
Girolomo Ruscelli in la Geo. di Ptolo.  names; and was at the first named Gottalania.  
Of these Scytheses who have their name as vacantes scyphis are descended those that inhabit Castilia nueva, and Arragon named at the first Terracona. Next to these is the province of Valenza, so called by the Moors, who about nine hundred years past took footing in that kingdom, and since overflowed Spain. About eight hundred years past another company of Moors possessed that part which they named Granado of a city they built.  
The next are the Vandals, a people of the North, calling that part, after their name Vandaluzia, which by losing the first letter and corruption of speech is called Andaluzia, as Arrogona hath T, being before Terracona. But here I must not forget a report of their own touching the etymology of Andaluzia: which is, that the Moors landing in Spain, demanded a peasant driving an ass, the name of that province: but he understanding them not, spoke to his ass, Anda luzia, which is, go luzia: according to which the Moors named that country: but to return. Of these is a like quintessence drawn as Alexander drank out of the hoof of an horse: for what vicesoever hath been peculiar to any of them (besides those they had in common) is now proper to them all.  
As I said before that a simple is more perfect than a compound: so affirm I, that those beasts which are engendered of sundry kinds, are most cruel. If a lion match with a Pard, there remaineth in the issue some generosity of the parent: but if the Leopard couple himself with a Tiger, nothing is to be looked for in their brood, but a barbarous fierceness. The natural Spaniard, being as a simple, is of a confuse and beastly conceit, of diet miserable and furious, nourished to increase those humours in scarcity: but mixed with the Goths and Vandals, given to the every and drunkenness: mingled with the Moors cruel and full of treachery: and consequently, tasting of every one, a spring of all filthiness.  
The Italian hath this proverb, that a thing begun is half ended: and experience teacheth, that after the sun hath climbed the Meridian, he declineth. All things have their infancy, riper years, decrepitage, and are subject to alteration; yet pass not with like celerity to their period. The Spaniards began to be of some reputation but in the time of Ferdinando and Isabel, (who united Arragon and Castilia) before which they were either subject to the Carthaginians, Romans or some other nation: or else so divided into small kingdoms, that they were of no force.  
It is therefore no marvel that Antonio di Guevara in regard of their weakness, and want of valiant personages, cited, (in his epistle to Don jan di Padillia a Captain of the rebels in Spain) one Cid, Fernan Gonsalis & the knight Tiran: and in his epistle to Sir Antoni of Cuniga (prior of S. john) named Viriato a Spaniard; he being a natural Portugal, whom the Spaniard above all men hateth, as 
Philip de Comines.  Comines maintaineth, unless it be to rob him of his honour and dignity.  
In the time then of Ferdinando, after the rapine of the kingdoms of Naples, Sicilia and Navarre; were they first esteemed: neither would their fortunes have had longer life than his age, had they not been after hoved under the wings of the eagle (during which time they increased their empire with Milan) and caught some heat of the Lion. In their prosperity they are of the nature of gourds which overlook those things by which they climb. England hath yielded them the greatest countenance (besides their commodity of sheep, the King having for the duties of wool 30 quentoes) & the lower countries the greatest revenues, and these two are they at which they have first leveled.  
They esteem the kingdoms of Castill and Arragon to be the chiefest of their Diadem, yet do the commodities of Belgia contrepois more than the weight of both: the due of the provinces being seven hundred quentoes, the kingdom of Castill but four hundred and fifty: and of Arragon & Catalonia but one hundred and fifty: whereby it should seem that before they had ravened Malorques, Navarre, Milan, Sicilia and Naples, that their proper right (notwithstanding their mine of Guadalcanal) was of no great account; the kingdom of Naples yielding three hundred and fifty quentoes, and the state of Milan three hundred quentoes, (or after the opinion of Philip de Comines six hundred and fifty thousand Ducats) which cometh near to one reckoning (exceeding the rest of their ancient Domains of Spain.  
I speak nothing of the States of Parma and Florence, for that since their match with the house of Austria, they yielded the Spaniards but the lone of some citadels. Yet was the surprising of Piazenza by the Emperor's lieutenant 
Sleidan. lib. 19  of Lombary; treacherous & cruel, & the Emperors answer framed by a Spanish friar jacobin his confessor, to the Bishop of Phano (the Pope's nuncio) who solicited the restitution 
L'esta● des maisons illustres de France.  thereof, no less cautelous and dishonerable, uz. that in a doubtful or obscure title, the condition of the possessor is to be preferred before the other. Lo here divinity fit for Spain, and martial policy of Ferdinando Gonzaga. But most infamous was their attempt towards their general lieutenant of Belgia, who had deserved better of their nation, which hath been often fatal to his house: but so use they to make happy their friends. It should seem the king of Spain exceedeth in greatness and revenues, the mightiest kings in Europe; but remember with all that virtue united is stronger, and being dispersed, weaker; and that also many things fall between the upper lip and the cup.  
That garment therefore (in my conceit) is most comely that is of one cloth, and most strong that is least pieced. How then their rob will hang together, I may guess, & what the event of all will be, the wiser may foresee.  
I alleged that as all things had their rise, so had they also their fall, though not after one motion  
I gather thereby and the former circumstances, that the empire of Spain declineth: but my chiefest ground is; that nothing which is vehement is durable.  
To divine of those things which are in the secret purpose of God, is impiety: but to use conjectures against conjectures, answereth the injustice of their ambition: no man taking hurt but by mean of himself.  
I could use an incident for this, which though it may 
Diodorus Sic. Bibliothe. lib. 17.  seem of small weight, yet may it have his mystery with his act, who being of base condition placed himself (with out any perturbation of mind) in the royal seat of Alexander, which the Chaldeans prognosticated to portend the death of Alexander.  
The actors were, that Bergamasco (for his fantastic humours) named Monarcho, and two of the Spanish ambassadors retinue, who being about four and twenty years passed in Paul's church in London, contended who was sovereign of the world: the Monarcho maintained himself to be he, and named their king to be but his viceroy for Spain: the other two with great fury denying it. At which myself, and some of good account now dead, wondered in respect of the subject they handled, and that want of judgement we looked not for in the Spaniards. Yet this moreover we noted, that notwithstanding the weight of their controversy; they kept in their walk the Spanish turn: which is, that he which goeth at the right hand shall at every end of the walk turn in the midst, the which place the Monarcho was loath to yield (but as they compelled him, though they gave him sometimes that romthe) in respect of his supposed Majesty; but I would this were the worst of their ceremonies; the same keeping some decorum concerning equality.  
As I have (for some proportion between the two princes Alexander and Philip) compared him who sat under the cloth of state of Alexander with the Monarcho, so would I for conclusion express my conceit in a matter of great appearance, and nearer similitude.  
Cesar Borgia the son of Roderigo a Spaniard, who named himself after he came to the Papacy Alexander V I. (which some read Alexander ui) to that end as Sabellicus noteth, they having the names of those two that were the greatest emperors, might make the world tremble before them: after he had renounced his father's bishopric of Valentia in Spain (of which he was named Cardinal) and to attain by degrees the Majesty of Cesar, was created Duke of that place, gave for his poesy, Aut Cesar, aut nihil. which being not favoured from the heavens, had presently the event the same predicted.  
Philip of Macedonia at a banquet he made the ambassadors 
Diodorus Sic. Biblio●●. lib. 16.  of Greece (the day before he was slain by Pausanias) enjoined one Neoptolemus (a tragedian of great name) to recite some poem before composed that might prognosticat the good success of his journey against the Persians. Neoptolemus supposing he had apt matter to extol his enterprise and greatness of the Persian empire, which was then like to fall, began in this sort.  
For you (which rashly hold,  
The given course of life,  
And carefully aspire  
T invade Olimphus top:  
The champion fields, and courts  
Which lift their turrets high)  
The time now moves regard,  
For lo a way not known  
He goeth, now third of hope,  
Though long he cuts in two.  
And utmost day of death,  
Unbid, presents itself.  
How this may be applied to their late enterprise by sea; their pennons, banners, streamers and ensigns having sundry figures portending a doubtful event: I leave to their judgements who have seen both them and their success; as also the poesy of Borgia, for a near resemblance of their device (at S. Domingo) to the censure of the great judge. There is no oracle, beside the divine, more certain for signifying our estate, or which more bindeth us to the condition of the thing signified, then that which is pronounced either by ourselves, or our means: of both which there is no difference. Of this are infinite examples besides those before cited, which for brevity I omit. From these particles I framed this ground, that whatsoever is doubtfully laid down (being not founded upon the base of justice) is infirm and of small life. In respect whereof, I judge we may lawfully affirm by application from the former examples; that the name of the first inhabitant of Spain and that country, fatally signifying confusion and penury: the avarice of that people, being, by mean thereof, made insatiable; their policy to enlarge their empire cruel, their later proceed & resolutions terrible; & their emblem of a horse (alluding to the name of their king and his ambition) standing on his hinder legs upon the globe of the whole earth, his former parts advanced as though he would leap from thence, with this written scroll in his mouth, Non sufficit orbis,) proud & not contained in order: expresseth, according to the particular circumstances & blazon, that God (having restored every bird her feather) hath left for this proud & stubborn nation, the reward of his wrath, and just effects of the signification of Spain and Tubal: howsoever he hath of late dealt with us for our unthankfulness, he before pouring upon us with full measure, so rare blessings as no nation received like, his peculiar people excepted. So that we may justly boast with Cesar, Ante victum hostem esse quam visum.   

A DIALOGUE ENTITLED PHILOBASILIS.  Philobasilis, Philopolis. 
ANatharsis a Scythian, desiring to be numbered at Athens amongst the friends of Solon, was answered, that he was to procure himself friendship in his own country: which rule, virtue being the loadstone, or polestarre of perfect love, we find of no weight: for as wines made of good grapes are more wholesome being drawn from their lies: so those which for a good cause departed their country, are as men of singular and divine quality to be embraced of all sorts.  
I fear not Theophilus to affirm this much by my experience of Philopolis, who having been with the king in that battle, where Duke joieux was slain: and after minding to return to his house in Paris, scaped from thence with great jeopardy of himself to this city; with whom since that time, for his rare parts which draw to him the favour of all men, (he being both of counsel and fact,) I have been still conversant.  
With this our Philopolis, I would Theophilus you were acquainted, for that I think him worthy your friendship and favour of good men: in respect whereof, I have commended to you the speeches of our first conference, though not so well penned, as spoken by him.  
After therefore he had inquired the form of our government, which in respect of our factions, he thought miraculously preserved by God: I answered, true Philopolis, the same is neither casual, or framed by man, but ordained of God, according to the prediction of Sibylla Phrygia, who above two thousand years passed left these verses in letters of gold.  
In fruitful I'll beyond the Gauls shall rule,  
More chaster one, than ever Diana saw:  
The Muses shall departed Parnassus' hill,  
To haunt her Court, where all the Graces flow.  
Dame Pallas shall give place, and juno blush,  
To see that time in which their virtues dim,  
By beam of brighter star than earth did know:  
whose cheerful gleams shall glad the exiles woe.  
And somewhat after:  
She shall with us adore a virgins son,  
And he her sacred head shall crown with Bays:  
She shall not bow, O Thetis to thy doom,  
Or yield in light to Phoebus' clearest rays:  
Thrice happy he, O Queen, that shall behold,  
Thy parts more rare than due to mortal wight.  
By which notwithstanding your Nation noteth our people ceremoniously given to matter of prophesy, I collect the justice of the present policy; which receiveth not only strangers being good men, but some of our own people for Citizens, who would not if they might be subjects.  Philopo. 
All Oracles not being divine are doubtful: but the event of this hath raised the holy Sibyllae from death, who many ways foreshowed the deep mysteries of our religion, for which our adversaries by sleight oppress us and our Princes, according to the Poet.  
He terror bred with feigned crimes, hence doubtful voice  
He spread in people's ears, and guilty sought for arms.  
This have we with tears proved and seen thereof, their bloody Trophaeas, who leading us as a Buphal by the nose, seek our health as he that sought his wife against the stream: yet in these calamities we envy not, but reverence your godly and flourishing peace, which is great knew you the use thereof: and most rare, provided you she were not devoured of ease.  Philoba. 
This happiness is not continued by our policy, but according to the eternal providence of the sovereign lawgiver: neither can the same be altered by any constellation, fatal computation of years, or mighty preparation of our enemies: but by the Angel of the great Council, who moderateth not either after the will or manner of men, howsoever they dream of times, or nations: as your Heralds have done of the form of your Armouries, which resembling three swords, signify say they, persecution to your kings, princes, & people: which conjecture with many like I condemn, as being ill rules for the multitude, who are easily deluded by fanatical men, who hunt only for ostentation, though it be to the danger of themselves and their country.  Philopo. 
Our Heralds perhaps deal herein like some Physicians, who discerning not their patient's infirmity, attribute it either to witchcraft, or their last diet: but we who can best yield the reason of our disease, say sin to be the cause, and the Epilepsi of our late king in discipline the signs thereof, who having taken no other Physic than the flattery of diverse great Lords, and officers of the crown, felt not in that resolution, the heavy hand of his mother's government, contrary to the custom of our Nation and Salic Law, than which we for antiquity, and our common quiet, judge not any more excellent.  Philoba. 
Pardon me though I esteem that law without praise of either.  Philopo. 
Though it standeth not with the humours of your Nation, yet ours reverently receiveth the same as an honourable testimony of Pharamunds' prudence, who for our stronger union ordained that Law: that we, by mean thereof, beholding in the families of our Princes which we call of the blood, the race of our kings, might be void of those factions, with which your Nation and others either have, or may hereafter take hurt.  Philoba. 
You lead me as Sibylla Cumana did Aeneas to view a fantastic apparition of men: or as Syrus taught old Demea the way to his brother.  Philopo. 
Not so but as the great artificer showed the Assyrian his counterfeit of the four Monarchies: or as our first parent learned, that his cohelper was flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bones: the union not being unlike between the Prince and people, they differing neither in religion, law, custom, or language: all which are never consequent, if women attaining the royal seat yield the same to straungets: for though the goodness of Nature be not extinguished in them by those matches, yet are they not (their superiority being restrained) masters of their own affections: neither will their husband so naturally regard their new subjects as were requisite, as well for that in seeking to place their men of court in the highest rooms, they expel the natural subject: which alteration never happeneth without great danger to the state, as also for that they whom they prefer of their own train being ignorant of the laws, language, and rites of the people, are in respect thereof, either remiss in the execution of justice, or so inclined to their own profit, that the common weal taketh no less hurt thereby, then if it were wasted with sundry enemies: those states which have fallen into the Spaniards hands by the like mean (which are all they have in Europe some part of Spain and the higher Navarre excepted) being servile precedents of this argument: especially Naples, Milan, & the lower Germany: where the meanest companion being a stranger, lived with greater liberty than the nobility, being natives of the Country.  Philoba. 
It is clear that the government of those places (if it be not reform) answereth not the dignity of free men: but such is the policy of Spain, rather to be feared then loved: which Paradox hath hitherto made good their affairs in Italy, as the continual aid the Duke of Florence yieldeth the king, and the faithful service of the Duke of Parma to him hath made apparent: notwithstanding that in the States of both, though the one were his alley, and the other his cousin germane, he hath intruded several garrisons of Spaniards, thereby to keep both the Princes at his devotion: in what sort therefore he either hath or will use strangers, that so nearly regardeth the Princes of his house, may be greatly doubted. But to return to your Salic Law, which profiteth so little in common opinion, that many of your own people fear not to publish the vain title of a Lorainer to that Crown, he being neither Frenchman, Pair of France, or Prince of the blood, but one, who for effecting his purpose, would bring in a proud nation to supply the French nobility: which act contrarying the divine law that 
Deut. 17.  commandeth you to choose no stranger to your king, what is to be said thereof and of your Salic law, seeing 
Num. 27.  to conspire against the holy ordinance, that judgeth daughters for want of sons (and not strangers) capable of government: but that the one by the effects is full of impiety, and the other not only unprofitable, but also most dangerous by those wars it draweth on your country.  Philopo. 
As we may grant you the first part, so deny we the second, though the overthrows given to Philip and john de Valois, are made equal with any that happened between the ancient Gauls and Romans': since which great slaughters, that law being then sealed with the blood of many valiant persons, hath so freed us from all alterations of succession, that few nations can therein compare their happiness with ours: the same answering the holy decree you named, which forbiddeth the election of foreign Princes, most like by a secret consent to ensue, if daughters succeeded. But what letteth the later law, being of more Majesty, should not in a cause of kings cancel the first specially ordained for private persons? and withal the inordinate passions of women, who being less qualified than men, are therefore more unapt to rule.  Philoba. 
To grant their defection maketh not against my purpose: the like happening also to men.  Philopo. 
I would their virtues were equal, and you not lead with a partiality of humours.  Philoba. 
I am not, but with the matches of your second Henry with the house de Medicis, and of your third Henry with the Lords of Guise: after the fancy of which families, your affairs have since then been governed, and France by mean thereof either named Itagallia, or la France perdue, even to the loss of him, who fearing a long time to displease those Lords, gave them opportunity to offend himself. To impugn therefore the succession of daughters, and to allow your kings marrying such by whose authority all things are administered, it being not material by what sex foreigners should tyramnize, is a matter of no weight: the retinue of your king's wives overflowing all places of justice, being no less dangerous to your peace, than the punic faith to the ancient Romans'. And likewise, that if Prudence and Fortitude be peculiar to men, that justice and Temperance are as proper to women: for which we need no other precedents than our sovereign Lady, whose divine graces are as the sun beams, spread into all parts of the world: as Scotland in the minority of her king and many other Nations can witness, if she and they be not unthankful for that benefit.  Philopo. 
I gladly allow your opinion of this one, and of some other of that kind of most excellent quality: all which notwithstanding are no swallows to make our summer: you know what the learned antiquity both divine and profane have thought of the weakness of this sex, whose government elsewhere I reverence, as the ordinance of God, and agreeing with the laws of other Nations? Yielding therefore all due honour to your star of peace, which I pray may long shine in the Church of God: I will (leaving that Bruenhault, who according to her Nation, was most dangerous for our Country) name but one of the house de Medicis: who after the comical Poet, was the calamity of our land. This Lady having (by the death of her husband and discretion of divers Lords) opportunity to look into the government of her children: not only abused (for desire of rule, of of which she was impatient) their young years, but also the authority of the Princes of the blood, to whom during the minority of the king the same belonged: causing moreover her sons (for serving her ambition) to play all parts of a dreadful tragedy, in which she was a severe actor till her last breath: having unto that time hide many dangers from the king which might greatly have profited him and the realm, had they been revealed in season, which she concealed for her own profit: not one being more able to dissemble than she, who had by that mean deceived many great Princes and Captains of her time, especially the Admiral Chastilion, who affirmed in all speeches of her, that he greatly doubted her unstable wit. And though that wind be ill that turneth none to good, yet her arts greatly availed Spain; which she evermore regarded for preferring her particular (notwithstanding the loss of her daughter) before the nobility and common profit of France, entertaining in respect thereof diverse (upon other men's cost) with the hope of many excellent titles and great Signiories; the desire of which are not yet forgotten, nor will be, till God moderate our troubles, and take compassion of our poor afflicted France.  Philoba. 
Fear not Philopolis for if there were ever time to pacify the broils of your country it is in the reign of the fourth Henry, your third Henry having been unmeet to repair the house of God being imbrued with the blood of his Saints.  Philopo 
I have thought as much, and therefore have always relied myself upon the good providence of God, which never faileth his people. But at this one thing I tremble to behold the diunine judgement in the Duke of Guise and late king, who being companions at the great murder at Paris ended their lives, in a sort, the one by the others sword. Of this our Bardi of one authority with the ancient Gauls, as the Sibyllae with the reverent antiquity have long since given some testimony in these rhythms.  
When men that sprung of serpent's teeth are slain,  
Then leave, O gaul's, to mourn: for sound of Trump  
Shall cease, with civil hate, and doleful war.  
His foes shall give him place, and yield their rooms,  
The most of them by stroke of others sword.  
He holy league shall have with neighbour I'll,  
Where crowned maid shall daily pay her vows,  
Unto th'eternal God, her God of old.  
For this Apollo tune thy golden harp,  
And sound with silver quill their high renown;  
You Muses still assist this goddess praise,  
And Fauns that haunt the woods, with water Nymphs  
That often treadon pleasant green the rounds,  
In rounds still sing long may that Lady live,  
And double do thou bashful Ecchocrie,  
Live, Live.  Philoba. 
I daily pray no less, and should be also of that conceit for the peace of your France, & our realm: if Eagles disclosed doves: but you know that factions are the porters of war: of this your kings are not ignorant, whose sufferance increased their number, who would wreathe their chaplets with your Fluerdelices', and twist their Garlands with our Roses.  Philop. 
Nothing is more probable than which you lastly alleged: as their execrable practice touching the death of the godly and valiant Prince of Conde, hath to to the universal hurt of the Church sorrowfully confirmed, and the slaughter of the late king to an ill precedent for all Princes that acknowledge not their indignity of place, made apparent to all men: yet is there not any thing less to be feared then the effecting of their ambition: for he who planted those flowers, which for beauty and smell are excellent, will also keep them to their use, who are the true owners of both.  Philob. 
Those speeches ended, I took occasion (fearing to abuse his time, which he being alone bestoweth most religiously) to departed: minding as I have given you some feel by this conference (intermeddled with divers matter) of his good meaning to the Christian public weal, to acquaint you, Theopilus, with himself: who (as the lightning cannot be counterfeited, or glimmering of swords shadowed,) is never well perceived but by the weight of his own words.  
FINIS.