The three Orations of Demosthenes' chief Orator among the Grecians, in favour of the Olynthians, a people in Thracia, now called Romania: with those his four Orations titled expressly & by name against king Philip of Macedon: most needful to be red in these dangerous days, of all them that love their Country's liberty, and desire to take warning for their better avail, by example of others. Englished out of the Greek By Thomas Wylson Doctor of the civil laws.  
After these Orations ended, Demosthenes' life is set forth, and gathered out of Plutarch, Lucian, Suidas, and others, with a large table, declaring all the principal matters contained in every part of this book.  
Seen and allowed according to the Queen's majesties Injunctions.  
¶ Imprinted at London by Henry Denham.   

GVALTERI HADDONI, LEGUM DOCTORIS, Regiae Maiestati à libellis supplicibus, Tetrastichon.  
EN Demostheneum fulmen sermone Britanno Mittitur, Anglorum Graecus in ora venit. Thomas Wilsonus, pretiosi muneris author Eximia, Graecam, qui ferit, arte, tubam.  
AEgidij Laurentij, Oxoniensis, Regiae Maiestati in lingua Graeca professoris publici, Carmen in versionem Olynthiacarum, & Philipppicarum Orationum Demosthenis, per Thomam Wilsonum, Legum Doctorem.  
ARte laboratas veneres Demosthenis (Angle)  
Si cupias oculis ipse videre tuis:  
Si vim dicendi, rationum invictaque tela,  
Si vivam effigiem mentis, & ingenij:  
Perlege, quas doctus doctè, atque fideliter, Anglis  
Anglus Wilsonus vertit, Olynthiacas:  
Atque quibus titulum dat Rex, hostisque Philippus,  
Infestus Graecis, fraud, dolisque potens.  
Aptius expressit nemo (me judice) Athenis  
Orantem, melius postea nemo dabit.  
En tibi praeclarum specimen, quod & Attica verba  
Dexteritate refert lingua Britanna pari.  
Non sic, quantumuis neruos contenderit omnes  
Exprimere ad vivum lingua Latina potest.   

In Demosthenis Olynthiacas, & Philippicas orationes à doctissimo Thoma Wilsono, Legum Doctore, de Graeco in Anglicum sermonem conversas: Thomae Bingi, Oratoris Academiae Cantabrigiensis carmen.  
QVae Demosthenicis olim contorta lacertis  
Turbarunt coeptus, tela, Philippe, tuos:  
Cecropijs tantùm conseruabantur Athenis,  
Dum tantùm Actaea Pallas in arce stetit.  
Nunc, postquam externas adijt Tritonia gentes:  
Angli tela eadem te duce, Vilso, vibrant.  
Scilicet hoc fuerat, quod multis ante parabas  
Annis, rhetorices quando elementa dabas▪  
Illis ut freti nostrates, doctius ipsum  
Versarent tandem Rhetora grandiloquum.   

Carmen joannis Cooci, scholae Paulinae moderatoris, in versionem Olynthiacarum, & Philippicarum Demosthenis, domini Thomae Wilsoni, legum doctoris.  
COmmuni cur pest luit primùm acris Olynthus?  
ut sensim socias perdat par exitus urbeis?  
Heu, vigilasse fuit quanto consultius omnes,  
Signaque in hanc studijs, pariter conversa, tulisse?  
Non est consilium, paries cum proximus ardet,  
Delendi studium soli liquisse colenti,  
Contiguos ne forte sequax iam flamma penateis  
Implicet, & tacitis involuat cuncta ruinis.  
Fida pares operas poni cum foedera poscant▪  
Curio affere tuis dubitas tutamen amicis?  
Grassans nostra lues si depopuletur, oportet  
Vi, socios, juncta, communem pellere pestem,  
Praesertim si animos societ sententia concors.  
Toti, quem dederat, rhetor iam Gräius orbi,  
Atticus haec Graecè vulgat praecepta libellus.  
Atticus hunc nostro nostras sermone polivit,  
Atticus & studio, & patriae dulcedine linguae,  
Quo si forte libro gens Anglica rite fruatur,  
Et praecepta colat, degendae commoda vitae:  
Hunc operi vigilem juuat impendisse laborem,  
Quem patriae summo pertractus inivit amore.   

I. M. Londinensis in eandem versionem carmen.  
ELoquio praestans reliquis, fert Graecia palmam.  
Inter & eximias Graecas, dicuntur Athenae  
Praecipuae, civis Demosthenis optima fama est.  
Is fuit urbis honor, fuit orbis gloria summa.  
Anglia pars orbis, Demosthenis ora videre  
Nunc habet in votis, Anglas ut reddere voces  
Audiat hunc Graecum, decus immortale suorum.  
Attulit hunc nostras Thomas Wilsonus ad aures,  
Et docuit, lingua nostra (res maxima dictu)  
Tam bene dicentem: quam purè Graeca sonabat  
Tum, cùm dicendi princeps regnaret Athenis,  
Fulmine verborum, quatiens diademata regum.   

INTERPRES LECTORI  
QVid miraris opus? fato Deus imperat Orbi,  
Nil ego solus ago, sed Deus urget opus.  
Aspicere in patriam monuit, labesque videre  
jussit, & Authorum dicta verenda sequi.  
Inter & egregios, Demosthenis optima laus est,  
Plurima, qui, patriae commemoranda, notat.  
Nunc quoque tempus adest, patriae succurrere dulci:  
Ne miserè in praeceps Anglia tota ruat.  
Discere sic monitus, Graeca exemplaria voluo,  
Et moestae patriae, pharmaca Graeca paro.  
Nitor &, Oceanum qui nunquam viderat hospes,  
Britanni ut civis iam queat esse loco.  
Incola vix talis, similis vix nascitur ullus.  
Aduena sit gratus, qui modò talis erit.  
Versio si rudis est, nos argue, nos reprehend.  
Excolere hunc talem vix potis unus erat.  
Vix dudum edidicit, linguae modò soluit habenas:  
Si rudis est hody, tempore purus erit.  
Atticus ex omni Graecorum gente, supremus,  
Vrbis Athenarum, Gratia sola fuit.  
Quisquis es, hospitio talem dignare Britanno:  
Si pius in patriam, vel bonus esse cupis.   

To the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Knight, principal Secretary to the Queen's Majesty, and of her privy counsel, Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries, and Chancellor of the University of Cambridge: Thomas Wilson Doctor of the Civil law wisheth long and perfit health with increase of Gods most holy spirit.  
GReat is the force of Virtue (Right Honourable Counsellor) to win love and good will universally, in whose mind soever it is perfectly known, to have once got a dwelling. I speak it for this end, that being solitary of late time from my other studies, and musing on this world, in the midst of my books: I did then (as I have oftentimes else done) deeply think of Sir john Check Knight, that rare learned man, and singular ornament of this land. And as the remembrance of him was dear unto me, for his manifold great gifts and wonderful virtues: so did I think of his most gentle nature and godly disposed mind, to help all those with his knowledge and understanding, that any way made means unto him, and sought his favour. And to say for myself amongst others, I found him such a friend to me, for communicating the skill and gifts of his mind, as I cannot but during my life speak reverently of so worthy a man, and honour in my heart the heavenly remembrance of him. And thinking of my being with him in Italy in that famous University of Milan: I did call to mind his care that he had over all the English men there, to go to their books: and how gladly he did read to me and others certain Orations of Demosthenes in Greek, the interpretation whereof, I and they had then from his mouth. And so remembering the rather this world by the very argument of those actions: I did then seek out amongst my other writings for the translation of them, and happily finding some, although not all: I was carried straightways (I trust by God's good motion) to make certain of them to be acquainted so nigh as I could with our English tongue, aswell for the aptness of the matter, and needful knowledge now at this time to be had: as also for the right notable, and most excellent handling of the same. And here must I say, confessing mine own weakness and imperfection, that I never found in my life any thing so hard for me to do. Yea, the more that I look upon this Orator to bring his sentences and words known to our common speech and language: the more do I find him hard and unable to be translated, according to the excellency of his tongue. And many times I have been ashamed of myself, when I compared his Greek and my English together. And no marvel neither. For the Latin translators being otherwise most excellent men, have not always satisfied themselves, much less answered to their charge and enterprise in the opinion of others that compared their doings and the Greek together. Hyeronymus Wolfius hath translated all Demosthenes (the like thing never yet done by any other) and herein he is very careful to keep himself to the Greek, and doth (as it should seem) better understand Demosthenes than any other, and yet sometimes, either he is not well understood, or else he faileth of Demosthenes' meaning. And being thus very curious in his translation to follow his Author as nigh as may be: his Latin is now and than somewhat harsh, and more hard than is the Greek itself. Christopherus Hegendorphius a notable learned man undoubtedly, makes himself overbold with Demosthenes, enlarging his speech after the manner of a Paraphrasis, where as Demosthenes' praise was chief, his short knitting up of his matters together. Philip Melanchthon, misliketh himself, and yet he hath done very well, but compared to the Greek he is to seek. joachimus Camerarius (for that which he hath taken in hand) deserveth great praise with the best, and yet he doth not fully satisfy all men for his doings. Petrus Clobardus hath very learnedly translated the three first Orations made in favour of the Olynthians, and varieth from others in sense, not without their misliking, and perhaps not always expressing the very force and pith of the Greek phrase. Nicholas Car our Countryman one notably learned in the Greek tongue when he lived, as it is well known: hath done all these Orations passing well in eloquent Latin, that I have done in English: who varieth from all others even in the very sense sometimes and understanding of the Author, & seems to have reason with him. Master Cheek (whom I dare match with any one before named for his knowledge in the Greek tongue,) having travailed in Demosthenes as much as any one of them all, and famous for his learning throughout Europe: yet was he never so passing in his translations that no exception could be made against him. And then what shall I think of myself, after the naming of so many excellent learned men, but only submit my doings to the favour of others, and desire men to bear with my weakness. For this must I needs confess, that I am altogether unable to do so in English, as the excellency of this Orator deserveth in Greek. And yet the cunning is no less, and the praise as great in my judgement, to translate any thing excellently into English, as into any other language. And I think (although there be many doers) yet scant one is to be found worthy amongst us, for translating into our Country speech. Such a hard thing it is to bring matter out of any one language into another. And perhaps it may be that even those who take themselves to be much better learned than I am (as what is he that is not, having any name for learning at all?) will find it an harder piece of work than they think, even to make Greek speak English, if they will make proof thereof as I have done. Whose labour and travail I would as gladly see, as they are like now to see mine, that such an Orator as this is, might be so framed to speak our tongue, as none were able to amend him, and that he might be found to be most like himself. The which enterprise if any might have been most bold to have taken upon him, Sir john Cheek was the man, of all that ever I knew, or do yet know in England. Such acquaintance had he with this notable Orator, so gladly did he read him, and so often: that I think there was never old Priest more perfit in his Por●eise, nor superstitious Monk in our Lady's Psalter as they call it, nor yet good Preacher in the Bible or testament, than this man was in Demosthenes. And great cause moved him so to be, for that he saw him to be the perfectest Orator that ever wrote for these two thousand years almost by past (for so long it is since he was) and also for that he perceived him to have before his eyes in all his Orations the advancement of virtue as a thing chief to be sought for, together with the honour and welfare of his country. Besides this, master Cheeks judgement was great in translating out of one tongue into an other, and better skill he had in our English speech to judge of the Phrases and properties of words, and to divide sentences: than any else had that I have known. And often he would english his matters out of the Latin or Greek upon the sudden, by looking of the book only without reading or construing any thing at all: An usage right worthy and very profitable for all men, aswell for the understanding of the book, as also for the aptness of framing the Author's meaning, and bettering thereby their judgement, and therewithal perfiting their tongue and utterance of speech. Moreover he was moved greatly to like Demosthenes above all others, for that he saw him so familiarly applying himself to the sense and understanding of the common people, that he sticked not to say, that none ever was more fit to make an English man tell his tale praise worthily in any open hearing, either in Parliament or in Pulpit, or otherwise, than this only Orator was. But seeing master Cheek is gone from us to God, after whom we must all seek to follow, and that this thing is not done by him, the which I would with all my heart had been done, for that he was best able: it can not be counted now I trust, any fault in me, if I endeavour to do that, the which I never saw done before me. And in deed my labour can be no hurt to any body, except it be to myself. For the Greek is as it was, and those that wear Grecians may read the Greek still notwithstanding my English. And such as have no Greek, may go to the Latin for all my doings, or any other translation else in any other strange tongue or language. For as I do hear say, certain pieces of Demosthenes are translated also into divers other tongues. But such as are grieved with translated books, are like to them that eating fine Manchet, are angry with others that feed on Cheat bread. And yet God knoweth men would as gladly eat Manchet as they, if they had it. But all can not wear Velvet, or feed with the best, and therefore such are contented for necessity's sake to wear our Country cloth, and to take themselves to hard fare, that can have no better. But what reason have they I pray you that will not suffer men to writ reason as well as to speak reason? for this I dare say, that even those men, if they have any reason with them at all, will use in their proofs upon weighty matters, the arguments of Demosthenes or reasons of like value. And may not I or any other set down those reasons by pen, in our English language, the which are uttered daily in our common speech, by men of understanding? Now wicked is that mind the which doth envy welfare or wisdom to an other body, because the same man can not be so wealthy, or as wise as the best. And therefore in my simple reason, there is no harm done I say to any body by this my English translation, except perhaps it be to myself. For whereas I might have lived peradventure under the colour of silence and stillness in some opinion of learning: I may now perchance with mine overmuch boldness in seeking to fashion so famous an Orator out of Greek into English: happen to bewray mine own unskilful dealing. But howsoever it is, I had rather hazard rebuke, if by this means I could toll out some other to do this perfitly, the which I have only assayed to do plainly and homely: than to suffer so noble an Orator and so necessary a writer for all those that love their Country's liberty, and welfare, to lie hid and unknown: especially in such a dangerous world as this is. And although your honour hath no need of these my doings, for that the Greek is so familiar unto you, and that you also, as well as I, have heard Sir john Cheek read the same Orations at other times: yet I think for divers causes I should in right present unto your honour this my travail the rather to have it through your good liking and allowance, to be made common to many. First the said Sir john Cheek (whom I do often name, for the honour and reverence due to so worthy a man) was your brother in law, your dear friend, your good admonisher, and teacher in your younger years, to take that way of virtue, the fruit whereof you do feel and taste to your great joy at this day, and shall for ever be remembered therefore. Again, by him you have heard these Orations red and translated, as I after you (although out of England) have heard the same likewise of him, to my great comfort and profit in learning. Thirdly the Orator himself having been a Counsellor in his Country as you now are in this Realm, he is your glass I am well assured whereupon you do often look, and compare his time, with this time: Country with Country: neighbours with neighbours: and King with King. Lastly your great goodness used to me from time to time, together with that your good conceived opinion to enable me to deal in things much above my power: (for so it pleased you to like and allow of me) all these respects I say, do move me at this time, to offer most humbly to your honour this mine enterprised travail of so noble an Orator of those his seven several famous Orations whereof three are made in favour of the distressed Olynthians sometimes a warlike people in Thracia, now called Romania: and the other four entitled against king Philip of Macedon by name. The arguments whereof and Orations also shall hereafter appear translated in order. And after this done his life and dealings shall be truly set forth, and his faults told aswell as his virtues rehearsed. That it may appear he was a man subject to imperfections & lacks as others are: and though he was in some things for his rare virtues and singular gifts most excellent and passed all others: yet had he his wants, as what is he that hath not? according to that saying in Titus Livius of Maharball to Hannibal, after that great victory got at Cannas in Italy against the Romans. God never gave all things to any one man. And thus having done my voluntary task, I desire none other thanks for all my labour and travail herein, but your favourable defence against certain, that will do nothing themselves, and yet will find fault with all things, being in nature Drones, and no Bees: Lubbers and no learners: as void of sound judgement and understanding, as they are out of reason curious judges, over the travail and pains taking of others. But who can stop these open mouthed talkers? empty vessels make the greatest sound, and ring out a hollow noise to small purpose, and so do these that have the lest skill and smallest knowledge, make the mightiest brag, and are the boldest of all others without cause or reason God he knoweth. Of which croaking paddocks, and manifest overweeners of themselves: I do make very little account, or no reckoning at all. Your sound judgement Sir and good liking, may be of sufficient value with me to hold myself well contented whatsoever shall be said to the contrary. And thus most heartily I do wish to that heavenly mind of yours a strong and lusty body, that in these perilous days your pain and travail may run in equal course with your knowledge and understanding. From the Queen's majesties Hospital of Saint Katherins nigh the Tower of London the .10. of june. 1570.   

A Preface to the Reader, containing the commendation of Demosthenes.  
THey are thought ever in the opinion of wisemen to be the worthiest of all others, and to deserve the greatest estimation: that seek always to keep company with the best sort that be. For that such every one is most like to be himself as the company is with whom he matcheth. And as it is in other things, so it is in the course that any man taketh for his study. They that do acquaint themselves with the only reading of the best and most excellent writers, are like in time to resemble in some sort their value and worthiness, yea, according to that saying of Tully, he that goeth much in the sun, shall be sun burnt though he think not of it. And as Aelianus saith, he that keepeth company with Callias that jolly pot companion, shall be a lusty drinker as he was: if with Ismenias, he shall be a trim Minstrel: if with Alcibiades, he shall be proud and lofty: if with Corbylus, he shall be a good Cook, and learn to dress meat well: if any give himself to follow Demosthenes, he shall grow eloquent and wise: if he seek after Epaminundas, he shall be a lusty warrior: if he like Agesilaus, he shall be a stout man, and of great courage: if he follow Photion, he shall be a good man: if he love Aristides, he shall be a just man: if he follow Socrates, he shall be a wise man. And likewise Demosthenes himself in that his Oration De falsa legatione against Aeschines, declareth Euripides verses as a testimony and witness of Aeschines lewd life, who kept company with Philocrates, and such other lewd livers. 
If one set his delight, with naughty folks to be,  
It recks not to demand, what kind of man is he: 
Euripides in phoenissis.   
For every one is like to him that is his mate,  
That bi●deth still abroad, with lime twigs and with bate.  And thus I begin after a sort to challenge praise to myself, even at the very first chop on God's name: for that I have thus travailed & been acquainted with this famous Orator. But how I have profited I know not, nor yet if I knew, would I make any great brag of it. Thus much I think I may boldly say, it is no small hap for any man to hit upon the best, even at the very first beginning. As for praise (as I said) I do not look for any, much less do I desire it, and what good I have done to myself, that will appear hereafter: Once virtue is contented with her own self, as that which is of her own nature full sufficiency, without need of outward aid or borrowed favour. And therefore he that doth well, and profiteth in virtue & learning, needeth not much to long after the good liking or allowance of others. For glory and welfare do as certainly follow well doings, as the shadow followeth the body: as the which are in all ages the necessary rewards of virtue. I do not dispraise any man's trade of life either of elder time, or of later years: but I do prefer in all faculties some certain before others. As in cosmography Ptolomeus: in Arithmetic our Tonstale, and Tartalio the Italian: in Geometry Euclides, in astronomy Aratus, in Philosophy Aristotel and Plato, in Physic Hypocrates & Galenus, in law justinian the Emperor, or rather Trebonianus & others that gathered the laws: in histories Titus Livius and Cesar for the Latin, Thucydides and Herodotus as Quintilian saith, with certain others for the Greek: in eloquence Demosthenes and Cicero, the one for the Greek, and the other for the Latin. And he that in all these faculties doth chiefly and above all others, follow these above named: he taketh the best way that may be in my mind to do himself the most good. For what is he that entering into any faculty would not desire (if he might) to excel all others? And who can ever come to any such excellency that doth not acquaint himself first with the best, yea and seeketh to follow the chiefest that have travailed in those things, the perfection whereof he wisheth to get? So did Plato travail from Greece into Egypt: Aristotell from Stagira in Macedon, to Athens in Greece, to hear his master Plato: and Cicero from Rome to Athens, and Anacharsis that barbarous Scythian to talk with Solon that wise law maker of Athens, seeking every one of them the best abroad, when they could not have them at home. Neither do I repent me to have traveylde in this writer amongst others, who for excellency passeth all others, and the more that he is studied, the better he is liked. For that there are hid in him many secret ornaments, the which at the very first, do not appear, and are hardly to be uttered by me I confess, in our English tongue. Quintilian doth so set forth this writer, that he giveth him the praise above all others, specially for the grave and pithy handling of his matters much better than any man else. And therefore in comparing Cicero and Demosthenes together, he saith that it needeth not so to do, for that they were both most excellent men. And yet he willeth that Demosthenes should chief be read, nay rather to be cunde without book, word by word of every body. And concluding after a certain comparison made of them both, saith that Demosthenes being the elder, hath made Tully to be for the most part such a one altogether as he was. Then what should let but that all those who desire to be eloquent men (the chiefest ornament that can be given to man upon earth) should chiefly study Demosthenes, and follow him by all means possible, seeing Cicero attained to such eloquence up the only imitation of so famous an Orator? Now they that will be such 〈◊〉 as he was, must do as he did, that is, they must not spare any labour, but be always occupied, and chief follow this man's profession, whose watchings and pains taking wear notable, as may appear by the report made in his life. Yea he was so full set to attain unto the excellency of eloquence, that being unapt & untoward by nature through many his great impediments: he warred as it should seem with Nature, & conquered Nature also, with very great pains taking, and continual wrestling for the victory. Neither could any else that have been naturally apt, and had no let at all to be excellent Orators, ever be able to exceed Demosthenes, notwithstanding all the bars and hindrances, that by Nature's injury happened unto him. Besides this, (as I have said elsewhere) he was temperate of his diet and kept his health, and increased his wit with sobriety, and moderate usage of himself at all times: a thing most requisite for any one that minds to compass great matters upon earth. And where as all men of any understanding seek to follow some one, unto whom they desire to be like, or if it may be, to pass him (the readiest way no doubt, for any one, to wax most excellent) Demosthenes did imitate and follow first Plato, and after Thucydides his Countrymen both, the one a Philosopher, the other a Chronicler of the wars betwixt Athens & Peloponnesus. And so well did he like Thucydides that many times he did borrow whole sentences of him, as appeareth by his very first sentence of the first Oration in favour of the Olynthians, the which sentence and divers other sentences he took out of Thucydides first Oration made in favour of the Corcereans now Corfu, & out of the next Oration made by the Corinthians against the said Corcereans. Yea, it doth appear that he did borrow his chief arguments and best reasons that he useth, out of this man's Orations: & that he did as it should seem, imitate wholly Thucydides invention. Whereunto agreeth Vlpianus, who affirmeth that Demosthenes chief desire was, to have Thucydides vain and gift of writing in all things. And in deed such was Demosthenes' diligence and painfulness about this Author that he did write out with his own hand, the whole history of Thucydides (being a book fully so big as all the new Testament is) no less than eight several times. A travail certes right painful, and yet the pains very well bestowed, when so good fruit did follow thereupon. For no doubt Demosthenes by such imitation and painful labour, came to that height of perfection, whereof he beareth the name, that is, to be the chief Orator of all Greecelande, yea of all the world beside, I may well say. For in three or four points united in him together, without doubt he passed greatly all others, that ever wear. First he had a singular judgement to devise good matter, and to dispose the same most aptly, as time and place required: Again, he had the stomach of a Lion, to speak boldly although not to fight manfully, and did utter his meaning with such might and gravity, that he appalled greatly the courages of all others whatsoever: Thirdly his utterance was so good (being made so by Art, even against Nature) that never any hath had better, either since or before. Lastly, he is to be praised for that, which passeth all other gifts, that is, he was a very honest man, a just dealer, a true subject always to his country. And therefore although in some one of these gifts, he might perhaps be matched: yet was there never any comparable to him for them all together. And of these his doings the world is so true a judge, that I need not much to spend any farther talk, although some will say, that Tully is to be compared with him in all things. Of the which two men if I should say my mind flatly, there be perhaps that would bite the lip at it, and count me fond in mine enterprise. And yet thus much I may boldly say, that Demosthenes hath more matter couched in a small room, than Tully hath in a large discourse, & that Demosthenes writing is more binding, more fast, firm, and more agreeable to our common manner of speech, than Tully's Orations are. And who so speaketh now as Demosthenes doth, I do think he should be counted the wiser, the more temperate, and the more grave man a great deal, than if he wholly followed Tully, and used his large vain and vehement manner of eloquence. Besides this, Demosthenes used a plain familiar manner of writing and speaking in all his actions, applying himself to the people's nature and to their understanding without using of Proheme, to win credit, or devising conclusion to move affections and to purchase favour after he had done his matter: whereas Tully with his flowing eloquence, sought to wrist the judges to his purpose both at the beginning, in the middle, & at the end, not trusting as it should seem to the goodness of his cause, or to speak more modestly it was sufferable in Rome, to use these practices of eloquence, both in the beginning & ending of their orations to advance their matters withal, the same being utterly forbid in Greecelande, upon pain of displeasure. And were it not better & more wisdom to speak plainly & nakedly after the common sort of men in few words, than to overflow with unnecessary and superfluous eloquence as Cicero is thought sometimes to do? But perhaps whereas I have been somewhat curious to follow Demosthenes natural phrase, it may be thought that I do speak over bore English. Well I had rather follow his vain, the which was to speak simply and plainly to the common people's understanding, than to overflouryshe with superfluous speech, although I might thereby be counted equal with the best that ever wrote English. For Demosthenes speaketh always matter & hath such force in his manner of writing, as no man hitherto hath ever been able to express, and all men have still had him in most high admiration for the same. But why do I compare these two noble virtues together? making the one better than the other, whereas they wear both most excellent Orators, and chief ornaments of either their own countries in their days: both of them a rare example of nature, and such as none in any age, hath been like for excellency, to either of them. Then what needs such comparisons, when both are equally chief in their kind? as Quintilian hath very well declared, in rehearsing their virtues severally, and in lapping up his matter, saith in this wise, that unto Tully nothing can be added, and from Demosthenes nothing can be taken away without harm doing to either of them. And therefore to return to Demosthenes, I say, he is to be read of young and old, of learned and unlearned, of wise, and unwise, for that he hath in him to serve all men's turns whatsoever. He that loves his country, and desires to procure the welfare of it, let him read Demosthenes, and he shall not want matter to do himself good. For him that seeks common quietness, Demosthenes can ●eache him the lesson: he that would gladly prevent evil to come, Demosthenes is for his purpose: He that desires to serve his Country abroad, let him read Demosthenes' day and night, for this is he that is able to make him fit to do any service for his countries welfare. For never did glass so truly represent a man's face, as Demosthenes doth show the world to us, and as it was then, so it is now, and will be so still, till the consummation and end of all things shall be. The Devil never ceaseth from the beginning of the world to make division betwixt Country and Country, to stir civil war, to enboulden the commons against their superiors, to put evil thoughts into Counsellors heads, to make people ambitious and covetous, and to corrupt the hearts even of the very messengers and preachers of God's word, continuing his practise still in all places with all men. And therefore seeing Demosthenes is so good a Schoolmaster for man to decipher the Devil and his ministers for the advancement of uprightness in all things: I would wish that all men would become his Scholars, yea, if it might be I would that all youth wear first taught Greek, (for so Quintilian would have it) and that they after some ripeness in the tongue, and of elder years, wear fully acquainted with Demosthenes, to learn him without book, that they might perfit their judgements by often reading so worthy a man. Alexander was angry with a Schoolmaster of children, because he did not teach them Homer. I will not be angry with Schoolmasters, but I would wish that Scholars being of ripe years, and otherwise trained before in other Authors: wear taught Demosthenes, and not Homer only. Once this is most true, that the wisest man living may learn of Demosthenes, how to benefit himself and to do good to his Country, and to maintain also the safety of it. And a thing I have to report, the which almost is scant credible, touching a certain embassage made. And yet because I do find it written, I will make it known farther. Petrus Mosellanus a notable learned German, the restorer of good learning about fifty years passed, at what time he was famous in the University of Lipsia in high Almaigne, did report unto Christopherus Hegendorphinus a German also, and a man of no less worthiness, not only for the Greek, but also for the law whereof he made profession, that Bessario a Graecian borne and Cardinal in the time of Eugenius the fourth Pope of that name, and overlyving him till Xistus was Pope in the year of our Lord God. 1484. desired of his own accord to go as Legate into France, to appease the great malice that was then betwixt Lewis the xj of France, & Charles of Burgundy, and to exhort the same King to turn his wars upon the Turk. The which embassage, as Mosellanus saith, when he took upon him, he used for his speech to the French King one of the Orations of Demosthenes in Greek, made against Philip of Macedonye as it lay word for word, altering very few sentences or none in the discourse of his whole matter, saving that he applied that against the Turk, which Demosthenes used against King Philip. Whereby it seemeth that Bessario being a notable learned Graecian, did see, not only a pattern for himself to use in those days, but also a mean to work some good reformation by, for th'amendment of things amiss, and the advancement of God's truth and justice. Then how much is this Orator to be esteemed, that having written almost two thousand years past, can have fresh matter still, for an Ambassador to do his legacy to a foreign king, so many hundredth years after. And as this most learned Ambassador did help himself then, to advance the goodness of his matter: so may all others at this time, and hereafter do the like, and not only Ambassadors but Counsellors also, may find great plenty of matter to do their country good withal. For as Thucydides saith, Tempora adferunt similia exempla donec hic mundus & haec rerum natura manet. That is to say: like time bringeth forth like examples, so long as the world lasteth, & the course of nature continueth. But what do I in seeking to commend this Orator? I had need to have the eloquence of the Orator himself, having so large a field to walk in. Howbeit, his own works, are sufficient enough to commend themselves, being read in his natural tongue, seeming perhaps but bore as they are now brought into english. But this I have done only to give occasion to others much better learned than I am, to take this matter upon them, confessing plainly, that even in these my small travails, both Cambridge and Oxford men, have given me their learned advise, and in some things have set to their helping hand. This I speak, because I would not defraud any of their praise. And touching Demosthenes' worthiness although I need not say any more: yet will I set forth after this Prologue, the several reports of divers learned men, that have spoken and written in all ages of his praise, and so leave the consideration thereof to others. I, for mine own doings must ever make this request, that having a good meaning with me, none may blame me for mine enterprise, although things do not so fall out, as I would have them, many may well desire. For Demosthenes is not so easy to be englished, neither is he for all men's understandings and capacities. This I thought good to advertise the gentle Reader: that whereas in the printing of this book, there is sometimes a sentence, or half a sentence in the small Italicke letter, the same is not in the Greek, but added only, for the more plain understanding of the matter, that such as be not learned, may the rather go thorough with the reading of these Orations, without any sticking at all. Other things that are hard and strange, for the matter and Countries whereof he speaketh: I have done mine endeavour to make them easy and better to be known, with devising additions in the margin, such as I was best able to frame. Besides this I have set forth the town of Athens severally, with a certain declaration or rather limitation of Greeceland, and also have given as occasion served, the names that be used at this time, to divers of their ancient towns. They that like not my labour, may suffer me to abound with mine own humour, and to serve my fantasy, as I am well contented, that they shall use their pleasures, and satisfy their appetite, as they think meet. For so that virtue be advanced, no man is to be misliked, although he do but meanly. Neither is it possible nor yet agreeing with nature, that every man can excel. But howsoever it be with us, better or worse, let every man have this before his eyes in all his life and doings: first to honour God as he hath willed himself to be honoured: next to love the natural Country where he is borne, above all worldly things: thirdly to obey the Magistrate that is in authority: and last of all, every one to do to others, as they would have others, do to them. And these lessons he that hath them not otherwise, may learn them of Demosthenes well enough, whom if my Country men shall aswell like of, for his good council, as I have taken pains in him for their only sakes: then have I the fruit of my travail, and wish them good success in all their doings. 1570.   

The testimonies and reports made of Demosthenes his worthiness, by divers learned men in all ages as followeth.  

The report of Aristotel.  
ARistotel was wont to say, to King Philip, and to Alexander his son, that whereas a great sort, had been his Scholars, yet had he never any one in such admiration, as he had Demosthenes, aswell for the greatness of his judgement, as for his temperancy, his gravity, his promptness, his freedom of speech to others, & his sufferance in all things. You think, saith Aristotel, that Demosthenes is like unto Eubulus, Phrynon and Philocrates, and you think to corrupt this man also with money, who hath bestowed his whole patrimony upon the Athenians, both privately and publicly: and because you can do no good with money, you menace him, that doubteth nothing at all, to die for his Country. And if he reprove any thing in your doings, you are much aggrieved therewith. Whereas he doth not spare the people to tell them of their own, and feareth them nothing at all. Do not you see that he taketh government upon him, for the love he beareth to his Country, and thinketh that this charge so taken upon him, is a certain school as a man would say, of Philosophy, and virtue: the which were not meet to be used for gain, or for the satisfaction of man's covetous desire and lust.   

The report of Marcus Tullius Cicero.  
CIcero in his book entitled Brutus, where he talketh of Orators, and first of the Grecians, as the chiefest above all others, after he hath said his mind of a great meany, and was come to talk of Lysias, thus he wrote and said. At that time was Lysias, a man not exercised in pleading causes at the bar, but a notable fine and excellent writer, whom a man might almost be bold to call a perfit Orator. But as for a very perfit Orator in deed, and such a one as wanteth nothing in him at all: Demosthenes may easily be said to be the man. For in those causes that he wrote, there could be nothing wittily found out, nothing as a man would say artificially devised, nothing to be cunningly handled that he did not espy, nothing finely to be said, nothing compactly knit together, nothing exactly to be done, that could be better polished or trimlyer handled: of the other side, nothing could be great, nothing high, nothing adorned either with gravity of words or sentences, that could be more high and lofty. Likewise in his book De Oratore, he saith, that Demosthenes did not give place to the Orator Lysias in fineness of wit, nor to Hiperides in quickness or sharpness of understanding, neither yet to Aeschines in smoothness and gayness of words. Many of his Orations are altogether pure and fine, as against Leptines. Many altogether grave, as certain against Philip. Many are partly fine & partly grave, as against Aeschines de falsa legatione, & against the said Aeschines in favour of Ctesiphon. And when he listeth, he useth the middle kind of eloquence, and leaving that most grave manner, descendeth chief to that low and familiar kind of speaking. And as touching exclamations, and crying out against abuses, them he useth, and doth most of all occupy in his speaking: when he uttereth forth the places of gravity. And a little before, he saith, that he remembreth he did prefer Demosthenes a great deal before all others. And in his second book De Oratore, he willeth him that should be an Orator to follow Demosthenes of Athens, who is granted to be the chiefest Orator above all others. And again he saith in an other place. None hath been more grave, none more aware, none more temperate, than this man. Therefore they had need to be warned by us, whose unlearned manner of speech is much known abroad, such as either desire to be counted fine Attickes, or else have a mind to speak Attickly, (that is to speak purely as the Athenians did) that they esteem and honour this man chief, than the which I do think that Athens itself was never more Attic, that is more pure or more fine, for they may learn by him, what it is to be Attic, that is, pure and fine, and let them judge of eloquence, by his might and value, not by their own weakness. For now every body praiseth so much, as he thinketh himself able by his own force to compass. In many places else, Tully is full of such large reports, but these may suffice, to show his judgement and opinion upon so famous an Orator as Demosthenes was.   

Lucian in his Dialogue where he praiseth Demosthenes.  
Among other things whereof he speaketh at large, and I have partly declared the same in the description and setting forth of Demosthenes his life according to Lucian's report: he saith these few words, the which carry great force with them. What other thing hath Fortune given to Demosthenes, but that which is great and sumptuous? yea what other thing, but that which is most honourable and renowned? And after this he saith, who knoweth not what manner of Orator Demosthenes was, how he beautified his Orations with words and sentences, how he powdered his arguments with the stirring of affections? what brightness appeared in his plentyfulnesse and copy? what vehemency and mightiness of force? what reverencie and spareness used he in his words and sentences? what shift and variety had he of figures? And therefore Leosthenes said, that he only amongst all other Orators, used the most lively and natural speech in his Oration above them all, without any hammer work, or framing his talk with Béetles or Mauls, and so goeth on forth in a large discourse, as partly elsewhere, somewhat is said to that end.   

Dionysius Halicarnasseus.  
Demosthenes' was counted by the opinion of all the Grecians to be the most excellent and most perfit Orator amongst them all, as well in copy and cunning, as in fineness of the Attic tongue.   

Quintilian in his tenth book De institutione Oratoria.  
QVintilian in making rehearsal whom he would have read chief of any one that should be an Orator: after long speech of others in certain professions, he cometh to the Orators, and saith thus. Now followeth a great company of Orators in Athens, amongst whom Demosthenes was far passing the chiefest Orator of them all, and almost the very law of eloquence. So great pith was in him, all things so full and so thick set, so fastened with certain forces, nothing idle or superfluous, such a measure of speech, that a man can not tell what is wanting in him, nor yet what is too much. And a little after in matching Cicero and Demosthenes together, he giveth the proper praises to them both, as I have more largely declared in the Prologue, and saith that Demosthenes being before Tully hath made him to be such a one for the most part as he was, and would therefore that Demosthenes should chief be read, or rather learned without book, and so forth, he goeth on heaping up his praises, as elsewhere I have showed.   

D. Erasmus upon the Preface of Demosthenes printed in Greek.  
Demosthenes' hath more Art hid in him than he showeth at the first sight. For this man as Demades the Orator said, with an honourable jest, did writ to the water, that is to say, to sober men: neither can he be understood of any, but of those, that are sober and watchful men. That therefore which Quintilian did writ of Cicero, may be said with like reason of Demosthenes. Let that man know and assure himself, to have profited in eloquence: whom Demosthenes hath begun greatly to please and like. And even as a piece of work cunningly painted, doth not greatly please them that are ignorant of the Art: so that heavenly grave manner and majesty of Demosthenes, the which all eloquent men did always greatly marvel in him, is not perceived, but of those that are well practised in the Art of Rhetoric, and stored with knowledge of histories. Therefore I shall be well contented that a child shall taste of Demosthenes, but yet I would have him return to him again, and read him earnestly when he is of better judgement, that he may perceive that very Attic sweetness, that sound judgement, those short arguments called Enthymemata, framed together with excellent cunning: & last of all, that pithiness and great gravity of his, wonderful to all men, and not attained yet unto by any man. And a goodly exercise it were (the which thing hath been done by elder time in Homer and Virgil) if any would do the same in Demosthenes and Tully, that he might find by making conference of places, what Tully hath borrowed of him, and where our Latin Orator is equal to the Greek, and where he passeth him, and where the counterfeiting of him, doth altar from the original. There is nothing in the world so meet to perfit a man's judgement withal. And here I will not spend labour to commend Demosthenes, to the setting forth of whose praises worthily, we had need of Demosthenes eloquence: nay there needeth no eloquence at all to set him forth, whom all men with one whole consent do praise and set up to the very heavens.   

Ludovicus Vives, a Spaniard and one notably learned, in his second book of Rhetoric.  
THerefore is Demosthenes preferred before Cicero in the opinion of some men, in that he hideth his Art, and smelleth the less of Schools, being more inclined to apply himself to the plain and familiar speech of the vulgar people: than otherwise to writ or speak above the common capacity and understanding of men.   

Sadoletus in his book De liberis rectè instituendis.  
IT will do good to know, and therewithal to have in admiration that unspeakable pythinesse and vehemency of Demosthenes, whose manner of speech seemeth to me to be knit together as though it wear with certain hooks or links, that if you take away never so little, the whole disposition and order of the matter must needs quail. And so passing fierce is his speech that it is like always to prevail, and so full and so well stored therewithal, that it is able to overthrow, and so artificial and cunning, that it is able always to beguile the adversaries. And besides this, how often report is there made in his Orations of ancient things? what choice of words and sentences? how many exhortations used upon the sudden? and as the cause served both for praise & for honour? that in good reason the eloquence of Gréecelande may be said to depend upon the glory and honour of this only man the chief and peerless Orator in the profession of eloquence above all others.   

The like opinion had sir john Chéeke Knight of this famous man, and said plainly that he passed all others, not only for learning, wit, and judgement, but also for his familiar and plain kind of writing, and was the meetest to be followed and studied of all those that would be in deed without colour or painted Art, such as they would seem in outward show to be reputed and esteemed of others.  
And yet thus much must I say, after so many speeches used of this man, that although nothing can be more excellent than Demosthenes' Orations: yet in Demosthenes there wanteth a great piece of Demosthenes himself, because he is rather known now by reading his works, than by hearing his speech and utterance, wherein he did chief excel, and got thereby the greatest praise. But to conclude at length, what is he, that ever was taken for wise and learned, that either could praise this man sufficiently, or durst in any point diminish the glory of his most famous and worthy renown? And therefore I will say of Demosthenes as one said of Carthage, Satius est silere quam parúm dicere, It were better to be silent, or at leastwise to forbear speaking any more, than not to utter at full the just commendation of so worthy a man. And when all is done, I may apply Titus Livius saying upon Cato, justly to Demosthenes: Hic ille est cuius gloriae nemo unquam laudando addidit, neque vituperando quisquam aliquando detraxit. This is he whose glory no man hath ever made greater by praising him, nor yet any hath ever made less by dispraising him. So that he hath been, is, and will be ever, the honour of learning, the fame of well doing, and the very pattern of virtue and knowledge for all men living, evermore to follow. And as for his faithful and hearty mind that he did bear to his Country, I will give him none other praise, than only set forth those Greek verses of Sophocles in Antigona, the which he himself rehearsed in his Oration De falsa legatione against Aeschines, and showed to have ever observed for his part in the whole course of his life as a very excellent lesson both to himself, and to all others that shall bear office or rule in their country: the which verses are thus to be englished.  

A plain declaration of a just Magistrate and true subject to his Country.  
Man's heart and mind cannot be tried,  
Nor inward thought be fully spied  
Before he hath, in office been,  
And of the laws the force well seen.  
Now than if one, be set in place,  
That shrinks for fear to show his face,  
And will not use his best advise,  
The state to save by lore most wise:  
Him do I now, and ever shall,  
Of wicked men, most wicked call.  
And he again, that doth his friend  
Prefer before his Country kind:  
I do not say, a friend is he,  
But him stark nought, count I to be.  
As for myself, (that judge I call,  
The God on high, who knoweth all)  
If any evil, I hap to see,  
Which to the state, may danger be,  
That will I show, with heart and mind,  
Fall back, fall edge, even as I find.  
Not public foe will I once take,  
In private love, to be my make.  
For well I know this Realm shall save  
All subjects true, even till their grave.  
And that so long, as state shall stand,  
No friends can want within this land.   
Thus much of this worthy and famous Demosthenes, whose name as it is by interpretation, the strength and force of the people: so was he in very deed and by nature, the strong bulwark, and mighty defence of his most dear native Country.    

Moreover because these Orations of Demosthenes contain matters of war, I will show the Oath that the young men of Grecia did take, when they wear appointed Soldiers for the wars: a note undoubtedly at this time right needful, for all Christians, not only for English men to observe and follow.  
I Will not do any thing unworthy the sacred and holy wars, neither will I abandon or forsake my band and Captain if I be appointed to any. I will fight for the right of the Church, and safety of the state: aswell when I am alone, as when I am in company. I will not make my Country to be in worse case than it is: but I will make it better than I found it. And I will ever frame myself reverently to obey such orders as are decreed and adjudged: and to laws established, I will still yield myself, and obey those laws also, that the state hereafter shall by common assent enact or set forth. That if any one man shall change the laws, or not obey them: I will not suffer him to my power, much less will I allow him in so doing. But I will be a sure defender of right, aswell by myself alone, as when I am with others: and I will evermore honour the religion of my Country. The Gods be they my witness of these my sayings. This Oath was solemnly given to young men being in armour in the Church of their God, at eighteen years of their age: and having thus sworn, they continued always ready to serve for xlij years after, so that they wear fully three score year old, before they were discharged of their Oath and service to their Country for the wars. And such love did these people bear to their Country, that all their sacrifices and Church religion tended only to the long preservation and good welfare of their state. Such care had these heathen people to the prosperous safeguard of their Nation, much to the shame and confusion of all these in our days that are common traitors and open Rebels to their natural soil and Country.   

The Description of Athens.  
AThens (having her name from Minerva, who was called otherwise, Athene) being sometimes the Paradise of Gréece, yea the Gréece of Gréece, as Thucydides said, the mart of learning, the nurse of knowledge, the mother of Orators, the fosterdame of Philosophers and Poetes, and the very Palace or dwelling place of the Gods themselves to harbowre in, as some did term it: the same City hath felt in continuance of time much of fortunes frowning, not only by the Persians, the Macedonians, and the Peloponnesians now called the people of Morea, but also by the romans divers times, and after that, by the Gauls, and last of all, by the great Turk, who is now Lord and ruler there over all. And to speak amongst others, of the Gauls, you shall understand that when they were driven from Constantinople, and lost their seat in the East, they came back to Athens, and planted their seat there and in the country of Morea, till translating themselves from thence to Naples, the same City came to the hands of a Florentine of the house of Acciolai in the time of Queen joan of Naples, that notorious lewd Lady, for her wickedness and evil life, known throughout the world to her shame for ever. The which Florentine seeking aid of the Christians to keep it still, and not finding any help: he was driven by fine force at the last, to give over his right, interest, and title, to the great Turk about a hundredth years by past. So that now it is a very mean village, and a poor fisher Town, having scant the name left of it, called after a barbarous and corrupt manner of speech, Sathines in stead of Athens, nothing now extant of so famous a City, saving that upon the rock where the Church of Minerva was builded, there is a mighty pile or fortress, of main puissance and strength. Such is the course of this world that nothing keepeth any long continuance, but as our bodies are naturally subject to alteration: so have all states and common weals in this world, their natural ages and changes, to teach us the rather to fasten our minds wholly upon heaven, and to dedicated ourselves to God alone. And as Gréece was the midst of the world, and the country Attica, the midst of all Gréece: so was Athens, the very heart of all Attica, as well for the situation of the soil, as for the minds and disposition of the men. The people whereof (as Plutarch writeth) were very soon stirred to anger, and yet very easily moved to mercy, rather inclined to suspicion, than given to hear any long information or report made of things: and as they wear ready to help the poor afflicted sort, so did they gladly delight in sports and pastimes. And being praised by others, they took pleasure in it: again being rebuked, they were not greatly discontented. A people much feared even of the greatest Princes, being notwithstanding very courteous and gentle to their greatest enemies. And touching the Country Attica, and the soil thereof, Plato saith in his dialogues Timeo and Menexemo, that the same was very apt to bring forth most fresh and excellent wits, the which riseth by reason of the temperature of the air, being of a very moderate heat and moisture, the Country standing in .42. degrees from the equinoctial. This City was builded in the midst betwixt the Temple of Diana, and the famous Church of Ceres in the City Eleusine, next unto the which is that great mountain called Eron. Upon the north side of Athens, runneth the river Asopus, and upon the South side, the sea called Mare Aegeum, now Arcipelagus by name. The very situation declared the majesty of this City, as the which was the common harborowe or safe receit of all Gréeceland to fly unto for succour in their greatest extremities and miseries of war, lying Eastward in such sort that it seemed to offer receit, by stretching out her arm. Yea their haven or peer erst called Pyraeeus now Lion, did after a sort appear to open her lap to harbowre succourless strangers, being a haven both very safe to enter to it, and a sure harbowre to ride in it, against all weather and danger that might happen. They had another haven set beyond the temple of Diana, & somewhat out of the City, called the port Munichia, standing East from Athens, where was a little pretty town marvelous strongly fenced, the haven thereof being an harbowre or receit of four hundredth Galleys at the lest, yea & so many Galleys the Athenians many times used to set forth in their wars. It is written furthermore, that Pericles that worthy Governor of Athens, in his time caused three score new Galleys yearly to be made for a certain space of the City's charge. These two havens wear fortified with a notable wall of huge square free stone, so strong and so thick therewithal, that two Cartes might meet one another, and go and come from either of the havens to the City. And it is further said that Munichia compassed within her bounds both the haven Pyraeeum, and also that notable Arsinall made by Philo that excellent Architect or Master builder, the which was such a piece of work for charges and beauty, as the like was not again to be seen in all the world. Of this Munichia, one Epimenides Phaesti●s when he came to Athens, and saw the peril that Athens was like to sustain by the loss of such a place standing as it did, from Athens, and of such force: warned the Athenians very wisely in three Greek verses, what was needful to be done with it, the which verses are to be englished out of the Greek after this sort. 
Had the Athenays' witted, how great a bain  
Munichia unto their town should be,  
As bread with teeth they would it eat amain.  Meaning that it was good for them to beat down Munichia to the ground, rather than it should remain to be a danger to the City. And as Epimenides said, so it fell out afterwards. For Antipater in his war against Athens, assoon as he had once got Munichia: he took the city immediately after, and was Lord over all. Whereby may appear that it is oftentimes as harmful & as dangerous a thing to have a strong fortress next adjoining to some town: as it is good and available, for the defence and strength of the same. About this City lay the Islands called Ciclades and Sporades which wear in stead of Suburbs and sporting places for the people of Athens, when they were disposed to go abroad: the which City shined over against these Islands, being a great many in number, like as the great bright Moon doth shine among the little small stars. The yearly revenue of Athens (as Budaeus writeth) amounted to two hundredth and sixteen thousand pounds starling, the said revenues being called Prytanea. And this reckoning is made after the rate of money at five shillings the ounce, the which is a large and a good revenue. And for the valueing of Talentum Atticum I do follow Budaeus, esteeming still the standard of their silver after five shillings the ounce, and say that four Sestertia makes one Drachma, and one Drachma or Denarius is .7. d ⅕. and one hundredth Drachmae makes a Mina. one Mina or Libra is three pound starling .60. Minae or Librae, makes a talon, the which is of our English money .180. pounds starling. According whereunto one Favinus in Priscian, made these verses.  
Cecropium superest post haec docuisse Talentum  
Sexaginta minas, seu vis, sex millia Drachmas  
Quod summum doctis perhibetur pondus Athenis.  
Now of Talents Attic it rests to show the price,  
The which are sixty Mines, or Drachmas .6000. clear.  
To English pounds nine score, it fully doth arise,  
Thus learned men have said, this rate greek talents bear.  

The bounding of Greecelande according to Ptolomeus.  
GReecelande adjoineth upon two great Countries Macedon and Epirus, now called Albania, & stretcheth unto Peloponnesus, called at this present Morea. Upon the west, Epirus is the last part of it, and northward Macedon doth end it, with a part of the sea Aegeum, named now Arcipelagus. Eastward it runneth out to the Promontory Sunium, the farthest part of all Attic. southward it runneth by the river Achelous, that passeth by Corinth, and so endeth in that Isthmus, where two seas are within small distance. This Gréecelande esteemed all other Countries and people as Barbarians, whereas now they themselves are the most barbarous people living, without learning, knowledge, or any goodness else at all, all others heretofore having taken light of them for understanding, wisdom, and good government, yea, that man was not esteemed to be learned in times past that had not studied in Athens. And for government, other states sought to fetch light of them, amongst others the Romans did send out their ten Ambassadors, and had their ten Tables from Athens. And yet albeit these men did minister examples of understanding and knowledge: the romans for all that gave ever more plentiful matter of virtue and good living, as who should say, the Grecians rather excelled in wit, than in worthiness, and could speak better than they would do, according to that saying: Athenienses sciunt quid facere debent, sed facere nolunt. The Athenians know what they aught to do, but that they will not do. Titus Livius also writeth that the Athenians did war with king Philip by their writings & their words, with the which two things only, they were famous, and counted excellent. And truth it is, they were a people of great understanding and knowledge, inventing by wit divers things, that wear before time hid from man. And now most gentle Reader think that when I was occupied about this work: to make Athens & the government thereof to be known to my Country men: my meaning was, that every good subject according to the level of his wit, should compare the time passed with the time present, and ever when he heareth Athens, or the Athenians, to remember England and Englishmen, and so all other things in like manner incident thereunto, that we may learn by the doings of our olders how we may deal in our own affairs, and so through wisdom by our neighbours example avoid all harm that else unwares might happen unto us.   

Because Titus Livius in his fourth decade and first Book, declareth matter much agreeing to the Argument of Demosthenes in favour of the Olynthians, especially for making wars rather in the enemies Country; than to tarry till the enemy should set upon the Romans: I thought good to set forth the history of P. Sulpitius' Consul according as it is reported.  
IT seems to me, O romans, you do not know, that you are asked, not if you will have war or peace (for king Philip will not suffer you to have free choice in this behalf, who warreth upon you, both by sea and by land) but whether you think it good to send your army into Macedon, or else to receive the enemy here in Italy. Now what difference there is betwixt the one and the other, if ever at any other time you have had proof: certes you have had manifest experience thereof in these last wars against the Carthagineans. For who doubteth but that if we had in like manner sent speedy aid to the distressed Saguntines, when they desired secure of us, as our forefathers did help the Mamertynes in like case, a people of Messana in Scicilia, we had turned the whole wars upon Spain, the which through our lingering and foreslowing our affairs, we have brought upon our own backs into Italy, to our great loss and destruction. And there is no doubt of this at all, but that whereas this 
* King Philip he meaneth.  man is agreed with Hannibal, by his ambassadors and letters sent, to come over into Italy we shall be able to hold him still in Macedon by Levinus means, whom we have sent with a Navy, to war with him in his own Country. And that which we did in those days when we had Hannibal our enemy in Italy, shall we stand in a mamerment now to do, when Hannibal is clean banished, and the Carthagineans quite ovorthrowne? Let us tarry on God's name, and suffer king Philip to make proof of our litherness, while he destroyeth Athens: as we tarried to suffer Hannibal to do, when he destroyed Saguntum. He will not be absent five months from you, as Hannibal was, when he came from Sagunte▪ but he will be with you within five days with his whole power in Italy after he hath taken shipping at Corinth. I know, you will not match Philip with Hannibal, nor yet compare the Macedonians with the Carthagineans. And yet surely you will make him equal with Pyrrhus, so far forth I say, as either one man is better than another, or one nation of more value than is another. Epirus (now called a piece of Albania) was ever a small portion and of little force in comparison of the Macedonians, and is at this hour none other. Whereas Philip hath all Morea at this present under his dominion, and the city of Argo, a town no more famous by the ancient renown thereof, than by the death of Pyrrhus. Now let us make a view of our doings. I pray you how much did Italy flourish more when Pyrrhus set upon us, than it doth at this present? what a full strength and force was the state in than? so many captains being as yet safe, so many armies as yet whole & sound, whom afterward those African wars consumed and made away. Yet for all that he shook the state, and came conquering wellnigh to the very gates of Rome. And not only did the Tarentynes, and all that part of Italy the which is called main Greece, revolt from us, so that a man might well think they had followed their language, and their ancient name: but also the Basilicates, the Calabrians, and the Abruzzians, several people in the kingdom of Naples. And think you if Philip pass into Italy, that these people will be long at rest, or keep themselves within their allegiance? In deed they were all quiet during the time that we warred afterwards abroad with the Carthagineans. Nay, nay, this kind of people will never leave revolting from us, but when they shall have no body to fall unto. If it had been so loathsome a matter to you at that time to make over into Africa: you had had Annibal, & the Carthage enemies within Italy at this day. Let Macedon rather abide the mischiefs of war, than Italy: and the Country and town rather of our enemies feel the force of fire and sword, and be destroyed therewith. We have good trial already, that our force and might hath been more fortunate and more puissant abroad, than at home. And therefore go you altogether on God's name to give your voices, and allow you those things with one consent, the which have been wisely considered upon, by the Senate. And for this opinion, you have not only your Consul, to encourage you thereunto, but also the immortal Gods: unto whom when I made my sacrifice and my prayers, that this war might be fortunate to me, to the Senate, to you, to the friends and confederates of the Latin name, and to our Navy and whole army: they prognosticated and foreshowed unto me, when I was at the sacrifice, that all things should go happily forward and prospero very well.    

The Argument upon the first Oration of Demosthenes in favour of the Olynthians, a people in Thracia, now called Romania.  
PHILIP King of Macedon, son to Amyntas, and father of Alexander the great, did much annoy the land of Greece, but especially the people of Athens, from whom by force and other means, he took many goodly Cities, as Pydna, Potydaea, Amphipolis with others, usurping in all places where violence might prevail. Yea, he brought by extreme hand whole Thessalia under his yoke, and being grown insolent through many victories and conquests of private Countries and Cities, he determined at the last to denounce open war against the whole Country of Athens, and yet before he would fall into so plain a quarrel with them, he drew into his league the City Olynthus, being in the Country of Thracia, now called Romania, standing sometimes betwixt Abdera and Heraclia, a warlike plat and a martial soil next adjoining to Attica, the people whereof were Grecians of Chalcis in Euboia, a colony of the Athenians. Now these Olynthians had erst been at war aswell against the Athenians as also against the Lacedæmonians, whose valiantness king Philip knowing, and desirous to have them match with him, he sought by great gifts of Towns unto them, which he had gotten from the Athenians and others, to make them assured to his part, because he might have a more easy passage to Athens, a thing that he desired above all others. For having that, he thought it nothing to get all the country of Grecia elsewhere whatsoever, being his full mind to make a plain conquest of all Grecia if it were possible. The Olynthians hereupon perceiving his ambitious nature, and smelling thereby that he was sharply set to be Lord over all: weighing also how unfaithful a man he was otherwise in all his doings: took their time in his absence, and dispatched an Ambassade to Athens, to be confederate with them, contrary to their league made before with King Philip, with whom they had agreed to set upon Athens, and to have each with others like friends, and like foes together. Which thing when king Philip understood, he took hereupon just advantage to fall out with them and so forthwith proclaimed open war against them. Whereupon the Olynthians sent to Athens for succour, whose cause Demosthenes favouring as one that did full well perceive the insatiable ambition of King Philip's nature, persuaded earnestly that aid should be sent unto them, because the safety of Olynthus was (as a man would say) a bulwark or fort to Athens against Macedon: and that King Philip could never annoy them so long as Olynthus stood safe and sure. Whereas on the other side the Athenians might at pleasure pierce into Macedon, and handle him hardly in his own country. But if King Philip once got Olynthus, he had then an open entry and a very plain passage to Athens. And to encourage his Country men the better in this quarrel, he saith that King Philip is not so mighty, but he may easily be dealt withal contrary to the common opinion.  
Further he willeth money to be levied and taken out of the common treasury, persuading, that where as it was wont to be bestowed upon Stage plays, May-games, and public sights, now the time served that it might be better employed upon Soldiers for their wages to defend the afflicted Olynthians, and to maintain the safeguard of Athens. But because the manner is unknown to many how the Athenians used and dispensed their treasure at that time: it wear not amiss to touch it briefly. When the Athenians heretofore used no Theatre or scaffold for the people to stand upon, but such only as was made of boards, into the which every man made haste to get a place, to see those sights that wear there to be seen: many times when their scaffold failed, they did hurt themselves, and sometimes they went together by the ears, so that manslaughter followed for want of order, while every man sought to place himself first, that first could get up, whereupon proclamation was made, that none hereafter should have any place there, except they first paid out of hand two half pence of that coin, for their standing, being about two pence star●ing, and so they should be placed, of the which money, part was given for the building of the Theatre of stone, where the plays and open shows should be made and set forth: and part was bestowed upon officers appointed for these pastimes. And when the collection money failed, the Chamber of Athens did bear the rest for maintenance of their costly feasts and several games to the great and intolerable charge of the City. And lest the poor should be thought hereby to be kept back, and to loose those sights for want of money: it was ordered that they should have two half pence delivered unto them out of the common revenues and treasury, to pay for their standings. Now this custom grew so great that all the revenues of Athens, wear altogether consumed and wasted upon such unnecessary uses, in spending this way and that way, so that men had the less mind to serve their Country, no money being left in the treasury, nor reward remaining for service and travail to be done, either at home or abroad. For whereas Soldiers and men of war had their pensions and annuities given them before time out of the treasury for their good service done: those that tarried at home did now consume the same altogether upon setting forth of those Pageants, royal banquets, revels, and other such toys, for the people's comfort, pastime and delight. And besides this, there was a law made by Eubulus that none upon pain of death should give council to employ the common treasure otherwise than upon stage pastimes, common feasts and games, to the great discouragement of all soldiers and good meaning men, that hoped to have reward for good service doing. And here we must note by the way that the custom among the Athenians was to hung up a Table nigh to the Pulpit or place where the Orator spoke, containing the matters to be entreated of, and when that thing should be passed that the Orator persuaded, the manner was that the Orator should subscribe to the Table, which made a very absolute manner of establishing any decree among them, and was called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, to writ. And when so ever the Orator did presume so to under writ or set his hand to the Table in capital causes whereunto the people, when he had done, did not give their consent and agreement (which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the which the whole thing being decreed was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a decree:) then should that Orator be in great danger, if his decree did any thing derogate to the laws, or wear in any point contrary to the order of decrees to be made. For which cause Demosthenes being very wary in this behalf, not to wade over deeply for fear of displeasure, useth great cunning and sleight both to save himself from harm, and to do his Country good, for the better employing of this money, persuading that the same Theatre money might better be converted and made Soldiers fees, and the contribution to be rather for common profit and honour, than for common pleasure and vain pastime, being never yet so hardy to underwrite the tables for the enacting of any new decree in the matter, considering the peril that did depend thereupon, if the people did not like it, after it was underwritten, and enacted by the Orator, but gives them only to understand, that in his opinion, the very ancient order was to employ it upon Soldiers, and that this their manner of spending it, was but an abuse.  
Last of all, he willeth them to send forth their own Country people, and not to use the only service of Mercenary foreigners, and hired strangers, for that by those means they have heretofore sustained great loss and hindrance in the chief of their affairs. And to make this Oration more plain, I will by a division somewhat enlarge and iterate my speech for the better understanding of Demosthenes Art and wisdom: Three causes hindered Demosthenes from getting the Athenians to help the OOlynthians, first that the war was not domestical, nor proper to Athens, but foreign, with the which kind of war the Athenians would not seem to deal. Again, that they had no money ready to maintain these wars. Thirdly, that King Philip was overgreat, and therefore very dangerous for them to deal withal. All these things Demosthenes doth cunningly handle, and first saith that the wars do appertain to them, because it is for their honour: unto the which all men are carried by nature, for by this ●●anes, they shall make an entrance to advance that principality, the which they seek over all Greeceland: Again, he driveth them through necessity to take this matter in hand, for else King Philip will pierce Athens, if the Olynthians be not presently aided.  
For money he saith they have enough, if they will turn the idle expenses of the Theatre charges, to the necessary pay of the wars.  
Thirdly, he weakeneth King Philip's force, by rehearsal of divers things and deeds in particularity. And the two especial points of the whole Oration, are these, profit and ability. Proving by the first, with many reasons that their gain and honour shall be great therein, if they take these wars upon them: by the second he showeth, both what their own proper force is, and what strength the enemy hath, whose power he weakeneth by all the cunning means he can, the rather to hearten his Country men against him. The cunning that Demosthenes useth in this Oration is very great, and not easy for all men to conceive, except they be very attentive to observe and follow the order and skilful handling of this matter. And thus I have been the longer to dilate this argument, because I would make it the plainer.  
¶ The first Oration of Demosthenes chief Orator in Athens, in favour of the people and City of Olynthus, in the Country of Thracia, now called Romania: against king Philip of Macedon, who sought the distress of the said people and City.  
I Do verily believe (O Athenians) you had rather than a great deal of money, you were well assured, 
In weighty affairs of the State: men should not spare any money to have wise and faithful counsel.  and out of all doubt, what thing were best for the good estate & welfare of the City, in those matters which you do presently consult upon. And seeing it is so, it is reason, you should gladly give them the hearing, that are willing to give you their council. Neither, if one come forth with some good matter studied for, & prepared before hand, aught you to give ear to that only, & take it in good part: but I take it to be a piece of your good luck, that many a needful point, should come into some man's head, upon the sudden 
* Sudden motions and enforcements of the mind, do often break out either for great good or great evil.  to speak of. So shall it be no hard matter for you, out of them all to use choice of the best and most profitable 
* It is more easy to allow wise council than to devise it. . Wherefore (O Athenians) this present time even very now warneth us 
* Occasion given is a warning sent from God, the which cannot be omitted without great danger.  with open mouth, to go in hand with those affairs ourselves: if you have any regard of your own safety 
* It is scant credible that any man will forget his own welfare. . Marry than what manner of mind we seem to have to them, I know not: Once mine opinion is, that there wear an aid decreed upon out of hand: 
Domestical soldiers better than foreign hirelings.  and the same to be ready with all speed, to the intent the aid may be of men even out of this town, and that you commit not the like fault now, 
Crafty men want no means to compass their devices, seeking all the way that may be to have their will: and offering to serve the humour of others, for their own purpose.  as you have done heretofore. And that there wear Ambassadors dispatched, both to advertise them hereof, & also to be present with them at their doings. For this is greatly to be feared, lest king Philip being a subtle man, and beaten with practice of doings, partly by yielding and giving over his own right if need so require, partly by threatening, (which if he do, it is likely that he shall be believed) partly by blaming us, and our absence, and the delaying of our matters: do quite and clean overturn and dash some thing, wherein the force of all our doings lieth. Howbeit, this falleth out very well (O Athenians) that wherein king Philip seemeth most invincible: 
The presence of the Prince doth speed his affairs.  therein have you most advantage of him. For, that he being but one man is Lord of all, as well secret as open matters, and withal, chief captain, Master, and Treasurer, and that he is present every where with his army himself: these be points in deed, that for the doing of his Martial affairs with speed, and in good time, 
Men had then need to watch when they are in danger of universal ruin and destruction.  make very much with him: But as to those atonements which he would gladly make with the Olynthians, they make clean against him. For it is manifest to the Olynthians, how that they are not now at war with him for Honour, 
Happy is he whom an other man's harm doth make wise.  or parcel of their land: but for the safeguard of their Country from destruction and thraldom. Neither are they to learn, how he hath used himself towards the Amphipolitanes, 
Ambitious Princes are evil neighbours to their inferiors.  who gave over their town unto him. And likewise how he handled them of Pydna that received him into them. And altogether (as I take it) the government of tyranny, is a thing to be mistrusted of free states: especially when they are neighbours and border together. 
Take time, while time is for time will away.   
Now these things (O Athenians) being known to you, and all other things that be requisite, well considered: me thinks you aught to set to, your good wills, your hearts, and your minds wholly upon the wars, and if at any time else, now especially: as well in making a cheerful contribution of money, as in setting forth in your own persons, & leaving nothing undone. Neither have you any thing to pretend or allege to the contrary, why you should not do your dutiful endeavour. 
Present occasion offered and unlooked for.  For why, the thing that you all talked so much of, how it should be requisite to make the Olynthians enemies to king Philip: you see it is now come to pass of itself, and that in such sort, as better it could not have fallen out for your purpose. For had they taken the war in hand through your persuasion, 
Whose destruction is most certain if they be overcome, and the reconciling with the enemy most dangerous: their inconstancy is not to be suspected for continuance of amity.  there had been no great hold to be taken of their league, and they would have tarried but a while in that mind perhaps: but now seeing they be enemies for these quarrels that he hath to them: it is likely that they will continue this enmity still, as well for those injuries which he hath already done them, as for those which they fear he will do. And therefore ye aught not (O Athenians) to let go such an occasion now happened unto you besides your expectation: neither to suffer those inconveniences, the smart whereof you have oftentimes heretofore felt. For if, when we went to aid the Euboians, 
Examples of foreflowing things, and the loss of occasion offered.  at which time Hierax and Stratocles Ambassadors for the Amphipolitanes wear with us, and here in this very place requested you to send a power by Sea to take their City into your protection: we had showed the same forwardness in us for our own selves, as we did for the Euboians safety: 
Amphipolis ● City betwixt Macedon and Thracia▪ Pidna a town of Macedon. Potidea a town in Thracia. Methona a town in Achaia. Pegase a tow● of Thessalia.  ye had both gotten Amphipolis at that time, and might have been rid of all such troubles as afterwards ensued. Again, when you heard that Pydna, Potydea, Methona, Pegase, and divers other Cities (to long to be rehearsed) wear besieged: had we ourselves then courageously, and as it was our parts to do, aided and succoured any one of them, at the first: we should have found king Philip by this time more lowly, and more easy to be dealt withal, by a great deal than he is. But now that we do always let slip things present, and hope that the world will fall out better of itself hereafter: we ourselves have by this means (O Athenians) both increased the might of King Philippe, 
New occasion offered upon rehearsal of other occasions lost.  and made him so great a Prince, as never yet was king of Macedon before him. But now is there an occasion offered, what is that? 
Olynthians desire present aid.  Even this same of the Olynthians, which offereth itself unto this City, and is nothing inferior to any of those that have been made heretofore, and verily as I think (O Athenians) if one wear appointed as it wear an Auditor truly to examine and to take a just account of those benefits which GOD hath bestowed upon us: he shall find when all is done, although many things be not with us in so good state, as they should be: yet that we are bound to give him very great thanks, 
Offers made, that may be received, are as much to be esteemed as the present and absolute possession of things.  and good reason too. For why, where as we have lost many things by the wars: a man may justly impute it to our own negligence: but whereas we have neither felt the same long ago, and that certain have offered to join with us in these wars, who (if we will accept them) are able to countervail and recompense our former losses: 
Men aught as well to be thankful for that which they have not, and yet either once had or might have had: as they have cause to give thanks for that, which they have in their possession and keeping.  that benefit surely would I impute to proceed of his goodness towards us.  
But herein me thinks I espy the like manner in you as men use in getting of money. For so a man can keep as much as he hath gotten, he thanks Fortune highly for it: but if it go away, he wots near how: then away goes the remembrance of any thanks to Fortune at all. And even so in men's doings, they that do not use their time well, do not so much as call to remembrance, if any good thing hath happened to them by the goodness of God. For according to that, which last happened, 
* As things fall out, so doth the common sort judge, esteeming things fond by the event, and not looking of the cause.  every thing that went before, is commonly judged. Wherefore we have great need (O Athenians) to be careful of the rest hereafter, to the intent that by the amending of these things, we may wipe away the reproach of our former doings. For if we shall forsake these men (O Athenians) and that yonder man overthrow Olynthus, tell me some body what shall let him when that is done, 
They are to be defended with all care, whose destruction shall be their undoing, that are desired to help, if they do not send aid in tyme.  to run his course where he list? I beseech you (Athenians) is there none of you, that doth consider and see by what means, king Philip, who was of small force at the beginning, is now grown & become thus mighty & great? First when he had taken Amphipolis, after that Pidna, than Potidea, and by & by Methona, than he invaded Thessalia, after that when he had ordered Pheres, Pegase, Magnesia, and all as he would have it, he took his journey to Thracia: and there having displaced some out of their Kingdoms, and established others, he fell sick, and being somewhat amended, did not give himself to slothfulness, but by and by went in hand with the Olynthians. I will not speak of his journeys and exploits made upon the Illirians, Peonians, 
Illirians and Peonians people next adjoining to Macecedony, Italy, and Germanye.  and against king Arymba his Uncle and every where else.  
But some will say unto me, why tell you us this tale then? Marry (O Athenians) to the intent that you may know right well and understand both these things, first what inconvenience groweth of letting slip and neglecting always somewhat in every thing you do: 
Arymba king of the Molessians, and uncle to Olympiades', king Philip's w●fe, whom he did not forbear to molest, notwithstanding the alliance and kindred.  and next the careful painfulness that king Philip useth and practiseth in all his life towards all men, whereby it cannot be, that he contenting himself with things already done▪ will be at rest. Now if he shall continued in this mind still, that he must always be doing somewhat, whereby to advance his state, and if you on the other side be of this opinion that you must take nothing in hand valiantly: 
* Neglecting even of private causes, very dangerous to a state.  consider what end is to be hoped, that these things will come unto at length. Lord God, which of you all, is so void of understanding, that knoweth not that the wars will come from thence hither upon us, if we be careless. 
He that mindeth to conquer must be careful.  And if that come to pass, I fear me (O Athenians) lest that after the same sort as they who are ready to borrow upon great usury, 
Money borrowed upon usury bringeth misery, although for a time it seem pleasant.  have good store for a little while, but afterwards are feign to forego even that also which was anciently their own before: Even so shall we (if we shall appear to have paid dearly for our ease, seeking our pleasures in all things) be driven hereafter to make many hard shifts, 
For a short pleasure, long displeasure: repentance is the hire.  and be put in great hazard to loose even that, which we have here at home.  
Now to find fault, some will say peradventure, is 〈◊〉 easy matter, and a thing that every body can do, but to show what is needful to be done, upon these present matters: that is the part of a Counsellor. Well, I am not ignorant, that you oftentimes have been offended not with those that have deserved blame, but with those whose chance was to speak last of matters: 
Private loss must be sustained for common weals behoof.  if any thing do not fall out according to your mind. And yet I do not think it meet for mine own private safeguard, to suppress or hinder any thing that I judge is for your profit. Therefore, I say, touching these present affairs, you aught to provide for them by two manner of ways, both by keeping to the Olynthians their towns in safety, and sending them soldiers to do this: and also by annoying his Country with Galleys, 
Negligence in Magistrates a thing most dangerous to a state.  and an other band of soldiers beside. But if you neglect to do any one of these things, I fear me lest all your voyage beside will prove labour lost. For whether you do but spoil his Country, and he let you alone with that, till he shall have subdued Olynthus: then shall he at his return home, be avenged of you with ease: or whether you sand but an aid only to Olynthus, then will he seeing things at home out of danger, sit hard and fast by his matters: and in time will prevail against them, whom he besiegeth. Wherefore the aid had need to be great, and that in two places at once. And this is my opinion for aid.  
Now for provision of money. You have (O Athenians) money, you have so much as no men else have more, to employ upon the wars: but that do you take at your pleasure, whereas if you would restore the same to Soldiers, you should need no other levy beside, otherwise you shall have need, yea, and that very great need to. Why how now, saith one, do you 
* The custom in Athens was to have a Table hung up, containing the matter of their present assembly, and whereof the Orators spoke, and they that would have any thing to pass did subscribe their minds in the Table.  pass a decree to make this money to serve for pay of soldiers? no verily, not I But mine opinion is, that you must needs provide soldiers, and that this money is ordained for pay of Soldiers, and that there is one order which is even this, 
The common treasure was wont to be spent upon the common people, in making of feasts and setting forth of shows, games, & stage plays, and paying for the standings that the poorer sort had.  both for men to receive their duty, and to do their duty: whereas you nevertheless in this goodly manner without doing any thing, bestow this money, upon feasts & games. Therefore it remains (as I take it) that every man must make contribution of money, if much need, of much: if little need, of little: once money must needs be had whatsoever we do: and without 
* Money doth much, I will not say all.  money, nothing can be done at all, as it aught to be done. There be others that have other devices to get money, take that way you like best, and while occasion serves, go in hand with your business.  
And here it wear very needful for you to consider & weigh the matters in what case they stand now with king Philip. Neither iwis, as it seemeth and may be said by one that looketh but lightly upon his doings, goeth the world very gay with him: or yet in such sort, as wear best for him at this time. Neither would he ever have taken this war in hand in trust of his own strength: 
King Philip's force, made greater by common brute, than it is in deed.  had he thought he should have found a war of it in deed. But his hope was to conquer all, even at the very first push, without resistance: and is deceived now he hath done. And therefore this thing first of all doth vex him, and break his heart not a little: because things have fallen out quite contrary to his expectation.  
Moreover, the fickleness of the Thessalians, doth much trouble his mind, 
Thessalians unfaithful people, and full of treachery.  who have been always false and unfaithful against all men of their own nature: and even as they are, and have been to others: so are they now to him. And they are fully decreed among themselves to demand back Pegase of him, and have forbidden the walling of Magnesia. Yea, and I myself have heard it said of some, that they would let him no longer receive the profits of their Havens, and their Martes. For say they, it wear good reason that the common charges of the Thessalians aught to be borne therewithal, and not that king Philip should glean it, and intercept it for his own use. So that if he be put besides this money: his hired Soldiers shall quickly be brought to a very narrow straight for their victuals.  
Moreover it is most likely that the Peonians, and the Illirians, and generally all such other people, as devil there abouts: had rather still be free, and live under their own laws, than be in bondage of others. For they are a people unwoont to be subject to any: and 
* King Philip he meaneth.  yonder man as they say, is a very spiteful person, and before God he is none other like in deed to be. For prosperity exceeding a man's desert gives an occasion to them that be witless, 
Immoderate wealth causeth pride: pride bringeth hatred: hatred worketh rebellion: rebellion maketh an alteration & changeth kingdoms  to be evil disposed, and to overwéene of themselves. Wherefore it seems oftentimes a harder matter to keep goods: than it is to get them.  
Therefore you must (O Athenians) assuring yourselves that his evil season is your good season, go cheerfully in hand with these matters, both by sending forth Ambassadors to such places as shall be meet, and setting forth yourselves on warfare, 
That which the enemy would do to us when he might, we should not refuse to do unto him again, when we may.  and encouraging all others to do the same: considering with yourselves, that if king Philippe had the like occasion against us, and that the wars wear nigh to his country, how readily think you would he come upon us? And then are not you ashamed that you dare not do these things unto him upon this occasion and opportunity: which if he had the like ability, you might be assured to feel at his hands? Moreover, I would not have you ignorant of this (O Athenians) that it is in your own choice now, whither you will go fight with him in his own Country, or that he should come and fight with you at your own doors. 
Better offend than defend.  For if the Olynthians shall be able to hold their own, you shall fight with him there, and annoyed his Realm, and enjoy the fruits of this your own Country, without fear of any danger: 
Thebans will take part with the stronger.  but if king Philip should take their City, who shall let him then, to draw strait hither? The Thebans? be it spoken without bitterness, they will be ready to enter upon us with him. 
Phoceyans of small force.  But perhaps the phoceians? alas poor men, they are not able to keep their own, except you yourselves do secure them, or some body else. But good sir (saith one) King Philip will never come hither. 
Fond speech used lieth ●●●non simple souls.  Now surely this wear the greatest absurdity that ever was, if that thing which now he commonly talks and brags of, though all men counts him a mad man for his labour: he would not do the same if he might.  
Now how much odds there is whither you fight with him here, or in his own Country: I think it not worth the speaking: for wear you once driven to be in the Camp but one month only, and should have all things needful for the army out of your own Country: I say unto you that although none enemy appeared amongst us, your farmers, and husband men should sustain more loss and harm at home, than all the charges of the wars heretofore have amounted unto. 
At Amphipolis. Better to annoyed by offence than to stand at defence, and to begin war, than to withstand war.  Great then will be our harm, if we shall be fought withal here at home. Besides this, what a reproach will it be, and what a shame also for us to be bearded by our enemies, and breasted by them even at our own doors, the which blemish and rebuke unto wise men, is comparable to the greatest loss that may be. Wherefore, seeing all this is seen unto you: you aught altogether to ply your aid, and to advance the war from hence upon him. Those that be wealthy men to departed with some portion of their goods, to th'intent they may better keep the mass of their treasure, and gotten goods in more safety at home. As for young men what can they do more honourable for themselves, than getting experience of war within the bounds of King Philip's Country, return home like valiant and redoubted keepers of their natural soil and welfare. And the Orators for their parts to tender up a clear account of their doings in the common weal. For even as the world frameth with you, so are ye commonly wont to judge of their doings. Thus I pray God all may be well.   

The Argument upon the second Oration in favour of the Olynthians.  
AFter the Ambassadors of Olynthus had uttered their requests: the Athenians agreed unto them and appointed upon aid to be sent, but yet foreslowed somewhat their matters, for fear of king Philip's mightiness, and somewhat also because King Philip had some bearers in the town that thundered his power out amain, amongst the commons: whereby to discourage and quail their hearts from making war. Demosthenes' using great cunning to crack this his credit and the common digested opinion of him and his magnificence: first and foremost persuades them by this Argument, that all his puissance hath grown but by craft and subtlety, and therefore is of no continuance, nor yet to be weighed. Then how his own people be wasted with continual taxes and tallages, and therefore likely to seek means to disburdeine themselves thereof. Thirdly, that he is a man of naughty living, which thing though it be presently kept hid, through the flood of his prosperity: yet with time it will ebb and be discovered, and therefore the hearts of his own people must needs be alienated from him. And in this place he doth excellently paint out a tyrant in his colours: as one false to his confederates, cruel to his subjects, and dissolute of his own life: and by the way he showeth most gravely that the good behaviour of Princes hath great force to win, and to keep the good will of the common people, and commonly good luck followeth good doings: and as men's manners are, such is their prosperity. And lastly, he doth most wisely discourse of happiness and welfare, and saith, that where as many do think that wit and policy do maintain States, he affirmeth that all prosperity and assurance of wealth are the only gift of God, termed by him, good fortune. Without the which all good counsels (be they never so finely or cunningly devised) are nothing worth at all. Wherein he doth not exclude counsel and wisdom, but he wisheth that God and good hap should be our guide in all our actions. In the second part of his Oration he rebuketh their sloth and idleness, warning them to further their good fortune and happiness, with all painful diligence and industry that may be, and then he doubteth not but all shall be well.  
¶ The second Oration of Demosthenes in the favour of the distressed Olynthians.  
WHereas God hath in many other things most plainly showed his goodness towards us, he hath at this time most especially declared his great favour and mercy to this our Country. For seeing they are now at war with King Philippe that border upon him, being people of no small force, such as are resolved upon this amongst themselves by full consent and agreement (the which is the chiefest matter of all) that first the conditions and accords made with him are untrusty and nothing safe, nay rather such, as if they be received and allowed, they will utterly destroy them and their country for ever: it seemeth most evident that God of his goodness hath wrought this feat for our blessing and welfare. Now then, good it wear for us to look about us, that we loose not this occasion offered, 
Occasion is a commodity offered for a thing to be well done, and therefore not to be forslowed without great peril.  and so deserve worse of ourselves, than fortune offers unto us. For it were a reproach, yea a very foul reproach, to seem to let go not only the Cities and Towns that sometimes we wear Lords over, but also to abandon and refuse those war fellows, and occasions, that are by good fortune offered unto us. And here to discourse unto you what the force of king Philip is, the rather to encourage you to take this matter in hand: I do think it wear a speech needless to be used. And why? Because all such talk should turn to his honour, and to our shame. For the more things that he hath done above the opinion & dignity he was of, the greater honour shall be thought to be his, and the greater shame yours, that being of such force and renown, have done little or nothing thereafter. And therefore I will let these matters alone. For he that will truly consider the substance (O Athenians) shall found, that king Philip is grown great by our means, and not by his own. Therefore the things for the which king Philip's practitioners deserved thanks at his hands and punishment at yours: those I see now is no time to speak of. But such things as are without the counsel of those, and which be most for the profit of you all, to hear off, and such as shall appear to be very foul reproaches against him, to them that are disposed to try them out aright: those things do I mind to deal withal. And yet if one do call him a false man or a perjured person, not declaring what he hath done particularly: he might justly be thought an evil tongued body, and a vain railing fellow. But if a man wear disposed to rip up all that ever he did, and to charge him with every point thereof, 
King Philip's force what it is.  as it falls out: it should need but a short talk. And for two causes I think it good to be told: whereof the one is, (and that is very true too) that he may appear to all the world to be a naughty wicked man: and the other is, that they who are in a fear of Philip, as though he wear invincible, may see that all his sleights and crafty guiles, whereby he hath advanced himself to this greatness, are now spent and gone: and that all is now even at the very last cast with him. For I myself (O Athenians) would take Philip to be a very terrible and wonderful man, if I saw him thus come aloft, 
Good kings grown mighty are to be dread and feared.  by his good and just dealing: But when I well weigh, and consider with myself, I find that our own simplicity, even from the beginning (what time the Olynthians desirous to have had conference with us, were kept back, by certain that bore us in hand, how he would give up Amphipolis unto us, and bring to pass for us, that secret and close matter that they bragged upon among themselves) is the thing that brought him to this. 
Amphipolis. The secret and close matter was the delivering up of Potidia. Olynthians. Thessalians.  And after that, the friendship that he made with the Olynthians, by destroying Pydna, a town of ours, and wronging us, that were his war fellows before, of purpose to give it to them. And now last of all he did win the Thessalians to take part with him, promising unto them, the country of Magnesia, and to take war in hand for their sakes, against the phoceians, so that to conclude, he bleared the eyes of as many as had to do with him, through his craft and subtlety. And by these means he hath advanced his might and power, with abusing the simplicity of others, and entrapping them that know him not. And therefore even as he hath mounted the wheel by these sleights, when every one hoped that he should do somewhat for their profit: even so must he needs by the self same means descend again, when it shall be proved upon him, that he hath done all things for his own gain and lucre. Lo, thus stands the case, and doings of king Philip. Or if it be not so, let some come forth and show unto me, or to you rather, that these things are false, that I have said: or that those, who have been first deceived by him, will trust him hereafter. Or that the Thessalians now brought into bondage (far otherwise than they have deserved) will not desire to be at liberty again. It may be that some thinks all this to be true, 
Liberty sweet and desired of all men.  and yet the same man is thus persuaded, that king Philip is able by fine force to keep whatsoever he hath gotten, because he hath before hand got the Towns, Havens, Ports, and Fortresses into his own hands. But he that so saith, is much deceived in his opinion. For when things are grounded together upon good will, and that the same things are seen expedient, for all such as are partakers of the wars: then will men join their labours together, abide all smart, and tarry by it, till the end. But when a man hath got power and authority, by sleight and guileful means, as he hath done: every small occasion and light offence turneth all things upside down, and layeth it flat in the end.  
For that authority or might which is gotten by wrong doing, 
Things wrongfully gotten have none assurance.  by perjury, and by falsehood: can never by any possible means continued and endure: though I deny not but the same for a time may abide and tarry, and show a fair flourishing face because many are with vain hope carried away, but when time hath tried the truth, such falsehood faileth suddenly, and falleth straight to the ground. For in mine opinion, even as the foundation of houses, 
A similitude declaring that falsehood hath no continuance.  ships, or any other buildings, must be very strong made and sure: so aught all doings to have sound beginnings and perfit foundations to be grounded upon. But king Philip's attempts are clean contrary: and therefore I think it wear good for us all together to aid the Olynthians, he that will best and most speedily utter his mind in this behalf, him will I best allow of. I do think it good also an embassage wear sent to the Thessalians, partly to inform them of our readiness, and partly also to stir them to join with us. For they are already determined to demand back Pegasas, and to have a saying with him for Magnesia. But yet take ye good heed of this (O Athenians) that your Ambassadors carry not words only with them, 
Deeds▪ persuade more than words.  but that they have some deeds to show, that is, that your army is gone into the field accordingly, and that your affairs are already in hand.  

Show me the man and not the meat.  For why, words be but fond and vain when deeds be away, especially if they come from our Town. And the readier that we seem to be to use it, the more do all men mistrust us for it. But, and you desire to have any man to take part with you, you must let them see a great alteration in you against King Philippe, 
He that will needs stir affections in others, must first show the same passion in himself.  and perceive you most willing to contribute for these wars, to bring forth men and armour, and to do all things most promptly and readily, that are to be done. And if you will show your endeavour in this sort, as is meet for you to do, King Philip's confederates will not only break of from him, but you shall see also that his own subjects at home will faint and aware weary of him. For in effect the power and state of Macedon being joined with others, is no small piece of a help, as it appeared to be heretofore to us in Tymotheus time against the Olynthians, 
Tymotheus.  and to the Olynthians against Potydea, this conjunction & linking together with him seemed a great matter. 
Thessalians oppressed with the tyranny of one Alenus a noble man amongst them, whose children succeeded and used the same cruelty, being weary of such bondage, desired king Philipe aid to banish them the ste●e, who so doing received in gift for his labour the custom and tolle of all their merchandises & traffic.  And now presently he hath been an help to the Thessalians vexed and troubled with a civil war among themselves against a family of Tyrants, usurping upon them. And at a word, when a man hath an aid, whatsoever it be, annexed to his own: it helps very much. But the Macedonians of themselves are of small force, and marvelously weakened with many overthrows and adversities. For by all such means as men would guess him to be the greater by, that is to say, by wars, and martial affairs: he hath made the same more unsafe to himself, than they would be of their own nature. And think not with yourselves (O Athenians) that the same thing that liketh well King Philip, is any pleasure at all to his subjects. For he desires honour and glory above all reason, and longs altogether after that: neither will he refuse to hazard himself to any dangerous adventure, whereby to bring the things to pass, 
Diversity of disposition betwixt the prince and subjects breeds dissension, and causeth hatred often to ensue.  which never king of Macedon did before him: preferring glory before all quietness in the world. And as for his subjects, what part have they of his glory? but like men cloyed and tired with continual going up & down on warfare, live in continual trouble and misery. And neither are suffered to follow their own business, and devil upon their own, nor yet to dispose of those goods which they have gotten by such trade, as they could occupy themselves in: for that, that all the Ports and Havens in the Country are shut up by reason of the wars. And by this you may easily judge, 
Whom the people do not well brook, his state can not long stand,  how the common sort of the Macedonians are affected towards their king.  
But then his foreign soldiers, and guard of footmen that attend upon him, they bear a name to be jolly fellows and expert waryers. Well, I heard of one that was that countryman borne, a man that will not lie, that they are no better than others are. And whosoever is among them, a man of authority, & practised in wars, and martial feats, him, puts he away from him upon an ambitious mind of his own, as one that covets to have all things seem to be his own doings, (for amongst other faults that he hath) he is thought to be an excessive vain glorious and ambitious man. And if there be a sober person, 
King Philip's nature.  or otherwise an honest man amongst them, that can not away with his daily surfeiting, drunkenness, his 
* Cordacisinus, a filthy dance, used among the Grecians.  hoiting & reveling: he is straight way despised and nought set by, & as for the rest that are about him, they be a sight of thieves & flatterers, 
Naughty packs make evil men the more bold: and flatterers make fools the more fond.  and such fellows as when they are drunken, will fall to dancing and leaping, and such other things as I am ashamed to name unto you. And certain it is that this is true that I have touched. For why, such as have been chased by you out of the town, a sight of rakehells, worse than Conjurers or jugglers, as Callias that town slave, 
Callias.  and such like fellows, jesters, rhymers, & writers of filthy Ballads made against their Companions, as laughing stocks: those are his darlings, 
Such is every one, as the company is, that he keeps.  his chief Mates and Companions. And although some man will say that those are but light matters: yet unto wise men if they consider well upon them: they seem tokens of a lewd naughty mind, 

Whose doings are lewd, his life is in danger.  
Welfare covereth those vices that by adversity are discovered.   and are manifest signs of mischief like to tumble upon him. But peradventure his good success at this time keeps these things from coming to light, for prosperity is a thing of such force that it shrouds these reproachful demeanours of his: but trip he never so little awry, than every body falls a descanting, upon all that ever he did in his life. And so I believe (O Athenians) ere it be long, it will appear in him to the whole world, 
A similitude declaring that inward griefs do then break out in every country: when the wars are at home amongst them, and they fought withal at their own doors.  if God be willing, and you together. For as we do not feel in our bodies (so long as we be in health) the grief of any member diseased or evil affected, but as soon as sickness toucheth us, than all those parts are out of frame and temper, that before wear either broken, wrinched, or any otherwise diseased: even so it fareth with Countries, and Kingdoms, so long as they keep wars abroad: domestical wrongs and mischiefs lie unespied: But when wars breaks out once in their own Countries: than do all inward gaulles, and griefs bewray themselves. It may be that some perhaps will think it very dangerous for us to deal with king Philip, seeing him so fortunate a man, and to have so good success following him at his heels: 
He calleth it fortune in good part, and meaneth the grace of God that gives success to all our actions.  in deed that man that so thinketh doth think as any wise man would. For it is very true that fortune beareth great sway in all worldly affairs, yea, to say the truth, fortune rules all the world. And yet for all that, if the choice wear mine, I had rather have the fortune of our City (so you would once do your duties, wear that never so meanly) than to have all the happiness that king Philip hath. For why, I see you have many more offers and occasions to receive gods benefits than he hath, 
God's goodness worketh all in all.  which are plain tokens of the great goodness of God towards us. But I trow we sit still at our ease, and do nothing at all. And how then is it possible that he that is idle himself, should command his friends to do any thing for him? much less the Gods. It is no marvel therefore, if king Philip that is always in armour, always taking of pains in his own person, ready at all exploits, and such a one as will not slip any occasion or hour of his time: doth overreach you, who spend all your time in lingering, 
The painful man beareth away the garland.  in making of decrees, and in questioning one with another. For my part I marvel never a whit at this: 
The creeping and slow Crab, can never out go the swift and wight Hare.  nay rather would I marvel, if we by doing nothing, that is fit for men of war to do: should go beyond him, that doth all things that he needs to do. But this thing can I marvel much at, to see that in times past (O Athenians) you withstood the Lacedæmonians in the right of Greece, when being oft-times in case to have advanced your own estate very much: you would none of it, but spent of your own for the maintenance of other men's right, aswell in contributing your money thereunto, as also in venturing your own persons in the wars. And now when you should set forward, for defence of your own possessions: you draw back, and are loath to disburse any thing at all. And you that have heretofore been the safety of all men in general, and every man in particular: now when your own goods and welfare is taken from you, ye sit still and do nothing. Moreover, I marvel much at this (O Athenians) that not so much as one of you all can reckon with himself what a long time you have had war with King Philip: and what a goodyeare you wear doing, all the while that this time was a spending? For iwis you know this very well, that whilst you hover and hope that others will fight for us: and whilst you accuse & condemn one another, and lastly, whilst all that ere you do, is a manner all after the same sort still, as your old wont was, the time runs away. Have you so little judgement in deed, 
Things lo●● by much lethernesse, must be recovered again by gre●● diligence, according to the proverb. Of contraries there is one, & the self same doctrine.  that by such means as you see our country fallen from great wealth to a weaker state: you would think it likely by the same means to turn again from a bad state to a better being? Now surely this is against all reason, and nature so to think. For by nature it is a more easy matter for a man that hath a thing to keep it still, than it is to get it unhad: howbeit by this time the war hath left nothing for us to keep that was ours before, but we must be fain to get it a fresh: & that belongs to you, to do. Wherefore I say unto you, you must every man bring in his money, and go forth lustily yourselves, and accusing no man before you had brought all your matters to pass, and than when it is done, you shall do well to sit in judgement, 
As rewards are necessary for well doers: so chastisement is meet for offenders.  to reward the praise worthy, and punish the offenders: laying aside all excuses, and quarrelling one with another. Neither is it fit to search other men's doings over curiously, or rigorously unless we first endeavour ourselves above all others to do that which we aught to do. 
He that will blame an other man, must first be blameless himself, in the self same matter, that he blameth others.  For I pray you what is the cause that all the Captains whom you sand forth, do eschew these our wars, and had rather seek wars of their own in other places? Marry if a man must needs say as it is, and speak truth, of the Captains, is it not because that here with us the rewards and booties of the war are yours? For and Amphipolis should be taken, would not you seize it to yourselves by & by? and so the Captains should abide all the peril, and have no part of the reward at all, 
Rewards due for pains taking.  whereas any where else the danger should be less, and the gains much greater to the Captains and Soldiers: As was to be seen at Lampsacus & Sygeum by the number of the sails that they had the spoil of: 
Mercenary strangers serve chief there for gain, where it is most to be had  So that every man goes where as he ran make his most advantage. But you, so soon as you see things go evil favouredly forward with you, you have your Captains in suit by and by. And when they have given up their reckoning, and you have heard their necessity: you dismiss them straight out of the Court: And so you remain still brabbling and falling out among yourselves, some holding one opinion, and some another. And in the mean season the common weal tarries still at an evil stay. 
In every ward of Athens, was 300. compeers, whom the Orator abused, aswell in levying of money, as appointing offices.  For heretofore (O Athenians) you levied your money by Wards and companies, whereas now you bear office and rule by Wards. The Orator, he rules both, & under him the grand captain, and the three hundred to assist him, and the rest of you be divided, some on one side, some on the other. Therefore I pray you setting these brawls aside, and calling better minds to you: make it free for every man, 
Liberty of speech necessary for the Country's welfare.  to say his mind, to give his counsel, and to do his part. for if you will give some men leave like Tyrants to command you, & to enforce some to serve in Galleys, to contribute, to go in proper person to these wars: and other some to do nothing, but make decrees, and orders, against them, and not put their hands to any thing themselves: why than, you shall never have any thing well done, or in good time as it aught to be. For the party wronged, will always fail when you shall have need. And so shall you be feign to punish them in steed of enemies. And therefore to conclude, I think it good that you all do contribute money according to your wealth and ability, and that every man go forth in his course till you have been all at the wars, and that all men may have liberty to speak their fantasies in this place, that when all have said their minds, you may pick out the best of all, and leave the worst, and not be addicted to that which this man or that man hath said. Thus doing, you shall not only praise the Orator for his ready counsel at the time present: but you shall hereafter also rejoice and ken yourselves thank, when you shall see your country in better case than now it is.   

The Argument upon the third Oration in favour of the Olynthians.  
THe Athenians having sent aid to Olynthus, did somewhat repress and hinder king Philip's doings. Whereupon the people wear marvelous glad and thought they needed not now to deal any further for helping the Olynthians. And so they slacked to contribute money, or to send supplies, as though they had no more to do. And some there was that thought it good policy to call back the army from Olynthus, to go straight to Macedon to vex king Philip in his own Country. Whereupon Demosthenes seeing what peril remained to the afflicted Olynthians if they wear not thoroughly aided: stepped forth and rebuked the fond joy and vain pride of his Countrymen for so small cause, and willed them to use more temperateness and waryer dealings, and not to look only how to be revenged of king Philip, but how they might best help their friends and allies according as they had promised: and to contribute more bountifully, and to abrogate the former law of the Theatre money, and now to employ it upon Soldiers and men of war. And here he showeth how necessary it is to cut king Philip short, lest he wax so great hereafter that they shall not be able to deal with him. And altogether he calleth upon them to follow the example of their elders, and to go to the wars in their own persons, and rebuketh the inconstancy and folly of the common people that thinks so soon as any good fortune cometh towards them, or that they have never so little advantage of their enemy: that then all is their own, and that they need not to travail any farther. And with the people he blameth the Orators and Counsellors, that seeks only to serve the people's humour, and so to mar all thereby in the end. In the third part of his Oration, he setteth forth a pattern or shape of a good governed common weal, showing what the people should do abroad, what at home, and how every man should privately use himself, and how dangerous persons in the common weal are those wicked Counsellors and licentious people that will follow their own fancy, and have their own will in all things. And therefore he chideth sharply not only the people, but also the Magistrates that have no better eye nor care to the prosperous estate and welfare of their Country.  
¶ The third Oration in favour of the Olynthians.  
I Cannot be of the same mind, 
Words and deeds should be all one.  (O Athenians) when I look upon men's doings, that I am of when I regard the talk which I hear. For the talk is altogether how to be revenged of king Philip, but their doings are come to that point, that we had need to look to ourselves, for fear we be prevented with some evil persuasion before hand. For they that tell you those tales, me thinks they do evil in this point, that they seek to put new matters into your head, to remove you from that you are minded unto already. But I know very well the time was, when both we might have kept our own safely, and have been revenged of king Philip also. For even in my time not long ago, we might have done them both. But now I am fully persuaded, 
After the afflicted confederates are first holpen, we may in the neck thereof seek revengement of our enemy, and devise his annoyance, and not before.  that it is enough for us, if to begin withal, we fall in hand to preserve our confederates: whose safeguard when we have well assured: then may we devise how to be revenged of him. But before ye resolve and determine what to do, at the beginning: I think it folly to talk any thing of the end. And therefore (O Athenians) if ever ye had need to take heed to yourselves, and to be well advised: even now is the time. Neither do I think that the hardest point, how to advise you, 
Happy is he that can take his tyme.  what you have to do at this time: but this is all my doubt, after what manner (O Athenians) I might frame my talk unto you. For I am persuaded by those things, that I understand aswell by mine own hearing, as by that I have been present at myself: that most advantages have over passed you, not for want of understanding, 
Rather negligence than ignorance, hath h●●t the Grecians.  but for lack of good will, to do your duties. And I shall require you, if I speak boldly unto you, to bear with me: and to consider that I speak truth, to the intent that such things hereafter may be amended. For ye see how through the flattering speeches of some Orators, we wear almost quite undone. And I think it wear very necessary to rip up part of the matter, and bring to your memory things past, that have heretofore happened. And ye be remembered (O Athenians) it was reported here about three or four years past that king Philip in Thracia laid siege to a Fort, or piece, called the Castle of juno: and it was then just the month of October. And after much talk and great ado here about the matter: ye decreed at last, to make out forty Galleys, and to point into them such as were under xlv years of age. 
Ten thousand eight hundred pound starling.  And to levy threescore talents for the charges. And after that when all that year was spent: and june, julie, and August passed with much a do, at the length in this month after the festivals of Ceres wear solemnized: ye sent me forth Charidemus with a ten empty vessels and a five talents of silver. For when the rumour ran that king Philip was sick and dead too: 
Nine hundred pounds starling.  (for both wear reported) ye thought it then no time to send any aid at all, 
It is good dealing with the en●mi● when he is most weak, and at the worst.  and so discharged the navy. And yet even then, was the very time in deed, that you should have done good to yourselves, and to have annoyed king Philip. For had we then dispatched an aid from hence, (as it was carefully decreed) King Philip being then recovered, should not have been able to have done us any harm. Howbeit that which is done, 
Occasion to be taken now, or never.  can not be undone. But now we have new occasions given unto us, to begin wars a fresh: and therefore I thought good to put you in remembrance of your doings heretofore, that you smart not through slackness in like sort as you have done. And how shall we use this occasion? for certainly if you sand not aid, with all your possible force: you shall see how yourselves shall have entered these wars for the benefit of king Philippe.  
The Olynthians they had gotten a certain force together and the state of things stood so, that neither king Philip durst deal with them, nor they with king Philip. Now have we, and they, made peace together. And this was a great block, and a difficult matter in king Philip's way that so great a City as this is, being confederated with us, should always when his time served to do any thing: lie in the gap for him. And howsoever it was, we thought good, to set out men of war against him. And the thing that men talked of so much, but even erewhile: the same is now come to pass, by such hap as it is. What then have we else to do (O Athenians) but cheerfully and stoutly to aid them? Marry nothing that I see. 
Besides dishonour, there is fear of danger hereafter if aid be not sent presently for that the Thebans are very like to fall from them, and that the phoceians are very poor and needy.  For besides the shame that waits upon us, if we foreslow any part of our business: I see we have no small occasion, to dread the falling out of things hereafter: especially now that the Thebans bear us the stomach, that you see they do: and that the phoceians be utterly out of money: and that there is none to stop king Philip, (after he hath once overthrown them, whom he is now in hand withal) to bend himself to the affairs this way. But whosoever he be, that delays to do things till that time come: that fellow is disposed to see sore matters hard at his nose, 
Gentlemen eschew evil for shame: the common people for fear of harm.  when he might well enough have heard of them farther of: and then be feign to seek help at other men's hands, whereas he himself, by this time, might have been an aid to others. And surely that the end will be, that, he will set upon us (if we let slip this present occasion) almost every man sees it by this tyme.  
But peradventure some will say, it is a needful thing to give aid, and we be all determined upon it, & minded to do it: but how we should do it, tell you us that. And you shall not (O Athenians) marvel much at it, if I shall speak something contrary to the opinion of a great many. Appoint lawmakers, but among these lawmakers, see you make no new laws (for we have enough of them already: but such as hinder our present estate, see you do repeal. 
Evil laws are to be abrogated, that hinder good proceedings.  Yea those laws I mean flatly, that are made for the maintenance of stage plays & some other of those also, that be made for men to go on warfare, some of which laws, do apportion that money, that belongs to soldiers, to be divided in shows, and stage expenses, amongst them that tarry at home. Othersome again, provide for the indemnity of those that forsake their array in the field, & by that means do the more discourage them, that otherwise would do their endeavours. And then when you have repealed these laws, and have made a safe way for all men to say their consciences: then a God's name seek ye out some one, to underwrite and enact all that, 
Those that sought to repeal laws among the Grecians by decree written and recorded in a table, suffered smart for their attempt, if they wear not able to prove their assertion to be for the Country's welfare.  which all ye know to be profitable. And before this be done, never look that any man will speak the best for you, and then perish by your means for his labour: not, you shall never found him, especially when there shall be nothing got by that means, but that he that speaketh, and enacteth these things, shall be sure to have some hurt himself, and yet further your business never a whit by it. And besides that, it shall make him much more fearful to utter any good advice hereafter, than he is at this present. And it wear requisite (O Athenians) that the very self same men, that did make the laws: should also repeal them. For why, 
The law maker and none other should abrogate his own decree, and law established.  it wear no reason that thanks should be their reward, that made those laws, whereby the whole common weal than was endamaged: and on the other side, that those who have spoken things for the behoof of our City, and the thing that might be for the profit of us all: should be punished with your displeasure and hatred. And before these things be brought into better order: never look for it (O Athenians) that there should be any such one among you so great, as should not be punished for his labour, if he transgressed these laws: nor yet so foolish, that will put his neck into the halter, 
Laws not executed, are of no value: and as good not made, as not practised.  when he may keep it out. And surely you must not be ignorant of this point (O Athenians) that a decree is nothing worth, unless you have as good will to keep it, as you were ready to make it. For wear decrees sufficient of themselves, to compel you either to do your duties, or to perform the thing that is set forth in them: then should neither you, who have made so many decrees, put so few, or rather none of them, in execution: nor yet king Philip should have wronged us so long, as he hath done. For there was no let in our laws and decrees, but that he should have smarted, 
Execution of laws a higher thing in nature than is the devising, or bore reporting of them.  long ere this time. But the matter is clean otherwise: for why, although doings by order and decree, follow after speaking, and passing of their matters, by holding up of hands: yet in power it goes before, and is a much more worthy thing. And therefore this is it that we have to do yet: the rest is done already. For why, there are enough among you (O Athenians) that can say, as is fit for men to say, and you yourselves are as quick witted to judge of things said, as any others. And even very now may you put them in execution, if you do well. For I pray you what time, or what occasion, 
Occasion offered never better, and therefore not to be foreslowed.  can you found better than this present season? or when will ye ever do, that ye have to do, if now ye will not? hath not 
* king Philip he meaneth.  the man got all your countries into his hand already? but if he get the Lordship of this land of Olynthus also: it will be the greatest shame that ever came unto us. Are not those now troubled by him with war, whom we promised to defend stoutly, if he did war upon them? is not he an enemy? holds he not your countries and goods? is not he a barbarous and outlandish Prince? is he not whatsoever a man list to call him? But Lord God if we shall let all these things unlooked to, and rather be a help in a manner for him: 
Better for every man to amend one, and to do his duty: than every one to seek faults in others, without mending his own.  shall we then fall to seek out who wear the authors of all these matters, so evil handled? And yet we will not accuse ourselves I am well assured. Not more will they that for fear run away from the wars, accuse themselves: but rather will always lay the fault in the captain, and him that stands next them, yea, and upon any body than upon himself. And yet for all that, 
Every one shifteth to excuse his own doings and rather posteth faults over to others, than takes them upon him, to bear the blame himself.  was their running away the very cause, that they wear overcome in the field. For he that accused others, might have tarried the battle himself. Which if every one of them had done: they might have got the victory. And so now perhaps if some one doth not give the best council, let some other stand up, and say his mind, and not found fault with him that spoke before. Is there any man can tell you better? do it a God's name. But peradventure this my speech is somewhat unsavoury unto you. Well, for all that, he doth you no wrong that tells it you, except peradventure he omittes prayer, if haply it needed to Godwardes. For in deed (O Athenians) to wish and to pray unto God is an easy matter, 
Public prayer and supplication used to Godwardes.  where a man may truss up in a small room, as much as he list. But when matters are brought in counsel to be debated upon, then is not the choice so plentiful, but the better is to be preferred before the more pleasant, where a man may have both.  
But what if one could let you alone with the stage money, and yet found out other means, to get money for soldiers? wear not he a better fellow, would some man say? Yes marry wear he (O Athenians) if there were any such man to be found. But I wonder how ever it was, or ever shall be, that if one do spend money which he hath upon things unnecessary: how he can get money, which he hath not: to bestow and employ upon things necessary. But in these cases it is a great matter how men's minds are inclined, and it is the easiest matter in the world, 
Not as men would, but as men may, and as the nature of things do require, so should they deal.  for a man to deceive himself in his own opinion. For every one judgeth as his own fancy and affection carrieth him, where as the nature of things is far otherwise. And therefore I would wish that ye considered these things, as the nature and condition of them requireth. So shall you be able to go to the wars, and receive your wages. Neither is it the property of a wise man, nor yet of a Gentleman, to omit any thing that is to be done in time of war, for want of money: either to put up lightly such foul rebukes as these be. And what a shame were it for you, in all the haste to war with the Corynthians, and the Megareyans, being all Grecians: and in the mean season to suffer King Philip being a stranger and a Barbarian to subdue the towns of Greece unto himself for want of provision for soldiers? neither do I speak these things to get your evil will thereby. I am not so much without wit, and so void of grace, that I would willingly procure myself your displeasure, and then do no good neither. 
A good subject preferreth the welfare of his Country, before all other things.  But I think it the part of a good Citizen when he shall say his mind, to regard more the welfare of his country: than to curry favel with the people. For so have I heard say, and perhaps so have you also, that your Councillors in the time of our Ancestors (whom all your Orators now do much praise and esteem, and do yet but a little follow them) did use themselves after this plain manner and custom, when they had to deal in matters of the state: 
Aristides. Nicias. Demosthenes. Pericles.  that is to say, Aristides that jolly fellow, Nicias, and he that was called by my name Demosthenes, and also Pericles. But since these good fellows came forth, that will be first ask, what will you have with us? what will you have me enact? 
Flatterers, people most dangerous to a common weal:  wherein may I speak to please you? for a desire that they have to pick thanks, and for a transitory pleasure and liking at your hands: they have drenched the whole welfare of the City. And this is even come of it, they themselves speed well by it, and are in very good case: but as for our country, it is in very evil state. For I pray you way with yourselves (O Athenians) what great and principal points a man might speak of, and how far different the doings of our Ancestors wear from those of this time? I will recite them to you in few words, and that which is notorious. For you may be a fortunate and a happy Nation, not by using of foreign and strange acts, but of domestical and home examples. 
* A comparison betwixt those that wear, and those that are: and what odds there is betwixt the one and the other.  Those men therefore whom the Orators did not so flatter nor fawn upon, as these men do upon you: had the chiefty and principality over all the Grecians, with their good liking and consent, by the space of .45. years, and they laid up in the Treasure house more than .10000. talents. 
* One Million eight hundred thousand pounds starling. Perdicca king of Macedon paid tribute to Athens.  Yea, the king himself that then ruled this same country, that he now holdeth: was subject to the Grecians, (as fit it is for a barbarous and outlandish king, to be subject to the Greeks) and erected many a goodly triumph of their deeds done both by sea, and by land. And they amongst all other people, did leave such fame and honour behind them: as overcame all envy of man. Thus did these men behave themselves in defence of the Greeks.  
But in matters of the City, I 
* Old councillors what they wear among the greeks.  pray you mark how they ordered things both in public and private dealings? As to public buildings they left behind them such gorgeous Temples, and so great store of relics, and offerings in the same: that none coming after them, could be able to exceed them, 
* Zerxes saddle dedicated to Minerva for his victory had at Salamina. Mardonius Semiterra, or fawchen hung up in the temple in honour of his victory had against the Plateians. The temperance of two governors, Aristides, and Miltiades. Magistrates what they should be.  for their worthiness signified by their insignes.  
In their private doings, they wear so temperate, and kept so well the good orders of the City, that if any of you knew which was the house of Aristides and Miltiades, and of the famous men's houses of that time what they wear: you should see them to be nothing more gorgeous: than wear their poor neighbour's houses about them. For why, they wear not officers in the common weal to enrich themselves by it: but to advance the honour and state of their country. And thus, with 
* Old Councillors in Grece 1 Faithful to their country, 2. Devout towards God. 3. Upright and just as a beam towards all.  behaving them in the affairs and service of Greece faithfully: in matters of religion towards god, devoutly: and in private trades and dealings evenly and uprightly with all men: they well deserved to make themselves happy and fortunate men. Thus flourishing was the state of the common weal as long as these men bore rule, whom I have named before.  

When flatterers bears rule, all things comes to nought.  But now that these smooth & meal mouthed fellows a God's name, are come to bear rule, how go your matters forward I pray you? What? aswell as they did afore time? or any thing like unto it at all? As for other things, I let them pass though in deed much wear to be said. But notwithstanding that many, while this waste & desertnes round about us, being so great as you see it is: & that the Lacedæmonians decayed, the Thebans not at leisure, and that there is no body else left worthy enough to contend with us for the principality: we might well enough both keep our own in safety, & end the matters of controversy amongst others. Yet for all that I say, we have not in this mean while so much as defended our own, but have lost rather part thereof: and we have spent more than .1500. 
* Two hundred seventy thousand pound starling.  Talents to no purpose at all: and such confederates as we got us in time of war, we lost them again in time of peace, through the fault of these our Orators: and have made our enemy most mighty and strong against us: Yea, we only and none other have raised king Philip's strength to this that it is. And this be not true, let me see him come forth, that can show me how king Philip is become so mighty by any other means, than by yours only? 
Trifles and vanities highly set forth, in stead of weighty affairs. Magistrates and governors who they be▪ that are to be misliked, & wherefore. Demades, Phryno, Eubulus, Philocrates, noted to be the evil and corrupt Orators. The causes of corrupt government.  But O good sir, though things be not well abroad: yet all is well at home, and better than ever it was, and what should you tell me of a sight of whited turrets, and pinnacles, of paving of high ways and streets, of fountains and such like toys? Nay then I pray you look upon them, that had the charge and ordering of these matters: you shall see some of them that were very beggars before, are now waxed marvelous rich men: others, being meanly borne men, are made noble & honourable personages: some you shall see to have their own houses more gorgeously furnished, than are the public buildings of the City. So that the lesser and worse the estate of the common wealth is: the more are they advanced and increased. And what is the cause of all these things? And why wear all these things so well in those days, and now nothing at all well done at this day? Forsooth that's this: because that afore time the Commons both had the stomach to go a warfare themselves: and were also themselves masters over the Magistrates, and Lords of all things that good were: than was every man contented to take office and authority of the Commons, and to receive any good thing else at their hands. Where as now it is clean contrary, for the Magistrates and governors have all in their own hands, and through them, all things are done: and you that be the Commons like men soaken to the very bottom, destitute of money, and war fellows: 
He meaneth the Orators.  are become very underlings and hangers on upon them: and think it pleasure enough if their Masterships' can be contented to impart unto you some small portion of the stage money, or cast a few harlotry pence among you, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a small piece of money having the print upon it, of a small bullock, in value two pence, and somewhat more.  and (that which is most unfitting that can be to man) ye bring yourself in danger for a Pig of your own Sow. And they in the mean season keeping you fast locked up within the City: work such masteries with you, and make you so tame, that you are contented to come to their hands, and to be at their beck. And surely that man shall never be found to have a valiant & lusty courage of his own: that is of so base & abject doings. For why, 
Such is the man and his manners, as his delight and study is.  like as a man accustoms and trades himself: such must his courage and mind, needs be. And in speaking hereof, I swear by our Lady mother, I marvel never a whit, if I receive more hurt for speaking of this matter, than they did, 
He meaneth Ceres who was feigned to be the Goddess of corn, because she first taught the manner of manuring and turning up the earth to cast corn therein. By diligence and pains taking: all may be amended that is amiss.  that wear the doers of it. For a man may not always be bold to speak his mind before you in every thing: yea rather I marvel to see you give me such quiet hearing as you do, at this time. And therefore let me now at length entreat you to leave of these conditions, and to go forth on warfare yourselves, and to do all things as becometh you, using this overplus of money you have at home, for an instrument to do things well abroad withal: and in so doing it is not unpossible, and it may be well enough (O Athenians) that you shall get some singular great profit by it. And make no more a do with these petty trifling games of the stage plays, which are matters not much unlike to meats that Physicians give to sick folk, 
An apt similitude to persuade that the stage money should be employed upon the wars.  which neither gives strength to their bodies, nor yet suffers them to die: Even so these sums of money that you do now distribute, are neither so great that they can bring you any notable profit: neither yet will let you occupy yourselves in any thing else: but are rather nourishmentes of the litherness and sloth that you all wallow in. Why then, 
Every man bound to advance for his part the welfare of his country.  will one say, will you have it serve for waging of men? In deed I say so, and withal I would that one certain order wear taken for every man to have his part of the common money, and show himself ready to do good service when the City shall have need. Is it so with us, that we may be at rest if we list? In deed than I must needs say he is in better case that tarries at home, so he wear quit from the necessity of doing any wicked thing through lack and need. And when ever chanced the like as it doth now? He that will have the gain of that same money, let him serve for a soldier to, as reason good, in the quarrel 〈◊〉 Country. Is their any of you above the age of a Soldier? Why, look what so ever he received besides order, and did no good for it: let him now take the same by equal order, overseeing and directing things as need shall be. To conclude, I have neither added nor diminished things, saving in a very little, but have taken away the misorder, and brought the City into that order, as that men may receive wages, go on warfare, sit in judgement, and do whatsoever every man's own age, and the time shall require. Neither in making of this order did I ever say that this money aught to be bestowed upon them that would do nothing: 
The idle should not reap the fruit of the painful.  and that such as they are should both live idly and loiter and beg too, and stand a prating and questioning, what a goodly victory, what should I call his Soldiers have gotten. 
He misliketh that hired soldiers & strangers should do great things for them, and they to do nothing for themselves.  For thus is their doings now a days. And yet I speak not this to the reproach of them whatsoever they be: that do any good service. But I would require you all, yourselves to do those things for yourselves, for which you do esteem and honour others: neither to serve a whit from that your rank and place of virtue (O Athenians) which your Ancestors by many and great dangers having attained unto, did leave unto you. Thus have I said almost all that (as I suppose) may be for your good. God grant you to choose out that, which shall be best for the profit of the City, and welfare of you all.   

The Argument of the first Oration against king Philip of Macedon.  
AFter that the people of Athens had the worse in battle, against king Philip, they assembled themselves in counsel as men altogether amazed and out of heart. Whereupon Demosthenes willeth them to be of good courage, and not to stand in despair of themselves, saying: that it is no marvel if they had the worse that wear so careless, and so negligent in their own doings. And therefore he exhorteth them to be more diligent hereafter and earnestly to give their minds to the defence of their country's liberty and the daunting of king Philip's force.  
In the second part he warneth them to address two armies, the one, and that the greater of Citizens that shall always be in a readiness for the necessary affairs of the City: the other somewhat less, to be of foreigners and hired Soldiers, among whom the Citizens to be intermingled. And these mercenary strangers he would not have to abide in Athens, nor yet to go forth into other countries for succouring others against king Philip: but he would that they went forth to spoil and waste about the borders of Macedon: and to keep them still occupied there, with skirmishes and bickerings, for fear lest king Philip should come upon them in the winter time, and take the advantage when the wind lieth in the North east, which because it was customable to come at a certain season of the year, therefore it was called of them Etesie, and as it should seem, it lay so upon the havens of the Athenians countries, that their navy could not put out from land, to help those that wear distressed by him: and so in their absence he might make some great enterprise and attempt a conquest: where, as having their army in a readiness, they shall be always able to beard him, and withstand his force from time to time.  
In the third part he is earnest again with them, and both wisely rebuketh, and gravely exhorteth them to look well to their own affairs, and hereupon he useth very excellent similitudes, whereby he showeth that all occasions and advantages possible should be taken: and that men should never depend upon casualties, and that it is the greatest fondness in the world to follow occasions already escaped, as who should say, there wear hope to call again yesterday.  
¶ The first Oration against king Philip of Macedon.  
IF any new thing had been appointed and propounded to be talked upon (O Athenians) I would have forborn till most of them that are wont to speak first, 
The elders and most ancient wear wont to speak first.  had said their minds: and then, if any thing had liked me that they had said, I would have holden myself fully contented therewith: whereas otherwise, I would have endeavoured to have given mine opinion also. But for as much as, it falleth out that those matters are now to be entreated upon, that have been oft-times heretofore ripped up and examined by them, I do think that I may justly be holden excused, although I have stood up before others to speak my mind unto you. For truly had they so spoken when time was, and given such counsel as was fit for them to do, you should not now have needed to sit in counsel again, upon these matters. 
When things are in extremity, it is good to be of good cheer, and rather lustily to amend that in amiss: than cowardly to faint, and be in despair of all.  And therefore to begin withal: you need not (O Athenians) to be greatly discouraged with the present state of things, though they seem to run very much amiss. For why, those which have hurted us most in our matters heretofore, the self same hereafter shall do us most good. And what is that? Marry that it is the negligence and careless doings of yourselves that have made all things to go awry hitherto, whereas if you, 
Negligence, and want of care: do cause much wo.  doing your best endeavour (your state for all that had been never the better) than might you well have been out of hope, of any recovery or amendment at all. Again, you may consider as well by hearsay of others, as by your own remembrance and knowledge, 
He stirreth the Athenians to be doing, by example of their ancient prows achieved against the Lacedæmonians.  what a mighty army the Lacedæmonians have had in times past, and that not long ago against you, and yet how trimly and how worthily you behaved yourselves (as well beseemed for the honour of your country) in holding out & maintaining war in a rightful quarrel. To what end speak I this unto you? Marry that you (O Athenians) may both see and very well perceive thus much that neither as long as you list to be circumspect and take heed to things, you shall need to fear any thing at all. Neither yet as long as you continued without regard or care of things: that ever you shall compass any such matter as you look for. And for example hereof, you have aswell the might of the Lacedæmonians in those days, whom you vanquished well enough through your watchful and diligent looking about you: as now, you may learn by this, his present spightfulness towards us at this time, that brings us to all this ado and trouble, and all through our own negligence who have not that regard to things that we aught to have.  
But, if any of you (O Athenians) do think it an hard matter to vanquish King Philip considering his present great force and strength, and the loss of all this that he hath taken from us, that same man although he hath reason so to think: yet I would he weighed this also with himself, and remembered that we too (O Athenians) have had in possession Pydna, 
Pidna a City in Macedon. Potidea a town in Thracia.  Potidea, Methona, and all the Countries and people round about in our own hands: and that many other Countries, now under his obeisance, wear sometimes free, and had rather a great deal confederate themselves with us, 
Methona, now called Modon a town in Achaia.  than with him. And had king Philip been of that mind to think it so hard a matter with himself and so dangerous, to war with the Athenians having their country so well fortified, and he himself being then at league with no others about him: now surely than he would neither have enterprised any such thing as he hath done, neither yet should he ever have attained to be so mighty as he is.  

Countries and states are the rewards of valiant and courageous personages.  But in deed (O Athenians) he knoweth it full well, that all such places as those, are booties of war, and prays laid open for him that can first catch them. For by nature it is so ordained that those who are always following and plying their matters, shall seize and get the possessions of them that leave their business always undone: 
God and nature do set all things to sale for labour.  and those that will travail and take pains, shall enjoy the goods of the idle and slothful. And thus king Philip carrying wisely this judgement with him, hath both gotten all into his hands and keeps them still, some of them with such garnisons, as towns gotten upon the enemy are wont to be kept: some others again, he admits into a league and friendship with him. For in deed every man will be glad to join in league, and lean, and take part willingly with them: whom they see to be well provided for the matter, and to have a will to execute things as are fit to be done. Wherefore (O Athenians) if you in like sort will now pluck up your hearts (which seem to have been dead in you heretofore) and every one bend himself to do his duty, in all things, that he is able to show his country any service in, without dalliance and in good sadness: that is to say, those that have money, will contribute and give of their goods and substance frankly: those that are young and lusty to make themselves ready for the wars, and to speak all at one word, if you will all of you, be your own men, and masters of your own, and leave of this doing of nothing, in hope that others shall do all things for you: you shall than by God's grace both get all your possessions again, and receive such things into your hands, as have been lost heretofore through negligence, and also shall revenge yourselves of him well enough.  
Neither would I have you to think (O Athenians) that his present state and good hap is so firm and so immortal, as though he wear a God, 
King Philip's state both fickle and weak.  and as though all things went with him as he would wish: but iwis there are some that hate him, some that flare him (O Athenians) and some that envy him to: yea, even of those that bear him best countenance: and all those things, that are in divers other men, the same may be thought to be in his familiars also. Albeit, all these matters are now whist and kept in, because they have no body to betake themselves unto for succour: seeing you so slow and so faint hearted as you be. And that is the thing I say unto you, that I would wish you to shake off from you, and show yourselves like men without more a do. I pray you (O Athenians) mark well the matter, behold what an insolency and unwoontnesse the man is grown unto, that doth not so much as give you choice to advice yourselves, 
King Philip he meaneth.  either to be at war with him or to be at rest: but menaceth you, and (as the common voice goeth) he threatens you with proud and high words, as one not contenting himself to keep that which already he hath gotten, but as one always encroaching, and shooting at farther matter in his mind, and labouring to hem you in, and bar you up round about, 
The idle man is soon taken tardy.  that you should never be able to stir a foot out of doors, that lie thus lingering and clawing your elbows after this sort doing nothing.  
But when I pray you (O Athenians) will you do your endeavours? when will you take care of the common wealth? what? then, 
Never more need to be doing then now.  when any great need shall be? what? when I trust very necessity shall enforce you to it? why, what shall we think of that that is now presently done? In good sooth I do think, that the dishonour which we sustain for our evil and unordered doings: is the greatest necessity that can be to any free man. 
Necessity.  Shall this be the fashion of you? will you still continued walking up and down in the palace yard, 
Common askers of news, are no better than common prattlers.  and common assemblies, ask of news one of another? I pray you, can there be told any greater, or stranger news, than, that a man of Macedon one of a barbarous nation, dares take in hand to subdue the Athenians, and aspire to the principality of Greece land?  
Again, you ask among yourselves, is Philip dead or no? no forsooth, 
Unnecessary questions asked of king Philip's being.  saith one, but he is very sick. Why? what skills that matter to you? Now surely, I suppose that if aught happened to him, otherwise than well, you would make an other king Philip rise straight ways in his place, especially plying your business none otherwise than I see you do. For it is manifest he is not grown so great and mighty by his own force and worthiness, as he is through the sloth and idleness of yourselves. But though he wear dead in deed, and that fortune would be so much our friend, and show us that favour, (as in deed having ever had more care of us, than we have had of ourselves) & meaning peradventure to end these matters herself for us, and to perfit her own goodness towards us: yet for all that assure you yourselves to compass all things as you would, so you would but have your army always at hand, 
Good dealing with the enemy: when he is at the worst.  and that you would set upon him in this time, when you see all things in this great garboil and trouble. But as you stand now appointed, you should not be able to recover Amphipolis, not though, 
Great was the desire of the Athenians to recover their lost towns.  the time and occasion served you never so well: and that, because I see you are unready and void of all preparation, and judgement, how to use yourselves.  
And here I need not to tell you, that you aught to be always ready & well appointed like courageous men for the welfare of your country, because you know that well enough & are thereof well and sufficiently persuaded. But I will endeavour myself to show unto you how you may do, to get such an army together, as shall be able to deliver and dispatch you out of care and trouble: and what number of men, and what pays of money, is meet for them: and also how other things may be made in a readiness, so, as they shall lie best and spéedeliest to be done. This will I do mine endeavour to say my mind in: only I pray you grant me this request that you will suspend your judgements, and prevent me not, till you have heard all. And although when I shall touch that point, it may seem to some that I utter a strange kind of provision, such as hath not been heard of heretofore: yet let no man think therefore, that I do mind the hindrance or delay of things.  
Neither yet is their talk most to purpose that would have things to be done in all post haste: nor yet do I think it possible to repulse these evils that already touch us, with this small supply, that we now send: but rather is he to be best allowed, that can show what, and how great an army we should have, when and how the same might be maintained, and continued, till such time as we have either made peace by equal treaty and composition, or else had altogether got the upper hand of our enemies. And so by that means you shall feel no more smart or annoyance hereafter. Thus much I thought I might say, and I am not miscontented if others undertake to say somewhat also for their parts. Thus you see I take great things upon me: well, the experience shall try all, and you shall be judges thereof. 
The manner how the Athenians did prepare themselves to the wars.   
Therefore first and foremost I say (O Athenians) you must make ready fifty Galleys, and prepare yourselves to be of that mind, (if need so require) as to go aboard in your own persons, like lusty Soldiers. Moreover, I would that you had in a readiness for half part of the men at arms on horseback, certain horsebotes, crayes, and other vessels so many as shall be sufficient. And these I would have to be ready furnished and appointed, to the intent to lie in wait for him against all assays and sudden issues of his, out of his country, upon them of Pyla, Chersonesus, 
Pyla, Chersonesus, Olynthus.  and Olynthus, or else wheresoever he wear disposed to offer invasion or entry. For, this opinion of you, must you put in king Philip's head, to quicken his spirits withal, that you intent out of this your too too much negligence, 
Euboia, now Negroponte, an Island in Achaia. Halia●●●m a town in Morea, within the territory of Messe●i●.  as you did upon Euboia, and a little before that at Haliartum, and now last of all against Pyla, so likewise now, that it is not unpossible you will set upon him amain. Neither is this a matter to be lightly regarded, not though he minded no such thing at all, as in deed I dare say he doth for all that: and it be but for this purpose, that either when he shall know it, he may for fear stay himself, & set his heart at rest, as surely he will know our doings, specially seeing there be here amongst us, yea amongst ourselves I say, more than a good meany, that will tell him of all things: or else if he shall make none accounted of our readiness & provision: than, that we may distress him unwares having no guard about him: for there is no let in your way to pass into his country: when occasion shall serve you. These are the things that I would have you all persuaded unto: & withal, I think it also meet that you wear at all times in a readiness.  
Moreover, mine advice is (O Athenians) that you make ready a power before hand against king Philip, 
Citizens always to be ready for annoying the enemy.  to keep him continually occupied, and to annoyed him withal by all means possible. And here let no man brave unto me, of ten thousand, or twenty thousand strangers, nor yet of these jolly armies promised us by Paper and written for: but let the Soldiers be our own countrymen: so shall they obey and follow their Captain, whom soever you shall choose or name: be he, one, or many, this man, or that man, or whatsoever he be: and that the said army may have victuals, with all manner munition needful. And now what that army shall be, how great in number, where they shall have their victuals, and how all these things shall be ordered: that will I tell you, and from point to point, will I lay before you every thing severally.  
As concerning strangers, I like well of them: but here beware that you do not (as you oftentimes have done to your own hurt) esteeming all things less than needs, and so determine upon great things with your decrees, and when it cometh to the point, put not in practise the very lest of them: nay, rather aught ye, after determination of a small number once got together, and being in a readiness, if afterwards you think them to little, to agree straight upon more. So then I say, let there be 2000 soldiers in all, 
The number of Soldiers fit for the wars.  whereof I say there must be .500. our own Countrymen, of such age as shall like you best: they shall serve out their appointed time, and that not very long neither, but as shall seem fit to you, by course, one after another, that fresh men may supply their places. And the rest of the army let them be strangers: and with these two hundred horsemen, whereof fifty at the lest I would have to be our own Citizens to go to the wars in like manner, as the footmen shall do: and then must ye provide ships for these horsemen to use. Very well, and what more else? Mary ten light Fusts or Pinnaces, for we have great need of light Botes, and Pinnaces, seeing there is a navy of his upon the Seas, to the intent that our power may sail in more safety.  
But where shall we have victuals for maintenance of this army? I will tell you that also, as soon as I have declared unto you, why I think, that so small an army (as I have said) will suffice: and wherefore I would that your own countrymen should go to the wars.  
So small an army I think (O Athenians) will suffice, for that we can not gather such an army together, 
The reason why he would so small an army should be provided.  as is able to beard king Philip, and encounter him in open field: but we shall be enforced to rob and spoil upon him, and after this manner to begin our wars with him. And therefore must we not have it over great, for that we neither have money nor victuals sufficient, neither yet may we have it to little.  

Why he would have his own countrymen to be joined soldiers with the strangers.  And the cause why I would have our own Citizens go to the seas mixed with foreign Soldiers, is for that I understand this country heretofore hath had a certain band of strangers in wages at Corynthe, whereof wear Captains Polycrates, Iphicrates, 
Corynthus a City in Morea. Polycrates, Iphicrates, Gabrias. Evil trusting strangers alone to serve in the wars by themselves.  Gabrias, with certain others, and that you went a warfare with them yourselves: yea, and as I have heard say, those strangers being mixed with you and you with them, overcame the Lacedæmonians. But after you once trusted the said strangers to war, alone and by themselves, for you: then they spoiled and peeled our confederates and friends, and by that means our enemies increased more than is convenient. And so they regarding but a little the wars of our country went their ways sailing to Artabasus Lieutenant to the Persians, and about, to divers other places: and the captain after them, as reason was for him to do. For unless the captain gave them their pays before hand, it is not possible to rule them, or to make them tarry. And now what is mine advice herein? Marry, that you take away all the causes of excuses to be made as well by the Captains, 
Soldiers must have their pay.  as by the Soldiers: paying them their wages, and making your own Soldiers as watches and spies intermingled amongst them to know what their chief captain doth. For as we now rule and govern: it is none other than a mockery. For, and a man should ask you the question, have you peace (O Athenians) with all men, or no? You would answer no, but we have war with king Philip. 
Little was the authority that the Athenians had in their wars.  And to prove that it is so, have not you made among you Ten men Citizens of your own, to be your Captains, Colonels, and marshals, and two Governors, or Lords of horsemen? And I pray you, what do all these men? (one man only set aside) whom you have sent forth to the wars: all the rest doth serve you for a show and pomp to go in procession with the Priests. For you use those Colonels, & marshals, as Potters and Founders do use their work in clay: to set them forth in the market place, and not to be employed in the wars. Had it not been better for you (O Athenians) to have chosen Colonels, of your own Countrymen and Captains of your horsemen, such as are bred and borne among you? and so your army being all soldiers of your own country: should also have conductors of their own countrymen to lead them. But the Captains of the men at arms being your own countrymen, they must sail to Lemnus: forsooth: & Menelaus a stranger, 
Menelaus a stranger and captain to the Athenians in their wars at home.  he must have the charge and be general over the men at arms here at home, for the defence & safeguard of our country. And this I do not say to challenge Menelaus, or to complain of him whom you have allowed: but yet whosoever he be, 
Dangerous 〈◊〉 have a stranger general.  it wear fit that he that taketh such a charge in hand, should serve by your appointment. Thus touching these matters, it is possible you think I have said well.  
And now, all your desire is to hear what money we need, and where it is to be gathered. Well, I will tell you that too. Therefore to the point of money (for men must needs have wherewithal to live) we shall need for the allowance of Soldiers in their victuals only, that shall go in the army, ninety 
* Sixteen thousand two hundred pounds starling.  talents, and somewhat more: for ten swift Galleys or Fustes 
* Seven thousand two hundred pounds starling.  forty talents, twenty pounds weight of silver every month 
* Three score pounds starling.  for every Galley. For two thousand Soldiers as much likewise as for the Galleys, so that every Soldier shall receive every month for provision of his victuals 
* It appeareth by this reckoning, the provision should be for a year.  ten drachmas, and two hundred horsemen shall have 
* Six shillings starling. A hundred drachmas, made minam, which was a pound of xii. ounces, that is three pound sterling of our standard.  twelve talents, the which is after every month 
* Two thousand a hundred sixty pounds starling.  three hundred drachmas a man. And if any body think this allowance of victuals to be too scant a relief for the maintenance of Soldiers: he doth not think well. For I am assured if this be orderly done, the army will provide the rest of themselves by the wars, to make up their full stipend and reasonable finding, without any wrong or harm doing to any of the Grecians, or to their allies either. And if this fall not out as I have said: I am contented of mine own accord to go to the wars with them myself, & to suffer all manner of extremity that they can devise.  
But where this money shall be had, that must you tell us: 
* Nine pounds' starling.  well, I will show you that even now.  
The discourse how to gather money is here left out.  
The things that we (O Athenians) are able to find out, are these. And when you have made an end of ask every man's voice, you shall give your hands to that that likes you best, so shall you make your war with king Philip, 
To say and do are two things.  not with Paper work, and decrees only: but with effect and in good earnest. And in my mind you shall better conclude all things touching these wars and the preparations for the same: if you (O Athenians) first foresee and consider well before hand, the situation of that country where you mind to make your wars: and farther, if you think with yourselves how king Philip compasseth most of his affairs by observing the time, and season of the year: who taking advantage of the North-east winds and storms, 
Etesie, certain North-east winds, so called because they came ordinarily at a certain season of the year.  sets upon us at such time, as we shall not be able to stir from hence. And therefore considering these things, it were good that you warred not with aids and supplies only, for so we may loose all: but with an ordinary power, and such a preparation as may continued. And this your garnison may winter itself in Stalimene, Thasus, 
Lemnus now Stalimene an Island in the sea Aegeum, south from Candia. Thasus an Island their likewise, not far from Thracia. Sciathus an Island there also.  Sciathus, and other Isles thereabouts, where as is good harbour, forage, victuals, and all other things necessary for an army: and at that time of the year when shall be good landing, and little danger of storms: and when our Soldiers may easily approach and enter in within the country & haven mouths, where they may far well and have good cherishing. Thus of the manner and time of using this power, the captain for the time being shall direct you well enough: but the things to be performed of your parts, are those which I have made you a draft of. And if you will (O Athenians) first and foremost provide this money, as I have told you: and when that is done, have in readiness all other things, as footmen, Galleys, men at arms, and bind the whole army by a solemn act and constitution to keep the field altogether and not to wander or go else where: 
Good heed to be taken in time of war, for dispensing of the treasure, that every man may have his just pay.  and that you yourselves will be the treasurers of the Camp, the paymaisters to Soldiers, and the Auditors to Captains for the accounts of their recepts: then shall you, at length make an end for ever of this long consultation of matters, all to no purpose. Moreover, this commodity will also follow unto you (O Athenians) that you shall intercept and stop him of his greatest revenues that he receiveth. And what are they? Marry he maintaineth war against you with the money of your confederates and neighbours, extorted from them and gotten by robbing and spoiling them, on the seas in warlike manner. And what more? you shall be also altogether out of his danger from doing you any harm. Neither shall he be able to do as heretofore he hath done, when he rushed in upon Lemnus, and Imber, and there took your men prisoners and carried them slaves to Gerastus, 
Gerastus. Marathona.  whereby he hath got an infinite sum of money, and last of all set upon Marathona, and coming within the land, carried away from thence our holy Galley: and this were you not able, as then, to let him of, nor yet to sand aid in time, as was agreed upon. 
A sacred Galley.  But what is the reason I pray you (O Athenians) that you keep always so just and at a day appointed the feast of our Lady Pallas, 
The feast of Minerva kept by order.  and God Bacchus, whosoever it be that you choose for governors or masters thereof, be they men of gravity & doings, 
The holy day of God Bacchus duly observed, and by order appointed to be kept.  or simple and private persons, fit, or unfit men: and bestow so much money thereupon, as you have not done the like, for setting forth of any one navy hitherto, and that with such preparation and withal: as the like is not to be seen in any other place. 
Short shooting loseth the game  Whereas your navy cometh always to short of the time and season and through your delays, 
Methona, now called Modon, an haven town in Morea.  you loose all good occasions that might else be had, like as you played by that you sent to Modon, Pegase, and Potidea. The reason is this. All things that appertain to such feasts and pastimes, are done by order, 
Great is the value of order and foresight to govern things well.  and established by law: and every man knows long before, who shall be ring leader in their dances, who shall be master of their games for his ward, when, and of whom, and what every man's duty is to receive, & to do, so that there is nothing to look for, 
Disorder and want of foreknowledge, do cause confusion.  nothing neglected or left undone, for lack of order: where as in your wars, and the preparation thereof, all things are confused, all done without order, all without determination, and nothing aright as it aught to be. But assoon as we hear say that the enemy begins to be stir himself: then by and by, we fall to appointing of Captains of Galleys, then comes in 
* The manner was that if any man being sessed, refused to pay that he was sessed at, an other offering to change goods with him: might do it, and take that in hand that he should.  chopping and changing of goods, that is, we give them leave to change their goods with others, that will give them theirs, and take their charge in hand. And then we lay our heads together how to get money, for provision of these wars. When that's done, we decree that aswell foreigners coming from other places to devil here with us, as outdwellers in the Suburbs: shall go into the Galleys, and then to follow after ourselves. Thus whilst we lie hovering about this, the thing is lost, that we sat out for: for why, we spend our time only in preparing ourselves, 
Time tarrieth no man.  and setting things forward. And iwis the time of doing things, tarries not your leisure and delaying. Besides that, those aids and bands abroad which we accounted should be our succours: are found when time shall come, not able in deed to do any thing at all. 
He meaneth king Philip.  And as for that man, he is now become so outrageous and spiteful, that he hath written such letters to the Euboians, as these are.  

Here lacketh the Copy of King Philip's Letters to the Euboians, the which as it should seem wear written sharply against the Athenians to disclose their secrets.   
The greatest part (O Athenians) of this matter contained in these Letters, is very true (for would God it wear not so) howbeit, perhaps these matters be not pleasant to your hearing. Well, wear things as easy to be passed over with silence, and let slip in doings, as they may be spared in talk for fear of offending: why, than I grant in deed it were not amiss to tell our tales so, 
Pleasant talk unnecessary when plain speech is most needful.  as men might like withal. But seeing it is so that this currying of favel in words when we aught not, is a plague to our works when we should do them, surely it is a foul shame (O Athenians) for such men as you are to blear your own eyes, and to shifted off all things that be difficult, to come short of all that is needful, and that you cannot understand thus much: That valiant Captains must never follow after occasions lost, but rather must prevent them, and be aforehand with them in tyme. And even as it fitteth a general of an army to foresee and provide for all things while season serves him: 
Foresight in Magistrates most requisite.  so should they that take upon them government and administration of affairs: well, advise themselves before hand, what they have to do, to the end that such things as they once have resolved and agreed upon, may be put in execution, and not be driven to follow the event of things. And where as you (O Athenians) have the greatest power above all others, aswell of Galleys and Soldiers both footmen, and horsemen, as also of revenues of money: 
Lingering is then noisome, when necessity requires haste.  yet for all that, as you have lack of nothing, so have you to this day, not employed any one thing to any good use at all. But much like as these barbarous people go to buffets, 
As Swissers fight fond: so do many people and nations deal with their enemies unwisely.  and fight with their fists one with another: even so do you now make war with king Philip. For they, when one hath a blow given him, by and by he lays his hand upon that place where he had the blow, and if an other hit him in an other place, straight ways he lays his hand there also, without any skill or regard how to ward the blow, or almost to look him in the face that struck him: So you, if you hear say that king Philip is in Cherronesus, 
Cherronesus, now Phan●● a port town in Morea.  by and by you sand aid thither: if you hear that he is at the piles, you run straight thither to: if any other where, you gad hither and thither, and wait upon him up and down, you wot not whither. So, you follow after him as after your general and chief captain: And as for any council in ordering your wars, you have none of yourselves that good is: neither do you foresee any thing before it be either done, or is in doing. And so much might you have done heretofore possible well enough, but now things are brought to the utter extremity, and will not give us leave any longer to use it.  
Now surely (O Athenians) I think some God being ashamed on the City's behalf of our doings, 
God sendeth often times wicked tormentors to securge and annoyed others.  hath put this earnest love of doing, and this painfulness into king Philip's head: For, would he keep to himself all his conquests and prizes, and so be at rest, I do think some of us, as it seemeth to me, could be well enough content with the matter, and deal no farther, whatsoever the world cried out of us for it, other shame, cowardliness, or any other villainy beside, for this our slackness in government and slothful dealings. But forasmuch as he taketh upon him still ambitiously to desire more and more, peradventure his meaning is to quicken you and egg you forward, 
The carefulness of the wicked, aught to quicken the Godly to look about them.  so you be not altogether in despair of yourselves. But I marvel much (O Athenians) that none of you doth consider, nor that any of you is an angered, when ye see that the first intent and beginning of these wars against king Philip, was only to be revenged of him, and to do him hurt, but the end of it is to defend ourselves that we take no hurt. And most certain it is, that he will never rest and hold himself contented till some begin to beard him, and to withstand his enterprises. And shall we than tarry and do nothing till that time? What? do you think that all shall go well with you? because you have made out a few empty and evil appointed Galleys? and have an hope in one jolly fellow or other, that shall have charge of affairs, when you set forth? shall we not embark ourselves? and we that could never be brought to it before, shall we not martche forwards now at the length, with some company of our own countrymen? shall we not put over a navy into his Country?  
But some peradventure will ask the question, and where I pray you sir shall we put a land? 
All passages are open to the stout and valiant soldier.  The very war itself (O Athenians) shall show and discover us the cracks & breaches of his state, so we would once go in hand with the matter. But and we do nothing but sit still at home, hearing our Orators scold one with another, and each accusing & blaming other: we shall never do, not never shall we do, any thing well as we aught & are bound to do. And yet assure yourselves of this, whether soever you listed to sand forth any power of our men (though the whole army be not there altogether) there, will God himself, & good fortune, fight in our quarrel. Whereas if you should sand but a Captain forth with a single & sleeveless decree, with great threats to your enemies, and a few comfortable words from this consistory, to put men in hope withal: you shall be sure on the other side, 
As good never a whit, as never the better.  you shall never do any good at all. For why, our enemies shall laugh us to scorn, & our friends shall be utterly discouraged: & think themselves undone when they shall see this masking and counterfeit preparations. For it is not possible, neither can it be, that any one man alone, shall be able to do all that for you, that you would have done. Well may he promise', and avouch any thing, and accuse this man, or that man: and that is even it, that hath brought all to nought. For as long as things be thus handled, that a Lieutenant of a sight of foreign, wretched, 
Dangerous to slander soldiers that have served, and worst of all to condemn them upon the false report of others.  and unappoynted soldiers, if he chance to take the foil in the field, by and of that which he shall do there: you, have one here at home shall forthwith be ready to bring a lying tale of him, and you as soon as you have heard the matter, howsoever it be, will be as ready to make a decree thereafter. What hope I pray you then is there left of such a government? & when or how, will you redeem such a mischief? Marry even then and not before, all things will be well, when you (O Athenians) shall be disposed to go on warfare yourselves, and be lively witnesses of all those things that the Captains do, and at your return home, make your selves judges of all their accounts. For it is not only convenient for you to hear how your own matters have passed: 
governors to be personal and careful vewers of things to be done.  but also that you be personally vewers and present seers of the things done.  
But now things be so shamefully handled, that there is never a captain but hath been arraigned upon his life twice or thrice before you: where as not one of them hath been so hardy as once to adventure the same in fight like a man, against the enemy, but had rather choose the Gallows (as it seemeth) like an errant thief and rover: than like an honest man, to spill his blood in open field upon his enemy. In deed it beseemeth well naughty packs and wicked doers to die by order of justice, but a valiant Soldier and courageous captain, it becometh to die in the field, upon his enemy.  
In this mean while there be some of you, that do nothing but go up and down, and prattle news scant worth a straw, 
Flying tales, and flattering news: do never good to any state.  one that king Philip through the help and aid of the Lacedæmonians practices the destruction of Thebes, and mindeth the dissolution of free Cities and common weals: an other sort of you, tells how king Philip hath sent his Ambassadors to the Persians: others do babble, how he fortifieth in Illiria. And thus we go up and down every man devising one tittle tattle or other, as his own vain head imagines.  
I for my part (O Athenians) do thus think of king Philip in good sooth, that he is drunken and assotted with the greatness of his own doings, and dreameth much in his fantasy of such like things, both because he seeth such a dezert, and wilderness of men to withstand him, and also because he is puffed up with the pride and glory of his own prosperous doings. And yet let no man be so mad to think that he goeth so about his matters, and taketh such ways, as every fool amongst us shall perceive what he doth or intendeth to do. And what verier fools can there be in all the world, than these tale carriers and news coiners be? Albeit let us give over these toys, 
A short gathering of all that hath been said. 1. King Philip enemy to Athens. 2. A spoiler of their country. 3. Proud and injurious. 4. And their trusty friends, by him made treacherous and untrue persons. Best for a man to trust to himself. Better to fight with the enemy at his own home, than for him to fight with us in our own country.  and learn ourselves to understand: that this man is our enemy, that he spoileth us of our goods, and hath done us wrong this great while, and whatsoever others would have done for us, the same (as it appeareth) he hath altered and turned clean against us. And than our remain shall be to trust to ourselves and to advance our own power to make resistance against him. But if so be it that we will not make over, to fight with him there: peradventure he will drive us to fight with him here at home whether we will or no. Wherefore if we can think upon these things which I have said, I doubt not but we shall advise ourselves well enough, and be well rid of the tattle of a sight of fools: neither need we to bethink us any more of the matter, how we shall do hereafter. Once this is certain, unless we ply our matters otherwise than we have done hitherto, and every man be ready to do his part, we shall be sure to do but ill favouredly.  
And I for my part was never of that mind to speak to the pleasing of any one man, 
Demosthenes never preferred private welfare before common weal.  further than I was well assured the same should be profitable for every man. And namely at this time I have not shrunk to utter frankly and plainly my mind of whatsoever thing I thought was for your profit and commodity. And would God, that like as I am well assured that it is for your benefit to hear good things: so I might perceive it profitable to him that tells you, and warns you for the best, like a most faithful and friendly councillor: then should I speak with a better william. And albeit I am in doubt, and can not tell certainly what will happen unto me upon this: yet notwithstanding, because I am most certain that if you do as I have said, it shall turn to your great ease: I have thought good therefore to tell you thus much. And I pray God, that thing may prevail with you: which shall be for the welfare of you all.   

The Argument of the second Oration against king Philip of Macedon.  
Demosthenes' being afraid to stir the Athenians directly to war, for dread of the people being evil carried away by others that told them of the great charges that the wars do bring: doth council them to take heed of king Philip, as of a suspected enemy. And in no wise to trust his forged peace, under shadow whereof he doth all the mischief he can. And therefore he willeth them to look well to their business, and to trust to themselves, making their people ready against all assays: because that king Philip doth nothing else but lie in wait for them and all Greeceland beside, to conquer them, and to become a Tyrant over them all. And in showing the manner and behaviour as well of them in their doings, as of him in his doings: he doth very wisely, bring in, many likelihoods and evident profess, as well concerning the disposition of king Philip's own person, as of the Grecians in general, and so he maketh it a very plain and clear matter that king Philip doth hate them deadly: warning them for that cause not to trust his fair promises, nor yet the proffered kindness and favour exhibited by Eschines and others. For that king Philip hath most cruelly abused other cities and countries with such like craft and subtlety. And here he giveth a lesson fit at all times for all men living, the which is this. That there can be no greater strength and assurance to a man, than to be mistrustful, for (according to Libanius report) even as money is the strength and sinews of war: so is mistrustfulness the maintenance and safeguard of wisdom.  
In the end he promiseth to give king Philip's Ambassadors their answer when they shall come, in case they themselves doubt what answer to make unto them: but he showeth not what he will say, but leaveth that matter and falleth to inveigh against those Traitors that are king Philip's hirelings, and showeth that their promises, and king Philip's present doings, agreed not together: and therefore plainly doth discifer king Philip to be their mortal enemy, against whom he counseleth them to take armour in hand, and to proclaim open war for the better safeguard and defence of their whole estate and Country.  
¶ The second Oration against king Philip of Macedon.  
WHen any talk is (O Athenians) of king Philip's doings, 
Words are unfit weapons to withstand armour.  and the outrages and violences that he commits contrary to the peace: I perceive you esteem it to be both honest and reasonable. And who soever will seem to speak any thing against king Philip, they shall be thought to speak, as is fit for them: and yet for all that, there is nothing in a manner done, as it aught to be, nor yet as should become them that have so much told them, as you have. For the world is come to this point with us now, that the more plainly and clearly a man showeth king Philip to have broken peace with us, and to seek a conquest over all Grecelande: so much the more dangerous it is, to give council what wear best to be done. And the reason is this, because (O Athenians) all such as through violence and wrong covet more than in right they should do: aught to be daunted and kept back with deeds, and not with words only. And first of all, we ourselves that take upon us this place, our wont is to forbear council and advise, in those points, for fear of your displeasure: and in steed of them we fall a discoursing unto you of his doings, how dangerous, how weighty, and how heinous they are, and such like things. And then you that be the hearers: in understanding, and giving ear to a man's tale, be much more ready than king Philip is. But when it comes to the withstanding of his doings that he is now in hand withal: than you be altogether idle, and as cold in your doings, as may be. 
Such study, such fruit.  And therefore it falleth out to good reason, and it must needs be so to: that look in what things either of you both is most conversant and travailed: in the self-same each of you, doth excel the other, that is, he in deeds, and you in words. And if so be you think it a goodlier matter, to speak more aptly to the purpose, than he doth: why, that's a thing easy enough to do, and it needs no great travail. But if it stand us upon at this time to consider how to amend things presently amiss, lest through our unadvisedness and ignorance, the same go to ruin and destruction more and more hereafter, and lest he shock us with such a power, as we shall not be able to encounter: then are we not to take that way of consulting together, as we have done heretofore, but as well all they that be Orators, 
Profit to be preferred unto pleasure.  as all you that be hearers: must choose those things that be good and profitable, and leave the delightful and pleasant.  
And first of all, if any man among you (O Athenians) is so foolehardy & so rash that seeing how mighty a lord king Philip is, makes reckoning for all that, 
The enemy being mighty: he is to be feared greatly.  that this his stately greatness will breed no harm nor danger to our City, neither yet that all that his preparation is meant against you: I do much marvel at him that so thinketh. And therefore I pray you all, hear me a while what I will say, & weigh my reasons, why, I am not of your mind, but rather think king Philip to be a deadly enemy unto us all: to the intent that if I shall by good hap seem to see farther in him, and to judge of him more truly than others do: you may follow mine advise and council. But if these bold & foolehardy fellows, such as have so sound a belief & trust in him, see farther and deeper than I do: why then, agree you to them on God's name. 
Demosthenes' consideration upon king Philip's doings.  First (O Athenians) I consider what countries king Philip hath united to himself, since the peace concluded with us, namely the piles, & the phoceians. And what then? 
Pyle certain narrow gates or straits for passages.  how hath he used them I pray you? Marry he hath done for the commodity of the Thebans all that he could possible, but for us he hath done no one thing at all. And why did he so? forsooth, because in bestowing his wits how to get and to bring all under his subjection without regard of peace and quietness, right or wrong: he wisely doth consider and know right well that he is not able to win our City, or us either (as we have hitherto lived) by any corruption of gift to betray any of the Gréekishe towns to him, for our own profit: but rather he sees that we have regard to justice, to upright doings, and to the eschewing of dishonour, 
King Philip findeth the Athenians unspotted, for corruption.  always foreseeing things fit for us with great wariness: by which he doth perceive that we will consequently withstand him (if he take any such matter in hand) as though we had open war with him. But as for the Thebans he thought (as it fell out in deed) that for the pleasure he had done them: 
Thebans, corrupted by gifts and fair promises.  they would suffer him to use the rest as he listed: who not only would so much as once offer to withstand and hinder his purposes: but would also be ready to take part with him in the field if he required them. And so hoping to find the like in others, he showeth himself very courteous and favourable to the Messenians, 
Great princes seek amity of meaner states for their own welfare, and to serve their several turns the better.  and Argians for the same cause also. A matter (O Athenians) very highly to your honour. For hereby you alone are of all the world judged to be the only men above all others that will not be corrupted with any promise or reward to forsake the common liberty of Grece, nor yet to change for any man's favour or profit: whatsoever amity or good will you do bear their country. 
Athenians never corrupted with any fair promise, or offered hope, to loose their country's liberty.  And surely king Philip hath rightly judged thus of you, and far otherwise of the Thebans and Argians, considering not only your present state, but also the doings of your Ancestors: for he findeth & perceiveth (as I believe) that your predecessors although they might have been Lords over all Grece, 
Athenians worthiness se● forth by example of their elders.  (so as they would have bowed to the devotion of the Persians and their king) would not only not hear Alexander (of whom these men wear come) being then Ambassador to persuade them thereunto, but did determine rather to forsake their country, 
Herodotus, reporter of these matters.  and to suffer all misery that might be. Wherein they so worthily acquitted themselves, that all men since, have longed much to talk of them, but no man yet could worthily set them forth: as they have deserved. And therefore, I will stay my tongue, and good reason too. For why, their worthy exploits and renown, have been greater, than any man hath been able to utter by word of mouth: Whereas the Ancestors of the Thebans and Argians have some of them joined their power with the Barbarian and stranger, 
In the wars against the Persians, the Argeyans would not meddle, but the Thebans took part with the Persians.  marching under his banner: and other some of them, would never set out foot against him. And therefore, he knoweth that both they do more esteem their own private estates: than they do regard the common profit of all Grece beside. And well he saw, that if he should have sought your friendships, he must needs have chosen you for justice sake, where having the others to be of his side, he was assured to have their maintenance in his unjust and covetous desires. And that is the cause why he hath always esteemed and still doth esteem their friendship more than yours, not because he seeth they have more Galleys than you, or because (having found good footing, or any great superiority within the main land) he neglecteth to be Lord of the Seas and their merchant Towns. Neither hath he yet forgotten these conditions and promises, by which he trained them to be at peace with him. But (saith one) it was none of all this that moved him to do as he hath done, neither yet his ambition nor covetousness, 
An answer to an objection, proving that king Philip neither for justice sake, nor yet by enforcement, was friend to the Thebans, with certain mocking of those nations.  or any other thing whereof he is accused, that made him to incline more to the Thebans than to us: but the only cause was because he knew them to be more faithful than we are. This reason unboubtedly (of all other reasons) he can not well allege, for he that craftily forced the Lacedæmonians to give up the town of Messena, & at the self same time, notwithstanding set the Thebans in possession of Orchomene & Choronea: how can he be said to have dealt justly and uprightly. But some will say he was enforced (for else there is none excuse remaining for the defence of king Philip) to surrender & give up those places much against his will, as being than environed and surprised, by the horsemen of the Thessalians, and the Soldiers of Thebes. A good tale, on forth a God's name. And therefore (say they) he hath the Thebans in great jealousy, yea, and they go up and down devising further tittle tattle, how he minds to fortify Elateia: but he will do a Dog as soon. He will never deal that way at all, as I think: and forsooth he will never join with the Messenians and the Argians as he doth, to set upon the Lacedæmonians, and yet he hath sent a supply of strangers and money, and is looked for to be there in person himself with a mighty power: so that he seeketh the destruction of the Lacedæmonians, as enemies to the Thebans. And those Phoceyans whom heretofore he did overthrow, and destroy, he mindeth now to succour and to defend: yea forsooth that he william. And I pray you what mad man would believe these things. For surely, I can not think for any thing that I can see, that king Philip will continued to be an enemy to the enemies of the Thebans, if either perforce or against his will, he granted heretofore those matters before named: or else if he now mistrusted their good will towards him: but rather it is evident by his present doings, that he hath sought their favours for a purpose and wrought this policy to serve his own turn withal. And whosoever looketh narrowly upon this matter, 
The lapping up of all these matters.  he cannot but plainly see that all these his practices are wholly bend against our country to take an advantage when he seeth his time. And this he doth in a manner for mere necessity. For, I pray you weigh the matter with yourselves, and think thus of it: he will needs rule and be sovereign over all: and he knoweth well that none can withstand him, but you, who have been so long time molested by him through the injuries and wrongs that he hath done, and daily doth against you, as his own conscience can best witness against him, for by means of possessing those places which sometime were yours, and now are his, he keepeth the rest of his dominions in safety: but and if he should loose once Amphipolis and Potidea: he should hardly sit sure in his chair at home. And therefore full well is he guilty to himself: both that he lieth in wait for you, and that you also do understand it. And because he hath found you a wise and a sage people, he gathereth by just consequence, 
Wise men being wronged, are to be feared of the wrong doers.  and good reason, that you are his enemies, & that makes him so sharp set, to prevent your doings, as one looking for a scouring at your hands, whensoever any occasions shall be offered. This is it that he watches for, this is the cause of his close lying in wait against the City. And why, he holdeth in, somuch with certain of the Thebans, and with some Peloponesians also that are of the same mind with them, whom he accounts to be so greedy and covetous of lucre, 
Evil men care for nothing but for the present time only.  that the present estate pleaseth them well enough, and so beastly and so foolish, that they neither regard nor foresee the time to come. Howbeit, they that are but of a mean understanding, may have a very effectual token & sample of his devices and purposes, by that which was my chance once to tell both to the Messenians, and also to the Argians. And peradventure it wear not amiss to tell the self-same tale now again to you.  

Part of an oration rehearsed here by Demosthenes, whereby he did will the Messenians, and the Argians, not to be in league with king Philip.  I pray you (quoth I) tell me, O Messenians, how would the Olynthians have taken it to have heard king Philip so evil spoken of in their presence at that time, when he gave and delivered Anthemunta unto them: a town so greatly desired & claimed heretofore by all the kings of Macedon? or then also, when he gave Potidea unto them, & drove out the outpeopled Athenians, a people that came from Athens to devil there, and the hatred borne by them against you, 
Olynthians abused by King Philip's counterfeit dealings.  he took upon himself, and gave the profits of the lands to them to enjoy: think you that they would have looked for such miseries as after followed? or would have believed him that should have told it them? no undoubtedly never think it: and yet thus it now falleth out (said I) that where as they have had the fruit & use of other men's lands for a very short time: they have since lost most shamefully their own territories for a long time, & are foully put out, not as men conquered only, but like men betrayed & sold among themselves traitorously. And to say the truth, it is never safe for any free City to enter into over great familiarity with Tyrants. 
Thessalians deceived ●y king Philip under colour of friendship offered.  What should I say unto you of the Thessalians? do you think (said I) when he had driven out their Tyrants, and had given also unto them, Illiria, and Magnesia, that they ever would have looked for the Ten Lords to rule them as they do now? or that he which gave them Pyla, would afterwards have taken their own proper revenues from them? Surely, they would never have thought it. And yet notwithstanding it did so fall out afterwards, as all the world knoweth: wherefore (said I) take heed of king Philip with his great gifts and promises, and curse you him, that hath so often deceived you, and brought you to such afterdeales, and (if you wise be) pray to God you may never see him again. There are divers devices (said I) made for the defence and guarding of Cities, as Rampires, Walls, Trenches, and such other like, and all these requires great costs and charges, and are the handiworks of man: but there is a guard of natures getting, common to all wise men, & that undoubtedly is good and assured for all degrees of men, and most of all, for all free Cities, and Commonalties of people against the force of tyrants. And what bulwark or defence might this be? even MISTRUSTFULNESSE. Keep this surely and embrace it, and so you shall be safe and out of all danger. I pray you what is it you would have? (quoth I) is it not liberty? And do you not see that even the very 
Mistrustfulness the chiefest safeguard that may be against the practices of Tyrants.  titles and styles, the which Philippe taketh upon him, are clean contrary to liberty? for every king and Tyrant is an enemy to all liberty, 
He meaneth because he writ himself king.  and an overthrower of all laws. Will not you then (said I) look about you, and take heed lest while you seek to be delivered from wars: you do find a master of him? and bring yourselves in bondage?  
The Messenians when they had heard this, although they allowed well enough of it themselves: and had heard many other reasons in my presence by other Ambassadors besides myself: and of others also, when I was gone (as it is most likely:) yet could they not be brought for all that, to break of from king Philip, nor once to mistrust his fair promises. And it is no great shame or rebuke for certain Messenians and Peloponesians, if they do a thing contrary to that, that reason persuades them to be good for them: but to you, it sounds marvelously to your dishonour, who as well by your own understanding as by our telling, know yourselves to be laid for, and environed round about, and that continuing in this slothfulness and nothing doing, 
Careless men are ever most nigh their own harm.  you shall catch hurt sooner (I fear me) than you beware of. Such is the force of a little fleeting pleasure and ease for a short time more unto your hurt, than is the honour and profit of a long time to come. And therefore (if you be wise) take council of your selves, while you may, of your matters you have to do.  
Now how and in what manner you shall make your answer, well, and as shall be fit for you, that will I tell you.  
Meet it were (O Athenians) that you caused such to be called before you as brought you the promises, whereby you wear induced to make peace. 
Ambassadors seeking their own private welfare: are most dangerous ministers and therefore to be narrowly looked unto.  I for my part could never find in my heart to take that embassage upon me for reporting of the untruth, or to agreed to any such peace. And sure I am that you would have desisted from war, had you thought that king Philip after peace concluded with you: would have done these things that he hath done, but the tale that was told than, was far otherwise. There be others also, that are to be called to accounted, and who be they? Even those whom after the conclusion of the peace at my return from my last embassage for taking their oaths, when I perceived they wrought wiles and crafts with the City: 
Dangerous to grant an entry, to the enemy.  I told before hand, and protested unto them, that so much as in me lay I would never agree to the letting go of the piles, and the phoceians: whereto they told me again, that it was no marvel if I, like a water drinker as I was, were such a froward and peevish choleric man. 
Good men maliced for speaking truth.  And as for king Philip they said he would do according to your desires, if he might pass once into Grece. He would also fortify both Thespias and Plateas, and 'cause the Thebans to forbear such outrage and wrong doing to their neighbours as they use. And that he would pierce through Cherronesus, upon his own charges, 
Fair promises makes fools feign.  and deliver unto you Euboia and Orope, in recompense of Amphipolis. For I trust you remember all these promises to have been made in this place of audience, though you are not the quickest men in the world to take a mark of them, that have done you a shrewd turn.  
And that (which is too bad a thing to speak of) you wear so far carried away with this hope, that you have decreed that the ratifying and establishment of this same peace, should also descend unto your successors and posterity. So far and so thoroughly wear you led away and deceived by these forgers and counterseyters of untruths. To what end do I tell all this? and why would I have these men sent for to come before you? I will tell you frankly and boldly the truth (so God help me) neither will I hide any thing from you: Not to the intent to fall a railing and taunting, whereby to make you have the like talk of me again, or to give them that ever since the beginning of the matter have borne me a grudge, 
Pickethankes seek by discrediting others, to benefit themselves.  a fresh occasion at this time to get money of king Philip: no nor yet to keep a stir in vain, and to no purpose. But I speak it, because I know king Philip's doings will grieve you more hereafter, than my sayings do at this time. For I see things are in a great forwardness. Well, I pray God I guess not aright, yea, I fear me greatly they are overnigh us already. And then when it shall lie no more in our powers to remedy that which is fallen upon us, nor that you shall have either me or any other, to tell you the treasons that are intended against you, but when you yourselves shall behold all things with your eyes, and know them to well: then do I think you will be thoroughly tormented and in a great chafe with your selves. And I fear me least questionless these faults of your Ambassadors (guilty to themselves, even in their consciences of bribery and corruption in these matters) being concealed and passed over with silence, 
Good men in greater danger for saying the truth: than evil men are for doing naughtily.  the blame and displeasure thereof shall light upon them that seek all the means they can, how to recover and redress the losses and hurts received by them. For I do see it ordinarily, men wreak their anger, not upon the offenders: but against those that are under their power.  
Wherefore, now while we stay, and be in a mammering, harckening one to another: I would have every one of you, (although you are wise enough of yourselves) to call to your remembrance what he was that counseled you to give over the piles and the phoceians: 
Pyla, were certain straits to stop passages, where the town Thermopylae stood.  Which places as soon as he was once possessed of, he was straight ways master of the passages to Attica, and Peloponnesus. Whereby he hath now brought you in that case, that you are no more to consult how to make war for any right and claim belonging unto you, 
Peloponesus now Morea.  or how to dispose of foreign provinces and matters abroad: but how to deliberate upon war when it shall come within our own Country, and within Attica itself. Which time whensoever it shall come, it will be a bitter season to you all. And yet was this evil set abroach, even that very day when the piles were given unto him.  
For if you had not then been deceived and so abused, 
One inconvenience suffered: many mischiefs do follow after.  this City had not had this business nor this ado that we now have. For neither should King Philip like a Conqueror by Sea, come with his navy into Athens: neither yet should he by land ever have been able to have passed over the piles and the phoceians: but either he should have been fain to have kept all covenants and been at peace and quietness, or else to have fallen by and by into the like war which he was in, before he sought for making of the peace. These things therefore may suffice for me now to have said unto you, to put you in remembrance withal. And yet be it far from me, and God forbidden it also, that we should enter over narrowly into the searching and sifting of these things. For in deed, I for my part would not, that any man although he wear worthy to die: should suffer smart and punishment, to the common danger and peril of all men.   

The Argument upon the third Oration against king Philip of Macedon.  
FOr as much as king Philip being in league with the Athenians, did in words only keep peace, and in deeds wrought them much mischief: Demosthenes doth exhort all Grecelande to withstand his violent dealings, and to cut of his great roads and invasions made every where: showing that it is now high time for them so to do, if they will eschew perpetual servitude, and bondage for ever. And for this purpose he bringeth examples of their Ancestors, that those Cities that governed by Tyranny, lost their state, for that the Grecians could never abide unjust government, nor any grievous usurped authority. Moreover, he takes on marvelously against Traitors, and rehearseth certain sharp and severe laws made in that behalf, wherein he maketh report of a notable example executed upon a certain banished and outlawed stranger. And last of all, he showeth how king Philip hath gotten many other Cities and towns, through treason only. And therefore he warneth them not to trust these fellows that speak in king Philip's favour. And in this Oration he showeth that those men are the cause of all mischief, that seek to win favour, and grace of others, for the achieving of a state or kingdom: the which he proveth manifestly, that king Philip hath wrought and sought by all means possible to do. And therefore he giveth his Countrymen council to take armour in hand, and to beat down king Philip's ambitious attempts, considering the danger, wherein not only they themselves do stand, but all the land of Grece besides.  
¶ The third Oration against king Philip of Macedon.  
ALbeit much talk hath been used (O Athenians) yea almost in every assembly, of those great wrongs that king Philip hath done (since the peace concluded) not only to you, but also to all Greceland beside: and that I see all men can not choose but confess (although in deed they do not so) yet that it is very needful for us to agree, 
Then is forbearing to speak most dangerous, when necessity requireth speech.  both to say, and do all things, whereby at the length he may leave this his violent usage, and feel the smart of these his wrong doings: yet for all that I see all things come to that point and so far overpast, that I fear me although it be counted a slander, yet it shall be true which I will say, that if all they that come up into this place, would say the word, and you hold up your hands to the same, how to bring things into the worst pickle that might be: yet to order them worse than they be now, I think it wear impossible. And perhaps there be many causes why things are thus, and it is not one or two causes that have made our state so evil. But most of all (if things be well examined) ye shall found the fault to be in them, who use their talk so, as to benefit themselves, rather than to do you any good thereby: of whom there are some (O Athenians) so as they may keep themselves in estimation and authority still, 
Flatterers and slanderers the very authors of all mischief, and evil hap that may be.  neither care themselves what may follow afterwards: neither yet think they that you do. Other some again do nothing else, but with slandering and accusing those that be in office, seek how to make our City a plague to itself, 
Slanderers.  and to keep ourselves occupied about that. And that in the mean season king Philip, he may have liberty to do and say what he list. And this is the manner of your government, and a thing you were wont to use: but yet it is the cause of great trouble, and makes us do many things amiss. And now (O Athenians) if I do speak the truth freely and plainly unto you, 
Bold speech upon good cause deserves favour.  I pray you be not angry with me for it. For consider this, how in all other things you yourselves think it so fit that the liberty of the tongue should be so common to all men within the City: that you have imparted the same even to very strangers and bond men. And here a man may see many a household servant speak his mind, with more liberty than the Citizens themselves do, in some other towns. 
Free speaking forbidden, bringeth danger to the state.  And yet in cases where council is to be given: you bar all men from it. Whereupon it cometh to pass, that in your assemblies, you be so dainty, & love so well to be clawed, 
Many frame their talk according to the humour of others.  that you must hear nothing but things to feed your humours withal: but in your business and doings, you let things go till they be at the uttermost danger. Therefore, if you will have this itch to hang upon you in this 〈…〉 then I can say nothing to it. But if you be disposed 〈…〉 speak for your commodity, and without flattery 〈…〉 for your purpose: for though our country be shrewdly 〈…〉 that we have lost much through your own follies and cowardliness 〈◊〉 if you will from henceforth do your endeavours, 
Through diligence and care those things may be redressed: that wear by sloth and negligence forlorn.  there are ●●anes enough to redress all that is awry. And that thing which I shall say, though it seem against the opinion of all men: yet it shall be true for all that. That thing which did hurt us most of all heretofore, the same in our doings hereafter shall do us most good. And what may that be? Marry our doings have had the worse success, because we have done nothing more or less, in such sort as we aught to have done. For if while we showed ourselves like valiant and lusty men, the world had gone after the same sort still: then without doubt there had been no hope at all for things to be bettered. But now I must say plainly, that of our negligence and slothfulness only, king Philip hath got the victory, and hath got no victory of our country: neither be ●ou either vanquished at all, nor yet so much as once stirred out of your place, with all the stirring he can make. 
He that doth wrong, giveth cause of war: not they that seek the redress of wrong.  Then seeing we do all confess that king Philip is at war with us, and breaketh the peace: what else can any man say or advise you that shall come hither: than that we must defend ourselves, from him, with the easiest and safest way we can. But forsomuch as some are so far from their wits, and so blinded with ignorance, that though they see him take our chief fortresses and holds: and enjoy many things of ours, and continued doing wrong to all men: yet for all that, they can well enough away with such as bear them in hand oftentimes in their assemblies, how it is some of us, that makes the war, and gives the occasion of breach. 
councillors speaking for the best, do oftentimes bear the greatest blame.  Herein therefore we had need to be well advised, and to work wisely. For it is to be feared, lest he that shall give you his advise and order, how to defend your selves against him: shall be charged to be the author of the wars.  
First of all I will say and determine thus much before you all, if so be, it stand in us to take counsel of the matter, whether we shall have war or peace: then I say, if our country may be at peace, 
Peace better than war, if a man may be sure of it.  and that the same lieth in us to choose: I think verily (to begin withal) we shall do well to take it. And I exhort him that so saith, both to enact and execute the same: and not to deceive you and blear your eyes. But if on the other side, it be so, that a man having armour in hand, and a great power about him, pretend and dash you in the teeth with the name of peace, and yet useth such manners as belong to war: what other thing than should we do, but defend ourselves, and be revenged of him. But if you will profess that you keep peace, in such manner as he doth: I reck not much of it. Marry, and if any man do think this to be a peace, when he shall, 
Not king Philip's words, but his deeds are to be marked and looked upon.  after he hath got all other places, make his way straight towards us: I think that fellow, (to begin withal) is out of his wits: And besides that, he speaks of such a peace, as he may make with you, not such as you may make with him putting in king Philip's choice to do as he list, and not that you may do as you would. And this is the thing forsooth that king Philip would be glad to purchase, with all the treasure that he hath spent, that he himself may war upon us when he list without resistance: and we may not set upon him at all. And if we tarry till he set upon us, and give us the defiance, and confess that he will war with us: then are we the most simple and fondest men that live upon earth. For you may be well assured he will not say so much unto us, although he entered with an army royal here, 
King Philip practised stafford law with the people of Athens. Olynthians.  with in Attica, and the very Peer itself: as is well to be gathered and proved by his dealings towards others. For what did he to the Olynthians? when he was not passed five miles from their town, he sent them word flatly they must do one of the two, either they must not tarry in Olynthus, or else he must forsake Macedon. But if a man should have charged him with this all the while before he came thither: then he would have stormed, and sent Ambassadors, 
phoceians, being evil used, forsook their country by consent, never to return, and builded Massilia in Provence. Thebes, now Thi●a, in Beotia. Fear, now Ceramidi, a town of Attica, between Megara, and Thebes. Oreteynes.  to have made his purgation. The same part he played with the phoceians, when he came unto them as unto his friends that thought no harm at all, their Ambassadors then attending upon him. There was many amongst us at the self-same time also, that debated the matter, and thought that his passage would not be for the profit of the Thebans. And a little before this, he took Pheres, in his way to Thessalia under colour of amity and alliance. And last of all, he deceived the seely Oriteynes, with his sleight and compass, making them believe that he sent Soldiers unto them for good will, to determine the controversies that were among them, for he heard say they could not agree amongst themselves, but wear at jar one with another: And therefore (quoth he) it was the part of a true & constant friend, 
Sleight and guile fit for king Philip, than evenness and plain dealing.  to assist them at such times. And then do you think that he being a man that loves rather to set upon these men, by sleight & policy (who, though they could do him no hurt, yet peradventure, were able well enough to keep themselves from taking of harm) than to tell them before hand, how he would invade them: would make open proclamation of these wars that he minds to have against you: and that, at this time especially, when you are most willing to deceive yourselves? nay look not for that: for now that he seeth himself to have divers ways wronged you, & you for all that, not to challenge him for the same, but that you are rather ready always to accuse and condemn one another: he might well be thought the veriest dolt in the world, if he would break of this strife and contention that is amongst you, and by forewarning you, bring it all upon his own back, and by that means leave nothing to say to those his feed men, who bearing you in hand, that he means no war to this City: 
King Philip's deeds rather to be marked than his words.  seek nothing but delays and tracting out of time with you. But (O good Lord) is there any man in his right wits that would judge whether a man had peace or war with him, by his gay words, rather than by his doings? no man without doubt. 
Diophites general of the Athenians army.  King Philip even immediately, after peace was concluded, Diophites not being yet general, nor the Soldiers that now be in Cherronesus, being as yet sent from hence: he took Serrium and Doriscum from us, 
Cherronesus, now Phanar. Serrium and Doriscum, towns in Thracia and in this second town, Xerxes' army was found just 1000000. men.  and drove out those Soldiers out of Serrium wall, and the holy Mountain: which wear put in by our General. And in these his practices, what was his drift? for surely he had sworn to keep the peace. And let no man say, what of all this? or what hath this City to care for it? for whether these matters be trifles, or such as the City hath not to make any account of, it is no place now, to reason of such things. Albeit, touching godliness & justice, 
Whatsoever swarue●, an inch from ius●tice: the same tendeth straight to injustice.  be it in small matters, or in great, so a man once pass the bounds thereof: all is one in effect. Well, go to now, when he sends his hired soldiers to Cherronesus (which country, both the Persian king & all the Greeks besides, have pronounced to be yours) and confesseth moreover that he will succour them, & signifieth the same by his letters, what doth he? for he saith that he is not at war with us: And yet I for my part am so far from deeming that he attempting such things, doth keep peace, that even as soon as he touched once in Megara, and established a tyrannous government in Euboia, 
An underminer, and a fetching practiser: worse than an open and plain sworn enemy.  & now is going into Thracia, & hath practices a brewing in Peloponesus, and compasseth all that he doth with force of arms: I dare be bold to say, he breaks the peace altogether, & makes war against you: except ye will say that they that have their engines and frames in a readiness: do keep peace till the time they have brought them hard to the very walls. 
The intent makes the offence, when all things are prepared: although the execution do not follow. Prevention necessary, when purposed mischief is foreknown. Hellespontus. Megaris. Euboia. Peloponesus.  But you will not say so, for why, that man that doth and deviseth those things, whereby I may be caught: I must needs say, he is at war with me, although he neither throw nor shoot at me. And than what things should you put in hazard by it, if any such thing should happen? First, Hellespontus shall revolt from you, and he that wars with you shall be Lord over the Megareans and the Euboians: and the Peloponesians, they will be on his side. And shall I then say unto you that this man minds peace and good faith towards us, who prepares and raises up this frame against our City? surely, it is far from my thought: nay, rather even from the very first day that he destroyed the phoceians, I maintain it plainly, that he began straight to be your enemy. And therefore, if you do withstand him out of hand, I say you do wisely. And if you do it not now, you shall not be able to do it, when you would. And so far am I (O Athenians) from the opinion of others your Counsellors, that I think it not meet to have any longer deliberation about Cherronesus and Bizance: 
Cherronesus now Phanar, Bizance, now Constantinople.  but rather that you defend and rescue them from taking of harm. And to send unto your Generals there, all such things as they need. And in the mean space, to consult for the safety and welfare of the whole estate of Grecia, 
A●l Greceland in danger of king Philip.  now standing in very great danger.  
And now I will give you the reason, why I am so afraid of your estate and doings: to the intent, that if I shall seem to say truly and as the matter is in deed: you may be partakers thereof, and if you will not have care over others, yet at the lest that you may be provident and have care of yourselves. And in case you think I tell you a toy, and a brainless tale: then never harken to my tale, either now or hereafter, as to him that were well in his wits. Wherefore, 
The sudden rising and increased might of king Philip.  to touch unto you how king Philip from so slender and so base an estate as he was first in: is waxen so great and mounted so high: how all Grecelande hath been tossed through treachery and sedition among themselves, how it is a great deal more out of all men's belief for him to come from that he was, to that he is now: than it is, that he should now at this time, bring all the rest under his subjection, after the conquest of so many as he hath made, and all such like things as I could well recite: I do think meet to overpass, and surcease. But this I see, that all men following your leading have granted and yielded so willingly to king Philip that thing: which always heretofore hath been the occasion of all the wars among the Greeks. And what might that be? even this, 

King Philip's liberty to do what he ly●●, without step or let hath been the cause of all the wars in Grece.  
Grecians ruled by the Athenians. 7●. years.   that he may do whatsoever him lusteth to do: as much to say, he may cut every man in pieces: he may rob and spoil the Greeks: and he may go up and down conquering and bringing of towns under his subjection. And notwithstanding, that you have been the chief princes over all Grece for the space of .73. years: the Lacedæmonians for .29. years: 
Grecians ruled by the Lacededemonians 29. years. Grecians ruled by the Thebans after the battle at Leuctra. Such as passed the bounds of moderation among the Grecians heretofore: were restrained of their course, & brought perforce to live in order.  and the Thebans also now of late years have been men of some force, since the battle fought at Leuctra, yet for all this, was there never thus much granted by the Grecians, either to you or to the Thebans, or to the Lacedæmonians either, at any time (O Athenians:) to do whatsoever he lusted to do. And in this matter needs not much talk. But both against you, nay rather against the Athenians of those days, after they seemed to pass the bounds of modesty in abusing some men: all men than thought it good, to revenge the matter by open war, yea those whom the quarrel of the wronged, did not touch at all. Again, when the Lacedæmonians ruled and had the like signiory as you had, when they fell once to encroaching, and began out of measure to shake out of order, things well established: all men than bended themselves to open war against them, yea, even those that had no quarrel at all to them. And what need we such far fetched examples? Did not we our selves and the Lacedæmonians, being as then no cause of grief amongst us, yet because we saw others oppressed, think it good for their sakes to make war? and yet all the offences and faults committed aswell by the Lacedæmonians in their thirty years, 
The unmeasurable harms and excessive wrongs done by king Philip in short time. Olynthus, Methona, Apollonia, 32. towns in Thracia, Countries spoiled by king Philip.  as by your ancestors in lxx years together, be much fewer, (O Athenians) yea by a great number: than be the wrongs that king Philip hath done to all Greceland in these not fully xiij whole years, that he is come thus to glitterring glory, from a thing of nothing. And this is easy to be showed in few words. And not to speak of Olynthus, of Methona, of Apollonia, of .32. towns in Thracia, all which places he hath so cruelly overthrown and bet to the ground, that a man coming to them can scant find whether ever those places were inhabited or no. I will not speak of that huge and populous nation of the phoceians, spoiled and consumed by him. 
Phoceyans. Thessalians.  I pray you in what case lies Thessalia? hath he not overthrown & taken from them, both their towns, their political or townelike government, 
Quatuorviratus.  and set Fouremen to rule over them, to the end that not only the towns, but the people also, may live in bondage and slavery? And are not the towns of Euboia, 
Euboians.  governed and possessed even now of late with Tyrants, and that within an Isle, very nigh to Thebes, 
A proud bragging manner of writing used by king Philip. Hellespontus. Ambracia, now Larta. Elis in Morea, now Beluedere. Megaris, now Megr●. All the world ever little to glut king Philip's greedy and bottomless ambition. Fondly wear the Grecians careless, and unquiet among themselves: when the enemy was so busy and stirring abroad.  and to Athens? And doth he not writ this apparently in his letters. I will have peace (saith he) with them that will do as I command them. Neither when he writeth this, doth he cease to perform it also in deed: but he entereth upon Hellespont, having been before at Ambracia. He hath Elis that huge and mighty great City in Peloponnesus, and of late he made a plat how to win the Megarians. So that neither all Grecelande, nor yet all barbarous Countries beside, are able to satisfy the man's greedy and ambitious mind. And notwithstanding that all the Grecians do hear, and see these things: yet do we neither send Ambassadors one to another touching these matters, nor yet conceive any great sorrow for it: but so maliciously be we set among ourselves, and lie so lurking like men trenched in with Walls: that even until this day, we could never do any thing, that was either profitable, or seemly to be done, neither to agree together, nor yet to join in common, to the help and succour one of another: but seeing that 
* King Philip he meaneth.  man waxen greater, we make none accounted of him. And as seemeth to me, every man thinketh to make that time gainful to him wherein others go to wrack: and neither studieth or attempteth the thing, that might be for the safeguard, 
Every man seeks to save one, for a time: while others miscarry, whereas none have any care of the whole state or country.  and preservation of the Greeks. 
* An apt similitude derived from the body to the mind, declaring how careless the Grecians were. Wrongs done by strangers, more dangerous, than harms done by natural Citizens, or home borne men.  But it fareth herein, much like as it doth with them that have an Ague, or any other disease that cometh by fits or course. For how soever a man think it presently far from him, yet at length the Fever comes, and shakes him by the back.  
Moreover, this you do all understand, whatsoever smart the Greeks suffered of the Lacedæmonians, or of us: they have received the same as of natural & mere Grecians: which was to be taken in like part, as if a man's own son borne & brought up in great wealth, having done somewhat scant honestly or unjustly: although he wear to be blamed and rebuked justly for the same: yet to say that he should be counted a stranger or a frem man, and not an inheritor to those goods for his fact, surely that wear not a thing to be admitted. Whereas, if a bond slave or a man's hind, 
King Philip a barbarous prince, & mere stranger to the Grecians. King Philip contumelious and dispitefu●l of his tongue.  would without order, make havoc of things where he aught not: Lord God how grievously would all men stomach and take on, at such a matter. And have not men now the same opinion of king Philip, and his doings? who is not only, not a Graecian, and nothing kith or kin to the Greeks at all, but also he is not so much as a Barbarian, of any such country as is worth the naming: but even a vile rank Macedon, from whence never man yet willingly would have bought a good bond slave. And yet for all this, what extreme contumely and despite hath he forborn to raise against us? hath not he in his hands besides the towns that he hath destroyed and beaten down, the government of the 
* 
Pythia, certain games made yearly in the honour of Apollo, for kill the mighty and venomous serpent Pytho. Oracle of Apollo.  
Amphictyones, an assembly of states to come to gether, having the name of Amphiction, who caused the princes of Grece to be summoned, to meet at the hills Thermopylae, which hills were so named of the hot baynes nigh unto them. And those states were twelve in number. Ore●m, How Lorio.  
A notable similitude declaring the nature of lither & careless people. Ambracia, now Larta.  
Leucas, now saint Meura. Nanpactum, now Lepontus Etolia, a country betwixt Acarnania and Phocis.   Pithyan oracles, where the common games of Grece wear? to which, if he list not to come himself, he sendeth slaves of his own to be overseers of the games. He is Lord of the piles and entries into Grece: he keeps the places with garnisons, and foreign Soldiers to stop the passage into Grece. Hath not he also the pre-eminence and prerogative at Apollo's Oracle? doth not he keep back, us, the Thessalians, the Dorians, and the rest of the Amphictyones, from that which every sort, (no not of the Greeks themselves) might have access unto. Doth not he appoint the Thessalians, after what fashion they shall be ruled? doth not he sand out mercenary soldiers to keep the Gulf in Euboia, and to drive out from thence the commons of Eretria? doth not he send others to Orium to place Philistides, the Tyrant there? All these things the Grecians see & suffer before their faces. Now truly herein they seem to me to do even as those do, the see a storm of hail coming, against which every man pray, that it may not light upon him, but no man deviseth how to keep it of. And neither can the dispightes he doth to all Grecelande in common, not nor yet the wrongs done by him to every man by himself: move any man to be revenged of him. And last of all: is he not got to the Corinthians towns, Ambracia and Leucas? did not he promise' by solemn oath, that when he had taken Naupactum from the Achaeans, he would give the same straight to the Etolians? hath not he taken Echinum from the Thebans? 
Echinus, in the geulfe of Dollo in Macedon. Bizance, now Constantinople in Romania. Cardia, in Thracia Cherronesus.  and sends he not his army now against those of Bizance? and are not they your confederates, your allies, & your friends? And to overpass others, he hath got to himself Cardia, the greatest City in Cherronesus. And yet we, for all we see these manifest and most plain injuries, make fair weather for all that, and dally out our matters: looking every man upon his next fellow, and mistrusting one another: whilst he in the mean season doth us all the apparent wrongs that may be. 
Where covetousness reigneth and licencicus living is used: there is destruction one of another, and small care had of the common weal.  But what think you, that he (who now behaveth himself so outrageously towards all men in general) will do when he is Lord over every man particularly? And what is the cause of all these things? for it was not without reason & just cause, that all the Greeks were then so ready, & forward to maintain their liberty: and so willing now as they be, to live in bondage. There was a thing, there was a thing (O Athenians) at those days in the hearts and minds of many men, that is not now in these days, 
The soundness and upright dealing of the ancient Grecians in times past.  which did both prevail against the Persians riches, made Grece live in liberty, and that they wear never conquered in fight, or lost battle by sea or by land. But now that this is gone, all things go to havoc and ruin, and the state of whole Greceland is turned altogether topsy-turvy. And what was that? A thing of no great difficulty or cunning surely. Not more but this, that they deadly hated all such, as would take money of them, that desired always to have the rule over others, 
Bribe takers and corrupt receivers of gifts hated among the Grecians, and sharply punished.  or sought the overthrow of Greceland by corrupt means. And a very heinous matter it was in those days, to be convicted for a bribe taker, they were most grievously punished, none excuse or pardon was to be had for them. And therefore amongst them, all such good opportunities, and occasions as happened unto them, to do their feats by (which by fortune oftentimes are poured into the careless men's laps against the watchful, and to them that do nothing, against them that do what they can) could not be bought out or redeemed of the Counsellors and Captains: 
councillors uncorrupted.  neither the good will of men one to another, nor the mistrust that men had in Barbarians, 
The corruption and naughtiness in bribe takers.  and Tyrants, nor in any such like. Whereas now all these are set to sale: as though it wear in overt market. And in steed of these: other things are brought in, that have been the loss and weakening of all Grece. And what are those? Malice, and repining, if a man take money: scoffing, if one confess it: forswearing, if it be proved upon him: hatred if any man found fault with it: and such other like things, as do depend upon bribery. As for Galleys, number of men, revenues of money, store of other provision, and all things beside, that are thought meet to belong to the strengthening, and fortifying of Cities: we have more plenty of them and better of all sorts, than was any at those days. And yet for all that, all these things are now in vain, and serve us to no use, or occupation, by reason of these copesmates, and corrupt bribe takers. And that this is true you know, very well, and need not me for a witness. But that in times past it hath been clean contrary, that will I declare unto you, and I will not tell you a tale of mine own head: but I will bring you forth the flat scriptures of our ancestors which they set up in writing upon a brazen Pillar in the Tower Acropolis, 
Acropolis, the name of the Tower or Castle of Athens.  Where you shall see the Registers and tables containing the histories for perpetual memory. And the form of government anciently engraven, not that they had need of such matters: for they knew well enough without any such writings, what they had to do: but that these things might be examples and monuments for you that followed, 
A severe and ancient usage of vanishing a traitor by the example of one Arthmius a Zelite, not much unlike to baffling, used in the Scottish borders. Read grafton's Chronicle. 5. Hen. 8. This A●thenius was employed to win men with bribery & corruption, and so he brought great sums of gold from Medea to Peloponesus, a part of Grece, and yet not under Athens.  and to see with what care such things were to be looked unto. And what saith that writing? forsooth it saith, Arthmius, the son of Pithonactes, a Zelite, let him be taken for a defamed person, and an enemy to the commons of Athens, their allies and confederates, he and all his offspring. Underneath the cause of his condemnation is alleged in this sort. Because he brought gold from Medea into Peloponesus, not because he brought it to Athens. Consider now for the reverence of God with yourselves, what the meaning of the Athenians was in those days, and what authority they had, when they did these things? They thus proclaimed Arthmius, a certain Zelite being slave to the king of Persia (for Zelia is a town in Asia) because that he in service of his master brought gold with him, to Peloponesus, 
Bribes brought to Peloponesus, offended the Athenians as much, as though they themselves had been offered bribes and touched with corruption.  not because he brought any to Athens, therefore they graved in a Pillar that both he and his offspring should be reputed as enemies to them and their allies, and be defamed for ever. This is not such a kind of infamy as a man would so commonly term it. For what should he being a Zelite borne pass a groat, for being forbidden the franchises of Athens? But this writing hath not so slight a meaning, there is an other matter in it. But it is written in the criminal laws made against murderers: That where a man would not stand to the punishment of the law, he should be inquired of, and answerable for murder, yea, it was a godly deed to kill him.  
And (saith the law) let him die the death, 
The ancient Grecians thought themselves bound in conscience to tender the preservation of all Greceland, not only of their own several state or country.  with shame and dishonour, which is as much to say, that he, that killeth such a man, shall be cleared, and reputed without stain of any fault. Wherefore, these men thought themselves charged to look to the safe keeping of all Grecelande. For it had been no matter, to them, if one had gone about to buy and to bribe men with money in Peloponesus, except they had been of this mind? neither would they have so punished, and been revenged of such whom they knew wear bribetakers, 
In time of danger, and especially when neighbours and friends are negligent and careless: it wear good for men to look well and circumspectly to themselves.  as to set their names upon pillars. And these things by good reason made the Greeks seem so redoubted, and so terrible to the Barbarians to deal withal, not the Barbarians to them. But now the world is clean changed, neither be you of like disposition, either in this or in any thing else. But how, you be disposed, ye know well enough yourselves. And therefore to what purpose wear it to found fault with you, for every thing you do? All Grecelande beside, is after the same sort, and near a whit better than you are. Therefore I do ensure you, that it wear very needful for us, to use marvelous great diligence and to take good council for these weighty affairs, and matters that we have in hand at this time. And how now? shall I tell it you? do you bid me? and will you not then be angry with me? I have written it in a Table that one shall read to you, and you shall hear it. Read these acts sirrah.  

The rehearsal of the Register is wanting.   

The less one feareth his enemy: the nigher he is to his own harm.  There is spread abroad certain fond talk by such as would put us in comfort, with telling us that king Philip is not yet of such puissance as the Lacedæmonians have been heretofore, who were Lords of the sea, and of the land all about, and wear in league with the king of Persia, so that none could withstand them: and yet this City revenged themselves of them, and lost nothing at their hands. And as all things in a manner be much increased, and nothing like to that they wear in times past: so also I think nothing is more altered and advanced, than are the affairs of war.  
For first of all, I hearsay that the manner of the Lacedæmonians in those days, & all other Greeks to, was to be forth four or five months in warfare, when the season of the year served, & in that space to invade & annoyed their enemies country, with a power of armed men and soldiers of their own country, 
The order of warfare, clean altered, and in stead of plain dealing deceit used, and all sleights, that may be, both devised, and practised.  and so to return home again when they had done. And so anciently or rather civilly they behaved themselves, that they would do nothing by corruption of money, but by loyalty & open war. Whereas now adays, you see all things go to ruin by treason, and nothing done by fight and open battle. You see that king Philip not with squares of armed soldiers goeth whither he will: but with a retinue of light horsemen and hired archers. And then having such fellows at hand, his manner is, where he sees men at sedition and trouble among themselves, that for private faction and mistrust one to another, no man dares issue out, for his Country: there he rushes me in upon them, 
King Philip most painful, sparing for no weather to do his endeavour.  and having his engines with him, lays straight siege to their Towns. And I tell you not here, how all is one to him, whether he war in Winter or in Summer, and how he makes no choice of the season, when to leave of from doing his business. Wherefore, 
Dangerous to fight with out enemy at our own doors.  seeing you all do know, and consider this well enough: it were good that ye suffered not the enemy, to bring the wars into our own Country: lest following that foolish and simple order of the Lacedæmonians wars, ye bring yourselves to some great mischief, enough to break your necks withal. But you must very circumspectly or ere things approach upon us, beware aswell by your doings, as by your preparation, and look well to him that he stir not from home, and that we be not fought withal by him, hand to hand. For why, to maintain the wars, 
Better to begin wars, than to abide wars.  we have many ways advantage of him (O Athenians) so we would but do as we aught to do: The very nature of his country, a good part whereof we may ransack and annoy, and ten thousand advantages beside. But as for the fight, he is far better exercised in it, than we are. Neither is it enough to withstand him abroad, with sword and armour, but ye must do it also by reason and understanding, persecuting all such as amongst you speak on his side, 
Home enemies the worst people living, and an evil cherishing it is of a Serpent in a man's bosom.  assuring ourselves that we shall never overcome our enemy abroad, till we have punished his ministers here at home. And that thing, so far as I can see, before God and all his Saints, you be neither able nor willing to do: but you are come to such foolishness, or rather madness, or I wots near what to term it: (for oftentimes it comes in my mind to be adread, lest some spirit or fatal destiny do chase and persecute our doings) that either for railing, or envy, or scoffing, or some other trifling matter, you make a sight of hirelings to come up and speak in this place: of whom there are some that cannot disavow nor deny themselves to be such men: and then you make a sport of it, when they fall a railing upon men. And yet this is no great matter neither, although it be a great matter in deed. For you suffer such to govern with more safety: than they that speak for your welfare. 
Evil men govern with better safety, than good men.  And yet mark what great mischief cometh hereof, because you will give ear unto such men. I will tell you their doings, which you all shall well perceive.  
At Olynthus 
Olynthians  there wear some men of authority in the common weal, who favoured king Philip and wear his ministers in all things they could do. 
Examples of practised treasons.  Others did all for the best, procuring all they could, that their countrymen should not be brought to slavery. Which of them say you destroyed their country? or who betrayed the horsemen, whereupon the City of Olynthus was destroyed and undone? 

Apollonides banished being a faithful subject. Eretria.  
Plutarch a captain, Porthmus a creak or Gulf of the Sea that may easily be passed Hipponicus being sent by king Philip to aid the Gretrians, took their town and country afterwards for his masters use. Hipparchus, Automedon, Clytarchus Eurilocus, Parmenion. Oreum, now called Loreo. Philistides, Menippus, Socrates, Thoas, Agapeus.  
Philistides accused of treason by Euphreus. Enphreus suffered to be carried to prison by them, that wear for king Philip, and despited even then, of his own countrymen.   Certainly that did they, that wear on king Philip's side: who (as long as the City stood) did so slander and pick quarrels against them that spoke best for you, that at the length they persuaded the Commons of Olynthus, to banish Apollonides. Now think you that this custom, was the cause of all the mischief only in Olynthus, and no where else? Nay it was so in Eretria to, for there, after the departure of Plutarch, & the foreign soldiers, when the people ruled the town and gulf thereof: some would be under us, and some under king Philip. To these the miserable and unhappy Eretrians giving ear in many things or rather in all, they were at length persuaded to thrust out such as spoke of their own side. And yet for all that, king Philip their friend and ally, sends me unto them Hipponicus, with a thousand strangers, & bet down the walls of their gulf, placing there three tyrants, Hipparchus, Automedon, & Clytarchus, & after this drove them twice out of their own country, when now they would gladly have been in safety, sending thither the strangers that were with Eurylochus: & after that again, those that were with Parmenion. What need I to heap up many examples? at the town of Oreum, were not Philistides, Menippus, Socrates, Thoas, and Agapeus, practisers for king Philip, who now have the City in their hands? And this was known to all men. But to tell how one Euphraeus, a man that dwelled here sometimes, and travailed for their freedom, that they should not come in bondage to any body, was injuried and railed upon by the commons of the Oreteynes: it would ask a long time of talk. The year before the said town was taken, he understanding their practices, appeached Philistides and his complices of high treason: whereupon many men conspiring and assembling themselves, having Philip their pursebearer, & being guided by his instructions, carried me away Euphraeus to prison, as a disturber of the common weal. Which thing the commons of the Oreteynes seeing, in steed of assisting him, and tormenting them: they showed themselves not offended at all with them, and as for him, they thought he was worthily punished, & rejoiced at it. But afterwards these fellows being in such authority, as they wished: they wrought a practice to take the town by, and brought the same to pass. 
The sharp punishing & evil handling of one good man, makes many other good men afraid.  And then the Commons, if any of them understood the matter, they held their peace, like people amazed, remembering how Euphraeus was handled. Yea, in such miserable state wear those men brought, that none durst open his mouth in that extréemitie, till the army that was prepared, came even to their walls. And then some of them defended the town, and others betrayed it. And thus the town being foully and evil favouredly lost: these fellows are become Princes, and play the tyrants over such as erst preserved both themselves, & Euphraeus too (being men ready to do any thing) when they had banished some, & put to death some others. 
Erphreus ●emented the evil of his country, and being in prison, not able to redress things amiss: did kill himself.  And that same Euphraeus, being in prison killed himself, witnessing by such a deed, that he had justly and sincerely withstood King Philip in the quarrel of his Countrymen. But now perhaps every one of you doth wonder and marvel how it comes to pass, that the Olynthians, Eretrians, & the Oret●ynes have more favoured king Philip's friends & partakers: then their own patrons and defenders, even in like sort as you do. The cause is this: 
The reason, why traitors and flatterers are better liked, than are the just and true meaning Counsellors.  those that speak for the best, can not at all times tell you that, the which shall please you, not though they would. For why, it lies them upon to consider what shall be for your preservation, whereas these others while they tell you a fair tale, and curry favel with you, brew altogether for king Philip. They required of every one a contribution: these men would have none. 
The demand of good men, for their country's weal: the denial used by flatterers, to the hurt thereof.  They would have us make war, and have him in a jealousy: these would have us to be at peace, till the enemy were come upon us. And in like sort I mean of all other things, because I will not particularly rehearse them all. These men tell you the things, whereby they may presently please your fantasy: the others told you that, whereby the state might be kept in safety hereafter, not without displeasure and hazard of themselves. And last of all, the common people, they did bear with many things, not for favour, nor yet for ignorance, but as men (that constrained to yield unto the time) perceive themselves altogether unequally matched. The self-same thing so help me God and holidome, 
Advice and council to go before men's actions.  I doubt much will fall upon you: forasmuch you see there is nothing in you, that is done by advise and council. And when I see them that bring you, in this taking: I do not tremble and quake at them, but I loath them utterly. For, 
God grant unto England many such true, faithful, stout and wise counsellors, as was Demosthenes to Athens.  be it of purpose, or be it through ignorance, once, they have brought the City into great hazard and to a marvelous strait: But God forbid (O Athenians) that things should come to that point: better it wear to die ten thousand deaths, than by flattery to serve King Philip's humour: to the utter undoing of them that are the Authors of your welfare. 
Oriteynes abused, and pitifully tormented by king Philip.  A goodly dish of thanks I promise' you, that the Oriteynes received by yielding themselves to King Philip's friends, and thrusting out of Euphraeus. The commons of Eretrians also, they are wisely handled, for keeping back your Ambassadors, and yielding themselves to Clytarchus, 
Clytarchus.  they are handled like slaves in deed, they are whipped and scourged, and miserably tormented. O Lord, how goodlily did he pardon and spare the Olynthians for choosing of Lasthenes to their Captain of horsemen, 
Olynthians deceived by king Philip of their hope and promised pardon.  and erpulsing Apollonides. It is a very folly, and the greatest beastliness that may be, for men to hope for such things, (and whereas they take evil council themselves, and are not willing to do any thing, as is fit for them to do, but give ear to them that speak on their enemies side) to think that they devil in a City of such greatness that they can suffer no harm whatsoever betid. And what a foul shame were this, if any mishap fell upon us hereafter, 
Take heed of Had I wist.  to say, who would ere have thought it? For why, God knows, thus, and thus, we should have done forsooth, and thus we should not have done. 
Olynthians wise a day after the fair.  The Olynthians should have now many things to say, the which, if they had than foreseen: they had not been undone as they are. 
Oriteynes beaten with their own rod. phoceians come to had I witted.  So might the Oriteynes: So might the phoceians, and all the rest that are now come to their undoing. But what good would this do them? So long as the ship is safe whether it be great or small, it is meet that both Master, Mariners, 
An apt similitude, to warn men to be wise in time, and to take pains when need requires. The sum of Demosthenes advice & council, for wars to be had, and the preparation thereof. Athenians (being the chiefest and worthiest Grecians above all others) never yielded to any several subjection or bondage. Ambassadors needful to be sent abroad in time of war, to all parts.  and every man in his course do his best endeavour, and be heedful that no man either witting or unwares, should by any means overwhelm it: but when the sea is once come in, then is it in vain to travails any longer: even so we also (O Athenians) so long as we are in good state, enjoying a puissant City of our own, and have opportunity and occasions at will, while we maintain and hold ourselves in this great dignity: peradventure there sits some here amongst us, that have longed this good while to ask the question, what shall we do? Why, by God's grace, that will I tell you, and enact it myself, and if you like it, you may hold up your hands to it, and pass it.  
Let us first and foremost, and before all others withstand him, and defend ourselves: let us, our galleys, our money & soldiers be in a readiness, for though all the world would yield unto slavery and bondage: yet undoubtedly must we fight for our liberty. And then I say, when we are furnished with all these things, and that we have made the rest of the Grecians privy thereunto: let us couple and link in with others, & dispatch Ambassadors all about to make information thereof to Peloponesus, to the Rhodes, to Chio, yea, even to the king of Persia himself. For it is not against his profit neither, that we should stop this man from conquering all: to the intent that if you may bring them to it, than they may take such part as we do: as well in the adventures, as in the costs and charges that be requisite. And if by this means we can not get our purpose, yet at the lest ye shall drive out the time with him, and win somewhat by delays. 
* Winning of time, and delays: are profitable sometimes. Demosthenes, Polieuctus, Hegesippus, Clytomachus, Lycurgus. with others sent Ambassadors to Morea, and the good that they did thereby, in staying of king Philip from thence, and other places beside.  And that is a point you shall not find altogether unprofitable unto us, considering we are to make war against the person of a man, and not against the force of any self governed state or free City. Neither was that embassage in vain, that I, and that worthy man Polieuctus, Hegesippus, Clytomachus, and Lycurgus with others went in, nor yet the complaints that we made in traveling about Peloponesus, a year ago: for by that means we made him stay that he could neither enter into 
* Ambracia n●w Lacta.  Ambracia, nor yet invade Peloponesus. And yet I speak not this, to the intent that we should call others in our aid, and then we ourselves should sit still, and be unwilling to do any thing that should do us good. For why, it were a very fond part, that they who do foreslow their own business, should say they took upon them the charge over other folks matters: and while they do themselves neglect things present: should warn others to beware of things to come. Not, that is not my saying, but my meaning is, that you should send money to the soldiers at Cherronesus, and do for them as they shall require you in all things beside. And that we ourselves be in a readiness, 
Good for the Athenians as chiefest among the Grecians, to begin first their wars, and then to call others to join in league and fellowship of war with them.  and first of all do our parts, and after that to call other Grecians unto us, and assemble them together, and inform them, and advertise them of all things. This is the duty of a City, that hath such authority, and estimation as you have. For if you look that the Calcidians or the Megarians should keep Grece, and you yourselves to shrink from doing any business: you are not well advised. For the world goeth well with them, if every one of them may save himself. But it is you that must do this feat: to you have your Ancestors left this office, and purchased it, with many a fair and valiant adventure. But if every one will look to have his will by sitting still, 
Such as are careless in their own causes: hardily find others to be careful for them.  and think to do nothing himself: first of all he shall be sure to found no body will do it for him. And afterwards I fear me we shall be enforced ourselves, to do every one of us that we would not do. For had there been any such, they had long ago showed their good wills, because you yourselves would do nothing. But there are none such. And therefore this say I, this writ I, and this being done, I think there is time enough yet to amend all. Howbeit, if any man have any better than this, let him say it, and give his advice: and whatsoever it be, that you shall like of, God grant the same may be for your profit.   

The Argument upon the fourth Oration against king Philip of Macedon.  
Certain of Athens, being King Philip's feed men, and greatly bound unto him for large rewards given: kept the people back as much as they could from repressing or withstanding his doings from time to time, till he had made all things ready for the wars, and had set foot in the fittest places, that might be for his purpose. So that such his hirelings as used to speak for the maintenance of peace, against war: wear very well liked of the people, not for any special love they had to peace, but for fear of taxes and payments, and other burdens hanging upon war, the which commonly grieve the people most of all, and in time of war must needs be had. Wherefore it was dangerous to propound matter concerning war, or to exhort the people to be at defiance with any body. For then those traitorous hirelings would put up a Bill of complaint against them, as motioners and Authors of those decrees. And the people that could not abide to hear of charges and payments, and therefore hated war: would with open mouth and full consent condemn him presently as an offender, that once spoke for war, although the necessity wear never so great. So that where as Demosthenes durst not subscribe to the enacting of war to be proclaimed, he useth cunning by a figure called Translatio, and layeth it upon an other, saying, that King Philip hath denounced war against them, so that they are in great hazard and danger. And therefore he doth exhort them to withstand the wars already commenced and taken in hand by king Philip, the which is a natural request. For what is he that will not seek to defend himself and devise with force to withstand force.  
Lastly, he seeketh to set an atonement betwixt the rich men & the poor, who wear at defiance amongst themselves. For the rich wear very loath to yield to any subsidy, and would rather that the treasure money whereof the poor people had, a good part for their comfort, should be converted wholly to bear all the charges of the wars: on the other side, the poors sort wear in an uproar against the rich, and threatened that they would enter upon their goods, and spoil them in their own houses rather than they would loose their stage pence and the benefit of the public treasure, for setting forth of their shows and pastimes. Demosthenes hereupon rebuketh them both, and willeth the rich men to let the stage money alone for the poor, being so small a matter: and chargeth the said poor men on the other side, to forbear violence and injury towards the richer sort. And in the neck of this, he crieth out against Traitors that hinder good motions, and counseleth hereupon the Athenians to send Ambassadors to the king of Persia, to have him join in league with them, and to help them with money, for that otherwise, the City had not wherewith to bear out their necessary charges: meaning hereby, that the rich men should not be called upon, and the poorer sort should be spared also, and have their desires, if this embassage took place, the which is the very scope and full intent of all his meaning. And as it should seem this Oration was spoken more upon the sudden, or at the lest wise not provided for, as the other his Orations wear. For that divers things are here uttered, and much matter of substance rehearsed, and almost after the self-same manner in this action declared: as was before spoken in certain of his other Orations already made and uttered to the people.  
¶ The fourth Oration against king Philip of Macedon.  
FOr as much as (O Athenians) these affairs whereupon you do sit in council; are both right weighty and necessary for our Country: I will endeavour myself to speak thereof, that which I think is for your profit. Among a great number of faults, and galls and those not of a small times growing, that cause us to be in this evil favoured pickle: there is none of them all (O Athenians) that doth us more hurt at this time, than this, that you give your minds altogether from the doing of your business. 
Negligence lost Athens.  For so long and no longer lasts all the labour you take, as you may be sitting still, & hearing some news told you: and then every man gets him away neither regarding nor so much as remembering the matter at all. And as for king philip's dealings toward all men, they be so full of outrageousness, and covetousness as you hear them reported to be: and every man knows very well, that it is not possible to bridle him or restrain him of this, 
Not words, but armour, must keep king Philip under.  by any treaty or persuasion that we can use. Which thing he that can not perceive by any other thing else, let him consider it hereby: whensoever it came to the talk of right & justice: we never had the worse, nor yet wear ever judged to be wrong doers, but have always had the better hand, and have prevailed in our talk: And yet I pray you what did his business proceed any whit the worse, or ours any thing the better for all this? nothing at all surely. For where as his fashion is, as soon as he hath taken armour in hand, by and by to be ready to go and adventure himself with all that he hath, and ours on the other side to sit still, some when we have spoken that which right requireth, and other some, when we have given the hearing, by good reason I think it falleth out, that deeds do surpass words, and that all men do not so much mark and regard, the right that we maintain in words, and what we have said or shall say for ourselves: as the thing that we do and put in execution. And they be such, as are of no force to the preservation and safety of any that is oppressed. And here needs no more talk thereof. Wherefore, seeing it is so, that all States and Towneships, are divided into these two factions, whereof the one sort, be of those that neither desire themselves to have the rule by force and strong hand, neither yet to be in bondage to others, but seek only to maintain their liberty, and to have their Country governed by laws in an evenness: the other sort, is of them that desire to be Princes over their own Country men, and yet can be contented to be under the obedience of some other, by whose means they think they may attain thereunto: So it is that such as are of his mind, that is, they that desire to be tyrants and Lords, 
Ambitious persons cherished by king Philip.  they have got the rule and bear sway every where already. And I think there is never a one of them all left, that sits fast in their democraty or people hold estate, save yours only. And those that by his means bear rule in Towns, 
Corrupt officers never want matter, to satisfy their corrupt minds.  they have already every where gotten the over hand, by all these means whereby matters are brought to pass. And the very first and chiefest thing of all is, that such as be bribe takers, are sure of a briber to feed their humour. 
Mandragora, of two sorts black and white bearing apples low upon the ground, having no such root, as is fondly imagined, but of virtue, to cast one into so heavy a sleep, that being lanced or burned, he shall not feel the grief.  The next and never a whit less matter than that, is this, that there is a power at hand to beat down such as do withstand their purpose, at what time soever they shall require it. But as for us, we are not only behind in this behalf, but like men cast into a sleep with drinking of Mandragora, or some other like beverage: we can not by any means be wakened. Again, we are in such a contempt and slander abroad, by these our doings, (For I must be plain with you, and tell you as I think) that some men being themselves in the midst of danger, do for all that keep a quarrelling with us, some for the Generalships, 
Athenians contemned for their slothfulness.  others, about the diet and meeting place: and other some there be, that are determined rather to defend themselves by themselves, than with us. And wherefore do I say all this, and why make I so great a discourse? Now God is my witness, and all his saints, 
As a Fever Hectyke is son● cured at the first, and hardly known: but being grown, is hardly cured, & easily perceived: so it fareth in the affairs of this world, that things may son● be remedied at the beginning, if they wear espied, whereas afterwards being suffered and known, they do wax incurable.  that I mean not to get your evil will by it, but to the intent that every one of you (O Athenians) may right well know and perceive, that it fareth in Towneships, and States of Cities, by this our daily laysinesse and faint dealings, much like as it doth in our own lives, that we feel not at the first the smart of every thing foreslowed: but when our reckoning cometh to the total sum, than our sloth meeteth with us in the end. You see Serrius, and Doriscus, (for these things wear first neglected after the peace concluded, which peradventure to many of you be not known at all.) And yet in very deed, the letting go, and oversight of them, was the loss of Thracia and Chersobleptes your ally and warrefellow. And when he saw that you made no account of those neither, nor yet sent them any succours: he digged down the walls of Porthmus, & made a fortification against you in Euboia, right over against Attic: and seeing you cared not for this neither, never so little more he had got Megara. And so slenderly did you regard and wear moved with all this: that you did not so much as show a countenance that you would not suffer him so to range. What more? When he had bought out Antrona for his money, he seized to himself not long after the state of Oreo. Many other things I let pass, as Pherrhas, the passage & high way to Ambracia, those slaughters made in Elis, and ten thousand things beside. 
Elis now Beluedere, in Morea.  Neither have I made this discourse, meaning thereby to reckon up unto you such as king Philip hath subdued with outrage, and injuriously wronged: but to show you this point, that king Philip will never cease wronging, and getting all the world into his hands, unless some body stop him of his course. Now forsooth there are some men, that before they have heard a man's tale to the end, will by and by be ask the question, what is to be done? not because that when they have heard good council given them, they mean straight ways to follow the same and put it in execution, 
He meaneth, for that they had peace, such questioning there was, as though it had been needless to speak when all things were well and quiet.  (for such men in deed if they did so, wear the best people in the world) but they ask it to the intent to be the quicklier rid of the speaker. Howbeit, for all that, I must needs tell you what is to be done. And therefore first and foremost (O Athenians) assure yourselves of this one thing, that king Philip makes war against this City, and he hath already broken the peace, and is an evil willer, and a deadly enemy to this whole City, and to the very ground it stands upon: yea I may say too, to the very Gods that be within this City, 
King Philip hateth even the very religion of Athens.  whom I beseech utterly to confound him. For there is nothing in all the world that he doth, more earnestly fight against, than the very form or manner of our common weal, and how to undo the same, and at this time he is in a manner, as it should seem by fine force driven so to do. For make you this reckoning with yourselves: his meaning is to rule all, 
Such as live in liberty, cannot brook tyranny.  and therein he thinks, there is no body to withstand him, but you only. For well he wotteth as his own conscience can witness with him, that he hath done you great wrong, now this long time: for with these things which be yours of right, and the use whereof, he hath against right, he hath gotten the safe possession of all the rest. For had he foregone Amphipolis, and Potidea: he would think he should not sit sure in Macedon. So that he understandeth well each of these things, both that he lieth in wait for you, and that you understand the same very well. But because he taketh you to be men of good understanding and judgement: he perceiveth himself to be worthily hated of you. Besides all these things which be so many and of so great importance, he is well assured, that although he wear Lord over all other countries, yet shall he never be able to keep them surely, so long as your popular & people ruled estate doth continued. For should he have any overthrow or trip (as he is a man may have many an one) all those towns which he now keeps by main force, will revolt straight from him to you: 
Athenians apt by nature to help the afflicted.  for you be not men apt of your own nature to seek greedily, and to get the principality over others: but rather to keep an other man from getting: and when he hath gotten any thing, to get the same out of his hands again: and wholly to impeach all such as aspire to principality, & well able, and sufficient to restore all men to their liberty. And therefore it likes him not at any hand, that the liberty, that is amongst you, should be a trump in his way, when the time should serve him: neither is his reason, in this behalf amiss or out of the purpose. And even for this cause first and foremost, must we judge him to be such an enemy to the state of a common wealth, and populare freedom of a City, as will never be reconciled. And next to that, be you right well assured, 
King Philip mindeth nothing more, than the destruction of Athens.  that all his practices, and devices at this time, are altogether prepared against your City: neither is their any one, among you all, so simple as to think that king Philip hath any desire to those pelting things in Thracia (for by what other name should a man call them) as to Drongilus, Cabyle, and Masteira, and to those that he is now reported to have, or that for the getting of those baggage things he would endure such travail, cold, and extreme danger, as he doth: & that his longing is not rather to the havens of Athens, their Arsenales, their Galleys, their works of silver mines, their huge revenues, their territory and honour, whereof God grant that neither he nor any other may at any time be Lord & Master, after that he hath brought our City into subjection: or that he would suffer you to enjoy all these things, and he himself be contented to winter in a Dungeon, for the getting of tars, Fatches, and 
* Panyke a kind of pulses, not unlike to Millet, with a long stalk full of joints, in the top whereof groweth an ear full of little yellow seeds as small as Mustard seed, but not so round, being of little nourishment for man, & yet very good for small birds to feed upon, and to fa● them withal.  Panyke that are in the Caves of Thracia. It can not be so: but it is the getting of these things into his hands, for which both those, and all other his practices be. And thus much it is reason, 
King Philip's chief drift to get Athens.  every man should know, and be resolved of in himself, and not to require him in good faith that should give you the best council in all rightful causes, to subscribe to the decree for making of war. For 
* High time for the Athenians to proclaim war with one consent, and to go also to the wars themselves in person  that wear the part of them that would feign found one, to whom they might pick a quarrel, and not of them that minded the thing, that should be for the wealth of this City. For mark you well, whereas Philip hath broken the peace concluded, once, twice, thrice (for many a time one after another hath he so done) if for these so often breaches a man had decreed to make war upon him, and he had aided the Cardians in like manner as he now doth, when none of the Athenians decréeth war: think you that he which had made this decree should not have been pulled out by the ears, 
Dangerous for any one man to subscribe to the Table for making of war: if the people did not allow of it, and therefore every one forbore for fear of undoing, to enact or underwrite to the Table, but would rather it should be the whole people's decere and act.  and would not all men have quarrelled, that Philip had aided the Cardians for this cause? Therefore seek you not whom to hate for King Philip's faults, and to deliver up into the hands of his bribed hirelings to be pulled in pieces. Neither is it meet, when you shall have once agreed upon war, to call the matter again in question: and to be at contention among yourselves, whether it wear needful for you to have done this thing or no. But in like manner as he doth make war upon you, so make you your defence, by giving your money and other things necessary to them that be now at wars with him, and yourselves by contributing and preparing of an army, swift Galleys, horses, and vessels for transporting of them, and all other things belonging to the wars. For as we now use things, it is a plain mockery, 
King Philip findeth the Athenians to be as he would have them for his purpose.  and I believe verily, so God help me, that king Philip himself would never wish of God, that ye should do otherwise than ye now do: you come ever to short in your business, you spend money, you seek out, whom to give the charge of your business unto, you brawl, you chafe, you accuse one another. And whereof all these things do rise, you shall hear of me, and I will show you again, how to remedy all that is amiss.  
I must tell you plain (O Athenians) you did never look well to your doings from the beginning, neither did provide any thing rightfully and orderly as you aught to do, but are guided always, 
Athenians careless of their doings till danger appeared.  by the event and falling out of things: and when you see yourselves over taken, or come to late, than you take your rest. Again, if any other thing do happen, you prepare yourselves and make a great stir, whereas you should not so do: For it can not be, that you shall ever do any thing well, by sending of supplies and aid. But when you have prepared an army and gotten sufficient provision of victuals for the same, and appointed common officers over your treasure, 
The Treasure must be looked unto and kept in safety.  and as much as may be, seen that your money be in safe keeping: when I say you have this done, then must you take an account of the Treasurers, how they have bestowed their money, and of your General for matters of war, and leave him no occasion or pretence, to sail any other where, or to take any other matters in hand. And thus doing, and showing yourselves willing: then shall you in deed compel king Philip to keep the peace uprightly, and tarry at his own home: or else you shall be sure to deal with him upon even hand. And peradventure it may so come to pass, that even as you now are wont to ask, what doth king Philip? which way goeth he with his army? even so will he be careful which way your army is gone, & where you will make your entry, and discover yourselves. Now if any man think it very chargeable and painful to bring these matters to pass: surely he thinketh right well and with good reason. But and he will consider what will become of this City hereafter, if in case we will not so do: 
Nothing well done, that is not willingly done.  he shall then find and see how profitable a thing it is when a man must needs do a thing, to do it with a good william. For although God himself would be our surety, and warrant us, (as in deed it passeth man's power sufficiently to assure us in such a matter as this is) that though we would live at rest, & let all things alone, as men careless which way the world went: and that king Philip for all that, would not invade us himself: yet notwithstanding, it wear a fowl rebuke to us before God, and a dishonourable dealing for this City, and a thing unfit, 
Our neighbour's harm, should be our grief, and careful aught we to be over them.  for the renown of the noble acts of our predecessors, that all other Grecians should through the litherness and negligence of us, be brought into extreme bondage and slavery: and for my part I had rather die the death outright, than I would once say the word, 
God grant England many such counsellors.  or give ●ny consent thereunto. Howbeit, if any other man will so council you, and persuade you to it, be it for me: defend not yourselves, let all things go to wrack and spoil. But for as much as there is no body of that mind, and we all know the contrary already: 
The greater our enemy groweth: the more we decay.  how that we shall have king Philip so much the harder and mightier enemy, the greater Prince that we suffer him to be: why be we so backwards? whereupon linger we? and when will we dispose ourselves (O Athenians) to do that, which in reason we aught to do? shall it be (on God's name) when very need shall drive us thereunto? well, and you mean such need, as any free borne man would term to be need: the same not only is now present, but it is also gone and passed, a great while since: But such as bond men and slaves term need, I pray God bless us from that. And what difference is between them I pray you? marry thus much: Shame and rebuke of evil doings is the greatest necessity that can be laid upon those that be free men, than the which I know none greater. But the greatest enforcement to a slave that can be, is stripes, and scotching, or mangling of his body, the which God keep us from, and let us not so much as once speak of it. And now (O Athenians) for you to show yourselves so slow in those things wherein every man is bound to serve both with his body and goods: surely that is not well, no God knows, it is far wide. Howbeit, there may be some excuse made for it. Marry in that you be not willing to give ear, 
They that will not so much as hear council given them are persons inexcusable, and nighest their last undoing.  to that which might be told you, & should be fit for you to receive council in: surely, that is altogether worthy of blame in you. For it is your custom, never to hear of the matter till things be come even upon you, as it is now: Neither will you take council of any matter so long as you be in quietness: but when Philip maketh preparation against you, than do you (neglecting to do the same, & in like manner to prepare against him sit still idly. And who so ever telleth you of it: you thrust him out straight. Again, when you hear of any place lost or besieged: than you begin to harken and buckle to armour: where as your fittest time had been to have given ear even then, & to have taken council when you wear most unwilling: And that preparation which you had made: to put in practice and execution even now, 
To provide before hand, is most wisdom: that things being in a readiness, the same may be put in execution upon the sudden.  at this present, when you make it your time of consultation.  
So that by this your manner of dealing: you only amongst all others do things clean contrary to all the world. For all other folks use to take council before things be in doing: whereas you begin to deal when all is done.  
Now therefore that thing which remaineth to be said, and should have been done long before, and yet there is no time to late now neither: I will show the same unto you. Of all things in the world our City hath need of none so much for these matters that be even at hand, as of money. And fortune of herself hath offered us good luck, which if we can use well, there may perhaps some meet thing be done.  
First and foremost, such as the king of Persia puts his trust in, and hath taken to be his benefactor, sthey do hate Philip, and be at war with him. Again, he that was all in all, and privy with Philip's practices against the Persian: 
The treasurer and governor of Aterne for the Persian king, called home from his charge for practising with king Philip against his sovereign.  the same man is now taken away from his charge. And the Persian shall hear all his practices, not by any of our complaints (in which case he might suspect us to speak for our own profit) but by him that was himself the author and chief minister there in: so that our accusasion shall carry the more credit with it, and your Ambassadors talk, shall be such hereafter, as the king will hear it to his very great delight and pleasure: that he who hurteth us both, shall be revenged of us both, and also that King Philip shall be a much more terrible enemy to the Persian, if he first set upon us. For should we be once forsaken and distressed: he would then without fear march towards him. And for all these causes I think it good, that you do dispatch Ambassadors to treat with the king of Persia, and lay away these simple and slender reasons of your own, 
It is s●llie not to take aid of a stranger, when we may, and have need of it.  whereby you have been so oftentimes hindered, as those. The Persian, he is a Barbarian so he is, forsooth, and a common enemy to all men, and all the like talk. Now surely I for my part, when I see a man stand in great fear of him that dwells at Susa, and Ecbatana, 
Susa, chief City in Persia distant from Athens. 2000 miles, the people called Sus●●, and Ci●●●● by Straac, but no●e called ●oque Ismail.  and bear us in hand that he is enemy to this country, who both heretofore hath holpen the matters of our City that wear out of frame, & now also hath promised us his aid, (which his offer if you did not receive, but refused it by common decree, he is not to be blamed therefore:) And yet the same man to report otherwise of that errant 
* King Philip he meaneth.  rover of the Greeks, who is risen aloft, 
●●●batana, now 〈◊〉 Me●ia, 〈…〉 Persian, 〈…〉 doth use to make his abode.  hard by our noses, even at our own gates, within the very heart of Greece: at him do I much marvel, and that man fear I, whosoever he be: because he feareth not Philip. There is an other thing plagues this City besides all this: which is cast abroad upon a certain unjust slander & uncomely talk of men, and besides that, giveth an excuse & cloak to such as be not willing to do their duties within the City: and of all those things that are wanting (when that want should be supplied by any body) you shall find the blame laid on this thing. Whereof, albeit I am greatly adread to speak: yet for all that, I will tell you my mind, and I hope I shall have good matter to speak of, for the profit of the City, aswell on the behalf of the poor to the rich, as for them that have substance, to the needy: so that we remove those slanderous reports, which certain men do spread abroad upon no just cause, touching the theatre charges or stage money: and also if we would cast away this fear, that this thing will not be stayed without some great mischief: 
Civil factions being betwixt the rich and poor are needful to be cut of.  than which thing, I think there can be nothing more for our profit, nor generally more for the preservation and establishment of this City. Consider the matter thus with yourselves. Albeit, first of all, 
Speech in favour of the poor.  I will speak of them that are the poorer sort.  
The time was, and that not long ago neither, when the revenues of this City wear not above a hundred 
* Twenty three thousand four hundred pound's s●arling.  & thirty talents, and yet there was no man (that was able to maintain a Galley at his own proper charges, or to pay any tax or tallage) that grudged to do his duty, for want of money. But there wear Galleys set forth, and they made money in good time, and all things were done as they should be. After this, by good luck, the common revenue of the City increased, and in steed of one hundred, there came in 
* Three score twelve thousand pounds starling.  four hundred talents, and yet was no man pinched in his goods, or lost any thing, but rather got by it. For why, the rich & wealthy men, came to have their part of it, and good reason. Then what aileth us, 
Rich men not to draw back from their duties, because the poor are unwilling.  that we hit one another in the teeth, and under a cloak thereof, resist to do our duties? Unless it be so, that we do envy the offered aid that fortune sendeth to the poor: whom neither I myself do blame, nor yet would have others to find fault with them. For even in private families and households, I cannot see the younger sort, to be of that disposition towards their elders, 
So should every man live in the common weal: as good folks do in private families.  nor any so out of order, or so foolish, that if any body do not so much as himself, he will therefore say that he will do nothing neither. Such a fellow surely should then feel the danger of the laws provided against evil handling of our elders. For I think every man is bound of right, to yield that duty willingly & of his own accord, towards his parents: which both nature and law have ordained. And as every one of us particularly, hath a father: so aught we all to think that all the Citizens, 
The common Country and natural soil, should be dear to every man that is bred & borne in it, and no Subject aught to be uncared for.  are common parents of the whole City. And that it is not fit or convenient to take that from them, which the City hath given to them, but rather if the City wear not able to give them any thing: we aught to provide for them otherwise, and to see that they should not want. That if the rich men had this considerate care with them, they would not only deal (as I believe) uprightly, and justly: but also be profitable and beneficial to others. And it can not be otherwise, but that, when men are commonly void of things necessary for their living: it makes a number of men evil minded to the dispatch of things. Again, on the other side, I would wish that the poorer sort, would clear themselves, and leave to deal in that matter, for which the rich men are justly grieved, and have good cause to be offended with them.  
And now likewise as I have done already to the poor: 
The rich, well warned not to hinder the poor.  so will I speak of the rich, and will not shrink to say the truth. Neither is there any man, be he of Athens, or of any other country, so miserable and of so cruel a heart (as I think) that will grudge, to see the poor have it, and them that are in necessity. But whereat stick we then, and what is it, that angers us? 
Converting of public treasure to private game, a thing hurtful and offensive.  Marry this, when they see some men turn the custom of the common treasury, to their own private use, and the worker hereof so quickly to come aloft among you, and to live in so great security as though he were safe for ever: And then see the voice secretly given, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a hurre or noise that upon some thing that liketh or misliketh the people assembled together, goeth thorough them all.  far different from the shout and rejoicing that was openly made. This is it that breedeth mistrustfulness: this is that that causeth all this anger. For why, it is meet (O Athenians) that one man live by another, according to right and equity. And that the rich men, may think themselves in safety of those things, that are for maintenance of their life, 
justice maintaineth estates.  and without fear to enjoy them: And when time of danger is, to yield up to their country, all their goods in common for their safeguard and welfare: and as for the rest, that i● the poorer sort, to esteem things common, that are common, and every one to have his share, and that which is every man's in private, to remain still to the owners. And by this means, a small City waxeth great, and a great City is preserved for ever. This is in a manner all that may be said on both sides, aswell for the rich, as for the poor, but how these things may be lawfully done, I must open the matter more plainly.  

An answer to traitors, that said their was no fear of king Philip, because there was plenty of victuals▪ in Athens and no want of things necessary.  Of these present business and troubles, there are many by past causes to be alleged, which I will open unto you, if it will please you to give me the hearing.  
You are much swerved (O Athenians) from that State and manner of living, which your fore elders left you in, and are persuaded by such, as rule all in these matters, and think it a superfluous & a peerless charge, to be chief over all the State of Grece, or to have always an army in a readiness, for the relief of all those that are wronged and oppressed: and are given to think that it is a wonderful happiness and great safety to live at rest, and to do nothing as you aught to do: but rather neglecting every thing particularly, to give other men leave to take all: and by this means an other man is stepped up to that degree (which had been fit for you to have been in) 
* king Philip he meaneth.  he is become both happy, and mighty, and Lord over a great number, and good reason. For why, that feat which was so honourable, so great, and so goodly a matter, and such as the mightiest Cities have always strived for among themselves, what thorough the Lacedæmonians untoward luck, and the Thebans that could not intend it by reason of their wars with the Phoceians, & what through our negligence: that thing I say hath king Philip taken up as a thing forsaken, and given over of all men. Whereupon others of the Grecians were in great fear, but king Philip he got thereby great allies, and mighty power. And such and so great stirs and troubles have now compassed round about all the Grecians, that it is no very easy matter to give such council as is requisite. And where as (O Athenians) all Grece stands in a very dreadful case (as I take it) yet is there none in greater peril, than you are, not only because king Philip doth chiefly mind confusion unto you above all others, 
Careless people always in most danger.  but especially because you yourselves are the most careless and ydlelest of all. But if, because you see great store and good cheap of things to be sold, and plenty of victuals in the Market place, you are delighted so much therein, as though the City wear out of all danger: no doubt you do not judge well of the matter, nor as you aught to do. For in deed they wear it good matter, for a man to judge a Market or assembly by, whether it wear well or evil served or no. But as for a City, which he (whosoever always coveteth to be a ruler over the Greeks) hath thought only able to withstand his purpose, & to defend the liberty of all the rest: we aught not forsooth to judge of things that are to be bought & sold, whether that City be in good state or not, 
Strength of a City what it is, and wherein it consisteth.  but rather if it have affiance in the good will of confederates, and be strong in furniture of armour. These be the things that aught to be considered in the state of this City: which with you are altogether evil used, and not well appointed. And this you may well perceive, if you will consider with yourselves by the time when Gréeceland was chief in trouble: (as no man can say that ever it was at any time so much as at this present.) For in times past all Gréeceland was divided into two factions, that is to say, betwixt the Lacedæmonians and us. The rest of the Grecians wear part at our devotion, and part at theirs. 
The king of Persia, he meaneth.  As for the king, so long as he was by himself, he was mistrusted of all men alike. But joining to him the weaker side that was conquered in battle: so long was he trusted, until he had made them equal with the other side. afterward they whom he had saved, did no less hate him, than those did that had been his enemies from the beginning. And at this present time to begin withal, the king useth friendly all the rest of the Greeks, but us least of all, except we now play the men.  
Moreover, there are divers Lieutenant ships appointed every where, and every one seeks to be chief: Some revolts from others, 
Falsehood in fellowship, and common envying one an other.  some disdains and envies one another, and not one trusts his neighbour, contrary to that they aught to do. And every one holds of himself, the Argeynes, the Thebans, the Corinthians, the Lacedæmonians, the Arcadians, and we. And all be it that Greece is divided into so many parts and signiories, as they are: yet if any man should boldly say the truth, ye shall see none amongst them all, have their Courts and consistories, more naked and less frequented, than they are with you. And by good reason: for no man that either loveth us, or crediteth, or feareth us, commoneth with us of any matters. And there is not one cause only of these things, (O Athenians) for then it wear easy for us to redress it, but there is full many a fault, yea of all sorts, and at all times committed, whereof I leave to speak particularly, only one I will move you in, whereunto all the rest do tend: beseeching you, if I be bold to tell you the truth, not to be offended with me for it.  
Your commodities have been sold out of your hand from time to time: 
Laysinesse lost Athens.  and you have taken out your part in laysinesse and rest, the pleasure whereof, so carries you away, that you are nothing offended with them that do you wrong. And by that means other men rob you of your honour. As for other points, it is no fit time now to rip them up. But so soon as we fall in any talk of king Philip, by and by starts up one and says, it is now no time for us to dally, nor pass a decree for the making of war: 
Unnecessary reasons alleged to hinder necessary war.  adding straight way in the neck of that, what a goodly thing it is to be at peace: how sore a thing it is to maintain a great army: and how there be that go about to spoil us of our treasure: & many other tales, do they tell you (as they take them to be) very true. But verily they should not persuade peace unto you, that sit so still, being already persuaded: but unto him rather that doth things belonging to war. But if Philippe wear once persuaded to peace, than for your parts it is done already. Neither should we think those charges burdenous unto us, 
A well spen● penny that saveth a pound.  that we spend and employ for our own safeguard: but rather those burdenous, which we are sure to abide, if we shall neglect this, and omit to devise the means to keep our treasure from robbing (not by foreslowing our profit) but by assigning a good guard for the safe keeping thereof. And surely this may well vex me to the heart, to see how it would grieve some of you & you were rob of your money, 
Particular griefs sooner felt, than public annoyances.  which is in your own powers to have kept, & to punish the robbers: and yet that king Philip who ranges thus a spoiling of all Grece one piece after another, grieveth you nothing at all, specially whereas he robbeth and spoileth to your hurt, and undoing. And what is the cause (O Athenians) that he doing us this apparent wrong, and taking our towns from us, yet there is no man will say, he doth us wrong, or makes war upon us: but rather will bear you in hand, that they which council you not to suffer him, neither negligently to cast away these things, are they that make the war? The cause is, for that of all these evils and miseries, that may hap to come by the wars (as in deed it must needs be, yea, it can not be otherwise, but that great troubles and vexations will arise by the war) they will with one voice lay the whole fault upon them, that gave you best council, for your own welfare. For they think verily that if you would all with one mind and consent defend yourselves against king Philip, both you should have the better hand of him, and they also should no more have the means to serve him for his bribes as they do. But if assoon as you see any troubles, you turn yourselves by and by to accusing and condemning of men, 
Dangerous giving ear to common accusers.  they think that they themselves by accusing these men, shall get both these things, that is, thanks at your hands, and money at his. And that for those things for which you should have punished them before: ye shall now punish them that have spoken for your profit. And this is the hope of these bribe takers, and the fetch of all their accusations, in charging some men to be the authors of the wars, where as I myself know this very well, that when no man of all Athens did decree any war at all, king Philip both keeps many things that belongs to this City, and even now hath sent in an aid to Cardia. Now if we will not be acknown that he warreth against us: surely he wear the veriest fool in the world, if he would find out this fault himself. 
It is good bea●ing of a proud man.  For when the wronged man, denieth that any man hath done him harm, what would you have him to say that doth the wrong? But when he shall set upon us ourselves, what will we say then? For certainly he will plainly say, that he hath no war with us, as he said to the Oreteynes, having his men of war within their country. Not more did he to the Pheriens till he began to batter their walls. Nor yet to the Olynthians at the first, till he was ready with his army within their Country. And shall we say that they that had them then defend themselves, were the authors of the war? Why then there is none other way, for us but to live in slavery, for there is no way else that we can take.  
And as far as I can see, the danger that we are in, is far different from other folks. For king Philip means not to have our City under his obeisance, not, that is not his meaning? but altogether to destroy it. For he knows well enough, you are men that neither will live in bondage, nor yet if ye would, could tell how to do it. For you have been always accustomed to rule, and he knoweth well enough that you are able to work him more trouble (if you will watch your time) than all others are able to do what so ever they be. And therefore he will not spare you, if he once get the upper hand of you. Wherefore you must be of that mind to fight like men, that are at the uttermost, and very last cast of all, and to show yourselves manifest foes unto them, and to put them to the rack and torture that be the apparent hirelings and bought and sold men of king Philip, for you shall never, 
Villains in gross.  you shall never prevail against the outward enemy, unless you root out first and destroy these home foes within the town, but like men driven upon a sight of rocks: 
Home foes, the worst and most dangerous people living.  so you meeting with these fellows shall come short of all. Moreover, whence comes it think you that he is so spiteful towards you? For I can not see what he means by his doings else. For he is good to all others, and thereby though he getteth nothing else, yet he is sure to deceive them, but as for you he threateneth already. The like he hath done by the Thessalians whom he hath now towled in by his number of gifts to this their present slavery. 
Thessalians deceived by taking of great gifts.  And it wear a very hard matter for any man to tell, how much he abused the poor wretches, the Olinthians after he had given them Potidaea, 
Olynthians abused.  and many things else. And even now he fetches me in the Thebans by giving to them the Country of Boeotia, and delivering them from a very grievous and dangerous war. 
Thebans brought into a fools Paradise.  So that every one of them by profiting and advantaging himself in a very small matter: are now some of them already in that case as all men may see, & othersome of them shall be feign to abide, whatsoever may chance unto them. But as for you, what you have been spoiled of, I will say nothing. 
Athenians wiped clean of their chief towns and forts, upon their conclusion of peace with king Philip.  Even at the very instant of the knitting up of the peace, in how many things have you been deceived in? how many things have you been lurched of? hath he not got from you the phoceians? the Piles? is he not Lord in the State of Thracia? Doriscum? Serrium? and of king Charsobleptes himself, keeps he not presently Cardia in his hands, & cares not who knows it? And why beareth he himself towards other men, and towards you, 
Bribe takers being suffered to speak without peril, bring hurt to the state.  not a like? forsooth, because men have free liberty without peril in this our City only, of all others, to speak in the behalf of the enemy: and if any hath taken money, he may speak safely enough amongst you, although you should be spoiled of all that you have by the bargain.  

Money taking destroyed Olynthus.  It was no safe speaking in Olynthus, on king Philip's side, had not the Commons there, been also benifited by taking the fruits of Potidaea.  

Money taking undid Thessalia.  It was no safe speaking on king Philip's side in Thessalia, had not the multitude of the Thessalians been also benifited, in that Philip expulsed their Tyrants, & after restored to them piles. 
Money taking, the ruin of Thebes.  It was no safe speaking in Thebes neither, till he had given them up Beotia, and destroyed the phoceians. But at Athens, (though king Philip hath taken from us not only Amphipolis, and the whole country of the Cardians, but also fortifieth even now Euboia, and maketh it as a rampire or countermure against us, and now cometh straight with his army upon 
* Constantinople. Athenians, receiving loss, suffer flatterers to speak in favour of the enemy, contrary to the manner and usage of other countries.  Bizanze:) yet is it safe speaking on king Philip's side for all that. And therefore some of these good fellows, that speak in his favour are risen up from beggars state, to become suddenly very rich persons, and of men without name or reputation, 
Every man for himself: none for his country.  grown to be of great authority, and famous. But you clean contrary, that erst wear of great account, be now out of all estimation: 
The treasure of a kingdom are these three. 

1. War fellows & confederates  
2. Faithfulness in doing things.  
3. good will to do well.    and that ear while wear wealthy, be now out of all wealth. For surely I take it that the riches of a state, consisteth in confederates, faithfulness, and good will, all which things you do want. And by your neglecting hereof, and letting all things go as they do, 
* king Philip he meaneth.  he is become happy and mighty and terrible to all the Greeks and Barbarians: whereas you yourselves are void of friends, and low brought, making a goodly show, and glistering of a cheapness of victuals that is among you: But as for any store or preparation you have of things convenient or needful: you may be laughed to scorn of the world for it. And I perceive very well, there be Counsellors, that give you not the like council, 
Dissembling Counsellors.  as they would do to themselves. For they tell you, you must be quiet, & though a man do you wrong: Where as they themselves cannot be at rest among you, when no man doth them any harm at all. But if a man, might ask a question without check: 
Aristodemus an evil counsellor, persuading unnecessary peace.  Tell me O Aristodemus, for as much as thou knowest it well enough (as what is he that knows it not) that as the private man's life is very safe, quiet and without peril: 
The private man's life a very safe being.  so their life that bear rule in the common weal, is fraughted with complaints, and uncertain, full both of daily brawls and mischiefs: why wouldst thou not rather follow a quiet and unbusied life, than choose this dangerous and uncertain state of being? What hast thou to say to it? For if thou makest unto me that answer, which is best for thee, 
Many in authority, seek rather their own advancement, than the welfare of their Country.  and that I do grant it unto thee to be true, that thou dost all these things, for the desire thou hast to advance thine honour: I do marvel truly, seeing thou thinkest it meet for thee to take all these pains, & not to refuse any labour or peril, for honours sake: that thou wilt be a mean for thy Country, to loose all these things through very sloth and litherness. For thou wilt not say this, that it were meet for thee to be some body in this City: and that this City aught to be of no estimation among the Greeks. Neither do I understand this, how it can be for the safety of the City, to meddle with her own affairs, and that it should be dangerous for thee: except thou dost intermeddle over curiously with other folks business. But contrariwise, 
Over much meddling and overlittle, both hurtful to man and City.  I think that through this thy meddling and overmedling great peril is like to fall to thee: and the like to the City through their idleness. But thou on God's name hast honour by thy Grandfather & Father, the which thou thinkest a shame to be ended in thee: & hath this City received no renown or honour of her Ancestors? But that is not so. For an errant thief was thy father, if he were like to thee: whereas the glory of our City stands in this, that the Grecians (as all men know) wear twice delivered out of extreme danger by our elders. But all men do not in like manner equally and civilly, handle and govern their own, and the public goods. For what equity is there in this, 
honours change manners, especially in those that rise from the Dunghill.  that some of those fellows who came but the last day out of prison, should be so proud, that they know not themselves: and the City which erewhile had the chiefty and pre-eminence over all Gréecclande, should now become so base, and out of all estimation? Thus having much yet to speak, and of many matters: I will say no more. Neither is it for lack of speaking, as me thinketh, that either now, or at any time else, our matters have been in so evil a plight, but the matter is this, when you have heard men give you good council, and with one accord allowed well their sayings: you are as ready by and by to sit you down, and give ear to those that are disposed to mar, and overthwart the whole: And not because you know them not, for why, you know them so soon as ever you see them who they be, that speak for their hire, who serve king Philip's turn: and who they be that tells you the truth as it is, and best for your avail: but to the intent that having a quarrel to rebuke them, and turning all the matter to a jest and a flout, you may keep yourselves from doing of any thing that should be needful. 
Three chief points fit for Counsellors, 

1. to be bold,  
2. plain, and  
3. faithful.    These things be true which I have told you frankly and freely with plainness, goodwill, and for your best behove, not a tale farced with flattery, hurtfulness, and guile, for the speaker to get money by, and to yield up the state of our City into our enemies hands. Wherefore either you must leave of, these conditions of yours: or else you must blame no body that all things go awry, but your own selves.   

¶ Certain sentences, gathered out of certain several Orations of Demosthenes.  

Ex orat. de falsa legatione.  
THat City is of no value, 
Much pardoning offences, destroyeth a state.  the which is not of ability enough to punish wrong doers: neither is that common weal any thing worth at all, where pardon and intercession prevails against laws.   

Ex orat. Amator.  
THe mind of man is his guide in all things, 
The mind of man, is man himself, and needeth continual teaching.  and the same is only to be instructed and trained up with knowledge and learning.   

Ex orat. juneb.  
THe beginning of all virtue is wisdom, 
To know, and to do, are all in all, in virtue.  the end of virtue is monhoode and courage: by the one we learn what to do: by the other, we preserve and maintain ourselves.   

Ex orat. Amator.  
IT is a very goodly thing for a man, even through fortune's goodness to be regarded and had in estimation, 
Honour got by virtue, hath perpetual assurance.  among the noblest and best sort of men: but yet a much more goodly thing it is for a man to have got through his own virtue and travail, all manner of reputation and honour: for that one which is welfare, the vile and naughty man doth attain unto now and than, but of this other surely, no man can ever be partaker saving he only, that is of an exceeding noble courage, and hath a manly heart of his own.   

Ex orat. contra Aristogit.  
ALl men have Altars of justice, equity and shamefastness: 
Virtue, honoured of all men: but of wrong deeds, no man maketh any worship.  And those some have very fair, and the most holy, every man within his own mind, and nature: others have such as be set up for the common use of all men, but of shamelessness, of slandering, of forswearing, and of unthankfulness, was never man had any altar at all.   

Ex orat. ad Leapt.  
IF all men for very fear of the laws would leave to do any evil, 
If either fear or love, would 'cause men to be honest: laws were needless.  and every man for desire of reward would do his duty: what should let why a country should not be very mighty, all men honest, and none evil?   

Ex orat. contra Aristogi.  
Whatsoever thing is goodly and honourable, and serves for the ornament and preservation of states, as modest behaviour towards parents, 
Virtue excludeth vice.  reverences of young men towards their elders, and good order: all those I say by the only aid and assistance of the law, 
Laws are the links of virtue.  do prevail against all wickedness: as against unshamefastness, foolhardiness, and unreverent behaviour towards others.  
¶ These few sentences are set forth, to give a certain show of Demosthenes notable worthiness, who hath infinite speeches of like sort, throughout all his Orations, which he uttered with great eloquence and pleasure to the hearers, but much more effectually expressed he the same in the whole course of his life, 
Demosthenes more honoured for his notable virtues & good life: than for his grea● learning and wonderful eloquence.  as being in deed more famous for his virtuous living and constant heartiness towards his dear Country, than for his excellent knowledge, and marvelous gift of eloquence, wherein nevertheless, he hath been thought of all men hitherto, to be the odd man of all the world.    

The life and doings of Demosthenes, gathered out of Plutarch, Suidas, Libanius, Lucian, and others, with some discourse upon certain things, as occasion serveth.  
Demosthenes', being father to Demosthenes the Orator, 
Theseus' persuaded the people to live together in the City, who lived before in the country, divided into four tribes or shires, and those tribes wear parted into twelve hundrethes, and those twelve hundrethes were severed into 365 fraternities, or brotherhoods, every brotherhood having their proper names, 〈◊〉 Demosthenes among the rea●● was of the Peanian brotherhood.  and one of the ward or company of the Paeanians, (a fellowship so called by addition or name of that place in the territory of Attic from whence they first came, as many other companies did, to devil afterwards within the City of Athens, and to leave the Country) was a very honest man, and a wealthy Citizen, called by surname the blade Smith, or Cutler, for that he had certain workmen under him, that made blades and swords, to be sold for his benefit. And albeit his servants did thus labour under him with such handy craft works: yet was he no work man himself, but being a wise and a wealthy Citizen, was appointed by the State to be a Trierarchus, which is as much as captain or Governor of some one Galley, or Galleys, who not only took that office upon him as a good Surveyor, but also did defray of his own proper cost, all the expenses and charges belonging to a Galley, according to the manner then used for the rich men so to do, in favour of their Country, their Galleys being the wooden walls of their City, as Apollo said by his Oracle, and so the defence of their State. Now belike this man and such other, as took upon them so great a matter, being of so great charge, credit, and benefit to their Country, could not be otherwise esteemed, then for the best, and most worthy Citizens among the rest. Thus much I speak for his degree and calling, 
Such as had the government of galleys, wear the best esteemed men in Athens.  notwithstanding he bore the name of a blade Smith: to the rebuke of those that can not brook any to bear authority in their Country, that are not Gentlemen borne, the which is no thank to them. For so might others have been as well as they, if their constellation had been thereafter, or rather if God had thought it so convenient. But whatsoever he be, poor or rich, low or high, crafts man, or landed man, if he be virtuous and godly, he is a Gentleman. And he that can do nothing, nor will do nothing: either is no Gentleman in deed, or unfitly beareth the name of a Gentleman, 
Virtue the best Nobility.  yea virtue only is the truest and most rightest Nobility that is. This man had to wife, one Cleobula, a stranger borne, and no Graecian as it was thought, who brought him forth a son, called Demosthenes, after his own name. This Demosthenes the father died in good wealth, to the value of .2700. pound starling of revenues, as it should seem, 
15. Talents.  leaving his son very young, and of tender age after him, scant seven years old. Wherefore he bequeathed him with those his goods, to three executors men of trust, named Aphobus, Demophon, and Therippides, who like common executors, not only become careless of the child's bringing up, but also employed his portion to their own use, 
Executors careless of their charge.  yea they did not so much, as pay the teachers for his learning. And the Boy being in deed somewhat wéerish, and tender of body, his mother therefore was not willing that he should be overtravelled with to great pains to seek learning, for fear of hindering his health. And the Schoolmasters they cared as little as who cared lest, how little the child took for his money: being neither willed by others to take pains with the Boy, nor yet like to be greatly considered for their pains taking (as they thought) if perhaps they should have taken any. So that this child might have been lost for want of careful bringing up, and good heed taking to him: if he had not been better inclined of his own nature. And for that he was such a milk sop, and so nesh or tender natured child, and so very a cockney therewithal, his playfellows commonly called him by way of scorn and mockage Battalus, as much to say as wanton, nice, and effeminate, after the condition of one Battalus a physician, 
Battalus a physician, so nice of behaviour, that he could not well tell how to tread upon the ground and a great delight he had to go in woman's apparel, or at the lest wise as nisely, as women do.  that was a womanish man, as tender a piece, God wot, as a nuns hen. He was also called afterwards Argas, by surname, as much to say, as a biting Serpent, applying the term either to the fierceness and bitterness of his nature, or for that he was so sharp to the hearers in his Orations, that they could not well abide him.  
Now that this his father was thus dead, although it be to others a great lack for want of good bringing up: his mother being more tender than needed, & loving her son against reason, as commonly mothers do, having greater care to his wanton cherishing, than to his good education, he having lets also besides this, more than a good many to do well: yet such was his natural inclination and aptness to all goodness and virtue, that he of himself, without guide, or director in his doings, followed the best and worthiest way, that was for man to go in upon earth. For whereas Athens was a town, that ministered great pleasures, and carried some away, to great folly, that wear under the power and government of their fathers, 
Demosthenes' aptness by nature to follow the path of virtue.  and that all youth is commonly given to disorder, and many times through default of their governors, do run astray: yet was this child being very young and tender of years, so wholly given to good learning, that he forsook all the vanities of the world, to hear Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Plato, three of the most famous learned men that ever wear. So that whereas there be two ways of love offered to every one at his first entry, to tread in, the one savage, rude, and wicked, being the very path to hell, death, and damnation: the other, godly, plain, right, and honest, being the high way to heaven, and all the joys that may be, the which way enticeth all good men to it, through the beauty thereof, & draweth all them with an heavenly trance or motion of mind, that are borne of God's race: he took that loving way of virtue, and through great pains and travail, got the immortal reward, of his heavenly desire, being known and reputed to be one of the most famous Orators that ever lived. Now the cause that moved him chief besides his natural inclination, to be so greedy and so studious of eloquence, was this. It happened that when Calistratus that famous Orator should handle the Oropians cause, 
Oropus a town of Attica bordering upon Boeotia, for the jurisdiction of which place there was great hold.  being a matter of so great importance, as it touched the state of their town: there was like to be a marvelous audience, not only for the weightiness thereof: but also for the worthiness of the Orator. At which time it fortuned Demosthenes (being then of very young years as it should seem) to hear certain schoolmasters say to his Master, that they and he would go and hear the said Orator, which made that the Boy was not quiet till by much entreaty he had obtained of his teacher, that he might also go with him. Wherewith his master was content, 
The cause that moved Demosthenes first, to love eloquence.  and for that he had good acquaintance with the officers and keepers of that place, he got an apt room for his Boy, to sit close and secret, where he might hear all that was to be said. At last, when Calistratus had excellently handled himself, and was wonderfully esteemed for his eloquent Oration: Demosthenes thought it a great honour, to see him so followed and attended upon by the people, and to be reported so worthy a man, but most of all his wonder was, that his marvelous eloquence was such as thereby he did prevail in all causes, and brought things to pass as he would have them, which fired so his heart, that thereupon he gave over all other kinds of study, and began to exercise himself with making Orations, as though that he himself would by and by be an Orator. 
Iseus an excellent Orator, and teacher of eloquence. Isocrates kept a school of Rhetoric, being the sweetest Orator for his sentences and phrases that then lived.  And so professed himself scholar to one Isaeus a master of eloquence, and not to Isocrates, who was the more famous man, and did read at the self same time. But the cause was, as it is thought, for that he had not wherewith to pay the pension appointed by Isocrates, which was ten Minas ●hat is thirty. pound starling, he being fatherless, and motherless▪ and having no use of his own goods as then: or else he did rather choose to follow Isaeus for that his kind of writing and speaking was more piercing, and more cunning to season causes withal, or (as it may be thought) more agreeable to his nature. Some say again that he was scholar to Plato, 
Plato.  and by him did much advance his skill for eloquence, after whose death, he become scholar to Aristotel, and was his hearer so diligently, 
Aristotel.  and so prospered under him, that he reported him afterwards both to king Philip, and to Alexander, to be one of the worthiest scholars, for divers his gifts and virtues, that ever he had. It is also said, that he had and did secretly learn the books of Isocrates, and Alcidamantes, touching the precepts of Rhetoric, the which he had of one Callias a Syracusan, and others. And truth it is, so soon as he was of full years and crept out of his minority, he brought an action against his Tutors for their wasting of his Patrimony committed to their charge, and began to title Orations against them, 
Demosthenes pleadeth against his Tutor.  the which are yet extant some of them, in answering of whom, they used great sleights and dilatory pleas, with protestations and exceptions against the whole process as full of Nullities, and therefore of no force. And only this they did, because they would compel him to begin law again, and so (in form of law through continual delays) to weary him altogether.  
Thus being with painful travail and earnest study well exercised, and following his cause without intermission: at length he prevailed against them, although he neither got a quarter of his own, nor yet recovered that small portion, which was awarded him, without great peril and hazard. 
Orchomenius Laomedon through exercise of body cured himself of a great disease, and made his body thereby ever after more nimble, lusty & strong.  And so by often dealing in his own matters being well seasoned and made bold through custom to speak, and seeing what honour it was to be an excellent Orator: he gave himself to plead openly, and to be a Counsellor in other men's causes. And as it is reported like as Orchomenius Laomedon did use by the advise of the Physician to run every day a long race to amend the fault of his spleen, 
An apt similitude.  and so by such exercise got such an ability and perfection in running, that at the common games he got the garland from all others, and was counted the swiftest runner of all men living: so happened it with Demosthenes that whilst he entered the Courts to plead his own cause, to recover such losses and wrongs as he had sustained in his private goods and possessions, he thereby got himself such experience in pleading, and such eloquence of speech therewithal, that he was counted in civil causes (as Orchomenius was in running for the garland) the chiefest pleader of all others, 
Use makes masteries.  that came to the bar to speak in any matter.  
But yet at the first time of his speaking to the people, he was hissed at, and out countenanced with knocking and trampling of feet, for his unacquainted and strange manner of speech, which being intricate and confused, carried very long and tedious sentences, powdered with bitter and odious reasons, alleged and wrested in, 
Demosthenes' imperfections, in speech and want of skill to tell his tale.  to prove his matter good. Besides this, his voice as it seemed was childish and small, his tongue unready and obscure, himself short breathed, hacking and parting his sentences in such sort, that he was altogether thought confused and superfluous. Now when through his imperfection he saw that he got small credit for his doings: he gave over pleading in open Courts before the people, and traded himself to walk solitarily on the Peer in Athens: Whom when Eunomius Thriasius a very aged man did perceive to walk so, 
Eunomius Thriasius.  he did sharply rebuke him for his faint heart, and told him that he had cause enough to be of good cheer, for that his manner of pleading was not inferior to Pericles doings, who was a most excellent and vehement Orator: 
Demosthenes' bashful of nature before the people.  but he said that he marred himself with a certain bashfulness, and faint stomach of his own, for that he was fearful, and could neither abide boldly the people's presence, and their noise: nor yet acquaint his body with exercise to endure pains, undoing himself wholly with overmuch ease, and daintiness, and hindering his good doings with peerless fear. another time being gravelled in open audience, he got him home with an heavy heart, thrusting his head in his bosom as one clean out of countenance. And as the tale goes, one Satyrus a Stage player, 
Satyrus, a professor to teach gesture and utterance, who showed his cunning in open stage, as Roscius and others did among the romans.  and of his acquaintance came to him, and kept him company. Unto whom Demosthenes uttered his mind and said, that where he was the most painful Orator above all others, and had almost wasted his body with the study thereof, yet his credit with the people was nothing, but belly gods, gluttons, lowtes, mariners, and every ignorant lubber (quoth he) can be heard, and have audience with favour, 
Demosthenes complain to Satyrus.  where as I for all my travel am nought set by, but despised and esteemed as no body. Thou sayst even true Demosthenes, quoth Satyrus to him. But I will soon remedy this matter, if thou wilt but rehearse unto me (quoth he) without book any sentence of Euripides, or Sophocles: which when Demosthenes had done, Satyrus took the same sentence in hand again, and did set it forth with utterance of speech, countenance, and gesture, in such sort, 
Pronunciation of what force it is.  that in a manner it seemed to Demosthenes himself to be an other manner of sentence. Whereupon, when he perceived what an ornament good pronunciation was to eloquence, and found that where the gift of speech & gesture was not aptly used, every sentence was but dead: he gave him wholly to correct his utterance and gesture, and therein used the help of one Andronicus. 
Demosthenes' practice to amend his speech.  And as Demetrius Phalerius reporteth (who heard Demosthenes tell it in his latter days) he used for help of his stammering this kind of exercise, that is, he kept certain Counters or stones in his mouth when he was rehearsing Orations, which counters or stones served him (as I take it) for a gag to make him gape more wide, or to speak thereby the plainer, and more distinctly. And for help of his voice, 
Demosthenes' manner to mend his voice.  his manner was to get him up upon high places, as on the tops of stars or such like, and there would he make Orations by himself, and utter certain verses with one whole breath so long, as he was able by any possibility to continued. And to help his bashfulness and shamefastness withal, through which he was many times dashed out of countenance, with the great noise that the people made, when he should speak in open audience: 
Demosthenes' remedy to help his bashfulness.  he haunted the sea side, where the surges most roared, imagining that using himself to speak where such a tempestuous hurling noise was, he might the rather abide the people's exclamations and unquietness. And where as he had an uncomely use to move one of his shoulders, 
Demosthenes' manner to amend his gesture  somewhat higher sometimes than the other: he caused a sword to be hanged upon a beam with the point downward, almost to his shoulder, that if by any means he should hap to hit that gesture, or to shrug his shoulder otherwise than wear meet: the sword point might straight ways prick him. And beside, he had a great Glass in his house, in the sight whereof he used to stand, till he had ended such Orations as he minded to utter before the people. 
Demosthenes' diligence and painfulness, and his strange kind of keeping within.  And the better to be a help to himself in all these things, he builded him a vault or under cellor, by low in the ground, into the which he went daily, and there framed his voice and gesture, and continuing sometimes two or three months together close at home, he caused one part of the side of his head to be shaven, to the intent that although he would go abroad, he might not for very shame. Besides this, he lost none occasion, by such speech and conference as he had with others: to occupy his head and wit withal. For when he came home, 
Demosthenes' manner to occupy his head & wit withal.  he got him straight to his secret corner, and there repeated to himself the whole matter of the talk had abroad as it was, and what defence was made for it. And such Orations as he heard abroad, he would call them to his mind at home, and first divide them into sentences, and then amend and altar the words as he thought meet, into some other sort, aswell such speeches as other men used to him, as those which he himself used to them. Whereby it was thought that he attained not to such excellency by any great wit, 
Demosthenes more painful than witty.  but rather by great labour, and continual study. And the likelihood was great it should so be, for there was no man lightly could hear Demosthenes speak any thing in open audience upon the sudden. For being oftentimes set in council, and by name desired of the people to say his mind, he would not for all that stand up to speak at any time, 
Demosthenes never spoke in ●pen audience, unprepared.  except he had been first prepared before hand for the matter. Insomuch that he was one day charged that he spoke nothing unwritten, which he did not deny flatly, but said that he neither spoke altogether without penning of his matter, nor yet wholly with penning of it, but used to lay his ground in writing, so that he knew what he had to say materially, before he spoke from point to point: yea he made a more round answer to an other, that misliked with his overmuch painful uttered Orations by writing, saying, that he wished of God not only to bring with him written Orations, but also Orations graven in Marble, if it wear possible, especially for such an assembly and place of audience as the Orators had. And to like purpose was his saying an other time to one Epicicles, 
Demosthenes to Epicicles.  who charging him that all his matters were studied for before hand, answered thus: I might with good reason be ashamed in deed, if giving up mine advice and council to such a multitude, I should speak upon the sudden: judging it rather rashness than wisdom, to speak to a number without preparation and advice, before hand. And surely this his diligence and wisdom appeareth notable, to the great blame and shame of them that pass their days idly, 
Labour and pains taking bring all things to pass.  without taking pains, or giving themselves earnestly to any trade or virtuous exercise. For God hath put virtue, & all good things to sail for labour and pains taking only, as may appear by this notable man, one of the rarest ornaments of all the world for eloquence, and deep understanding of those things that he took in hand to know. Who being but meanly witted and unapt by nature, wan through great labour to excel all others: yea his industry and diligence was such, that he did much forbear his sleep and natural rest, sitting up late many times, and rising very early, doing most of his things by candle light, 
Pyth●as saying to Demosthenes.  whereupon one Pythias cast in his teeth that his excellency of eloquence, and profound reasons alleged, did smell altogether of candle smoke, unto whom Demosthenes answered, in deed it may be (quoth he) that your charges and mine for candle light be not of one manner, meaning that the other was a great rioter by night, and lashed out his thrift by smoke of the candle, where as Demosthenes was only occupied at his book.  

Demosthenes' temperancy of life.  The manner of his living was also answerable to his painful travail, for he was very spare of diet, and never drank other manner of liquor than only water, whereupon Demades did merrily take occasion to jest: 
Demades saying upon Demo●thenes.  saying that others spoke their Orations by water, but he wrote his by water, signifying that all others having their time stinted to say their minds by a certain hour glass, 
Clepsidra, a Dial, measuring hours by running of water.  called Clepsidra, out of the which, water did run softly, as sand doth in our usual Glasses, for one, two, or three hours space, as the judges would appoint their time of sitting, and as the necessity of the cause required: so Demosthenes did writ his Orations by water, that is to say, he did drink nothing else but water, to have his wits ever ready, and fresh for all matters. And therefore as he did perfit and bring forth to great excellency these his everliving monuments of Orations, by great labour, much abstinence, & notable watchfulness: even so they that desire in like manner to be as he was, must take the same course, that he did, or else they shall never be able to attain to his perfection. 
Demosthenes' Orations, what they are.  Whose Orations are such that there lies more good matter buried in them, than the outward show of them caries to the eye, being uttered in the plainest and most familiar manner that could be, for the people's capacity and understanding. For his secret and hid knowledge can not be discovered and known by any, but by such as are very studious of him, and wholly bend their wits to mark his doings, and have nothing else to do, but as his scholars, to learn his cunning, by continual care, and painful imitation. And surely to speak of this man fully, and according to his worthiness, 
Demosthenes above all praise.  I do think it an harder piece of work, when a man is in it, how to get out of it: than to want a beginning to make an entrance. For I am in a maze what first to say, and where to begin, when I consider his wonderful absolute nature, his marvelous fullness and vehemency of speech: his modest and sober life, his piercing eloquence, his passing utterance, his constant firmness in all his doings, 
Many passing virtues, in one several man.  his innocent hands from corruption and bribes, his just dealing, his courteous and gentle behaviour, his faithful mind, his manly stomach, his singular wisdom, and last of all his several order, and particular doings throughout the whole course of all his life. So that I say in such a plentiful field, where so many rare and notable virtues wear planted, better it is slightly to run over the plot with admiration, and highly to honour God for such an odd vessel of his creation: than boldly to profess the large commending of so excellent an instrument and heavenly Orator as he was, not being able to touch him to the quick, as he aught to be used and dealt withal. And therefore best it is to let his own doings speak for themselves, and remain a spectacle to the world of his wonderful disposition. For I think if himself wear alive, he could hardly with all the eloquence that ever he had, worthily and fully set forth all that was in him, and as he had justly deserved, or at the leastwise, none could do it but himself alone. Wherefore, I will pass over the rehearsal of all his Orations and doings: 
* 
The rehearsal of the order to set forth Demosthenes.  

1. His several speeches.  
2. His love to his country.  
3. His constancy. and stoutness against the enemies of his Country.  
4. His banishment.  
5. His restitution.  
6. His last end and manner of death.    and only gather out certain sentences severally used by him. And after report made of them, I will declare somewhat of the love he bore to his Country, and of the stoutness he used against King Philip for the same, and of his trouble that happened to him by banishment, and then speak of his restitution, and lastly of his manner of death, and so make an end.  
In his Orations he was vehement and bitter of speech, and yet many times in his common and familiar talk very pleasant, as may appear by divers and sundry his answers, 
Demosthenes' pleasant in private talk.  and phrases used to many men from time to time, among a number whereof I will utter a few.  
When one desired Demosthenes to plead in his cause, against an other man, that had beaten the said complainant, he hearing him tell his tale somewhat coldly, said thus, it is not so man, as thou dost say, it seems to me he hath done thee no harm at all. 
Utterance ma●eth much to set forth a matter.  What say you sir (quoth the man) with a short and rough voice, as though he had been caught with a fury, hath he done me no harm, say you, at all? yea mary (quoth Demosthenes) this is an other manner of matter, now I hear the voice of a man that hath been wronged, and evil handled, where as thou toldest thy tale before so coldly and so softly as though thou hadst been a Mouse in a Cheese. Such force thought Demosthenes doth vehement speech and apt utterance carry, that it persuades credit, and wins good liking.  
Likewise Demades that most witty and excellent Orator, (who in promptness of speech, 
Minerva, the Lady of wisdom, chastity, and learning, and therefore when an unlearned person would control one of much excellency, it is said in rebuke to him, Sus Mineruam.  & Orations on the sudden, passed all others) being tripped by Demosthenes, said thus, me Demosthenes, sus Mineruam. As who should say, Demosthenes controlleth me, not unlike a filthy Sow, that would teach Lady Minerva: unto whom Demosthenes answered: and yet forsooth, if it please you good sir (quoth he) your fine & chaste Minerva (of whom you speak of) was lately taken in adoultry in Colito, a place so called in Athens, as you would say the bank, 
Colitum, a place in Athens so named, being the brothel corner as it should seem of that City.  or such a known out corner for that purpose.  
There was also a certain thief in Athens called Aereus, as much to say as brassy or made of brass, who was much offended with Demosthenes' candle lights in the dead night, and therefore jested & scoffed much at his night watches: Sirrah, quoth Demosthenes, I know well enough that my lights are not good for thy profession, for wear not my lights thou wouldst do greater matters than lights come to. But marvel not you a whit (O people of Athens) quoth Demosthenes at these robberies that are done by this fellow, for as much as your thieves are of brass, where as your walls are but of earth, jesting at his name, Aereus, which in English is brassy or made of brass.  
On a time when Demosthenes' voice was thought to soft by reason of the noise that the people made, which afterwards was cast in his teeth by some others: he answered that stage players are to be judged by their loud speech, when it is either good or bad, or when their voice faileth them: but Orators and Councillors to an estate, aught to be esteemed and accounted upon, by their wisdom and knowledge only. For the part of him that plays on a stage, is to seek to satisfy the people's ears, but the part of an Orator and Councillor is, to seek the welfare of the Subjects: the one is for pleasure, the other is for profit, and therefore we may not stand upon, 
A pithy speech better than a pilate's voice.  how loud a man be that speaketh to do good: but how good the council is, that he giveth. A reporter of tales, or a stage player in an open Theatre, it becometh very well to have a good ringing voice, to oversounde the noise of the people: but he that is a Counsellor, or an Orator to an estate, aught to be heard of the people with their own accord, very quietly and attentively, how so ever his voice serveth him.  
another time when the people would needs rumble him out of his seat where he made his Oration, by making an uncomely noise with their hands and feet, (as they use at this hour to do in all the Schools of Italy most unseemly, when either they like not the readers handling of his matter, or are not disposed to hear him any longer) he desired them to give him patience to tell them a merry tale. Where upon when every man was wished and still, he said thus: a certain young man did hire an Ass to serve for carriage in the hot summer season, to go from Athens to Megara, and his guide with him, 
Fond tales sooner heard, than grave reasons.  and when the sun was very hot about noontide, they both would go on the shadow side of the Ass to avoid the heat, so that they were at strife for the matter: the guide saying, that the Ass was hired, but not the shadow, 
Contention for the shadow of an Ass.  the other saying that as he had right to the Ass by hiring of him, so had he right to the shadow of the Ass, as well as to the Ass itself. And when Demosthenes had told his tale to this point, and saw them so heartily attentive to hear the rest, he came down from his seat, and gave over his tale: whereupon the people stayed him, and desired him marvelously, that they might hear the end and application of his matter, unto whom he answered, you love very well my masters (quoth he) to hear a man speak of the shadow of an Ass, 
Trifling speeches better esteemed than earnest talk.  but you cannot abide that any man should tell you of earnest matters, or such things as touches all your welfare. And so he went his way, and would not speak any thing else to them.  
Demosthenes was one of the ten Orators whom the people of Athens sent in embassage to king Philip of Macedon. 
Aeschines and Polycrates with others, favoured king Philip's doings against their Country.  And therefore after that Aeschines and Polycrates (whom king Philip did chief cherish) returned home to Athens with the rest, and had amongst other commendations of the king, set him specially forth, for these three ornaments of his, that he was a very fair and well-favoured king, a jolly talker, and a lusty good fellow, such as we call a pot companion, or a carrowser with good fellows: Demosthenes did thus jest upon the praise, and said that they had reported nothing of him, 
King Philip's praises overthwarted.  fit for a king to have, because the first praise was proper to a woman, the second to a babbling Sophister, the third to a Sponge.  
In his Targate that he used for the wars (although he was not the hardiest man in the world) he caused this sentence to be written, Good luck. Afterwards coming to the field where he should show his manhood: by and by he took his heels, and threw his Targate from him, which matter being laid to his charge, that he played the coward, he shook off the same with this common proverb, and usual verse. The man that turns his back, 
Follie to die without doing any good when a man may escape, & thereby do much good.  will show his face again. Meaning that it is more wisdom for a man, to run his way when there is none other remedy, than to die in the field foolishly. For that a dead man fighteth no more, whereas he that escapeth upon any overthrow, may reinforce himself again, and be profitable to his Country divers ways.  
When Photion that notable wise man in Athens did step forth to speak after Demosthenes had done, he would say to his friends that sat next him, now riseth the sword or hatchet of all my reasons, 
Photion the hatchet of Demosthenes reasons.  for that Photion did many times descent from Demosthenes, and being short in collecting an other man's tale, was sharp therewithal, and did cut off all superfluous speeches, not touching any thing, but that chief, the which was most of all material.  
When king Alexander did grant peace to the Athenians, with this condition that they should give him eight of their governors into his hands, amongst whom he named Demosthenes for one: Demosthenes start up amids the people and told them a fable of the Wolf, who promised unto the sheep that he would be at peace with them, 
Magistrates compared to Mastiffs, that defend sheep against the Wolf.  so that they would give unto him their Dogs, signifying by the Wolf Alexander, by the Dogs the Magistrates and Orators, by the sheep the people of Athens. He said moreover like as Merchants cell great quantity of Wheat or other corn, with bringing out a little modicum in a treen dish for a sample: so you (quoth Demosthenes) if you deliver your eight governors that are demanded: you do thereby betray and give up yourselves and your whole Country. But Demades that notable wise man of Athens, 
Five talents.  took upon him for the charges of. 980. pound starling, to take the embassage upon him for them, and to entreat the king, either for the hope he had in the king's friendship, or else for that he thought to find him now full glutted with slaughter, as a Lion is, that hath eaten his belly full of carrion or other meat.  
It is reported that he went once to Corinthus to see a famous Courtesan there called Lais, being a man somewhat subject to the frailty of flesh, although he drank water never so much, with whom he thought to have had some familiarity, which Courtesan asked him for the reward of her love. 300. pound starling, whereupon he being amazed at her shameless demand, 
10000 drachmas  was cooled, and said. 
Pleasure bought with sorrow, causeth repentance.  Lady I do not mind to buy my repentance so dear, as for the pleasure of a little bulbiting, to have a pinching and sharp displeasure for the same. Meaning that all such as follow unhonest pleasures in such sort, do repent themselves afterwards, almost to their grave.  
A certain damosel received certain money to keep, for two strangers that went out of town, with this condition, that she should deliver the same money to them both jointly. Afterwards it happened that one of them came home colourably as a mourner for his fellow that was dead, and brought as it should seem a false testimonial thereof, and so deceiving the young woman, got all the money to himself. Now when this money was paid, the other fellow comes in the neck thereof, and demands the money that he left with her in trust. The poor woman was out of her wits, and could not tell in the world what answer to make, whereupon Demosthenes seeing her in despair, took the matter in hand, and thus he began to say for her. This woman is ready sirrah to pay you the money that you put her in trust withal, but except you bring your fellow, she cannot pay it, because as you know yourself, 
Sleight avoided by sleight.  the agreement was betwixt you, that the money should not be paid to the one, without the other. And therefore bring your fellow and you shall have it, otherwise you are like to have none at her hands. And by this wise slighty devise, he saved the poor woman from undoing, and avoided the falsehood of those varlets, that betwixt themselves had packed to have this money twice paid them.  
Being asked what was the chief thing in eloquence, he answered pronunciation, and asked what was the second, he said pronunciation, 
Good utterance the best thing for an Orator.  and further asked what was the third, he made none other answer but still pronunciation: signifying hereby, that none can ever be an excellent Orator, that hath not the gift of utterance by nature, or at the leastwise attained thereunto by industry and travail, and that all other skill in the profession of eloquence is but vain, if this one thing be wanting.  
On a time when one scolded with him marvelously, and used unseemly speech, he said thus, I am entered into a match with one, wherein he that prevaileth, hath the worst, 
Scolding and railing, not to be used nor answered unto.  and he that is overcome hath the best, signifying that it is better yielding to a railing varlet, than to contend with him in babbling and fowl language.  
Thus I have given you a taste of certain his answers, whereby both his mirth and pleasantness, have somewhat appeared, and the quickness of his wit made notorious.  
Now will I show how good a man he was towards his Country, and how faithfully he defended the liberty thereof, devising the assurance of it, even to his end. 
Demosthenes' loyalty towards his Country.  And therefore not only did he speak most boldly to the people, in rebuking their disorders, and withstanding their unlawful desires: but also in denying flatly unto them, that which he was charged to do, for (as Theopompus writeth) when he was chosen to be an accuser of one, and to burden him with surmises, he would not do it for any thing they could do, and when the people were in a hurly burly for it, he said thus: O you people of Athens, 
Slandering, never used by any honest man  you shall have me to be your Counsellor, and to advise you the best I can, whether you will or not: but to be an accuser or slanderer of men, that shall you not have me to be, although you would never so feign. Whom he knew to be faulty, 
Demosthenes' boldness to rebuke offenders.  he spared not to charge them to their faces, whatsoever they wear, and namely Antiphon, a man of great authority, whom he caused to be taken, 
Antiphon charged with treason by Demosthenes.  and to be arraigned of high treason in spite of the people, amongst whom he was very well esteemed. And he laid so hard to his charge before the judges of the Areopagus, to have promised unto king Philip to set their navy on fire: as he was thereupon found guilty, and so suffered death for it, with others that were of his conspiracy. 
Demosthenes' jealous over his countries welfare.  Yea he was so jealous of the state, not only against some of his own country, but also against foreigners: that he was never at rest, but ever busy in charging one or other, when good cause moved him. Especially he did so much mistrust king Philip of Macedon, 
Demosthenes' continual ●●●mitie against king Philip of Macedon.  that although there was peace betwixt him, and Athens: yet would he ever be harping at him, for every matter, and thrust divers things into their heads to warn them still to take heed of him. Which king Philip did know very well, and therefore hated him above all others, and yet sought to win him if it wear possible to be on his side, as he did Aeschines and others, but he could never by any means in the world get him to like well of him. And therefore when the breach of peace was like to be, because that neither king Philip could be at rest, and the people of Athens were marvelously incensed, by Demosthenes against him: he did stir the Athenians to attempt Euboia, 
Euboia, now the Island Nigrop●nie.  which was governed by king Philip's Tyrants. And so they making thither by sea, upon Demosthenes' decree: did expel from thence all king Philip's officers and subjects. Again he caused those of Constantinople to be holpen, 
Bizanze, now Constantinople.  and the Perinthians also, against the force of king Philip, persuading the people to love one another, and to help their allies and confederates, by whom they have been heretofore preserved. Moreover, what with sending Ambassages and calling the Greeks into society of war with them, and stirring them to be doing: he brought the matter to this point, that all the Greeks (a few excepted) were in confederacy against king Philip. And now when all these were in league, that is to wit, the Euboians, the Achaians', the Corinthians, Megarensians, Leucadians, and those of Corfu, there remained only for Demosthenes this matter in hand, to bring the Thebans to be in league also with Athens, who had land nigh to Attic, and sufficient power, and wear counted the valiantest warriors amongst all the Greeks. Neither was it a matter easy for him to do, because the Thebans had freshly then received great pleasure from king Philip, in the wars against the Phoceians, and wear still like to stand in need of him, for that there was ever like to be controversy and debate betwixt the Phoceians and them, the lands and territories adjoining so nigh the one to the other, as they did. Yet for all that, when king Philip being puffed up with the success of Amphissa, 
Amphissa. Phocis. Eliteum.  had gotten Phocis, and had upon the sudden set upon Eliteum, wherewith the Athenians wear marvelously astonished, and that no man durst step forth to speak his mind, as people in despair and not knowing what to do: only Demosthenes (when they wear all at their wits ends) stood up and gave council by decree, that they should join themselves with the Thebans, and seek their friendship by all means possible. And so when he had heartened them in all other things, and according to his manner had put them in good hope: he was sent Ambassador with others to the Thebans. 
Demosthenes' Ambassador to the Thebans.  On the other side king Philip sent Amyntas, & Clitarchus, Macedonians: and Daochus, and Thrasidaeus, Thessalians, to persuade against that confederacy, so much as they could possible. At what time the Thebans wear not ignorant what profit they had received of king Philip, and carried fresh in remembrance every one of them, the battle fought against the Phoceians, the wounds and harms whereof wear not yet fully cured, in which king Philip had stood them in good steed. And yet such was the force of this Orator, in stirring their minds and heating their hearts, to the study and desire of renown, and glory, that all other things wear lapped up, and laid a side in such sort, as they forsook reason, had no fear in themselves, and shook out of their heads, the remembrance of all good turns received by king Philip, and wear carried headlong with persuasion, as though it wear by a divine inspiration, to the advancement as they thought of all renown, and glory. 
Demosthenes' authority among the Thebans, Boetians, & the rest of Greece.  The which deed of this Orator was so famous and so renowned, that king Philip sent harold, by and by for peace, and the Greeks wear set all on agog, and looked for great things to follow. Neither did the Captains only stand obedient to Demosthenes, and did what soever he would have them to do: but the chiefest of the Boetians, and the whole assembly of the Thebans were as much ruled by Demosthenes, as were his own Country men of Athens: for that he was dear to them both, and of great authority amongst them, and not without cause, and desert, but as it was meet, and as he was well worthy to be. Afterwards notwithstanding, when it came to the trial of battle at Cheronea, where king Philip prevailed, 
Cheronea, a town in Bo●otia, where king Philip got victory against the Athenians.  and had victory, Demosthenes ran away, using the excuse before said, that the man which turns his back, may show his face again, alleging more wisdom in so doing when there is no remedy, than to be killed outright. And yet king Philippe for all this victory and triumph that he had gotten, 
King Philip after victory had, feared yet Demosthenes.  when he considered the great hazard wherein both his estate and life lay, as to be lost in a short space: he began mightily to mistrust Demosthenes' eloquence, and to dread the force of his Orations. For such was the authority of Demosthenes, that it stretched even to the king of Persia, in such sort that the king sending letters to his Lords, and Counsellors, commanded them to give great sums of money to Demosthenes, 
King of Persia his estimation of Demosthenes.  and him to esteem chief, and to honour him above all the Greeks. For that he knew he was able with his force of eloquence and wisdom, to call back king Philip, and to make him retire, from annoying the Greeks, or making any stir among them. And yet there were certain Orators that began to charge Demosthenes deeply for this overthrow at Cheronea (as what is he that being in great authority is not envied) and sought to call him to his answer: but the people would not hear of that, 
Envy followeth virtue.  who not only did acquit him for all such complaints and accusations: but did him all the honour they could very constantly for that time, and desired him to take authority again upon him, as a good Citizen aught to do. And therefore willed him to make the funeral Oration upon those that wear killed at Cheronea, and being nothing discouraged, or offended with him, but rather gathering good hearts unto them, did honour and extol him, as a most worthy Counsellor, and never repented the following of any advise that he had given them: which Oration Demosthenes made, notwithstanding he would not put his own name to the establishing of decrees or acts (according as the manner was to subscribe unto any thing resolved upon) but used the names of his friends by course, blaming his own hap and destiny, as infortunate and unlucky, until he heard that king Philip was dead, 
King Philip traitorously slain by Pa●sanias one of his Guard.  and slain by Pausanias, at what time he began to take heart unto him again. And hearing very secretly that king Philip was dead, before it was known openly to others: because he would prevent the Athenians thereof, and make them to be of better courage hereafter by his persuasions: he came very merrily into the Senate house, and said that he had been warned by a dream, that some great goodness should speedily befall to his Country. Whereupon there came word very shortly after, that king Philip was dead, at which tidings, great triumph, and much rejoicing was made among the Athenians. 
Great rejoicing in Athens upon the news had of King Philip's death & especially by Demosthenes.  And Demosthenes that had buried his daughter, not past seven days before, went in sumptuous array, and ware a garland upon his ●●ade, according as the manner was then, in token of rejoicing and gladness, not suffering himself to mourn for his daughter's death, in the midst of the common joy, and mirth of his Country. And yet it may be doubted much, whether such rejoicing and joyfulness be to be well liked of or not, especially when a foreign King is traitorously murdered by his own man, as though he had been slain in open field, by the force and valiantness of his enemy. Truly being so mighty a king he should not have been so used, notwithstanding his hatred never so much against the people of Athens. For this desire of honour to advance states, and to enlarge kingdoms, is naturally graffed in the hearts of all Princes. And there was never yet any, of stomach or courage, 
None contented with their state.  but desireth to be in better case than he is, neither is any man contented with his own estate. For the Athenians themselves if they might, they would have been Lords over king Philip, and have had as great authority, as ever the romans had. 
Envy should end, with the death of a man.  And therefore such affections being ordinary, are rather to be pitied, than to be despited: and especially against the person of one that is dead. For what harm can a dead man do? and if ever envy should cease, it should than have an end, and die for ever, when the cause is taken away. And the rather I speak this, for that king Philip was of a princely nature, whatsoever Demosthenes saith, & especially towards Demosthenes, whose friendship he sought by all means possible: and yet when he could not have it, 
king Philip's saying to Parmenio of Demosthenes.  he said thus to Parmenio his dear friend, & counsellor, I have done whatsoever I can do to win Demosthenes, but it will not be, though there are others that stand contented to be mine. Well, this I say, if any Citizen of Athens when he sitteth in council there, 
Traitors to their Country hated, even of the enemy, although their treason be sometimes rewarded.  do prefer me before his Country, I do give him my see, but I do no whit think him worthy to be my friend: but he that hates me for his Country, I do and will set upon him as I would do upon a Castle, a Fortress, or a Trench, and yet I do reverence him for his virtue, and think that City blessed, 
A good subject beloved even of the enemy.  where such a man doth devil, where in deed I would hung up yonder other fellows, when I had no more need of them. But as for this man, I would rather have him mine, than to have my Pensioners & Guard of Illirian horsemen, and Triballians, and all the hired soldiers else that I have now, or that I can have hereafter. For I think the might of a wise Orator, and the gravity of an eloquent speaker, 
Eloquence of as great force as armour.  is nothing inferior at all to the force of armour, and manhood whatsoever.  
At an other time he spoke thus, to Antipater, that mighty warrior, and one of his chief Counsellors. What? fearest thou man any captain of Athens? their Galleys, and their Peer, are but trifles and toys unto me. For what should I pass upon those fellows that give themselves to dancing, hoiting, 
Demosthenes only feared of king Philip▪ as being a Spoken to all his devices.  banqueting, and belly cheer? that if Demosthenes only wear not among them, I would sooner get Athens than Thebes, or Thessalia, by deceiving, by enforcing, by preventing, and by giving of bribes, and great rewards. But that one man is ever in my way, watching and warding still, and taketh advantage of occasions, and followeth our attempts, and stoutly withstandeth all our devices. Neither can we hide our doings from him, either in using sleights, or attempting any thing, or purposing to do any exploit: yea that one man is altogether such an hindrance, and so main a rock against us, that we can not have our will in all things, and go thorough with our matters as we would. Nay marry, he did as much as he could that we had not Amphipolis, Olynthus, and the Phoceians. That if he had had his will, we had also gone without Thermopile, Cherronesus, and the coast of Hellesponte, for he doth nothing but stir them up against their wills, and waketh them out of their sleep, with such roughness of speech, that oftentimes he gets no thank for his labour. Yea he turneth the revenues that wear wont to be bestowed upon pastimes, to the service of their wars: & provideth laws for their navy, & appointeth Captains and Governors to them, which navy was almost destroyed for want of good order and government. And where the state and dignity of the City was utterly defaced and almost brought to nought, and the people altogether untoward to do any thing: he brought to their remembrance their forefathers and elders, to do such things as they did at Marathona, and at Salamine, 
Marathone, a place t●n miles distant from Athens, where Miltiades that valiant Captain of Athens, vanquished the Parsians.  and causeth them to be in league with the rest of the Greeks. And be our doings never so close, there can be nothing hid from him, and unpossible it is for any one to deceive him, and as for corrupting him with gifts or rewards, he is no more to be touched that way, than was Aristides that just and undefiled Magistrate. So that this man only is more to be feared, than are all the Greeks, 
Salamine, an Island by Athens, where they got a greet v●ctorie.  and navy that the people of Athens have. For the same that Themistocles and Pericles wear heretofore, to the Athenians: the same is Demosthenes alone to all Athens, in wisdom equal to Themistocles, and in greatness of mind, comparable to Pericles. And this he hath done by his eloquence, that all Grecia giveth ear unto him, as Euboia, Megara, Hellesponte, Boeotia. And surely the Athenians (quoth he) do very well for my purpose, that they send Charetes, Diopithes, Proxenus, and such others, to be their generals and Captains, and suffer Demosthenes to keep home, and to speak to speak to them only out of the Pulpit. For had they put this man in trust with their armour, navy, and money, sending him forth with their power, and had suffered him to have taken the advantages that happened: 
The best men able to do the greatest good: are often kept back, & others set in place that can do less good.  I fear me, I should have been to seek, for mine own Realm of Macedon at this time. For that he now dealing with us only, but with his decrees, and advises at home, doth fetch us out every where, prevents our doings, provides things necessary, and makes great powers ready, many times against us. And therefore (quoth he to Antipater that succeeded Alexander his son) I count it part of my good hap, that Demosthenes was never yet General over their army.  
Antipater likewise said to Archias the Marshal, whom he sent to Calauria for the taking of Demosthenes, 
Calauria, now Sidra.  and willed him in any wise to bring him alive: What mean you sir (quoth Archias) is not Demosthenes of all enemies the dreadlyest enemy that you, and we all have? Unto whom Antipater answered: not by saint Marie is he not, as thou dost say, if any man have care of upright doings, or counteth that man's wit, friendly and honest to him, the which is altogether void of all deceit and falsehood, 
Virtue honoured even among enemies.  and abideth still constant. For honest things be honest, even amongst enemies, and the nature of virtue, is to be greatly esteemed wheresoever it is found to be graffed, or known to have a dwelling place. Neither am I a wiser man than Zerxes, 
Xerxes' favour to his deadly enemies.  who did marvelously honour Bulis, and Sperchis, both Lacedæmonians, & his deadly enemies: whom he dismissed, when he might have put them both to death. But if ever I did reverence man, I have most of all esteemed and honoured Demosthenes (with whom I talked twice in Athens, although I had not then very good leisure to speak with him, and asked others of him) for the only gift he had in government of the State, because men should not think that I made such account of him, 
Demosthenes' honoured chief for his great wisdom in government.  for his eloquence, although Python the Orator was nothing in comparison of him nor yet all the other Orators of Athens: they wear but bench-whistlers, if they were to be compared with this man's stirring, and vehemency in doings, with his aptness of words, with his interlacing of sentences, with his often using of demonstrations, and his marvelous reasons both to win favour, and to pierce the hearers. It repentes us much to have called the Greeks to Athens, in hope to conquer the Athenians, upon trust & affiance that we had in Pytho, and Pytho his promises, the same being afterwards overthrown by Demosthenes himself, & the reasons that Demosthenes used. And as for us we could never attain to the pith of his eloquence. But I do account his eloquence in the second place in steed of an instrument and mean for him to do his feats: having always passingly reverenced Demosthenes himself, for the greatness of his courage and wit, 
Demosthenes never dismayed by any adversity.  who held out with a stomach upright and unmovable, in all the bitter and great ●●ormes of fortune, neither could he be removed from his purpose, by any terror or vexation whatsoever.  
And whereas some said to king Philip, that the people of Athens bore him great hatred, and was his mighty adversary: Tush (quoth he) it is Demosthenes and none other, that is my adversary. For he only, maketh Athens to be so mighty as it is. Such is the force of virtue in a good man, 
Great praises given to Demosthenes by king Philip his enemy.  & so great is the value of some one above thousands. And further he said that whereas he did sand Ambassadors to other places, if the Athenians did send any of theirs thither, and suffered Demosthenes to tarry at home, he commonly prevailed in his demand: but if Demosthenes wear in place, he defeated still all his purposes, and was evermore a trump in his way. Yea such a man is he (quoth king Philip) that there can not be any sufficient monument erected, to set forth fully his great worthiness.  
But to return again to king Philip, thus it is reported that he hearing Demosthenes at an other time evil spoken of by Parmenio, for that he had used very vehement words against the king, in the Council house at Athens, well (quoth king Philip) we must allow Demosthenes to use his words, for amongst all others, 
Demosthenes could never be corrupted by king Philip.  he never yet came within our books of expenses, meaning he could never fasten penny of him: whom he did so esteem for his singular constancy, his assured fidelity, and notable heart towards his Country: that he thought him to be the oddest man for all gifts that ever was in Grecia.  
Thus worthily king Philip reported of his deadly enemy, honouring virtue, where soever he found it. And therefore I would have wished that the memory of such a king should have been kept unspotted, after his death, or at leastwise not so despited, as to have triumphs made upon his infortunate end, seeing he was not so very evil, as he is made to be. I do like well that Demosthenes hated him deadly while he lived, for that he sought to get into his hands the whole estate of Athens, and all Greceland beside. 
Love and hatred must be in every good Magistrate.  And surely I do think that no man can be a good Magistrate, that will not as deadly hate, as he deeply loveth: and as soon make an evil man afraid of him, as a good man to love him. For by that means, he shall both do his Country good service, and save himself from great peril and danger, that else might happen unto him. And according (as the Poet Pyndarus saith) he is a man among men, that is friend to a friend, 
Pyndarus, worthy saying of hi●, that is both a friend, and a foe.  and a Lion to his enemy, especially the hatred rising for the detestation of vice, and the love growing for the advancement of virtue. But now that king Philip was dead, what do the people of Athens? forsooth by & by through Demosthenes' persuasion, they did fall to arm themselves, and joining in confederacy with others, they warred upon king Philip's country, where the Thebans gave the fresh onset upon a garrison of Macedonians, and slew them through help of Demosthenes, that provided them armour: and thereunto the Athenians hasted all that was possible for help, and joined with them. 
Demosthenes' esteemed among men as a God.  And who swayed now like a God among men, but Demosthenes? addressing letters to the Nobility of Persia, 
Alexander miscalled by Demosthenes.  to arm themselves against young king Alexander, whom Demosthenes called ●ibberly Boy. Notwithstanding afterwards when young Alexander had settled his Realm: he marched with a great power to Boeotia. And then was the Athenians comb cut, and Demosthenes courage cooled. For than did the Thebans forsake them, and they standing upon their own proper force: wear in danger to have lost their City, whereupon they sent Demosthenes with others, as Ambassadors to entreat. But he was so afraid of king Alexander's indignation, 
Demosthenes' fearful to do his message.  that he returned back again in the mid way, without doing his message at all. Upon the neck whereof king Alexander sent his Ambassadors, and required to have given into his hands and power, eight of the Orators, whereof Demosthenes was the first and principal. And although Demosthenes went to persuade them by the tale of the wolf and the sheep, as you heard before, with other reasons alleged amongst his Apoththegmes, that they should not deliver them: yet if Demades that great Orator and subtle Graecian had not been, they had all been sent away, 
Nine hundred pound starling.  who requiring five talents for his charges of Ambassade, took upon him to deal with the king, for appeasing of his wrath, hoping either upon the king's friendship, and his favour: or else that the king being glutted already with so great an overthrow, would the rather be satisfied. Who in deed (as he thought) persuaded the king, and so the Orators wear not demanded, and peace was made with the City. Now after Alexander was gone, 
Demosthenes out of credit.  the rest of the Orators carried great favour, but Demosthenes was no body, & yet when Agis king of Lacedaemon began to stir, 
Agis king of Lacedaemon, slain by his own men, for that he would restore the laws of Lycurgus.  Demosthenes then roused himself a little, but after when the Athenians would do nothing, and that Agis was overthrown, & his whole country brought to ruin: Demosthenes then sat still as others did. About this time, was that action entered by Aeschines against Ctesiphon for crowning Demosthenes with a Garland, 
Aeschines against Ctesiphon for decreeing a garland to Demosthenes, in advancement of his worthiness.  for his deserts towards his Country, according to the manner then used: but the matter was tried long after, which matter was so famous, as never was any public cause, aswell for the worthiness of both those Orators, as for the honour and nobleness of the judges who would not yield to the condemnation of Demosthenes, although his enemies wear very mighty, & great friends to the Macedonians: but did acquit him so nobly that Aeschines had scant the fift part of the Ballottes on his side with him. 
Aeschines banished and Demosthenes cleared.  And therefore he went out of the City by and by, as a banished man, wearing out the rest of his days, at the Rhodes where he taught Rhetoric. And there one day unfolding his Oration to certain learned men, which he had uttered against Ctesiphon, for the discredit & overthrow of Demosthenes, & being marvelously well liked of them for ●t: they desired also that they might hear of him Demosthenes' answer in his own defence. Who read it to them likewise. Whereat when he saw they stood astonished, and amazed for the wonder of his vehement and singular manner of persuasion: he burst out thus: nay then (quoth he) what would you have said my masters, 
Demosthenes' utterance commended by Aeschines his enemy.  if you had heard the best himself utter it, & pronounce it unto you, meaning that his pronunciation was of such force, and so excellent, that it wan notable credit to the matter propounded.  
Thus these two men being both notable Orators, the one could never abide the other, and in their meetings at council, wear ever contrary and overthwarting together.  
Not long after this, one Harpalus a great man with king Alexander forsook his Country of Macedon, 
Harpolus a traitor that forsook his master king Alexander, and ran away with his treasure.  and fled to Athens, partly for that he had evil used things committed to his charge, and partly for that he feared the fierceness of king Alexander, who had cruelly dealt with certain of his dear friends, as Lysimachus & Calisthenes, and had slain Clitus his best beloved Counsellor suddenly in his fury, as he sat at table with him. Now this Harpalus being come to Athens, with great treasure and ships (stolen from king Alexander as it was supposed) and so to yield himself to their protection: the rest of the Orators perceiving him a fat client, wear ready to further him all that they could, 
Money blindeth the wise.  and persuaded altogether the Athenians to receive him, and to take tuition of him: only Demosthenes would none of it, but rather caused that he should be sent back again, and ●adde them take heed that they did not bring war upon their necks, without need, & upon unjust cause. Within a while after, commandment being given that his money and treasure should be seen, and Harpalus perceiving by Demosthenes' eye, that he was in love with a cup of gold of the kings, at the excellent workmanship whereof he saw him take great marvel: he willed Demosthenes to p●yse the cup in his hand, and to esteem the weight of it. Now when Demosth●●●s had wondered at the massiness thereof, and therefore as●ed him what it might way, Harpalus smiling upon him, said, it weigheth unto you sir, xx. talents, 
3600. p●unde stacling.  and in deed as soon as it was night, he sent him the cup of gold with twenty talents of money. Good was the skill and insight of Harpalus in good sooth, to judge by a man's countenance & casting of his eyes upon a cup: what his chief desire was. 
Demosthenes' overcome with the love of a golden cup.  Neither did Demosthenes forbear to take it, but being overcome with that offer, as a man would say caught in the net of temptation, bore with Harpalus, and would not gainsay that he required. And therefore gets him the next day certain wool and rollers to fasten handsomely about his neck, and so comes into the Counsel house, where being desired to stand up, and to say his mind in this matter, he answered that he had lost his voice with a pain in his throat: but some merry conceited fellow that smelled the matter, said that he was not sick of Angina, 
Angina, otherwise called Synanche, an inflammation of the muscle of the inner gargil.  but he was taken the last night with Argentangina, that is not with simple Angina, but with silver angina, meaning that he was not troubled with the Wula being a swelling in the throat, and called in Greek Angina, but was corrupted with Argentangina, that is, his mouth was stopped with money, for so the word signifieth upon the allusion of Angina. Now afterwards when every body perceived plain corruption, and therefore would not hear him speak for himself, but wear very angry with him, and in an uproar and murmur for the matter: one starts me up, and like a good friendly furtherer of Demosthenes, said thus, what mean you my Masters, will you not hear him speak, that hath the golden cup in his throat? hereupon they banished Harpalus out of the City, and fearing lest that money should be demanded of them the which certain of the Orators had spoiled him of, and finely fleeced to themselves: they did make diligent search in every one of their houses saving where Cal●cles dwelled, into whose house only they did forbear to enter, 
Reverence of a spousal.  because he was lately married, and had his young spouse within the house with him.  
Thus when Demosthenes saw this matter so hotly taken, 
Areopagus the high Court of Grece, called the Palace of Mars, to judge causes criminal and matters of great importance  and stomached in such sort: he appealed from them, and desired that his matter should be determined by the high Court of the States of Grece, called Areopagus, that if he wear found faulty, he might be punished thereafter. Now the Court found him guilty and condemned him for an offender, after he had appeared in open judgement, & fined him to pay 
* Nine thousand pound starling.  fifty talents, and to lie in prison also, till the money wear paid: who for very shame of this offence as it was said, and for the infirmity of his body, being not able to endure imprisonment: made an escape, whereof partly the keepers were ignorant, and partly they winked at it. And as he was running away not far from the City, he met certain of his contrary faction, whom he would gladly have avoided, but they followed a pace, and calling him by name, willed him to be of good cheer, for that they meant him no harm, offering to give him money to bear his charges. Whereupon Demosthenes fetched a great sigh, as a man wounded at the very heart, but they comforted him, and asked what he meant so to sigh: he answered and said thus, alas my Masters, what other countenance may I show than heaviness, that see myself constrained to leave that City, which nourisheth such good enemies of mine in it: 
A good enemy better than a bad friend.  as I shall hardly be able to find the like good friends any where else. And so going his ways, he took this his banishment very heavily, and impatiently, casting his eyes many times upon Athens. And as he went he looked back very often upon the Castle of Pallas in Athens, and holding up his hands said with a loud voice: O holy Pallas, 
Demosthenes' saying when he went into banishment.  sovereign and Lady of cities, why hast thou so great pleasure in three such infortunate and unlucky beasts, the night Owl, the Dragon, and the people? The night Owl, or the scriche Owl (as some call her) being thought the bird of death, was dedicated to Pallas, for a bird of her chief delight: the Dragon also was set upon her crest: the people wear Pallas darlings, 
The people evil rewarders of them, that have done them good.  over whom she took great care, who are compared to a monstrous beast with many heads, evil favouredly acquitting those that have done them most good, as they did Socrates, Photion, Scipio, Demosthenes, Tully, and divers others. And this man being wearied with the malice, and unkind dealing of the people: would say many times to his familiars that came to see him: I know (says he) that he who seeks to bear office, 
Magistrates, always subject to envy.  and to carry authority in his Country: is ever ready to be envied, threatened, maliced, slandered, and to be put in great hazard, to loose both goods and life for his labour. That if I wear put to choice whether to die, or to take the authority of a Counsellor upon me, as I have done: I had rather clearly give away my life for ever: then once to touch the burden of the state, or to open my mind in open audience to the people.  
And good cause he had to be greatly grieved with the people that wear so unkind towards him, who loved them so dearly, and did so much for them. For not only did he with his council, wisdom, and courage advance the welfare of his Country: but also he was at great charges divers ways with them. For he made divers public feasts to the people of his own cost, a custom used among them, 
divers good deeds of Demosthenes.  by such as were able to bear the charges, & desirous thereby to win favour. He took upon him beside, to see to the maintenance of the Temples, and private buildings in the City, and therefore was Aedilis, as who should say, the Guardian of Churches, and buildings in the City: he also looked to the ships, that they wanted nothing, but had all their tackell and furniture accordingly. He repaired also the walls and ditches of the City, to his great charge and cost, he redeemed captives and prisoners with his own proper money, 
Such charity of redeeming captives much used, and greatly commended at this day among the greeks.  & gave of himself very much to the marriage of poor maids, and orphans, a good and godly deed, and besides this, served his Country in foreign Ambassages, at all times when he was commanded, and devised good and wholesome laws from time to time, for maintenance of the state. All this notwithstanding, he was clean out of favour, for committing one bore offence, in taking the cup of gold as a gift from Harpalus, that fled from Alexander, and forbearing only to speak against him, whereas others, that have never done any good at all, but rather much evil, are never dealt withal, nor so much said unto them, as black is their eye. And yet touching this cup, 
Pausanias writeth the history of Harpalus at large in his second book of the description of Grece, & seemeth there to clear Demosthenes.  Pausanias a Greek Author writeth, that he had no such cup at all, but was slandered by his enemies of bribery, & through false accusation condemned, as afterwards upon his return and better trial, it fell out in proof. But what can not the malice of wicked men procure? Wherein I note by the way, that the best and worthiest men, are nighest their own destruction: and none other in so great peril, though they offend never so much, as those are, that live most uprightly in authority, and are the chiefest favourers of their Country's welfare. So that virtue is harmful to some, if they exceed the common sort of men in well doing, 
Ostracismus a banishment for ten years space by a certain kind of balloting with shells, wherein the names of the persons condemned wear written, and it was used to abate the power and credit of great personages, that wear suspected to aspire.  and therefore they had in Athens, a certain kind of banishment called Ostracismus, by the which they banished them that wear in the greatest favour with the people, for their virtue and godliness of life, fearing lest such excellent worthiness should bring them to be chosen as supréeme and sole Governors over all the rest. And thus this man still continuing in his banishment, word came unto him in the Isle Calauria before Troezene where he lay, that Alexander was dead. Where upon the Grecians began to hast themselves together, and one Leosthenes taking the matter stoutly upon him, beset Antipater, Alexander's successor, so round: as if he had enclosed him within a wall. At what time Pythias and Collimedon, being men banished from Athens, took part with Antipater, 
Pytheas and Callimedon banished men from their country, become traitors to the same.  and laboured the favour and defence of Macedon, joining themselves with his Ambassadors and friends, and warned the Grecians not to revolt from Antipater, nor yet to confederate themselves with Athens. Which Demosthenes understanding, he also prepares to link himself with the Ambassadors of Athens, and devices all the ways he can, 
Demosthenes ever true to his Country, although he was banished.  to persuade the Grecians to drive whole flocks of the Macedonians clean out of Grece. And while the matter stood at this point, it happened that Demosthenes and Pytheas met together, between whom there fell such scolding, so openly, 
Demosthenes and Pytheas chiding & brawling the one with the other.  and with such invectives the one against the other, Pytheas for the Macedonians, and Demosthenes for the Athenians: that it was a world to hear them two. And whereas Pytheas had thus said in his scolding eloquence, like as we think (says he) there is always some evil happening to that house, where Ass' milk is brought in to be sold: even so that City of necessity can not be long without trouble and mischief, 
Demosthenes' turning a speech uttered by his enemy, to his purpose.  unto the which an Ambassade is sent from Athens: Demosthenes turned his reason thus, and said the milk of Asses is brought into men's houses for healths sake, and to do good: And so the Athenians do come always for the welfare of others, and to help such as are in any wise distressed. Of which controversy when the people of Athens had heard, and how honestly and wisely Demosthenes had handled himself in his country's behalf: 
Demosthenes' called from banishment.  they made one Daemon of the tribe of Paeanea, Demosthenes' Cousin germane, to pen a decree for his return, and so they called him home: upon the conclusion whereof, a Galley was sent for him to Aegina, where he lay banished. And thus after a certain time of exile returning home in the Galley with great honour, and coming out of the Haven Pyraeeum into the City, he saw ready afore him all the Nobility and Clergy attending his arrival, with a marvelous number of the common people, who received him with all the joy and gladness that might be. Whereupon it was reported, he held up his hands to heaven, with great thanks to God, that he saw that day which was more honourable to him, than it was to that noble man Alcibiades upon his like returning from banishment, for that he saw himself welcomed of the people willingly and voluntarily, whereas they received Alcibiades home by commandment, & for very necessity to their great charge, 
Alcibiades received home for fear, lest being absent▪ he might be hurtful to his country.  much against their william. And now where a fine was set upon his head of .50. talents which yet stood still and could not be pardoned, being upon a condemnation by consent of the state: they sought to help the extremity thereof, by this cunning, that where they were wont upon the sacrifices made to jupiter the Saviour, to give money unto them that trimmed and prepared the Aultare: they did let unto him the doings of that sacrifice for .9000. pound starling, to countervail thereby the value of his amerciment. 
Fifty talents.   
Thus Demosthenes being most honourably restored and highly esteemed, he could not yet for all this long enjoy his desired Country, 
Alteration of states, a thing natural.  for that the overthrow and ruin of the Grecians was at hand, even within five Months after, as it followed. At what time Antipater gave them an utter distress in the battle at Cranon, 
Cranon a town in Thessaly.  and the next month his garnisons approached Munichia, and shortly after both Antipater & Craterus, came to Athens itself, whose coming being reported and known: Demosthenes with a few others conveyed themselves away speedily, before hand, whereupon the people condemned him and all his company by a decree of Demades, 
Demosthenes' condemned by the people.  to suffer death. And now when they wear all gone, some one way, & some another: Antipater sends out straight his catch poles and Sergeants (whereof one Archias was Knight marshall and chief minister) to apprehend those Orators and others.  
This Archias was sometimes a player in Comedies, and one that brought up scholars under him, most excellent in that faculty: 
Hiperides. Marathonius, Aristonicus, Himerius.  but being called to this office, he did his diligence to seek them out, and finding Hyperides, Aristonicus, and Himerius, in Aegina where they took Sanctuary: he plucked them out from the sacred place, 
Hyperides a lewd wavering Orator.  and sent them straight to Antipater, who caused them forthwith to be executed. And as for Hyperides, the report went, that his tongue was first plucked out of his head.  
Now Archias hearing afterwards, 
Calauria an Island bordering upon Tro●●enium in Arcipelagus.  that Demosthenes was in the Isle Calauria, and had taken the Church of Neptune for his succour: he sailed straight thither, and entering the Temple with his officers, 
Archias entering the temple of Neptune, in Calauria, found Demosthenes there, & sought to persuade him to come away quietly to Antipater, and he should have no harm, but he could not entreat him for all that he could do or say.  he entreated Demosthenes to go quietly with him to Antipater, and he should have no harm. But Demosthenes had a wonderful warning by a dream the same night before, for it seemed to him in his sleep, that he did contend with Archias for the setting forth of a Tragedy, and having the better of him, and winning the stage from him: he did afterwards quail for want of furniture and charges. And therefore whereas Archias had used much entreaty, Demosthenes looking upon him, from the place in the Church, where he did then sit, said thus: Archias, neither couldst thou ever persuade me to like thee, when thou wast a common player upon a stage: 
Demosthenes would not give ear to Archias speech.  neither shalt thou now persuade me with promises, when thou playest the Orator. And when Archias thereupon had bitterly threatened him, yea now (quoth he) thou dost utter lively the oracles, and bloody doings of Macedon, where as thou didst even now but only play the part of a stage player. Tarry a while man (quoth he) I pray thee, that I may dispatch somewhat to my family, and household folks. And when he had said these words, he went farther into the Church, and taking out his writing tables as though he would have written somewhat, he did put a quill to his mouth, 
Demosthenes' manner of death by putting a quill to his mouth.  and biting it a little with his teeth, as he was wont to do with his pen, when he was writing or devising any thing: he held it so a while, and in the end wrapping his head into his garment, he laid him down upon the ground, which when those saw that waited at the Church door without: they fell a mocking of him, calling him coward, faint hearted wretch, and a very woman. But Archias came unto him, and prayed him to rise up, and renewing the same mild words unto him again that he had spoken before, did promise' him that Antipater meant clearly to forgive him, and to be in perfit love and charity with him. Notwithstanding Demosthenes when he perceived the poison had taken force within his body, uncovering his face, he looked up upon Archias and said: by and by thou shalt play the part of that tragical Creon, 
Creon king of Thebes, a cruel murderer of divers, and especially of Antigone, and Argia, being slain himself afterwards by Theseus of Athens for his great tyranny and murder used against others.  and shalt cast this dead carcase away without burial, whereas I myself (O mighty Neptune) do rise alive out of thy temple. And when he had said these words, he bad them take him, whose body trembling for faintness, and falling down as he passed forth by the Aultare: at the last he fetching a great sigh, gave up the ghost among them. And thus ended this worthy man. Howbeit, the manner of his death is reported diversly. Some say that he took poison out of a quill: others say, that when he fell down at the aultare, there was found in his writing tables the beginning of an Epistle, Demosthenes to Antipater, and not a word more. They that came for him, and wear the guard to Antipater, said they saw him suck poison out of a clout, that he had in his hand, and put it to his mouth, they taking it to be gold that he had swallowed: but a maid servant of his being asked by Archias of this matter, said, that Demosthenes had kept the self same clout a long time about him, as a remedy at all times for him. Democrates a kinsman of Demosthenes did verily think that he did not die of any poison at all, 
Demosthenes' died without poisoning himself, being suddenly delivered by God's mighty hand.  but rather that he was delivered by the very providence of God, from the cruel Macedonians, by a short, easy, and natural death.  
It wear not amiss to declare in some part the very words that Archias and Demosthenes had together, and were afterwards reported to Antipater successor to Alexander the great, according as Lucian maketh mention after the winning of Athens by the said Antipater. For it should seem Demosthenes made little account of death, after the loss of his country, but rather prepared himself to die with it, thinking life unfit for him, when his dear Country was once undone. And thus therefore he said to Archias, coming to him into the Isle Calauria, whereunto he then was fled, to eschew present tyranny: after long entreaty made by the said Archias, and promise' therewithal that if he would come away, he should not have any harm at all: 
A dialogue betwixt Demosthenes & Archias, and the same rehearsed as it was, to king Antipater by Archias upon his return from the Isle Calauria, now Sidra.  (The which words Archias rehearsed afterwards to king Antipater.)  
In good sooth I am not moved, O Archias, through fear of torments or death, to make promise to come to Antipater in hope to have life. And though these things be true that thou dost say with all thy fair promises: I aught yet much more to take heed, that I do not take my life of Antipater by the way of a gift or by corruption, lest I should seem to forsake that standing and room wherein I was placed for the defence of Grece, and being counted as a runagate, should go over to Macedon. That if it be honest for me to live, let the haven Pyraeus give me life, and that Galley, 
A rehearsal made by Demosthenes, of his several deeds achieved, for his country's welfare.  the which I gave to the City, and the walls and trenches that I made about the City of mine own charges, and the Pandion Tribe, whereof I was Guardian, and benefactor of mine own accord: and Solon, and Draco, the two law makers, and the freedom of the Parliament house, and people, and the decrees, and ordinances for the navy, and the worthy deeds and triumphs of our elders, and the good affection of the commonalty, by whom I have been oftentimes crowned, and the authority of the Grecians, whom I have often preserved. That if I would live by the mercy and favour of others, although the same be a dishonourable thing: yet wear it better for me to seek mercy amongst them, whose kinsfolks and friends, I have delivered out of captivity, or to deal with the fathers of those maids, that I holped to good marriages, or else to go to such as I have aided heretofore, to pay their subsidies and ordinary tributes. But if neither the state of an Island, nor the Sea can deliver me from death: I desire God Neptune (in whose Temple I am) to save my life, and I desire it of this his Aultare and of his holy laws, that if God Neptune neither cannot so much as withstand the profaning of this his Church, 
God Neptune's temple a sanctuary.  and that he thinketh it no shame, to give up Demosthenes to Archias: I will be contented to die, and yet shall not Antipater for that, be honoured of me, as a God. In deed I might have had better friends of the Macedonians, than I had of the Athenians, and might have been a companion of thy happiness and flourishing estate, if I would have linked myself with Callimedon, 
Callimedon, Pytheas, Demades, three evil members & salemakers of their Country's liberty.  Pythias, and Demades. But I do not like any such life, neither will I change my faith with the fickleness of fortune. That surely is a noble passage which a man maketh upon his death, with a clear conscience, and without guilt or fear, of any filthy act, or wicked offence done. And as much as lieth in me, I will not dishonour Athens, but will rather embrace bondage, and renounce clean my liberty, and so go straight to my grave with honour. And good it wear for thee Archias to call to thy remembrance the Tragedies wherein thou hast been a player. For is it not notably said there in one of them? The Lady being ready to die, was very careful to fall down comely, 
Notable bashfulness of a Maiden, that being to be executed, was careful that no bore plat of her body might unseemly appear open.  that no bore part of her body might appear. And seeing a Maid did this, shall Demosthenes prefer a dishonourable life before an honest death, forgetting the disputations of Zenocrates, and Plato, touching the immortality of the soul? These wear his sayings. And moreover he enueyed bitterly against those that do upbrade unto others their calamity, 
He is worse than mad, that chargeth an other man with beggary, for that fortune is ever unstable, and no man assured of that he hath.  and dash them in the teeth with their poor life and miserable estate. But to what end do I rehearse all these things, saith Archias to Antipater? At the length when I had partly entreated, and partly threatened him, using both sharped and sweet words together: I would (quoth he) be stirred man with these thy words: if I wear Archias, but seeing I am Demosthenes, pardon me I pray thee, for that it is against my wont to be a wavering or an inconstant man. And now when I went to pluck him out perforce, and that he perceived it: he began to laugh at me, and looking upon the God, said: Archias thinketh that armour only and armies of men, are the strength, and bulwarks of man's life, 
The courage of man's mind, above all force and strength whatsoever.  contemning my furniture, the which neither the Illirian soldiers, the Treballian guard, nor yet the Macedonian forces, shall ever be able to dash and overthrow: The same force being stronger than that wooden wall, (our ships) was: 
Their galleys and ships, called by Apollo their wooden walls.  the which Apollo did once report by his Oracle, to be invincible. For even as through foresight & understanding, I have kept myself safe in government of the common weal hitherto: so I trust by the same to defend myself clearly from the Macedonians danger hereafter. I never cared a straw for Euctemon, 
Euctemon, Aristogiton, Pytheas, Callimedon, four traitors to their Country, and flatterers to king Philip.  nor for Aristogiton, nor for Pytheas, nor for Callimedon, nor then for Philip, nor yet now for this Archias. And when he had said thus, and I began to pluck at him. How now man (quoth he) do not lay violent hands upon me, for this Temple shall not be profaned through me, by so much as I am able to let it: so soon as I have done my prayers to God, I will follow thee straight ways without leading at all. And so I looked in deed that they would have done, when he had put his hand to his mouth. Neither had I any mistrust at all that he did any other thing, but only prayed to God. But what he did than we knew it afterwards, by taking straight examination of his maid, who confessed, that he bought poison for himself a great while ago, to lose his soul from bondage of the body, to live straight ways in liberty. Neither could he scantly pass over the stars of the Church door, when he looked upon me and said, 
The mind of every man, is man himself.  thou mayest carry this carcase man to Antipater, but as for Demosthenes, thou shalt not carry him, not, not, by. And seemed then according to his manner to swear by those that died in the battle at Marathona in the favour of their Country, 
Miltiades victor in the battle at Marathona.  where Miltiades gave the overthrow to the Persians. But death approaching & he taking his leave of us, his speech failed, and his spirit vanished clean away. This end, O king, Antip. of Demosthenes you say. Now all these things O (Archias) that thou hast said are proper to Demosthenes. And dost thou think then that we would have carried this man to the slaughter house, 
Antipater's notable praises given of Demosthenes.  as men carry an Ox or any other beast: or rather would we have cherished him, and used his council touching the whole state of Greceland, that we might have heard the voice of a free minded man, 
The free minded man, the best and surest friend.  where as now we have none about us but flatterers, and soothers to all things that we say and do. But he was to good for us. Now Lord God what a passing man was this: O spirit invincible, and most blessed creature: what a valiant stout heart had he. It is wisdom, I see for man, ever to have in his hand the possession of liberty. Now he is gone most like to live in the Islands of the blessed, in Paradise of the renowned and worthy Champions: or rather he hath taken the straight way to heaven there to be an angel, with jupiter the Saviour. As for his body we will send it to Athens, the which is like to be a more precious monument to that Country, than all those that died at Marathona for safeguard of their City. Thus far Lucian, in that Dialogue, betwixt King Antipater, and Archias the Marshal.  
He was .62. years of age, when he died, ending his course the xuj day of October upon the feast of Ceres, 
Demosthenes' age, and how long it is since he was.  which feast was ever after hallowed with mourning and fasting for memory of him, about nineteen hundred and .93. years past. The Athenians upon this day did him honour as he had deserved, and erected a brazen monument of his shape and portraiture, and gave to the eldest of his family a living in the Court, graving an honourable inscription upon the foot of his monument, in this wise.  
If might had matched the mind, of Demosthenes the worthy:  
Greecelande by the Macedones: had not been brought to misery.  
Thus this noble Orator ended his days, being a man worthy to have lived ever, whose name and glory cannot but continued, so long as the Sun giveth light upon earth, or man hath tongue to speak. Neither have I in using this report of him, done as Zenophon did in setting forth the life of Cirus king of Persia, who in deed did colour him not as his conditions wear, but spoke of a king in his person, as a king should be: but I have been bold with Demosthenes to show him fully and wholly in his colours as he was, not leaving in the midst of his virtues, to touch also the nature of his vices, because I would show plainly what he was in all points, that the world may see, God giveth not to any one man all things in perfection without some blemish or default, although some men have some several and excellent gifts, far passing others as this man without doubt had.  
Now Demades the Orator his fellow (who for natural wit far passed Demosthenes) decreed and enacted a sentence of death against him, after he was fled, the rather to flatter the Macedonians, and to yield himself and his country into their hands, which turned him to utter destruction. 
traitors end their days as they deserve.  And hereof Demosthenes gave him warning before hand, and willed him in any wise not to make sale of his natural soil, saying that traitors in making sale of their Country, do first make sale of themselves. And so it fell out afterwards with him in deed, for Demades shortly after was apprehended, and had first his son slain in his arms, and he himself next put to a most cruel & miserable death. A worthy end for all such whatsoever they be, that are wicked betrayers of their natural soil and Country, who after a sort pluck out their own bowels, in that they alienate from themselves to others (whatsoever the respect be) the proper inheritance and birth right of their own nation, the chiefest and greatest treasure belonging to man upon earth, next to the true knowledge and reverent fear of God.   

Pausanias' report upon Homer and Demosthenes, in his second book of the description of all Grecia.  
WIthin the Temple of Neptune, there is a monument of Demosthenes, upon the which man chief, as upon Homer in times past, fortune seemeth to have showed her great spite and malice. For Homer besides the loss of his eye sight, felt an other great harm, the which was extreme beggary, 
A strange and pitiful sight to see learning go a begging.  whereby he was forced to travail the wide world, ask his almose, of every body: Demosthenes again, being an aged man, was driven to abide the smarts of banishment, 
The best men always in most danger.  and besides that died a violent death. Upon the which matter, like as divers other have spoken and written much: so Demosthenes himself hath said his mind very largely. And touching the money that Harpalus brought from Asia, without doubt he had not one penny of it. And so proveth by conjectures at large, the likelihood thereof, so that it should seem by Pausanias' saying, that he was wrongfully and unjustly charged with taking of that massy golden cup, and the 
* 1600. pound starling.  xx. talents in it, as is before declared in the description and report made of his life.   

 

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

   



The Table  
Enemies to be used as they would use others. 8  
Enemies to be dealt withal when they are at the worst. 36  
Enemy to be fought withal rather at his home, than at our home. 48  
Enemy waxing mighty to be feared greatly. 5●  
Enemies most dangerous when they deal with us in our own country. 75  
Enemies domestical the worst creatures living. 75  
Envy followeth virtue. 124  
Envy should end with the death of him, that is envied. 125  
Entry granted to the enemy a thing very dangerous. 58  
Event of things rather marked than the cause. 4  
Etesie, north east winds coming ordinarily at a certain season of the year. 42  
Evil men care for nothing but for the present time. 55  
Evil speakers would be evil doers. 8  
Evil men govern with better safety than good men. 75  
Euboia, now Negroponte, an Island in Achaia. 38  
Euphreus, a just man, evil used by his own Countrymen, not only by his enemies. 76  
Euphreus seeing the destruction of his country would not live. 77  
Examples of foreslowing things, and the loss of occasion offered. 3  
Execution of laws a higher thing in nature than is the devising or bore reporting of them. 24  
Executors careless of their charge. 106    


FLETCHER  
Fault's rather shifted off to others, than acknowledged of any. 25  
Fair promises make fools fain. 58  
Falsehood in fellowship and common envying one another. 96  
Falsehood faileth. 13  
Flatterers most dangerous people to a common weal. 26  
Flatterers bearing authority all things go to ruin. 28  
Flatterers suffered to speak in Athens in favour of the enemy, contrary to the manner of all other Countries. 100  
Flying tales and flattering news do never good to any state. 47  
Folly to die without doing any good, when a man may by escaping do very much good. 118  
Fond tales sooner herds than grave matters. 117  
Fortune so called, otherwise in very deed is the grace of God, which giveth success to all our actions. 16  
Free speaking forbidden bringeth danger to the state. 63    


G  
GEntlemen eschew evil for shame, the common people for fear of harm. 23  
Gods goodness worketh all in all. 16  
God and nature set all things to sale for labour. 34  
Godly men to be stirred through carefulness of the wicked. 46  
Good men made afraid when they see a good man evil used. 77  
Good men and evil men are of divers opinions. 77  
Goods wrongfully gotten have small assurance. 13  
Good men maliced for speaking truth. 58  
Good men in greater danger for saying the truth, than evil men are for doing naughtily. 59  
Good subjects beloved, even of the enemy. 126  
Good utterance the best thing for an Orator. 120  
Governors passing measure exceedingly were restrained of their course. 68  
Governors over Galleys the best esteemed men among the Athenians. 106  
Greecelande altogether in danger of king Philip. 67  
Greecelande ruled by the Athenians .73. years. 67  
Greecelande ruled by the Lacedæmonians .29. years. 68  
Greecelande ruled by the Thebans after the battle of Leuctra. 68  
Grecians fondly unquiet among themselves, when the enemy abroad was so busy and stirring against them. 69  
Grecians anciently most sound in their dealings. 71.  
Grecians in old time careful over Greecelande, not only over that Country where they wear borne. 73    


H  
ability in dealing rather to be followed than william. 26  
Haliartum a town in Morea. 38  
Happy who learneth wit by another's mishap. 21  
Happy is he that can take his tyme. 21  
Home foes the worst people living. 99  
Honours change manners especially in those that rise from the dunghill. 102  
Honour got by virtue hath perpetual assurance. 103    


H  
IDle men unfit to reap the painful man's labour. 30  
Idle men soon taken tardy. 36  
Inconstancy not to be feared of them that can not revolt without their undoing. 31  
Intent makes the offence being notoriously proved although the deed be not done. 66  
Iseus an excellent Orator and teacher of eloquence. 108  
Isocrates the sweetest Orator above all others. ibidem.  
justice never so little broken, injustice is straightways committed. 66  
justice maintaineth estates. 94    


KING  
KIngs being good and mighty therewithal, are to be dread for fear of their authority. 12  
King Philip's force what it is. 12 

his nature. 1●  
his state both fickle and weak. 35  
his properties rehearsed in a bead roll. 48  
his words not so much to be marked as his deeds. 64    
He practised Stafforde law with the people of Athens. 64 

fitter for sleight and guile than for evenness and plain dealing. 65  
his deeds rather to be noted than his words. 65  
his liberty to do what he list hath been the cause of all the wars in Greece. 67  
his unmeasurable wrong doing in short time. 68  
his proud manner of writing. 69  
his bottomless ambition. 69  
barbarous and contumelious of his tongue. 70  
most painful to do his endeavour. 74  
to be kept under by armour not by words. 83  
a cherisher of ambitious persons. 84  
he hateth even the very religion of Athens. 86  
he mindeth wholly the destruction of Athens. 87  
his praise is overthwarted. 118      


L  
Labour and pains taking bring all things to pass. 113  
Laysinesse lost Athens. 96  
Laws to be abrogated that hinder good proceedings. 23  
Law makers and none others aught to abrogate their own decree and law established. 24  
Laws needless, if either fear or love could drive men to be honest. 104  
Laws are the links of virtue. 104  
Liberty sweet and desired of all men. 13  
Lewd doings shorten good days. 16  
Litherness to be redeemed by diligence. 17    


M  
MAgistrates what they should be. 27  
Magistrates that are to be misliked, and wherefore. 28  
Magistrates compared to Mastrifes that defend sheep against the Wolf. 119  
Man's mind is man himself. 103  
Mardonius fauchen hung up in the temple for his victory against the Plateyans. 27  
Mandragora what it is. 85  
Menelaus a stranger and Captain to the Athenians in their wars at home. 41  
Men in authority seek rather their own advancement than the welfare of their country. 101  
Miltiades a temperate governor. 27  
Money to be well heeded in time of war, for disposing of it, that every one may have his pay. 42  
Money taking destroyed Olynthus. 100  
Money taking the ruin of Thebes. ibid.  
Money taking undid Thessalia. ibid.  
mistrustfulness the chiefest safeguard that may be against the practices of tyrants. 57  
Mercenary soldiers serve there where they may have the most gain. 18    


N  
NAughtypackes make evil men the more bold, and flatterers make fools the more fond. 15  
Necessity and need never more than now. 36  
Neglecting even of private causes, very dangerous to a state. 5  
Negligence, not ignorance, hurted the Grecians. 21  
Negligence and want of care have caused much wo. 33  
Negligence lost Athens. 83  
Neighbours adjoining unto us should carefully be looked unto. 89  
Nothing well done that is not willingly done. 89    


O  
OCcasion given, is a warning sent from god not to be omitted without great danger. 1  
Occasion presently offered and unlooked for. ●  
Occasions newly offered upon rehearsal of occasions lost. 4  
Occasion not to be omitted without great peril. 11  
Occasions to be taken now or never. 22  
Occasions offered never better. 25  
Offers made that may be received as much to be esteemed, as the present and absolute possession of things. 4  
Olynthians deceived by king Philip. 78  
Olynthians abused by King Philip's counterfeit dealings. 56  
One inconvenience suffered, many mischiefs follow after. 59  
Order of great value, to govern things well. 43  
Oriteynes abused and pitifully tormented by King Philip. 78  
Orchomenius Laomedon by exercising of his body cured himself of a great disease. 109  
Overmuch meddling and overlittle both hurtful to man and City. 101    


PEA  
Painful men wear the Garlands. 17  
Panyke what it is. 87  
Pardoning offences very often destroyeth a state. 103  
Peoples common hatred prognosticateth destruction to the party hated. 15  
Peace better than war, if a man may be sure of it. 64  
Penny well spent that saveth a pound. 97  
Practisers undermining worse than open enemies. 66  
Particular griefs sooner felt than public annoyances. 97  
Photion the Hatchet of Demosthenes reasons. 219  
Private life a safe being. 101  
Pleasure causing displeasure bringeth repentance in the end. 5.119  
Presence of a Prince, speeds his affairs. 2  
Prevention necessary when purposed mischief is foreknown. 66  
Private loss to be sustained for common profit. 6  
Prince and subject being of divers dispositions can not both long continued together. 15  
Princes ambitious, evil neighbours to devil by. 2  
Princes that be mighty match in league with meaner states to serve their turn the better. 53  
Profit to be preferred unto pleasure. 52  
Provision before hand is always necessary. 91  
Pykethankes seek by discrediting others to benefit themselves. 58  
Pythea certain games in the honour of Apollo. 70  
Pytheas saying to Demosthenes. 113  
Pithy speech used, better than a pilate's voice. 117    


Q  
questions unnecessary asked of king Philip's being. 36    


R  
Rewards necessary for well doers, and chastisement fit for offenders. 18  
Rich men not to draw back to do their duties because the poor are unwilling. 93    


S  
SAtyrus a professor to teach gesture and good utterance. 11  
Saying and doing are two things. 42  
Scolding and railing not to be used nor answered unto. 121  
Short shooting loseth the game. 43  
slanderers and flatterers the worst people living. 62  
slandering never used by any honest man. 121  
Similitude declaring how careless the Grecians wear. 69  
Similitude declaring the nature of lither and careless people. 70  
Similitude warning men to be wise in tyme. 79  
Speech dangerously forborn when necessity requireth speech. 62  
Speech needful to be free for all men in their Country's quarrel. 18  
Stage money aught to be employed upon the wars. 30  
Strangers not so fit to deal for others, as others to deal for themselves. 30  
Strangers aid not to be refused in time of great need. 91  
Strangers alone not to be trusted in service of the wars. 40  
Stranger to be general is a thing very dangerous. 41  
Strength of a City wherein it consisteth. 95  
Soldiers must have their pay. 40  
Soldiers not to be touched in their honour, much less to be condemned through false report. 47  
Subjects always to be ready for annoying the enemy. 38  
Subjects and strangers to be joined together. 40  
Subjects to live as men do in private families. 93    


T  
TAke heed of had I wist. 78  
Talkers often times frame their tongue to the humour of others. 63  
Thanks to be given for that which a man might have, aswell as for that which he hath. 4  
Thessalians treacherous people. 7  
Thessalians deceived by king Philip under colour of friendship offered. 56  
Theseus persuaded the people to forsake the Country, and to live in the City. 105  
Thebans corrupted by king Philip. 53  
Traitors and flatterers better liked than true meaning men, and the reason why. 77  
Traitors to their Country hated even of the enemy, although their treason be sometime rewarded. 126  
Traitors end their days as they deserve. 145  
Treasons uttered by examples. 76  
Treasure of the state, consumed upon feasts and games for to pleasure the people therewithal. 7  
Treasure of the state to be looked unto. 89  
Treasure of the state converted to private gain causeth great harm. 94  
Treasure of a kingdom consisteth upon three points. 100  
Troublesome times warn all men to be careful. 73  
Trusting causeth treason. 76  
Trusting to a man's self is the best trusting. 48  
Time to be taken while it is, for time will away. 2  
Time sometime protracted and delays used, very profitable. 79    


FIVE  
VAliant soldiers make all passages open for their purpose. 46  
Virtue consisteth upon knowledge and doing. 203  
Virtues a great number in one several man. 115  
Virtue honoured of all men, but of wrong deeds no man maketh any worship. 103  
Virtue excludeth vice. 104  
Virtue the best nobility .106. honoured even of the enemy. 128  
Villains in gross. 99  
Use makes masteries. 110  
Usury the cause of all misery. 5  
Utterance maketh much to set forth a matter. 116    


W  
Wars better to be denounced, than to stand at defence. 75  
Welfare touching a man's self not likely that it will be forgotten. 1  
Wealth exceeding overmuch causeth much wo. 8  
Welfare hideth the vices of wicked men, and adversity unfoldeth their natures to be seen of all men. 16  
Welfare of a state to be preferred before all other things. 26  
Words and deeds should be all one. 21  
Words unfit weapons to withstand armour. 51  
Wrong doers be the cause of war, not the redressers of wrong. 63  
Wrong done by strangers more dangerous than harm done by subjects. 69  
wise counsel more easy to be allowed than to be devised. 1    


X  
Xerxes' saddle dedicated to Minerva for his victory had at Salamnia. 27  
Xerxes favour to his deadly enemies. 128     

¶ Imprinted at London by Henry Denham, dwelling in Pater noster row, at the sign of the Star  
Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.  
Anno Domini. 1570.