An Answer to the Supplication.  
Against him, who seeming to give the King counsel to become a Catholic, endeavoureth to stir up his good Subjects unto rebellion.  
Faithfully translated out of French by E. A.  
LONDON Printed by john Wolf, and are to be sold at his shop right over against the great South door of Paul's. 1591.   

An Answer to the Supplication exhibited unto the King.  
Ihave read the advice given unto the K. under the name of a Supplication, that he would vouchsafe to become a Catholic, wherein I have found nothing concerning a Supplication, but the bare title. The rest is even the same that the Author doth promise. Sir, It is a second war that lighteth on your arms, by those who imitating the first christians, have acknowledged you to be their King. Whereto he should have added, that such a second was of more dangerous consequence than the first, because in the first, they that took part were only the fools, dolts, idiots and wicked persons. The commons by the furious inducement of a heap of Friars and monks, that fight rather for their wallet then for their faith, and the great ones to make way to their ambition. But in this they that term themselves the king's faithful and good servants, do furnish instructions and remembrances wherewith under the pretence of a request to withdraw the virtuous from their vowed obedience and fidelity. Examine this discourse by piece meal, and you shall find many brave points: and examine it in general, and you shall find as many stabs with a dagger to overthrow the King, and so consequently the state. The Author termeth himself a Catholic, the kings good subject, zealous for the common wealth, all this, to pleasure him, I am content to believe. But had he been a free catholic, he should have addressed his request to God, not to the King. Or if a good subject desirous of public peace, he should have opened his reasons unto him particularly, and not have spread them amongst the people, whereas contrariwise this request never came to his hands for whom it is said to be made, but runneth amongst those that need no praying, of whom one sort are rebels, another, ready to rebellion, & the third, such as are of a timorous conscience. The first, seeing the king is not yet become a Catholic do delight in these remonstrances as a parcel justificatory of their rebellion: the second notwithstanding whatsoever their semblant are nothing sorry for them: and the last doth hang in suspense, as men never brought up in the ancienty of the church, so that whether it be by art, or by hap, this Supplication hath course among us, and the fruit thereof tendeth not to edify the king, but to make some of his followers malcontents, and so adventure to cause them to change their copies.  
He may, will you say, save himself by becoming a Catholic. But I tell you, it is not a matter to be cast in a mould. But he had promised his Nobility that he would take some pains therein within six months, who may be grieved to see those months turned into six years. Good God, is not this a mere slander? made he that promise simply? No truly. What then? That he would summon either a general or national counsel within six months, or sooner if possibly he could, to the end to follow and observe whatsoever should therein be decreed. Have his enemies since afforded him one quarter of an hours respite to tend thereto? While they were busy would you have wished him to have tended to discourses, and in the mean time to have undone and lost himself, as Jerusalem was lost while the jews busy about the exercise of the ceremonies of their sabbaoth, not willing or daring to defend themselves, fell upon the edges of the Rom●●nes sword? Hath he not a ready example of this fault before his face? For if after the death of the two brethren the late king had resolutely taken arms, and so given the rebels no leisure to bethink themselves, the affairs of our France had been in better state by the one half. But, O hard hap, we loitered about the goodly Orations at the closing up of the states at Bloys, with magnifical preparation, and while we set our whole delight upon this theatre, we perceived not that 7. days before the city of Paris through the inducements and practices of the Sorbonists had abandoned the king's obedience. Howbeit you the good and faithful servant of the king (you would think I should mock in terming you so) have quietly shipped in these two words, That the Nobility would grieve to see their six months turned into six years, as if through frivolous delays the king longed after such linger. After the same manner as you seek to make him believe, that in his desired conference he seeketh to be persuaded by five or six, who within these three days departed from our church, most of them shamefully: These be your own words, a matter that he never imagined, as having referred the conclusion of this cause to such a counsel as is aforesaid. But certainly sith ye would needs have this war to light upon our king's neck, it had been your part to have fought with good weapons, and not with deeds which you have slanderously invented.  
But who be those noble men that have given you commission to use this speech to the king? Are they the same that were at the camp at S. Clauds the 14. of August 1589. in whose hands the K. promised within six months to assemble a good, free and lawful counsel, to the end to follow whatsoever should therein be concluded? They are bound to the king by word, signed, sealed and exemplified in the Parliament, and are not simply gentlemen only, but even the Princes of the blood, dukes, peers, officers of the crown, and many other notable personages. All who have promised him all service and obedience upon his oath and promise, that within the time by him prescribed he would make this assembly. A promise which in itself implied a quiet condition of possibility, for no man ever meant to bind himself to a thing unpossible, neither is there any so senseless, as not to see that the linger which now appears in the execution of this promise, is not by him sought or desired, but springeth out of these troubles. But why should we suppose that these do complain, considering we yet see them continue in the same devotion, & that not they only have embraced the king's just quarrel, but also many other dukes, marquesses earls, barons and lords, who in respect of their absence having not signed, have notwithstanding hasted to come unto him with great trains and concourse of people, to hazard their bodies, lives, and goods in his service. All these do know that the six months are expired, yet do not thereupon impute any thing to the king, neither are so far devoid of consideration as to wish him to enter into our Church by any other way than was capitulated amongst them, and to the same end also was the lord of Luxembourg chosen to go to the Pope to give him to understand of all that was passed, which he acknowledged to be just, holy, and most lawful. I do not here tell you of those house-doves and dormice, who in their houses do watch on which side the storm may light, to the end to apply themselves to the other: for these men I account as cyphers, so that if you have no other than those, you might much better for your honour's sake have suppressed your request.  
Well, on, to you do I now denounce war even as you have done to the king, for I am of the number of those Catholics whom you speak of in the beginning of your petition, who imitating the ancient christians, do continue in his obedience. If you be as you say, so catholic, so good a subject unto the king, such a lover of public peace (for I must yet return to our first point) sith you will read a lesson to our master of that which you think to appertain to his duty, ought you not also to have done the like to the people of that that belonged to them? It is a matter that you forgot not for lack of notice, for it is one of the first dishes where with you have served our king, when you told him that his good subjects did imitate the ancient Christians: yet stayed you so suddenly that your word died so soon as it was borne: and such a word, as being well digested in good men's consciences, would procure a general peace throughout the realm. Let us therefore begin here by ourselves: let us read to ourselves a lecture of our duties to our king, so being grown wise in our own duties, we may the better endeavour by supplications, advice, or other fair speeches, to teach him that which we think meet for him to do.  
First, I am of opinion, that every good citizen should wish there were but one religion in overy well ordered common wealth, and every good Christian that there were no exercise of any other theuthecathol. apost. religion. That is the same wherein we have been of all antiquity brought up in France: the same wherein we were baptized: the same wherein we should live and die, as being the spring and assurance of our salvation under the banner of our saviour jesus Christ. God hath given us a king of an other religion than ours, yet a virtuous, valeant, noble, wise and just prince, such a one as accompanieth all his actions with the fear of God. Where the Wise man saith, that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, I suppose he meant, that the fear of God is the ground of all religion. Nevertheless, if he were other, if a Nabuchodonozer, who was the greatest scourge unto the house of God, ye● were it our parts to do for him the same that the Prophet Baruch exhorted the children of Israel to do for the said Nabuchodonozer, that is, to love, honour, and obey him, and to remember him in our prayers: and why▪ Because God hath given him us, and will have us to have such a one, whether to be revenged of us for our sins, or to prove the steadfastness of our faith, or upon any other reason which he will not any should know but himself. When our Lord said, Give unto Caesar that belongeth unto Caesar, etc. Peter in one of his Epistles etc. Paul to the Romans, and to Titus commanded the christians to pray to God for the earthly powers and to obey them, they knew that all the kings, monarchs, and princes of those days were heathen, as were all the other the emperors from Augustus to Constantine the great, yea Constance the son of Constantine, albeit a christian, was infected with the heresy of Arriux, and julian his successor from christianity returned unto his Idolatry, all which notwithstanding, we still obeyed them. For the proposition of our Christianity imported that we ought rather to obey the vice-emperor than the inferior judge, the emperor than the vice-emperor, and God than the emperor, because upon the one depended only the loss of goods and life, things perishable and transitory: on the other, eternal damnation of our souls: to be brief, that the good christian should make a buckler of his life against such assaults as might be delivered him by the emperor, when he cotrarieth the honour of God, but that in all other things we own him our obedience. This was the trophy erected by our fathers. Read S. Cyprian, S. Hierom, S. Augustine, and especially Tertullian the ancientest of them all, where he writeth to Scapula the governor of Africa. We, said he, do in all, and through all obey the emperor, we acknowledge him to be our sovereign Lord, we willingly pay him tributes, aids, and subsidies. One only thing we desire to obtain of him, that is, that he will permit us to line in peace of conscience. The like saith he in his Apology: and above all things in this general obedience, he will not that the christian stray one tittle from the common course of his religion, but that rather he should abide all kind of torments: and this is it that he doth at large discourse upon in his treaty of the crown of a soldier. And to the end you should not think that they lived so because force so commanded, you shall find that T. of Aquine, one of our chief school divines discoursing upon this article, is of opinion, that of whatsoever religion the prince be, yet the subject ought to obey him, also that there is one only cause that may dispense with the oath of fidelity. uz. when from christianity the prince declineth to paganism, wherein likewise he is gainsaid by antiquity: for it is certain that the christians never doubted to obey julian the Apostata. Yea that great Saint Martin the holy buckler of our France was under his pay five whole years while he was a Catechist, that is, during the time of his probation, wherein such as were disposed to make profession of our religion were strictest in their actions. This is, in my opinion, the lesson you should have taught the French nation, and which now I do deliver in manner of a supply to the second line of your Supplication: for being so careful for the salvation of the king's soul, you should not have neglected the rest of France. A lesson as catholic and holy as the heresy is detestable, that hath course among the Leaguers, uz. to uphold that because our king's religion is contrary to ours, we lawfully may not only deny him our obedience, but also levy war against him. For were their opinion true, we must condemn the whole doctrine of the primitive Church, we must condemn S. Peter and S. Paul, yea we must condemn the great patron and foundation of our religion jesus Christ: yet it is such an heresy as slideth into the hearts of those that are taken to be the honestest men: for yourself do seem to be somewhat spotted there with, sith of set purpose you omitted this principal piece, which would greatly have enriched your work. How then? Will I dissuade the king from becoming a Catholic, because I teach his subjects to obey him? God forbidden. The type of all my desires tend to see him united in the same religion with us: but to tell you true, I could wish that neither you nor I had undertaken the unweaving of this web. It is very dangerous to become an arbitrator in the causes and opinions of a mighty king, especially in an argument of so great consequence as this, withal considering the diversity of humours amongst us at this day. Stand you upon this, that the king ought to become a catholic? In haste post haste, as you do, unless he follow your counsel, sundry ticklish souls will straight imagine that it proceedeth of want of devotion, and mindeth to feed his faithful subjects with delays in respect of his promise at his coming to the crown, and so shall you perhaps be the cause of a new commotion against him. But let me uphold the contrary, and I shall provide some conceit for divers slippery minds, that by his consent I am under hand taught by those of his religion to play this part: which will be a new preparation to mistrust, a matter no less dangerous than the other: and withal it will be thought that in heart I profess an other religion than the same that outwardly I exercise. Neither you nor I are Lisippus or Apelles, that we should represent Alexander in imagery or picture. I mean we are not sufficient to discourse upon this high point that aimeth both at religion and the state: nevertheless, sith you, abusing the liberty of the time wherein every one thinketh it lawful to do what he list, seeming to bring a medicine for the state, do bring poison: I believe the better sort will not mislike that I also do take leave to bring in a counterpoison. I will tell you then, that I am of opinion that the K. become a catholic, and that as soon as it may please God to give him grace (for it is a blessing that proceedeth from God, not from us) but that he should so become upon the mould that you prescribe him, I do not think that any good servant to God or the king can so think good. I pray thee Reader have patience to the end, and be not dated at this first step. Our religion is the holiest, etc. I will begin with this word Holy, which is the first point of your reason: for as for the rest which concerneth the reputation, profit and necessity thereof, all your subtleties are vain in the sight of God, which notwithstanding I will discourse upon in their places as I think meet.  
Our king must become a catholic because our religion is the best: I tell you again he must, but not a state Catholic, such a one as you would frame him, that is to say, a Prince that shall abandon his religion, that shall henceforth go to mass. that upon the solemn festivals shall communicate with us in the holy sacrament, so to content his people with fair shows, but in heart shall scorn all our ceremonies, for so shall you form us a king without religion, who before in the profession of his own reposed his whole confidence in God. For why should not I imagine that you would make him such a one, even you who term his zeal and devotion in this behalf, when he offereth to submit himself to the ordinances and decrees of a good counsel which himself will procure, sometimes ceremonial, sometimes courtesanical. In the religion that he professeth he doth with his whole heart confess one God, and abhorreth by gestures only to acknowledge him. Upon a request exhibited by his princes and great lords that he would vouchsafe to become a Catholic, he besought them not to wish in him a rash alteration of his religion, but rather that with ripe deliberation he might be by our men instructed, not in gross, as you wish, but particularly and by péece-meale. A matter that he desired, not upon courtezany or ceremony, but for that he could not so easily as you, jest with his conscience, for, if need be, upon his conversion, he will do open penance for his error. This manner of dealing do you mislike, and would have him at unawares and blindfold take our part, and this do you term a miracle. But for my part my spirit is over dull to digest this great metamorphosis of the conscience. Yet know I that God wrought a greater miracle in the conversion of S. Paul: but in our church there never was but one S. Paul, whom God had especially chosen to be his trumpet to all the nations of the Gentiles. Thus may we see how every man misconstrueth the Scriptures, and for the most part applieth them to cover his own impiety. To this purpose I remember that in the time of S. Cyprian sundry ecclesiastical persons admitted to lodge with them, some of their kindred to guide, and as they said, to oversee their household affairs. But this great and holy parson misliking this use, as knowing the inconvenience that in process of time might grow thereof, they for their defences alleged the example of the Virgins Mary and S. john, who dwelled together after the death and passion of our saviour jesus Christ. Oh wretches (cried this holy man) dare you gather any consequence of the particular blessing of these two excellent souls, therewith for to cover your impudicities. There is no example to be taken of those examples. Bring in the mystery of the conversion of Saint Paul to strengthen your advice, and all Machevellian princes shall hereafter become S. Paul's.  
But, the people (say you) are troubled with a sickness of mind: they fear lest the king continuing in this state wherein he now is, should suppress the Catholic religion: and therefore there is no other remedy for that disease, but that he become a Catholic. First, who is the people that you speak of? Have you searched into the hearts of all the kings good and loyal subjects? You will grant me as I suppose, that all these Princes and great Lords that have subscribed the aforementioned declaration that he made, are none of them: as also that they are not those who since without subscribing have come to yield him their due service, neither such as accompanied them. Proceed throughout the rest of the people which are many, and how know you that they are troubled with this disease of the mind, that you should so boldly assure our king thereof? If you should be disaduowed what would you say? And seek you any greater disaduow them three answers written against you? The quiddities of your Supplication might peradventure breed this mischief in some weak minds, but not in any such as have any more certain information of the affairs both of God and the world: and withal think that for every one that is of your mind there be an hundred of a contrary opinion. And to tell you the truth, you flatter yourself, and do measure others by the meet▪ wand of your opinions: yet God grant I do say truth, and that it be your opinion, and not rather a sly subtlety to withdraw the good and loyal Catholics from their vowed obedience to the king. Moreover, you go about to daunt the king with an imaginary fear of the people, whereas he in his soul is sufficiently terrified with the fear of God. He feareth, and in good reason, lest if he should mock his Master, as you wish him to do, his Master would afterward mock him: he who otherwhiles hath received such favour and graces of God, that all the harms of others have turned to his profit. You may make of your conscience a chameleon, that turneth into as many colours as it seethe objects. But the king's conscience is not made after any such fashion: he thinketh that man to have no soul that can so easily play with his soul: that he is utterly void of religion, that can frame his religion according to the diversity of reigns: to be brief, that he is the same Ecebolius mentioned in the Ecclesiastical history.  
But you have none (say you) but the nobility to take your part, your enemy hath the Commonalty, and ye know that one julius Caesar with the assistance of the Commonalty defeated Pompey and all the Nobility of Rome. Oh stay man, you judge boldly of our estate, and do not consider that the policy of our France, heretofore called Gall, doth far differ from that of the Romans. For evermore, even in the days of your Caesar, and that by his own testimony the force of this nation depended upon the Nobility. A custom which by succession of time and age is converted into nature, so that at this day the Duke of Mayenne with all his rebellious towns and popular power, doth but ward our blows, and is driven to the end to reign in France to become the Spaniards slave: yet do I make no account of this worldly policy. Our king buildeth not his hope upon either the Nobility or the communality, but upon God only: he is his buckler, his fortress, and his upholder, yea he is all in all unto him, and he believeth that without him all the forces of the world are but wind.  
But let us grant all the fashions possible to the argument that we entreat of, for to say truth, it is the highest point, and must not be weakly handled. As the Devil the father of dissension hath within these thirty years particoloured us with religions, under these two words Catholic and Huguenot, so are we ourselves also as well in the one as in the other parti-alized. For some take part for the state's sake, others for religion only. I will therefore stand upon the terms of Catholic, which we will here form us, and will say that we have two kinds of Catholics, the one, catholics of estate, the other, catholics in religion. The first are worldly catholics, and so consequently the devils Catholics. The second are the true catholics in our church, and so consequently the children of God. If we consider the first sort, you are not, in my judgement, of sufficient practice in the estate to shape us a Catholic prince by your pattern: If the second, then albeit you have learning, yet have you not catholic religion enough in your head to make a prince catholic by religion.  
Now let us speak of the estate catholic, as of him who peradventure as at this day beareth greatest sway throughout all christendom, I mean of him that hath no consideration of the salvation of his soul in the sight of God, but of the advancement of himself or his state, wherein I beseech those that shall spend some hour in the reading of this my discourse, to think that I do not in any wise allow of such catholic policies, but do utterly condemn, abhor and detest them as abominable in the sight of God. Howbeit, in as much as now we are to give the people to understand that there was never counsel more pernicious, then that which the Supplication importeth, also that it is a merchandise fetched out of the leaguers back shop, who under a false show of seeking to husband the peace of the realm, do practise a new disunion between the king and his good subjects, I beseech you give me leave to strike upon this tenor which hath recourse unto the state, and afterward I will touch the base that hath relation to the catholic church when I come to speak of the catholic in religion. I uphold, that if the king become a catholic without that which you term ceremony or courtezany, and I call most holy well ordered devotion, he looseth his reputation among all men, and withal, adventureth the loss both of himself and his realm. There is nothing of like importance to the mighty as honour. That is it that may most persuade them. Our king hath from his infancy been brought up in the doctrine that he yet followeth: he hath as a man should say even sucked in with his nurse's milk, his religion, together with the express commandment that his mother the Q. of Navarre at her decease gave and left unto him, as it were a testamentary legacy, namely, that he should persevere therein unto the death. He hath since defended it against all worldly endeavours, with the price of his blood and life, and hath had good success. He that being simply king of Navarre, with a handful of men hath upon this opinion braved his enemy that was armed with the pretence of the holy sea of Rome, with the authority of the late king and of the king of Spain, shall now being king of France, and assisted with so many princes, dukes, peers, marquesses, earls and barons stoop for a weak stripe with a reed to him that doth but ward his blows? This was not the opinion of Pope Sixtus last deceased, as may witness some honourable personages, whom he charged to tell the king, that as well in respect of his conscience toward God, as of his reputation among men, it stood him upon to take great heed of altering his religion, unless with such order as he had taken with his Nobility. I do expressly allege unto you the authority of this great person, as well in respect of his degree of dignity over us, as for the wisdom that his age and long experience had purchased. We other men are but ceremonies. Banish the ceremonies of our vows in matters of greatest conscience, as religion, and ye shall ere ye be aware banish a great part of all religions. There is nothing that a great king ought so much to fear, as to incur an opinion of lightness and inconstancy. The which to eschew he must use all possible means in any alteration that he purposeth in matters of consequence. If when there ariseth any question or argument about the giving of the lie to a Gentleman, or one that professeth arms, when they go about agreement men use to bring all kinds of formalities to cover the honour as well of the giver as of the taker, will you not suffer a mighty king to use some ceremony whereby to shun the lie which you do imagine he giveth to our Church, thinking to do well? If it stand upon his reputation (I speak now as a worldly wise man) you must tread under foot both the profit and necessities by you alleged: for not only princes but even mean gentlemen do account nothing profitable or necessary that may any what impeach their honour.  
But (say you) this shall be a great conquest for the K. over himself: nay contrariwise, it shall be a brave victory that his enemies shall have obtained against him. So that were I in pay with them. I would also procure the like supplication as yours. The fear nothing so much as that, say you: you say it, but for my part I think the contrary. For were I of their counsel, God knows what rate I would set upon the merchandise, and how much I would think to gain by trusting it forth. The mischief is; that they be destitute of I wot not what hired lack-lattine Preachers, whom in their pulpits they cause to play what persons they please. My counsel is (say you) of such efficacy, that by one sole Edict, by one skin of parchment well penned, the king shall obtain that at his people's hands, that fifty thousand corselets can not obtain. If the Pope doth gainsay him, a fair appeal as of abuse may do him reason. So soon as his subjects shall see their king returned into the bosom of the Church, they will immediately fall down at his feet, as having the fear that held them in suspense banished away. Indeed you are a great Nostrodamus, that do prognosticate unto us wonderful things: what pledge or surety have you for your promise? Are you yet to learn, that between ligue and guile an old French word that signifieth deceit, there is no difference but the transposition of a syllable? Whereupon do you ground your prediction? Are you a Sindicque Attorney for all the rebellious towns? Are your remembrances signed, whereby you think you shall not be disavowed? But grant you have them, do you take the Leaguers to be so honest men that they will not infringe their faith? A woman that hath once abandoned her honour, doth afterward with time sell to others good cheap. And I shall never think that man to have any faith, that hath so easily dispensed with his fidelity to his prince. But let us argue even by common sense, whether there be any likelihood to believe that the towns will submit themselves to the king's obedience. The judicial Astrologers that deal with casting our nativities, after they have erected their figures, do stand assured of their predictions to come, in case they find they have hit right in that which is past: and therein indeed there is some likelihood, albeit I be not of opinion that we should believe such fantastical prognosticators: sith therefore that you do meddle with judging of that that is to come, it is requisite that your judgement be not fixed upon some vain imagination, especially in matter of so great importance as this is: but you ought to ground it upon some correspondence and couplement of things passed with such as are to come. You think that nothing but religion doth continue wars in France. When the towns armed themselves against the late king, was it religion that invited them thereto? Was there ever prince more stead fast in Romish religion then be? For even abandoning many times the degree of his royalty, he framed his actions to his subjects, sometimes showing himself openly a penitent, sometimes making himself half a Monk in cloisters, so to exercise his devotion: neither need we any greater testimony than this, that he had in truth been yet alive, had he not reposed too much confidence in monks and friars. Let us leave nothing at home that may tend to the favour of your opinion. For in so high an argument as this I sight for the truth, not for victory. You may reply, that the reason that raised their arms against the other king do cease in this: for the murder committed against the two brethren in the assembly of the states, together with the extraordinary collections and exactions against his people cried to God for vengeance. For these be the two common places where with they shroud themselves: but neither of these considerations have place in the king now reigning. A solution indeed not all amiss. But tell me: when the D. of Guise openly without all order of law went about by the estates holden at Bloys, to cause the king of Navarre unheard to be declared utterly unworthy and uncapable of the crown of France, there was neither vengeance to be executed, neither had the king of Navarre consented to all the corruptions of the others reign. But contrariwise the house of Guise had had good part therein: for they had gotten for themselves five or six Edicts to the oppression of the people: but especially that great reformer of tyranny, the Duke of Mayen. I know well enough that the duke of Guise shrouded his arm under the vizard of religion. Yet if thou being lieutenant of France but in parchment only, he solicited this wrong against the king of Navarre, think you the duke of Mayenne, that so thinketh himself to be indeed, were so fond as not to prosecute his first point? Do you yet suppose that such part of the people as in every town, by slacking the bridle to all mischief, have enriched themselves with the spoils of good men (for to speak truth, there is no town but hath his Rossicux or Bussy le Clerc) that they, I say, that have the strength in their own hands, will suffer the rest in the town houses to propound the yielding into the kings obedience, or if any should be so bold would not lodge him between four dark walls? Have they not twenty tormentors in their consciences that accompany them in all places? Is this word Relapse, wherewith the duke of Guise armed himself dead with him? You will tell me that the pope shall dispense, and I tell you your preachers will not believe it, no more than they have attended his decree and authority to sound out war against the late king. Can not they add, that the king having set so small a price of his conscience will prove a Catholic for a vantage, I mean of worse condition than before, and so have no religion? May they not have a good argument to advow it? If they have been so wicked as in their pulpits to proclaim the late king to be of no religion, and to give out his abstinence from meats and other the austerities by him used to be but mocks & hypocrisies wherewith to abuse the people's simplicity, what may they say of him that so slightly may have turned his coat? You think they will not do it: if you think so, even in common sense you are deceived. Or you imagine that albeit they should so do, yet their Sermons would be of too small effect with the people, to turn away this their new vow and devotion, that you assure the king of. But I am of a contrary opinion. Thus you see us of contrary minds, and upon this contrariety of hopes and opinions would you have the king hazard his person and state? You may say, If I were king I would: and I will answer for him, That if he had made the Supplication now in question, peradventure he would do it: but being K. he must look well that he do it not. My good friend, I understand but one Latin word, Tanti poenitere non emam, and I think it were good for the king's service that he should remember it in French. If the king agreeing to your opinion by this his new belief had lost all his beliefs of his ancient servants that have with him borne the quarrel, as taking it to be God's quarrel. And the princes that favoured him for the communion of their religion rather than of their callings should grow lukewarm in his behalf: And on the other side, if the rebels should persevere in their rage, into what disorder, or rather despair should you bring his affairs? He should find himself lurched ere he were aware, and you shall prove but a bad warrant for your counsel. Neither your parchment nor your appeal as of abuse, to be brief, all the pettifoggeries of France would not suffice to warrant him. His enemies have a new production, I say weapons, the which conjoined with I wots not what coloured title, which the strongest do never want, when the question concerneth a kingdom, they will easily by the means thereof win their cause. For as for the consistory of Rome, which in such affairs is of some weight in the balance, as being composed of sundry lords, who through their long experience do ordinarily conjoin religion with the state, and never divide human wisdom from holiness, it will always incline to the strongest.  
But is not this the part of a very Scholar in State matters, to wish that a prince should alter his religion, upon a vain conceit thereby to win the hearts of those whom he would conquer? If your Machiavelli now lived, who taught you that a king ought to be of like religion as his subjects, he would tell you that a wise prince never made so unclarkly a step, as to alter his religion, so long as he stood upon the conquest. But having achieved all his enterprises, he should then consult with his friends, whether it were good for him to embrace his subjects religion, to the end the better to like them. You, and such as be like yourself do rely only upon the catholic religion of the French kings, namely, for that king Clovis altered his Paganism into Christianity, which in those days was dispersed over all the Galls. Let us rest upon this example, which may be a good guide to lead us in the path that we are to pass. Did this great king (for I account him for the greatest that ever reigned in France without exception, either of Charlemagne, or of Philip the conqueror) become a christian-so long as he stood upon his conquests? or did he it without any ceremony? No verily. For when he was to receive the sacrament of Baptism, it was performed with such dignity by his great counsellor S. Remy, that afterward the posterity converted all the ceremonies thereat observed into miracles. Besides be abandoned not his heathen religion to stoop to ours, until he had freed his estate from the bondage of the Romans, subdued the Bur●uinion who occupied part of our Galls: chased the Visigot that possessed the country of Septimany, since called Languedoc, into Spain, and through the great battle of Tolbiac brought under his obedience all Germany, whereby Theodorike king of Italy became a suitor unto him, 〈◊〉 which performed, he received Christendom: yet can I not hereupon infer, that for all this he became a state Christian: but thus much is certain, that he used this discretion at his new purpose, that he turned not from his religion until he found himself to have the upper hand.  
I will use your own examples: you say that the Macedonians abated I wots not how much of their ancient devotion to their king Alexander, because he attired himself after the Persian manner. This story will I faithfully and at large rehearse, as greatly serving my turn, but not yours. So long as Alexander was busied about the conquest of Asia, he forbore to use either the habit or customs of the kings of Persia. But having once conquered it, imagining that he wanted no more for the accomplisment of his victories but the conquest of the hearts of his new subjects, whose Country which he had subdued was in extent five or six times as great as all Macedonia, he had recourse unto the policy we speak of. He took both the attire and diadem of the kings of Persia, and from thenceforth began to cause himself to be adored by such as came to salute him. A matter unaccustomed among the Grecians, yet such as made the conquered so pliable to his obedience, that he kept them in peace so long as he lived. Hereupon a certain philosopher, or rather a Scholar named Calisthenes, who measured a mighty king's imaginations by his own, began to murmur among the soldiers, showing them, that it was the way to bury the Grecian liberty in the bondage of the Persians, in the conquest whereof they had borne a great part and portion with Alexander: and if need had so required, had he thought upon it, he would have exhibited a like Supplication as yours, whereby to bring Alexander's behaviours into mislike. These complaints passing from mouth to mouth among the Macedonians was like to have stirred up a great sedition. Whereupon the king put the schoolmaster to death, not upon any injurious wrath, as some foolish Historiographers have written, but to the end to stop th● flux of this new commotion, and withal to make him an example to the posterity, against such as licentiously abusing their tongues or pens, before they have served their apprentisage in state affairs, do in their studies meddle with controlling the actions of their king among his people and subjects.  
This example have I set you down to two ends. The first, to show you that a sovereign prince ought never to alter his fashions, manners, or religion for the contentation of a people before he hath gotten the mastery over them. The other to let you understand that we are not so easily or openly to control the behaviours of our kings, especially in matters concerning the estate. For not to penetrate into the bottom of their thoughts, and yet to publish against them such speeches or defamatory libels as may move their subjects to revolt, is a matter of death: and you may peradventure have deserved the same punishment as Calisthenes: he for complaining foolishly, and out of season of Alexander's new alteration of the ancient fashions of Gréece: you for complaining of the king for not altering his old religion for an other that shall be new unto him. For to tell you plainly what opinion many have of you, they say that it is the very counsel of one, who seeming to love the king, loveth him not, or studying upon his preservation, endeavoureth to destroy him. And at one word, that your Supplication is the counsel of a wicked Leaguer: yet for my part, I do for your excuse tell them, that if it includeth any mischief, the same proceedeth not of any your hatred against the king, but of too much love to yourself. Had I access to the king's ear, and were I as a state man to counsel him, I would not wish him to become a Catholic yet, but to stay until he had overcome his affairs. Neither is there any better mean to link unto us a Country that we have but lately conquered, then by purchasing favour of the people, which may be kept by embracing their religion, unless we be so strong as without alteration we may command the same. This is the counsel that (speaking as a worldly wise man) I would give my king. But let us, I pray you, return unto God, who should be our Weathercock, and without whom we cannot arrive in any good haven. I have suffered myself at unawares to be carried away with the waves of this world. All this worldly wisdom is but folly before God. Where you do wish the king to become a Catholic, without laying his hand upon his heart, you do it to no other end, say you, but to procure him to reign in assurance over his people, and to bring peace to his realm, though not to his soul. What will you say if I show you both with the finger and eye, that through even palpable and visible miracles of God, all things have gone against the hair with such Catholics? I will not seek out of France, neither from the quarrel that hath been among us these thirty years: and the living God I take to witness, that no passion maketh me to utter that which I do mind to speak, but even a desire to open the eyes of the blind.  
It can not be denied but that the duke of Guise father to the last deceased, also the last deceased were great warriors, bold, and as valiant as might be, Lords that accompanied their valour with all human wisdom, wherein both they and the Duke of Mayenne always lodged this proposition: That they would not use our religion any further than the commodity of their affairs did command, for their own advancement and greatness. I will begin with the father and his brother the Cardinal of Lorraine. So soon as King Henry the second was dead, seized upon his son the young king Frances, by a title of _____ because he had married their niece, and withal estranged from his presence the princes of his blood and officers of the Crown, namely, that wise Constable Montmorencie, who was in so great favour with the former king his master: from whom not content with that disgrace, they took the state of great Master, which he had enjoyed ever since the decease of René of Savoy his father in law. This tyranny was evident, for all the affairs of France passed through the hands of these two brethren, who abused the king's name and youth at their pleasures. Many good Frenchmen unable to bear that tyranny, conspired against them. The King then sojourned sometimes at Chenonceau, sometimes at Ambois. The whole communality swarmed thither, insending to banish these our new Masters, and to present a Supplication to the king for the establishing of a lawful counsel of the Princes of the blood, and officers of the crown about his person. I think there was I wots not what of the new religion among (for I will not in any wise falsify this history. Their mishap was such that they were discovered by one Desavenelles an advocate, who was of that faction, by whom the Guises were advertised that the people's quarrel was against them. The enterprise thus discovered, the principals were apprehended at the Castle of Noisé, and the common people upon the high ways, who had their directions to meet at Ambois. Now I beseech you understand what wisdom in man's sense these two brethren used, to maintain themselves in their usurped authority. Also how in the end God turned all their devices into smoke. Because this history deserveth to be known to all: so soon as these poor men were taken, they are made to believe that they came with intent to seize upon the kings person, and to take him prisoner. Their process is by and by made and briefly finished by a Master of requests. Mazere, Castelnaw, Noize, and Renne the principal enterprisers are beheaded in the market place of Amboise. Renaudy whom Pardillan slew in the fields, after his death is quartered and made an example: and of their followers an infinite number, some drowned by heaps, others hanged over the Castle walls. This first stone thus cast for a foundation to their building, they considered that this enterprise must proceed from some higher hand. Also that in such affairs after they had put in ure the first exemplary punishment against the chiefest offenders, it was requisite to pardon the rest of the commons, and yet in any wise not to spare the heads of the greatest and Authors. That if any had cause to mislike the then government, it was the princes of the blood, to whom this charge appertained, during the minority of the king, whom a marriage could make no wiser than his age: and therefore by a brave policy they were wise enough for propounding their own interest: so that laying down only the honour of God and the king, after the executions at Amboise, they publish a general pardon to all the common people that had consented to this conspiracy, whereby no man should afterward be molested therefore. They create a new guard of French harquebuziers about the king's person, whose Capitains' being at their devotion, was an ordinary assurance for them to and against all men. Underhand they gather informations against the heads of this conspiracy, not naming any. They fortify the high ways to Ambois and Orleans with men of arms, so to prevent all new commotions that might spring out of Guyenne, because at that time the late Lord prince of Conde was retired into Bearne with his brother the king of Navarre, who were the men against whom they laid all their snares. At Fountain-bel-eau they procure the creation of 17. new knights of the order of saint Michael, therein violating all ancient order, for before they never created above one or two at the most at once, and that very seldom, and with great consideration. But these were so many bound unto them, and props for their tyranny in time to come. Thence they lead the king to Paris, where they do cause him to take assurance of fidelity of the provost of Merchants and Sheriffs of the town to himself. All these preparatives thus made, they bring him to Orleans, where they decree upon commandments throughout all France for the assembly of the estates, as knowing very well that the deputies do never yield but where force and authority commandeth them, albeit men be persuaded that the same is the upholding of the people's liberty. Withal they dispatch many missives in the king's name to the king of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, the Constable, and the Admiral, to come to him to Orleans, pretending these commandments upon his desire that they should be assistant to this assembly. Every wise man judged that there was some notable tragedies to be played at the costs of these poor lords, for the perpetual establishment of the house of Guise. The Constable having some inkling, made but slow haste. The king of Navarre, and the lord prince after many reiterated commandments arrived at the town of Poitiers, where they had the first advertisement of the king's discontentment against them, but withal at the same instant, they were so invested by the Marshal of Lermes with two companies of men of arms, that they could not possibly return back again. At their coming to Orleans the lord prince was committed to safe custody, and certain judges were expressly sent for from Paris to frame his indictment. As for the king of Navarre, they searched so narrowly into his actions, that there was no great difference between guard and Regard. The prince perceiving that it was a match set in hand by the Lorraines for his destruction under the borrowed name of the king, began to linger matters, craved distribution of counsel: alleged, that he being a prince of the blood, was not to be judged by Commissioners, but by the whole body of a Court of Parliament. But they spurred him so near, that the defences which he propounded were taken for an affected contumacy. In the mean time the deputies came in apace, which was so provided, to the end, that after the indictment had been fully framed, this poor prince, who had erred in nothing, but in neglecting to withstand their tyranny, might have been condemned to death, not only by a Parliament, that should have been brought for the nonce, but also by the three estates of France. This once obtained, I wot not what should have become of the king of Navarre, whom at that time all men so forsook, that such as in heart were his humble and affectionate servants, durst not so much as by a wink of the eye be acknown thereof. Was there ever enterprise guided with more worldly wisdom than this? Let us therefore see the end. Even when they were ready to smite, and that to that effect they were about to remove the king out of that town to Chenonceau, to the end he being absent, the said L. prince might have no recourse to his mercy: The king booted and spurred, and ready to take horse, began to find himself ill at ease, and to be short, died within less than 4. days. Then, even in the twinkling of an eye, all the purposes of these two brethren were turned to nothing. The bondmen to the court gave them over and drew to the K. of Navarre. Him did the estates pronounce the king's lieutenant general over all France, during the minority of king Charles the 9 Also the L. prince, plaintiff in a declaration of innocency, by a decree of Parliament in scarlet robes, obtaineth his full demand. All that the two brethren had as yet compassed were state blows, but this was a masters blow. I speak of that master who laugheth those to scorn, that with man's wisdom make a scorn of him. For had they not, even with halberds fetched the king of Navarre, every man judgeth, that considering his nature, he would hardly have come unto the court, or if he had come, it would have been with such delays, that in the mean time the others might very easily have continued their authority about the Q. mother, a foreign princess, who without the assistance of the princes of the blood had had no great power to withstand them. Now will you ask me what correspondence this example hath with the state catholic whom I detest? Very great: for I advow, and advowing am not deceived, that neither of these two brethren troubled his head with any other religion, than such as they thought might serve to the advancement and progress of the greatness of their family. For they were the first that counselled king Henry the second to become protector of the Dutch Nation, that is, of the Germans religion against Charles the fift, and forced the parliament to verify this brave title. This that I say is no fable hatched with my quill: for there is none that lived in those days but knew it, neither concealed they it, but accounted it as a matter that they thought might turn to their honour. If these our Masters had been so zealous to the Romish church, as since they would have made us believe, would they have justified this journey into Germany, which was the first ruin of our France? Would they not rather have gainsaid it, by humble Supplications, declaring unto the king, that such a protection was formally as they thought repugnant to the honour of God and his Church. But they maintained the contrary as weening so both to purchase their master's favour, and withal to benefit themselves about him, as indeed they did. For the Duke of Guise the father never purchased so much honour as in the Town of Metz when he withstood the siege against the Emperor Charles the fift.  
This is the reason that I have noted this example against all Machevels scholars (I will not believe you to be any) who care not what the king's religion be, so he may content his people. I will yet stay upon the same example: for how long soever I make this discourse, yet will it be but too brief to root out this wretched opinion. It is a principle of estate, that you never suffer a Prince your neighbour to grow too mighty: but if yourself be not strong enough to withstand him, you must enter league with other princes and commonwealths weaker than yourself. A principle very familiar with the princes of Italy, which they have been ready enough to put in practice, all and every time that we have passed the Mounts for the recovery of the state of Naples or Milan. In those days did we see the Emperor Charles the fift grow mighty by the overthrow of all the protestant princes, whom he had discomfited in a pitched field, and had taken prisoners the D. of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hesse. Hereupon had they recourse to our K. and put themselves into his protection. He took their quarrel in hand, to the end to stop the course of the emperors purposes, albeit against all policy and worldly reason. That he that made profession of the catholic religion, should support heretical subjects (as they were then termed) against their sovereign Lord, who warred upon them only in hatred of their new religion. In this voyage all things smiled upon us: for so soon as the emperor had intelligence that the king was in arms to pass over the Rhine, he pacified all things with his subjects and granted them the Interim, so that the only sound of our coming made them obtain whatsoever they demanded, and at our return from that voyage we gave for our badge the imperial towns of Metz, Thoule, and Verdare. But hath this passed unpunished? The penance for this sin was not inflicted during the life of Henry the second, but of his children. As also we read of many like punishments in the history of the Kings in the old Testament. Thou Catholic king (saith this great god) hast maintained the Germane Protestants, to the increase of their opinions, so to keep down thy corronal, but I will make thine offspring to feel how I am offended herewith: For I will chastise them with the same rods, and suffer like division to take hold of thy kingdom. I will raise up some of thy own that shall harry thee upon the same argument, and withal call in the Protestants to their succour, in revenge of that succour that you meant to give them, whereof shall at length ensue the desolation of your estate. Do you not think it to be a mere punishment of God which took root in this voyage into Germany? For my part I do not doubt it. The ancient heathen said that the gods had feet of wool. and arms of iron, thereby to teach us, that they were slow to vengeance, but when they began, they recompensed that slackness with wonderful rigour. Now will I come to the Duke of Guise last deceased.  
Was there ever L. better beloved among the people? Even beloved, I say, because he entitled himself Protector general of our religion against the heretics▪ and withal, that there must be no reconcilement with them. A proposition with him in such recommendation, that every man of a contrary opinion was strait accursed, yet was he always of this advice? No: for in the year 1572. after he had procured the death of his capital enemy the Admiral, his house was a sanctuary to a number of Huguenotes, even unto the lords of Gamach, Acier, and the viscount of Borniquet principals of the other party: yet at that time were they all Amalekites: for proclamation by sound of trumpet and common cry was made throughout all the quarters of Paris, not to save or pardon any Huguenot without exception.  
Let us now come to the D. of Mayenne. When the late king sent him to retire into his obedience all Dauphin, most of whose towns the Huguenots possessed, was he so religious as to enter no composition with them? He suffered them to live in peace of their consciences, whereupon without blows they rendered all their towns. Also so long as he was in Dauphin his court was fuller of Huguenot Gentlemen then of Catholics. How cometh it that in self souls should harbour two so contrary opinions? So long forsooth as their ambition was bridled under the king's obedience, they thought themselves most happy in having many friends and servants of each religion. But after they had cast off that, they imagined, that for the attaining in time to their last point, it was requisite, not only to have weapons at hand, but even never to be diseased of them. Otherwise, having been mighty in commanding over armies, in their opinion they should afterward have been brought down, when by means of peace they might have been returned to their own houses. And to say the truth, it is the very counsel of Caesar, whereby in the end he became sovereign over the state of Rome. Now let us consider, I pray you, the success of their purposes: for you shall find, that all that they did to the confusion of the king of Navarre (give me leave, I pray you, so to call him when I speak of those days) turned to his advancement.  
They armed themselves against him with the power of the French king, with the king of Spain's double pis●olets, with the censures of the court of Rome, and with the people's favour: beside, they had all the preachers, the trumpets of their hypocritical passions at their back. Since the years 1586. they brought five armies into the field, to the end, quite to have cut down the king of Navarre, three in Guienne and Poictow, and two in Auvergne and Dauphin. In the year 1587. they sent against him the D. of joieuse with a brave choice of Nobility, and a great troup both of horsemen and footmen, with express commandment to set upon him, at whatsoever price. In the year 1588. all things wretchedly smiled upon the duke of Guise: he became Master of Paris without any blows: causeth his king to fly shamefully away: establisheth what policy he list, changeth all the ancient captains of the town, to the end, to be assured of the new: purchaseth abolition at the king's hand under the name of union for all that is past: adjoineth to his estate of great Master, the function of lieutenant general to the king in matters of arms. The estates being holden at Bloys, in the face of all the world he commandeth the deputies, and commanding, he seeketh by all sorts of purchase to denounce the king of Navarre incapable of the crown. Was there ever high enterprise guided with greater sense than this? What was the Catastrophe? All these five armies returned with shame from whence they came. The king of Navarre shieldeth the blows, as a man should say, with a rebated sword. The greatest honour that the D. of Mayenne got was when he took Castillon that belonged to his wife, where he spent France 60000. crowns, and lay six weeks: a town which the Huguenots afterward recovered with ladders that cost them not six franks. The D. of joyeuse was overthrown in set battle at Coutraz. The D. of Guise upon the king of Navarres birth day slain in the midst of the estates without any consent of the said king or his partakers. The death of him and of his brother the Cardinal converted all the common malice against the late king. The Towns rebelled against him, and chose the D. of Mayen to be their lieutenant general over the royal estate and crown of France. In this new rage of the people he wanted no money, and so consequently no men. The late king was forced to call unto his aid the king of N●. who came in. Being arrived, he delivereth him together with the City of Toures, which is at this day the repair of the sovereign courts of France. For at the only sound of his approach, the enemy who with a great Rhodomontade or brag had won a suburb, retired the same night that they won it, having scarce leisure to take breath. Then is the king slain by a Monk, which was one cheese piece of service of the holy union: the preachers in their pulpits exclaimed that that Prince was of no religion: Oh very God, if they thought him such a one (this I speak by the way) why did they choose a monk to execute so wretched a purpose, unless they were assured that under that habit, the murderer might without difficulty have access to this poor princes closot? They then imagined that by this unexpected death all the affairs of the realm would change countenance, also that the king of Na. upon hatred to his religion should be abandoned of all men: howbeit against this cursed counsel GOD otherwise provided: for the valiant blood of the French Nobility did wholly vow itself to our natural and lawful king. And as by the death of the D. of Guise all the leaguers gave over their quarrel against these of the new religion, to set themselves against their king, so upon this second murder executed on the person of our late king all the French Nobility, forgetting their malice against the same religion, aimed only at revenge of this death against the Leaguers: having nevertheless first sworn the king to enter into our religion, if once he were well instructed therein.  
Thus our king by two deaths whereto he never consented, the one, of his mortal enemy, the other, of his greatest friend, attained the Crown, and at a time appointed came before the head city of France (which had professed greatest hatred against him) environed with all the Princes of the blood, officers of the crown, and as brave an army as hath of late been seen in France. Whom is he now to thank for so many blessings? First God only, next his enemies, whom God made the principal instruments for all that is aforesaid, as being more beholding to them then ever he was to all his servants and friends: for, had they without wakening his weapons by anticipation of time, suffered him to have lived close and quiet (as he did) in an outcorner of France, at the length both his mind and weapons had been overgrown with rust: but they forced him to stand upon his defence, whereby at one instant of an apprentice they made him a perfect master. He who otherwise had been undone, had not his enemies sought his undoing: for as well his religion, as the small knowledge that we had had of his manners, would not easily have suffered us to favour him after the late king's decease. But he hath this gift, that so soon as we do but smell him, he maketh every one to love, honour, and regard him, yea even his very enemies. Moreover, where could he have found the passages over the rivers open to have come to Paris? Where should he have found such an army? To be short, he is indebted both of his crown and forces to those who by all worldly policies sought to bring him into misery. Yea, he is so indebted albeit he brought no more with him but a steadfast hope that he hath in his great God. I do here omit his victory at deep: his entry into the suburbs of Paris which doth countervail the best Town in France, where God, to the end, even to lead him by the hand, dispersed a thick mist to blind the Paristans eyes. I will also leave his Conquests which after this he obtained in the midst of winter in the Countries of Vendosme, Mayenne, and almost all Normandy: his two victories that he had in one day, at Yurie and in Awergne: the shameful retreat of the D. of Parma: his glorious recovery of Corbeil with the turning of a hand, where this great cannoneer down of walls had sojourned five weeks with eighteen canons before he could take it: and finally, that which of late memory chanced miraculously in the town of S. Denis: for I have not undertaken this, to trace you an history. To what then is all this? for now it is time for me to end this argument. Peradventure to turn the king from abandoning his religion, wherein he hath received so many favours at God's hand? I would not wish you so think, for I have done it only to show to all Machevelists, that God rather assisteth princes, of whatsoever christian profession, when in all their adversities they call upon him with their whole hearts, and repose their whole confidence in him, than such as saining themselves to be Catholics, have no religion in their souls, and do refer their stay to the policy that they gather out of the vizard of religion. Let us therefore blot out of our papers that that you seek to teach the king: that is, that so long as he was simply king of Navarre he might use the new religion, but being king of France, he must play an other part; as if his soul that was then king of Navarre were other than his that is now king of France. Let us not therefore desire him to become a Catholic by groping, and march only in darkness.  
Now do I come to my catholic in religion, such a one as I wish our king to be. Now that he may so be, I think there be three things requisite: first to make him capable: next to pour forth our prayers to GOD for that end: and lastly, that we be penitent. To make him capable, he must of necessity be instructed: I say instructed, not by Ministers, as you do falsely presuppose he will, but by a general or national counsel. I tell you again, he must, for so have we agreed in the midst of his army, and we may not shrink from our consent, sith it is evident that the fault is not in him that he performeth not his promise. Are you either wiser or honester than all these great princes and lords that were of that opinion, that now you should propound an other? Yea, admit we had not consented, yet were it his part to feel himself, and not finding himself strong enough to embrace it without being taught, our petition were wretched and wicked if we should entreat him to the conerary. Yet think not that I would wish this instruction to consist only in words, our Bishops, Abbots, and other prelate's of the church must bring example. Our L. jesus Christ, to win the jews hearts, began first by well doing, and afterward he taught. The first point requisite in an advocate to persuade his judges, is honesty: the rest of his art is but eloquence, and the more he use it, the more wary the judge is, specially if he mistrust the speaker. Therefore to persuade our K. let us join the word and the effect. Why, I pray you, have we not prepared him matter sufficient to desire to be instructed? There was never church (with great grief I must say it) more rend than ours: I will not speak of the abuses. A matter that almost no religion can dispense withal, the reason, because no religion can be exercised without outward ceremonies to make the people's hearts intentive. And it is very difficult, yea, even unpossible, but in succession of time there will be mixed among the ceremonies I wots not what of man, and so consequently, evil customs. I speak not therefore of abuses, one of the quarrels of our new comers: but I speak of the impiety that harboured in our Church, so soon as the name of League was brought in. I will not tell you, that abandoning the gospel she would needs prevail by arms, which I may well say by the way is an heresy. Our Lord jesus Christ, after whose pattern we are to frame all our actions, his Apostles and Disciples, and after them the martyrs did never establish our Church by this means. They planted our religion by preaching and exhortations, and with their blood sealed the christian faith in the magistrates hands: out of the fountain whereof sprang a sea of true Christians which overflowed the whole earth. Afterward, when we, taking ourselves to be more wise, would needs extend our religion by arms in our voyages over the sea, we thereby reaped no other fruit, but that the East in the end was made the tomb both of us and our religion. This article do I purposely pass over, as being a fault which at this day is accounted no fault. Let us come to that which within these two years only hath passed before our faces. Shall I not call this impiety, that a college of Sorbonne abusing the name of the holy-ghost, shall advise the simple people to arm themselves against their king? shall I not call it impiety, that never expecting the pope's decree, whereto these our Masters referred themselves, the next day after such advise they proclaimed wars all over? shall I not call it impiety, that wretchedly murdered their king, and having no other ministers of their slaughter but monks? shall I not call it impiety that they have canonised the wretched jacobin? shall I not call it impiety (pardon me O good God though I presume to smite even at the head) that in the great consistory of Rome Pope Sirtus compared that wretch's entry into the king's cabin to the coming of the Angel Gabriel, when he announced to the virgin the future mystery of the nativity of our Lord jesus Christ? I will not affirm that he so did, but sure I am, that such his Oration was printed in Paris & flieth all over France, importing more erroneous propositions than this. Our king is wise, and hath seen all these things: for why should not he have seen them, sith the Leaguers have ambitiously sought to make them their trophy? After all this hath he not reason to desire to be instructed in our religion, before he come into our Church? I think him the honester man for desiring it, and if he shall do otherwise I would say he hath no soul.  
Where I set down that he ought to be instructed, yet is not that enough, for withal we are to address our prayers and supplications to God, not to the king. When I desire to obtain some gift of the king, I deliver him my petition: but in this case, it dependeth upon God's grace, not upon his. Him therefore we must beseech to touch our king's heart. Among so many thousand persons as be in France, we need not past a dozen good & devout souls to obtain our desires. S. Aug. in his youth was greatly infected with heresy. S. Cyprian before he became a Christian doted greatly in the love of a discreet christian lady, yea, he so doted, that to the end to seduce her he learned tha Art Magic. S. Monique S. Augustins' mother never entreated her son to give over his heresy, for it had been lost labour, because the same is a leprosy of the soul which is not healed by man's hand. But she directed her prayers to God, as did also the other lady for S. Cyprian. Their prayers were heard with such advantage that afterwards these two persons grew to be two of the greatest doctors of our Church. Let us use the like, and I doubt not but the K. will be on our side, considering how well he is borne. He commendeth himself to the prayers of our church, as taking the prayers, as I suppose, of all good men of either religion to be of great force with God, as already he hath in part felt the effects. For the same day that he obtained the two great victories in two several parts of France, the one at Yurie, the other in Awergne, there was a general procession in Toures, wherein all the inhabitants were present, even the little children, who in their virginlike devotion cried, God save the king round about the town. And while we were yet in our prayers, the king grew to handy strokes, and his miraculous victory wherein he was chiefly assisted by the catholic nobility continued so long as the procession lasted. Our prayers were the prayers of Moses when the children of Israel fought, and his victory was the victory of Aaron. Think you he marked not this chase? Peradventure in heart he is the same that we desire. The most catholic king that ever we had in France, and not only a founder of an infinite number of Churches and Hospitals, but also a wonderful reformer of the abuses in those days in our religion was S. Lewis. Think not then that after so many revolutions of years, God hath reserved the crown of France to this great and noble race of Bourbon (the last sprig of this holy stock) but only to the end to renew the same piety wherewith that great king was possessed.  
It is therefore requisite that toward this work, we not only address our prayers to heaven, but also that withal we bring repentance. Why? shall we be so unwise, as to imagine that God is not displeased with our Church for so many the impieties by me afore rehearsed, whereof the priests and monks have been the chief Ministers. And who knoweth whether in revenge of the same he hath sent us a king of a contrary religion to ours? Were it not a just justice of God, and such a one as a certain French spirit durst promise to himself in this Latin Epigram.  

Henricus monachi manu perivit,  
Qui consortia, cellulasue fratrum,  
Totus ex animo suo petebat,  
Et quem vel monachum putes fuisse:  
O caedem miseram, impiam, nefandam!  
Regno nunc lacero potitur alter  
Henricus, monachis acerbus olim,  
Rex purus sceleris, boniue custos,  
Infandae necis acer ultor idem.  
Quid mors haec tibi parturit requiris  
Excors Gallia, pacis omnis expers?  
Te nisi immeritam Deus iwabit,  
Poenas perfidiae lues cruentae.  
Occîdit monachus pium monarcham,  
Occîdet monachos pius monarcha.   
Who ever made this bold epigram, spoke not as one that knew that the K. was willing to entertain all monasteries & religious houses in their ancient freedoms and liberties, as he hath plainly showed in all the places where he hath passed, but as he that feared least a greater King than he, being wroth at the horrible and abominable murder of the King, committed by a monk, would be revenged upon the rest. For this is a case wherein the good do sometimes suffer for the bad. None is hurt but by himself: God revengeth himself by his enemies. Why sayst by his enemies? Nay he will be revenged of us by ourselves. Let us therefore use the same remedy wherewith good jeremy counseled the children of Israel to appease the wrath of God. We may well preach unto the K. we may instruct him in our religion, we may to that end furnish him of great divines. All this will nothing advance our affairs. These are but plasters laid upon the wound to supple it, but they cannot take away the cause of evil, that proceedeth of our impieties that cannot be uncommitted, albeit we thought to bury the remembrance of them with God by public repentance of us all. I do expressly say, of us all, because I wish him that thinketh himself innocent in this respect, may also be a party as well as he that hath consented thereto. Our church is composed both of good and bad, and when the body of a communality doth transgress, as we have done in all that hath been done in France, every one by the rigour of the law is punishable. The wicked have entangled the good: if therefore we do otherwise, albeit God yieldeth to our prayers, yet in the end it will turn to our confusion by some mean, to us unknown. One familiar example bred in the calamity of this time, I will set before you. There was never king that fought with so much religion and discretion against the new religion, as did the late king. The gate of the government of the provinces was shut against the professors thereof: None of them was admitted to his order of knighthood of the holy ghost: none into the functions of judgement or treasury: for all comfort they lived in some quiet in their own houses, which was a very war to conquer without weapons those whom we see to be of a contrary religion to ours. Thus by a wise discourse he chastised the Huguenot, or pretended reform (term him as you list) who by this means could not be provoked to any new rebellion, and yet in his family found the contrary effects of that he most desired: for there is nothing that the great Lords of France so much desire, as to be near their king, neither is there any thing that so moveth the minds of the commons, as a desire to attain to offices. It is a sickness of the mind that destroyeth the French man. So soon as a merchant or citizen hath gathered any reasonable stock of money, he longeth after nothing so much as to employ it in the purchase of some office of justice or treasure for his child: so that this new religion in the judgement of the wisest subverted itself: and peradventure such as for shame persisted in it, because they would not seem unconstant, were no whit sorry to see their children taught in our Schools, and so consequently in the discipline of our religion. By these means all things grew among us from bad to good, and from good to better. The ploughman followed his oxen, the artificer his trade, the merchant his traffic, the advocate and proctor their practice, every one in his calling with some consent, the citizen enjoyed his revenues, the magistrate his fees, pre-eminences, and honours, the catholic exercised his religion without disturbance throughout all France, the huguenot lived sequestered from among us in some corner of the realm without commotion, or at the least, so as he made no semblant of any. All this could not the Parisian be content with: he longed for nothing but to see the ancients waving all over France upon a vain conceit to overcome religion with temporal weapons only, which God always misliked. All his desires tended but to that end: God heard his request, but to his condemnation. Thus we see France covered with men of arms. Thus we see a general desolation of the estate: and in am of rooting out heresy, we do thus see atheism lodged in the midst of us. The Parisian longed after nothing so much as the death of the late king, at whatsoever price. A frantic revenge that he nourished in his bowels was his only god. Upon this opinion he procured processions in his shirt: he received (as he supposed) his creator every Sunday: upon the festival days he remained at service from morning till night, not to the end to appease God's wrath, but to provoke him against the king and his partakers, as being at that time possessed of no other religion but passion, not passion of jesus Christ, but his own. God yet once again heareth him: the K. is slain: a wicked monk is for the same placed in the calendar of Martyrs, and for a testimony of their fury, these bedlams do wear the green scarf over their shoulders. But what fruit do they reap thereby? This death set the crown upon this our king's head, who troubleth their brains more than the deceased, first, as being of another religion than theirs, next, in that he is a prince, ready upon occasion, warlike, valiant, and one who in four months hath done more feats of arms then the late king, considering his nature which was slow, and better disposed to discourse then to execution, could have performed in four years. Again, they have wished that our king might not take them, who only took care to preserve them, in taking them as their king and a true Frenchman. They call to their succour the Spaniard, an ancient enemy to France, who raiseth the siege, and in preserving them hath utterly lost them. Paris being at this day the carcase of a town governed, or rather devoured by some score of rascals, whose chiefest callings before were but clarks of the rolls, notaries, commissaries, proctors in the parliament, chatelet, and clergy courts. What? do you not think them to be gods pastimes, who in granting them their demands, doth at this day make them bear the sharpest and most violent punishment for their faults that ever were spoken of? For my part, albeit I wish not the destruction of that miserable town, which can not come to pass but that as the hail from heaven it will light upon the good as the bad together, yet did I to my great grief steadfastly perceive, that as the green scarf that the Parisians put on for the death of the late king, was a most assured testimony of their accursed folly, so the red which since they borrowed from the Spanish Marrane is a most certain prognostication of the bloody punishment that God keepeth in store for them.  
Let us therefore direct our vows and prayers to God, without dissimulation or hypocrisy, neither let us intermeddle any worldly matters, nor let us imagine that GOD will be charmed with words. He is not won with our mouths, but with our hearts, wherein he hath established the true seat of our devotions: the offences of the Ministers of our Church have attained their last period, let us therefore earnestly and in equal balance purge them. Let us wrap our heads in sackeloth, our bodies in hair, and our hearts in contrition, and with tears cry unto God, that he will vouchsafe to forget all the offences that I do abhor to remember: let that great K. and prophet David be our guide, whom God vouchsafed to give us for an example of one of the greatest sinners among all the kings of Israel, as also for one of the greatest penitents, one, who upon his repentance obtained all his petitions at God's hands. When we shall take the same course, God who is our true father, will embrace our prayers, and make our king such a one as we desire.  
It is therefore in thy sight that I do now humble myself: it is thou (O Lord) who with all my heart I call upon to be our help: I know the transgressions that against thy Majesty we have committed even from the highest to the lowest both generally and particularly, there is none of us that can exempt himself. If thou list to poise our cause in the balance of thy justice, who dare appear in thy sight? Thou, I say, who by thy especial titles hast reserved vengeance to thyself: but (O Lord) I know also that thou art the GOD of mercy. We present ourselves before thy face, not to be justified, but in our shirts bringing a pardon, which it may please thee of thy holy grace to allow of. Thy word is true. Thou hast said: If in Sodom and Gomorrha there were but ten good men, the rest of the wicked should for their sakes have no harm. Alas, are there not an infinite number of thy faithful servants that never consented to all these impieties, who notwithstanding at this day do bear the penance of other men's wickedness, driven out of their houses, deprived of the view of their wives whom thou hast commanded us to cleave unto, banished from the presence of their parents and children, and whatsoever they love best? Even they that have been the authors of these calamities, do they not suffer, if not penance, yet at the least most grievous punishment for their offences? These deaths, these poverties, these extraordinary sicknesses, this famine, this general ruin of Paris, this second desolation of jerusalem, let them be (O Lord God, let them be accounted as penance in thy sight. Albeit there be some among us most wickedly hardened in their felonies, yet be there also many in the Town, who in their souls do weep, howl, and lament for all that is past. Grant O good God, that they may be those ten whom thou desiredst to find in Sodom, and having now with thy rods chastised us in our bodies and goods, suffer not our souls to be lost. We all are thy lawful and natural children through the regeneration of the holy Sacrament of Baptism: and we do believe, that through thy passion we be inheritors of thy Paradise. Thou (O Lord) who of a heavy and great lump didst in the beginning of the world bring all things into good order, dost exercise the same liberality over thy Church. After this miserable Chaos that have disordered all the affairs of thy religion, reunite us all under the banner of thy Church: suffer not the devil the father of division to separate the head from the members, vouchsafe to illuminate our king with the beams of thy holy spirit, so to reduce him into thy catholic apostolic and Romish Church, to the end that to the honour and exaltation of thy holy name, every man may acknowledge thee to be the Father of concord and peace. O most eternal goodness, this we do most humbly beseech thee, as taking this to be thy will, whereto we will refer all our Prayers and Supplications.  
FINIS.