A TRUE report of all the doings at the assembly concerning matters of Religion, lately holden at Poyssy in France.  
Written in Latin by Master Nicholas Gallasius, minister of the French Church in London, and then present, & one of the disputers in the same, translated into English, by. I. D. ●  
Seen and allowed according to the order appointed by the Queen's majesties injunctions.   

¶ To the right honourable, the Lord Francis Russel, Earl of Bedford, and one of the Queen's majesties privy council, Nicholas Gallasius.  
Immediately after my return into this Realm, (right honourable) I thought nothing more requisite, than to show the cause of my long pilgrimage. That both all men may understand, why I have been so long absent from my church: and also what was the end of that assembly, where I was, and eke what fruit, I reaped of my travail therein. For I understand, that sundry rumours have been spread thereof, and that many have easily persuaded themselves, that which they most desired.  
So that in these our times I find it most true, which long since was spoken. Namely, that the people judgeth, and now measure most things according to there own opinion, and very few according to the truth. Which foolish judgements to withstand, I counted it pain well expense, not only by word of mouth, to certify my friends and familiars, but also to put in writing, to the sight and reading of all men, the late doings betwixt us, and the prelate's at Poyssye. Which as simply & plainly: so I protest to do truly and faithfully. As they themselves, which were present at the doing thereof, can witness. Great, sure was the expectation of this assembly and conference. And not with out cause. For never heretofore in France were we quietly heard, or admitted to the defence of our cause: but rather without cause, condemned, banished and imprisoned. Now therefore it was no marvel, if with this strange and sudden chance, men's minds were in great expectation, & had conceived good hope. Especially, forasmuch as the truth shineth of itself, & waxeth so much the more mighty, as men with great force and subtlety, assay to suppress it. But they must not think, that we were heard of them, which were driven thereto for the most part against there wills, & altogether enforced thereto, by the necessirye of common commandment. For they would always, either have us put to silence, our mouths stopped, or else referred to there great God at Trent: only necessity therefore made us audience. Because no otherwise, the fear of imminent perils could be repressed, nor they themselves which hate us most, have provided for their own quietness. Wherefore, all be it they feigned, that they were wiling to come to conference, yet they continued with us only so long, as they hoped in the mean time, they might well content the King and the nobles, and appease the commons. For to leave of the several discourse, all their doings generally, but chief their departure, whereby they broke the conference, sufficiently disclosed, what their purpose was. Which if we consider, certainly we shall marvel that we did so often come to talk, and were suffered so long to plead our cause. But without respecting the counsels or judgements of men, we must weigh the providence of God, whereby he preventeth all perils, and giveth a happy and lucky end, to doubtful beginnings. For god which never faileth those that are his, hath far exceeded our hope and expectation. For who thought that albeit we were sent for, yet many being unwilling, & some striving against it, we should, be heard at all, who saw not a thousand wiles prepared for us, whereby we might either be put to death or silence? After that we weronce heard with the great grudge of all the bishops, who would have hoped, for the second, or third meeting? Who thought not, that, we were led, as prisoners to plead our cause? And where as most unjust condityons were offered us whereby the Bishops minded to shame us, and win themselves a glorious victory: who thought not that we would straight have broken of, and having so good occasion offered unto us, would forthwith reasse from conference.  
Yet we chose rather to abide all perils, yea, and to much wrong, rather than we would give any occasion to break of the conference. We gave up a confession of our faith, that is to say, of all the churches in France that profess the gospel. To maintain and defends the same, we were always ready. Or if the bishops would have showed forth any of theirs, we promised often to confer thereof: & to confute it, if there were in it any thing, not agreeable to the word of God. But we could never get them together without great entreaty, or continual calling on them. At the last, when they neither could nor durst, openly to break of the conference, once begun by the kings commandment, they thought good by little and little, to lose, & break of. For first from the great audience, in the which we were first heard with great company, restrained in a more narrow place, we were admitted only to the number of xii where they had a great company of their monks and doctors. Neither yet did this order please them long.  
For at the last, the matter was referred to five on either part, and yet afterwards, those that were chosen for them because they were grave and quiet men, they said, were never appointed thereto, by their consent. For they thought them to much bent to peace & concord, which they hate. All these policies, attempted (as it seemed in vain) without any answer giving us, or any part of their minds signified unto us, they departed. But although this labour may seem employed in vain, whereof their appears either no end, or else no certain conclusion: yet nevertheless hereby is made manifest to all men, how great is the power of truth, which can be suppressed by no might of men, by no wile, nor guile. For she feareth her adversaries, she constraineth her defenders and patrons & maketh them to be feared, albeit they are few and small of force: she vanquisheth and rooteth out all error, be it never so deep rooted: she detecteth and chaseth deceits and lies, even as the light with her beams doth the darkness: to conclude, although many years, she hath lain hidden and suppressed, yet at the last she becomes vanquisher of all her foes. Which forasmuch as the lord daily proveth before our eyes, truly we are unkind, and unthankful, unless we mindefully weigh it. Lest therefore the fame of these doings should die, lest they should be falsified with lies, or blotted with false tales, immediately after my return, I wrote the note thereof, and described all things even as they were done. But whiles I doubted, under whose name I might best publish the same, your honour came forthwith to my mind, to whom for great favour and gentleness I am much bounden, and not I only, but as many else, as being true worshippers of god, are fled hither for religion. To your highness therefore, I have dedicated the same, that forasmuch as you are much inflamed with the desire of godliness & religion, and wish the banishment of error and deceit, you may hereby plainly see, how the lord worketh in our realm of France, how the gospel increaseth there, with what patience & modesty, we suffered our adversaries and also what hope we may conceive, of things to come. Neither can I with silence overpass, how much the example of the happy and quiet government of this flourishing realm, and the authority of all the nobles of this realm that favour the gospel, and chief of the most noble and gracious Queen Elizabeth, hath aided us to stop the mouths of our adversaries, which are always wont to object, that with the change of religion, the change and disorder of the realm will likewise ensue. For both high and low would lay unto them the example of this flourishing realm, whose state hath never been more quiet, than since the times that the most noble Queen Elizabeth, restored religion defaced by her sister to the ancient purity and sincerity. For, what may more win the favour of the people to the Prince, than pure religion and zeal of truth. Then at the last do men perfectly know their duties to their Princes, when first they know their duty to God, by whom Princes are appointed as vicar's or lieutenants And those things which your honour yet said and reasoned, touching this argument, and the maintaining of true religion, when you were sent into France to congratulate our King, yet stick imprinted in the minds of many. Neither have ye left any subtle spurs or provokements to virtue, in the minds of such as are Godly, with the precedent of your upright living, gentleness, liberality, and your true and sincere Zele, whereby when I perceived, that they provoked and encouraged, wished so well to your honour as they ought. I thought I should pleasure them also, if to you, whom I know to embrace and defend all godliness, I should present these news, which both to all men, but chief to such as are patrons and defenders of the truth, ought well to be known.   

¶ The proclamation of summons and save conduit, to the general consultation of the clergy in France. Translated out of French into English.  
CHARLES, by the grace of God king of France, to all our Baylis, Stewards, provosts, judges or their lieutenants & other our justices & officers, to whom it shall appertain, Greeting.  
Forasmuch as in the general assembly, which we presently cause to be made, of the Prelates of our Realm, for the causes contained in the Letters which we have heretofore written unto them, it hath seemed to us right requisite that all our subjects which concerning the same causes shall have any thing to say, or that will be heard in the same assembly, may there be and appear in all safety, for the hope that we have by this mean to receive a good and holy resolution: For this cause we by the advise of our most honoured Lady and mother the Queen, of our most dear and most beloved uncle the king of Navarre, of the princes of our blood, and other Lords of our Counsel, have permitted & do permit by these presents, to all our said subjects, of what estate quality or condition soever they be, which shall have, as is abovesaid, any thing to show, may safely, freely, and without any fear, come, appear and be heard in the said assembly, which we make to be held here near unto us in our town of Poyssy, and there to tarry and sojourn so long as the same shall endure, and afterward to return and departed in like safety & liberty, where and as to them shall seem good. And to this end we have by these presents given & do give to them good and lawful surety, most expressly commanding all persons whatsoever they be, our subjects or other, not to misdo or missay in deed nor in word, in any sort whatsoever it be, to them that shall come, as is aforesaid, to the said assemble, upon pain of the * with. Enjoining likewise to those our said subjects which shall come for this intent, that upon like pains, they behave and order themselves mildly & modestly, & without stirring up any troubles or seditions. And to the end that this our present permission, will, and intent may be open & manifest to all men, we will & command you by these presents, that upon receipt thereof, ye cause the same to be red and published in all places of your assemblies accustomed to make cries and proclamations, to the end that no man pretend excuse of ignorance, and that they which shall have cause to be at the said assembly may be & appear there in tyme.  
Given at Saint Germans in Say the xxv day of july in the year of grace M. D. Lx. I. and of our reign the first. By the King. Roberte●….   

¶ A brief rehearsal of the doings at Poyssye, betwixt the Lords of the spiritualty, and the Ministers of the Gospel. Set forth by M. Gallasius.  
WHereas there hath been in France these many years, great strife and contention for religion, the which hath caused much cruelty to be exercised towards many: at the last, when the authors thereof perceived, that their punishments little profited, and that thintents of such as were Godly, were thereby neither altered nor diminished, they were compelled to assay more gentle means, far unlike the first. Therefore in the year of our Lord God. 1561. Charles, the ninth of that name, a Prince of singular towardliness, and of great hope, then reigning, the peers of the realm minded timely to withstand the peril likely to ensue in so great a discord. For now, their number increasing which professed the gospel, many ill disposed persons began new tumults, and to move sedition. Yea and many openly put themselves in armour. Some of the realm would have the gospel openly preached. Some other, would have that doctrine as new, and hurtful, to be condemned and abolished.  
The first sort, desirous of freedom, and quietness, complained of their sundry banishments, murders, imprisonments, and their most miserable estate: wishing the shame and reproach, wherewith there by they were stained at last to be purged. The others contrariwise, wish their punishments double, the sharpness of the same increased, and all their goods committed to fire and sword. And, to prove their good will by their deeds, they broke into their congregations when they could, they rob their howsen, and finally exercised all kind of cruelty towards them. Which unlawful & unbridled lust, when those that professed the Ghospel, perceiued● they did more strongly prepare to withstand them. And many times, with armed force resisted their invasions. And thou greater deceits they understood were laid for them, the greater troubles, and persecutions that they felt: the greater always grew their courages, thinking that they ought to withstand the furious rage of their enemies, with patience, and stout sufferance. They all agreed it best, to abstain from force. But nevetthelesse, they meant to provide, that their fear & patience, should not increase the fury and insolence of their foes. First of all therefore, whereas, their number was so great, that the congregation could not assemble within their private howsen: they determined to come together openly, and to have their sermons and readings in the open congregations. Partly, because necessity enforced them thereto, and partly to clear themselves of such slanderous reports as already, their impudent adversaries had raised of them. For it was openly bruited, that most heinous and detestable crimes, were committed in their assemblies. Therefore, they came into the yards and open places: some in their private howsen, and some in the open cities. Few took the churches. For, lest any thing should be rashly or unadvisedly done, or leasr their adversaries might have any colour, to accuse them of rebellion: the ministers & pastors of every Church (as much as they might) kept the multitude in awe and order yet nevertheless, hereof rose sundry tumults, and facrions of their adversaries. Which notwithstanding could not stay or hinder their open meetings. Hereof rose sundry troubles and great suspicion, and fear of rebellion. And, this caused at the last, that by the commandment of the king and his council, it was openly proclaimed that none should injury or molest other, for any matter of religion. After this also was published an other, whereby, as well the Bishops, as other nobles of the realm, were commanded to repair to Poyssye, to deliberate, both for the leavyeng of a tribute, to discharge the kings debts to foreign Princes, but chiefly for the reforming of the estate of religion. Thereby also, the kings peace and safecondwite was granted to all such as would come thither, freely to propose, whatsoever pertained to true religion; and the establishing of concord. And it was commanded under pain of death, that no man should trouble them coming together, assembled, or departing but that quietly, and freely, they might meet together, without trouble or veration. Shortly after, by an Act of parliament, in that which the Bishops and other nobles of the realm, were not only parties, but rulers: it was decreed under pain of death, that hereafter, none should make any assemblies, either for preaching, or for ministering of the Sacraments, or for marriage: other where, than in the Churches, or after any other sort, than the old and accustomed manner. And furthermore, that within a certain space, the ministers that professed the Gospel, should depart the realm of France. Hereof rose great trouble. Because now their liberty of coming together taken away, it was likely, to be greatly prejudicial to the trial of the whole matter. After this the nobles met at Poyssye. Shortly after, the ministers of the Gospel, came to the court to the king, which then lay at Saint Germans, nigh to Poyssye. Thither somewhat afore; were come certain chosen men, sent by the reformed churches, out of the xii provinces, to advance religion. These deliberating with the others, determined to offer up to the king, a book, in manner of a supplication, whereby they would uponsome means, to disputation and conference. Therewithal also, was given up, the confession of that faith, which they professed themselves ready to maintain, and defend. Of that book, the thief points were four.  
First, that no Bishops, nor others of the ecclesiastical orders, should usurp the authority of judges over us. Forasmuch as it behoveth rather, that they themselves should plead their own cause, and stand in trial of reformation.  
Secondly, that the king, Queen, and nobility, should rule the whole doings: least any trouble might arsie. So that, without contention and strif, all matters might be handled and decreed.  
Thirdly, that all controversies might be tried by the word of god: whereupon only, all our faith and religion ought to be grounded.  
Fourthly, that certain notaries and Scribes, should be choose of either part which might faithfully register, whatsoever were done or decreed. Whose notes should be of no credit, unless they were allowed, and confessed of either part. These requests no man misliked And the king answered, that he would take th'advise of his council, and by his chancellor shortly make them an answer: yet the same was long deferred. Because the matter was communicated with the Bishops, without whose council, or knowledge to do any thing, it seemed not mete. For, not only for this matter of religion, had the king assembled them, but also, for the leavyeng of money, to discharge his debts. They waxing proud with this confidence, that the king seemed to need their aid: assured themselves, of the obtaining of any thing against us, nothing doubting the assured conquest of Lady money. Furthermore, they tryfled and prolonged the time, seeking all occasions, to avoid our conference and disputation. For they said we were already condemned and that they might not dispute with heretics. These, and such other like, their accustomed stays, they began to blaze, which nevertheless, afterwards they denied. Boasting, that they were ready to he are us. For they were ashamed openly to refuse our conference, sith by their own consent, we were sent for thither. But they fully persuaded themselves, that our courage, or constancy would not be such, as to hazard our lives, for that speech of our words. During this time our number increased. For out of every province, not in France only, but also, from all the realms adjoining, as many, as might, without the hindrance of their churches, drew thither. Wherefore at the last we chose certain to the number of xii whose names were these. Augustine Malorat, Frances of Paulon, john Remonde Merlin, john Mallet, Frances Morel, Nicolas Tolye, Theodore Beza, Claudius Bessierus, john Bodwine, john virel. john a Tures. Nicolas Gallasius. To these, john Soma adjoined himself, which openly renounced papacy, and subscribed to the doctrine & Discipline of our Churches. Afterwards came also, the reverend father in God, Peter Martyr, sent for from Tigur. Whose coming was scarcely acceptable to our adversaries, aswell for his singular learning, as also for the majesty, and authority, which both his Godliness, and reverend age have gotten him.  
What in this mean time, was done of the Bishops, which were assembled at Poyssye, I think not good to overpass. For, lest any man should think they were idle, I will show with what graver matters they were letted, so that they could not presently hear us. These questions they disputed amongs themselves.  
What ought to be prescribed unto Bishops. Of the dignities of cathedral churches. Of the Canonicalls, & their exemptions. Of Curates, & their institution, either by presentation, or ordinary collatien. Of assigning them a Canonical portion. Of the lesser (that is to wit) the ignorant chaplains, and their unreasonable number. Of the reformation of monasteries. What should be done of commends. Of the number of benefices, and their incompatibility. What way hereafter they might provide, for churches and monasteries in time of vacation. Whether, there might be any remedy found, for so great contronersies as daily rise of benefices? Of the excommunicatyon & censure of the Church and such like. With the which hard & weighty questions, the Bishops occupied, had so little leisure, the they could scarce findeany time, to employ in the hearing of us. What means they sought in the mean time to prejudice our matter, it is not to the purpose here to tell, I will show only this one. Which some thought in manner the prologue, or preamble, of the conference that should ensue: that hereby men may know, what credit they ought to give to such rumours as our adversariesfalsely spread upon us. For, immediately upon the departure of Theodore Beza, a rumour ran, that he being convicted by the Cardinal of Lorraine, was turned to the Catholics (as they call themselves) and agreed with them, as concerning the Sacrament (as they term it) of the altar. Of this tale, what was the colour and occasion? I will shortly show. When Beza, the day after his coming, came to the Queen's presence, in the palace of the king of Navarre, by whom he was sent for, there being present, the Prince of Conde, the Cardinal of Borbon & divers other, the Cardinal of Lorraine amongs others being there, began to entreat and exhort him, to incline to peace and concord, saying, that as being absent he had troubled the kingdom, so now being present he might well appease it. Hereto, Beza, first showing, what good will he had always borne, to the king and his native country: answered, that he was not of power, to trouble so great a kingdom but much less of purpose to do it, which might well appear by his writings, hoping also, that they should perceive greater proof thereof, in his talk. Then the Queen demanded of his writings. whereupon, the Cardinal taking occasion, said that he had a book, published in the name of Beza, in the which he read one horrible inconuensence, Namely, that Christ, is now so to be lought in his Supper, as afore he took upon him our flesh, and was borne of the virgin. I have heard also, (quoth he) that you wrote in a certain book, that Christ, is in such sort in his Supper, as he is in a dunghill. With these sayings, all those that were present were greatly offended. But Beza said. As for the books, if they were present, I might more certainly answer, whether they were mine or no. But as to the first sentence it may well seem unreasonable as it is rehearsed of my Lord Cardinal. But well understood, and those things considered, which go afore it, and follow it, we shall find it most true. But the last is not only shameful, but wicked also, and blasphemous. And (I am well assured) can neither be found in my writings, nor any others of our part. Over passing therefore this last, (in the which, whosoever was the author of it, he uttered to plain and manifest a lie,) the Cardinal returned to the first. It were very hard (quoth he) that we should have no more than those old fathers. Furthermore, how could Christ's flesh be given, afore it was? Then Beza asked of the Cardinal, whether from the beginning of the world, there had been any Church? he granted. Also, was not the same Church, a Church by him, which is the Mediator betwixt God and man? There to he agreed also. Is not Christ, the true God and man, the same Mediator? He confessed that also. Then (quod Beza) the communicating of the faithful with Christ, is not to be limited to the time, in the which in deed, he joined his divinity to our nature. For, that which was not as yet, by the course of nature, was always by power and effect present to the eyes of our faith. Is it not said, that Abraham saw the day of Christ, and rejoiced? Also Paul sayeth, that our fathers, did eat the self same spiritual food, and drunk the self same spiritual drink, out of the spiritual rock which followed them, which rock was Christ. Hereunto the Cardinal agreed also and adjoined here to that which is written in the apocalypse, that the lamb was slain from the beginning of the world. Then Beza entreated somewhat of the difference of the old and new Testament. From this question (as it haps many times) they fell into the reasoning, of the presence of the body of Christ in his supper. We do not agree (quoth the Cardinal) in the exposition of these words of our Lord. This is my body. I grant (quoth Beza) and I am sorry, that we agree no better. But I had rather plainly to grant it, than to dissemble it. I (quoth the Cardinal) do teach the children of my diocese, when they are asked, what is the bread of the body of our Lord, to answer that it is the body of Christ. Do ye disallow that? No (quoth Beza). For it is the saying of Christ. But, the question is, after what sort, the bread is called the body of Christ. For, of those things, which are said to be, all are not said to be after one self same sort. And there with, he touched somewhat of the Sacramental manners of speaking. Wherein the Cardinal did not much repugn against the sayings of Beza, only against that place (but the rock is Christ) which Beza cited, he set this. The word was made flesh. But he was soon made to leave that hold. For the which is spoken, of a natural and essential communion, far differeth from the Sacramental speech. At the last this question (quoth Beza) consists in four points. The first, is of the signs. The other, of the thing signified. The third, of the conjoining of the signs with the thing signified. The fourth, of the participation of the signs, & the things signified by them. As to the first (quoth he) we do not agree, that in the lords Supper, you do appoint only accidents in stead of the signs. Whereas we continue there, the nature of bread & wine as both the nature of Sacraments requires, & also the holy Scripture teacheth. Here, the Cardinal interrupting him. Truly (quoth he) I think myself able enough, to defend transubstantiation. But, I think, the divines might well enough have left out the doctrine. Neither would I, that upon that point, should rest any diursion of our churches. As to the second point, (quoth Beza), we do not only say, that the merit of Christ's death & passion is signified unto us, by the signs of bread and wine. But also, the true body, that was crucified for us, and the true blood which was shed for us and to be short, that Christ himself, true God and man, is signified unto us, by these visible signs, that our minds and understanding may by faith spiritually behold him in heaven, where he now ascended, resteth. And so, have the fruition of all his goods and gifts to life everlasting. And that, assoon, and as surely, as we see, take, eat & drink, those corporal and visible signs. The Cardinal agreed hereto, signifying that he was glad to understand it. For that he had heard afore that we taught other wise. As to the third (quoth Beza) we grant, that there is great difference betwixt common water; & it wherewith we are washed in Baptism, betwixt bread and wine which we use commonly, and those which we receive in the lords Supper. For the water in Baptism, and bread and wine in the lords Supper, be Sacraments: that is to wit, visible signs and testimonies of the body and blood of our Lord. But this change, we do not admit, in the nature of the elements. But in this, that they are severed to an other use, far distant from it, whereto naturally they be appointed. For whereas naturally, they serve, to the nourishment of the body, when they become Sacraments, they represent that, which spiritually feedeth and refresheth our souls. Furthermore, this sacramental change, we attribute, neither to the Virtue of the word, which any man pronounceth, neither, to his purpose & intention (as they term it) but to the power and virtue of god. Whose will & ordinance, is declared to us by his word. In that respect therefore, that the thing signified, is offered and given unto us of the lord, and that, as truly, as the signs thereof are given unto us, in that respect, and no other, we acknowledge the conjunction of the signs, which the thing signified. And so also we say, that the body and blood of jesus Christ, in that they are truly given us, and communicated unto us, to be truly present also, in the use of his supper, neither yet is it therefore to be said, that that body, is either under the bread, or in the bread, or with the bread, or in any other place, than in heaven, to the which Christ ascended. Where according to his human nature he remaineth till he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. Then the Cardinal, once again affirming, that he forced not transubstantiation, said: that Christ in deed, was to be sought in heaven. Nevertheless he mixed therewith, somewhat of the local presence of Christ & the opinion of certain Germans thereof. And so confounded these matters together, that it well appeared, he had not been much occupied in that article. Which, he himself witnessed also, saying that he had spent the most part of his time, in other business. I grant ye (quoth Beza) that we agree not with certain of the Germans, in this third article. But in this one thing, the grace of god is favourable to us all a like, that with on consent, we condemn. transubstantiation, and whatsoever dependeth thereupon. And all alike grant and confess, the lively communicating, of the body and blood of Christ. Grant ye then (quoth the Cardinal) that we in the supper, do truly, and substantially Communicate, with the body & blood of jesus Christ? that remainth (quoth Beza) For the fourth point: We do say in effect. That the visible signs, which naturally are eaten and drunken, are touched with our senses, but the thing signified, namely, the body and blood of Christ, truly, and without any colour or deceit, is offered to all men, but can not otherwise be received but spiritually, & by faith. For, they be not received, with one hand or mouth. Yet nevertheless, this communicating is so certain, that it, which we see with our eyes, & touch with our hands, can be no surer. Although the misery of this communion, & of the virtue of the holy ghost, neither can by sense be perceived, nor by the compass of our wit comprehended. The Cardinal affirmed that he was satisfied with these reasons. And that openly testified to the Queen. giving good hope that there should ensue some happy end of this conference. He entreated also, and desired Beza, that he would oftener talk and confer with him, of these matters, that so at last, they might make some way to peace and concord. So, those that heard thereof, were in great hope, of better success. But therewithal, some came to the Cardinal, willing him to continued in his first purpose, easily suspecting that which afterwards happened. For, the next day, there was a rumour spread, not only in the court, but also in Poyssye, yea and afterwards, carried into far countries, that at the first meeting, Beza was overcome, & converted by the Cardinal's labour. And to conclude, that we had now taken the foil. These, and divers such other tales, (as custom is,) were forged & spread abroad, which, although they might be confuted with the witness of many credible persons, yet now at last, in time proving themselves lies, to their great shame, the first feigned them, are vanished away. When as the time was thus prolonged and no answer made unto us, we came to the nobles of the realm, and earnestly desired them, that we might be heard: Lest in overpasting so meet an occasion, those, by whom we were sent, might seem to sustain any shame or reproach. But chiefly we required, that those conditions, which we first proposed, might be observed, and that we might not otherwise couple with our adversaries. But chiefly, that they might not be their own judges in the matter. And that whatsoever should happen, might hereafter appear more certain, we required an answer in writing. Which when it was denied unto us, we came to the Queen, desiring and beseeching her, to grant to our requests. There were present, the king of Navarre, the prince of Conde, the admiral, the Chancellor. The Queen answered, that the Bishops should in no wise be our judges. And that, such things as were done, one of the kings secretaries, should register (which was one of them, whom, we call secrytaryes of commandments.) And if we would ourselves pen our disputations, we might lawfully do it. And whereas in decreeing of doctrines we would ground only upon the authority of the Scriptures, that we might openly protest. And that the king, which had taken us into his tuition, would be present at it, with the rest of the nobility. But she commanded us, to do all things moderately and wisely, respecting only the glory of God, of the advancement whereof, she thought us desirous. But that these things should be given unto us in writing, she thougth it was not expedient for many causes. Nevertheless, she promised we should have it, if we had need thereof. Willing us to credit no less her word than her writing. Forasmuch as, if she meant to deceive us, her writing could not let her. Immediately after our departure, came the doctors of the Sorbonistes, desiring the Queen, that she would not vouchsafe to hear us. But if she were determined to hear us, at the least, that she should not suffer the king to be present thereat. For that, it was great peril (as they said) lest the king in this his tender age, should be seasoned with unsound doctrine, from the which afterwards he should hardly be withdrawn. And that we, forasmuchas we were already condemned of heresy, were not to be heard at all. Then the Queen answered, that she would do nothing without her council. Whereby they well perceived, that the matter was not likely to pass, as they wished.  
Wherefore, though all our demands were not granted, yet nevertheless, because the answer of the Queen, was tolerable, we thought it good, to take the occasion, least we might seem to detract the conference. The next day therefore which was the ninth of September, we came to Poyssye, to the cloister of Nuns, where the king was, with his brother the Duke of orleans, the Queen, the king & Queen of Navarre, and the rest of the nobles, with the whole council, there were present also, the Cardinals, and Bishops, accompaynyed with a great number of ecclesiast call persons. We ministers, to the number of xii. and twenty of those, whom other churches had sent, came in afore them. But, lest the people of the town should make any riot upon us, the kings guard brought us from our lodgings to the Nunnery. Assoon as we came to the kings presence, and were commanded to speak, Theodore Beza, (which by the universal consent was appointed thereto) made an oration: in the which, thanking God and the King, that now at the last, our cause should he heard, he showed the causes for the which, we had been long before expelled, and unjustly condemned. Furthermore, in what articles, we agreed with our adversaries, in what others, and how we did differ. And what was the mean, to appease all troubles and reform religion. Then in few words, he showed the doctrine of our faith and Sacraments, and bryefelye touched the chief errors, that have crept into religion, which whiles he handled gravely moderately, and with singular eloquence, he was heard very diligently of all men, except when, he treated of the presence of the body of Christ in his supper. For, when he showed, how, we are made partakers of him in his Supper, and taught the same to be done, by the power of the holy ghost, which conjoineth & knitteth, things most far distance in nature: and that Christ, could no otherwise be received, than by faith: and that he needeth not to descend from heaven, that we may communicate of his body: and that he is not enclosed in the bread, but remaineth in heaven, till he shall come to judge the world: or rather that, as to that corporal presence, he is as far absent from the bread, as the highest heaven, is distant from the lowest earth: these things I say. Whiles he handled, suddenly, the Bishops begun openly to grudge and murmur. Crying that he spoke shameful blasphemy. Some hissed, some rose, as though they would departed. And the Cardinal of Turon openly desired, that either he might be licensed to departed, or we put to silence. They were sorry that afore they could get no occasion, to interrupt our oration. And therefore, it pricked them at the hearts, that we were so attentively heard. Neither is it to be doubted, but either they would have departed, or else violently have run upon us, unless the very presence, and authority of the king, had repressed their fury. Silence commanded a new, Beza, gently desired them, that they would quietly hear what remained. So it might happen, that the matter ended, they themselves might be satisfied. So he had licence to conclude. And not only to declare the residue of those things, that pertain to the fuller declaration of Christ'S presence in his supper: but also all such things, as concern the Ecclesiastical discipline, and the duty and authority of officers. This oration ended, the Cardinal of Turon pierced with anger, trembling, and fretting, counseled the king to give no credit to our words, nor serve from the religion of his ancestors. Wherein that he might obtain his desire, he prayed the glorious virgin mary, and the blessed Saints. Then he desired, to have a copy of our oration, and a day appointed to answer it. Saying, that he hoped, that our arguments, and reasons should be so fully satisfied, that if any part thereof stuck in the kings mind, it should thereby, easily be rooted out. The Bishops took advisement with the divines and canonists, how they might answer our oration. But then the Cardinal of Lorraine, burst out into these words. Would to God, that either he had been dumb, or we deaf.  
The matter long weighed amongs them, they concluded, not to answer all the points of our oration, (either because they would not, or could not) but ii only. First, that which we said of the Church and then that which was spoken of the lords Supper. Afterwards they desired, that they might give up a common confession, in writing, subscribed by every of them. Which if the ministers would not allow, they might then proceed with a solemn decree, against them. And so take away the disputation. From the which policy, the wisest, and gravest men abhorring, sharply withstood their purpose. In the mean time, we determined, to make supplication to the king, that he would not suffer the conference thus to be broken of, nor the Bishops to be judges in their own cause. Saying, that we had not yet showed, the proofs of our opinion, but only simply and plainly, had drawn the articles of our faith which afterwards, might be more largely handled, and proved with the testimonies of the Scripture, if he did suffer the Bishops, to proocede so at their own will and decree their own cause, it would come to pass, that both he should be deceived, of his good expectation, and also no remedy hereafter found for such troubles as do daily grow. This supplication was given to the Chancellor, who by his prudence, provided, that the conference was not broken of, and that the Bishops kept, far more moderate and quiet order than they had done before.  
The eight day after, which was the xvi. of the same month, the Cardinal of Lorraine answered our oration, and protesting afore, that he, and his, would always submit themselves, to the kings rule, and would be ready, to obey his commandment in all points: yet nevertheless, reserved place, for their wont immunity and freedom, whereby, they are wont to quite themselves from all subjection, and challenge the chief authority. And that he did so subtly, that he scarcely seemed, to touch that sore. And pretending a colour of concord, he protested, that he would gladly receive us, which had swerved from him, if we would return, & humble our selves to them. To conclude that they would be, as fathers towards us. If we would show ourselves, as children towards them. These, & such other like, afore promised, he said he would answer only to the Articles of our oration. Whereof the one concerned the Church, the other the lords Supper. He imagined, that we had so defined the Church, as though, the name thereof, had extended no farther, than to the elect: and therefore largely reasoned against it, showing out of the common similitudes of the gospel, (in the which, it is compared, to a plat of ground, and to a fisher's net,) that the name thereof, extended even to ill and reprobate persons. But he gave it a marvelous definition: Saying, that the Catholic Church is it, which is every where known, and of all men. To the authority of the church, he said, all interpretation of Scriptures and making of traditions ought to be referred. Saying that the succession, as well of that Church, as of the pastors thereof, was perpetual but of the lords Supper, he so entreated, the touching nothing at all, of the change of the natures of the elements, he came very nigh to their opinion, which join the body & blood of Christ, with the elements. And say, that they be both under them, and in them. Which afterwards, we understood, was done for a policy, partly, to procure their favour, whom he had so kindly clawed, and partly, to make us the more hateful to them. Neither yet did he plainly agree with them, but showed that in this respect, he did willingly join with them, that they might jointly war against us. The end of his oration, was to this effect. That the king and his counsel, leaving our opinion, should follow the steps of their for fathers, and not leave their accustomed usage. When he had ended, we desired that presently, whiles the memory thereof was yet fresh, we might satisfy his objections, and refute his arguments. For we feared, least after this the Cardinal's answer, we should scarcely have leisure or liberty afterwards to speak. Because the day afore, many bragged, that we should look for nothing else, than condemnation, & the thunderbolt of excommunication. Neither were we ignorant thereof. The Queen, taking the advise of her council, commanded us to departed, saying: that we should answer it an other time, & that she would appoint us a day when we should be present again. And surely, marvel had it been, if the bishops, which were of that council, would have given any other council. The next day again we desired that we might be presently heard and the time no longer prolonged. But we could obtain nothing, neither were we heard, before the eight day. In the mean time, false rumours were spread abroad, that we were overcome, & put to silence, & had nothing to say. Whereas we were ready to have answered their oration presently. And how false such tales be, here by men may sufficiently guess, that the Bishops did what they could, to break of the conference, so that at the last, by their importunity they obtained of the Queen that the matter should not be openly heard afore the king, but in a more secret place, afore few. Therefore, it was deferred, till the xxiiii day of that month at the which commanded to return to Poyssye, we came before the Queen, the king & Queen of Navarre, & the rest of the Lords and counsallours, there were present also ●…. Cardinals, and many Bishops, and divines of all sorts: we the ministers, were admitted only to the number of xii. Those being severed which were sent from other Churches, which afore were joined with us. For now the matter was heard, both in narrower place, & in less company than before, the cardinal's of lorayne showed in few words, that this assembly was to this end, that if we would object any thing, against that which he had said eight days before, we might freely speak, & should be herd. Then Beza, in the name of us all, said: That he would have wished that immediately he might have answered the Cardynalls oration, whiles the same was fresh in memory or at the least, that he might have had some copy thereof, that he might, answer certainly & perfectly to every point, but, forasmuch as he could not obtain that, he would answer so much as he could call to mind. first therefore, as concerning the article of the Church, which the Cardinal first handled, he divided it into three parts.  
First, what it is. Then, what are the marks thereof. Thirdly, what and how great is the authority thereof. It is well known (quoth he) that this name Ecclesia. (which signifieth the church) is derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth to call from on place to another. Of calling, we find ii sorts in the scriptures, the one conjoined with the working of the holy ghost: whereof Paul to the Romans writeth, whom he called, them he justified. 
Rom. viii c. xxviii.  The other, although in outward show. It be all one with the first: yet is altogether unprofitable to salvation. And that only through the fault of man, being deaf at the calling of God. Of this calling, spoke the Lord, when he said. That many were called but few choose. 
Mat. xxii. b. xiiii.  Hereof it happens, that the name of the church (which signifieth the congregation of those, that are assembled by the word of god) is taken ii ways. For, generally it containeth all those, which outwardly profess to follow the calling of god. Neither is it to be doubted, but many hypocrites, and reprobate persons are within this number. Neither we thanks be to god therefore) have at any time, Either written or taught otherwise, for as much as, both the scripture, and also common experience doth plainly prove the same, but, taking this name of the church properly, and streyghtlye, (as, many times we do) we then say, that it comprehendeth only the elect and chosen of god. And, that all men may know, that we be not the authors of this manner of speech, or of this doctrine, when it is written, that the church is the body of Christ, bones of his bones, flesh of his flesh, yea, when the name of Christ itself is given unto it, 
Eph. two g. thirty.  (as Paul writing to the Corinthians, joining the members with the head, calleth her Christ) 
i Cor. xii. b. xii. xvii.  how could in the number be contained the reprobate, in as much as, they are the members of the devil? For it cannot be, that we should be members both of Christ and of the devil, which Austin writing against Cresconius, well noteth in his second book, and xxiiii. Chapter. He also writing on the lxiiii psalm, used this distinction of the church, saying: y● that church which is signified by jerusalem took her beginning of Abel, and Babylon, of Eain. And afterwards in his first book of baptism, against the Donatistes, the second Chapter, whereas he taketh, the name of the church more largely, he saith, that he, that begot Abel, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, & the rest of the Prophets, begot also cain, Ishmael, Dathan, and such like. Therefore to conclude, we must take that which Austin himself wrote in the seventh book of the same book, the. 51. chapter, which is also rehearsed xxiiii ix. i a. ca All things considered it is said that there are two kind of men in the church.  
Some of them (sayeth he) be the members of Christ, and of the house of God, yea the house of GOD itself. Other some be in the house, but not of the house. For they be as chaff with the corn, till such time as they be severed. Hereof riseth a question whether the Church be invisible? Which I think good to affirm, and to conclude, that only God knows his elect & choose. Yet nevertheless we believe that there is a holy church, which is conceived, imagined and believed, not seen. For if we should otherwise say, thereof would ensue that which is most repugnant to reason. For if the church be unknown unto us, to what flock shall we stickto be partakers of salvation, when to the Church only Christ extendeth his power & salvation? we say therefore, that although that Church can not be discerned by sight, yet when we seek to what flock and company we ought to associate ourselves, there be certain notes, whereby we may know & discern thesame, namely, the pure word of god, and the sincere administration of the sacraments. These be the clear and evident marks thereof, neither is there any doubt, but whatsoever these be, there is also the true Church of god. Furthermore, we say: That all those, that profess true religion, are charitably to be counted among the number of the faithful, unless, the lord do plainly detest their hypocrisy and dissembling. Whereof, Paul giveth us a manifest precedent calling the Corinthians and Galathians faithful, 
i Cor. two. a  and applying to them, the general name of the church, albeit in them there was great imperfection, aswell of learning, as life, which in divers places he himself complaineth. For, all those that have any foundation, do not always build on the same, gold, silver, and precious stones only: but also oftentimes, hay, chaff, and sedge. 
i Cor. two. c xii.  In this manner and sort therefore, we use to speak of the church, lest we should seem to appoint any fantastical thing or that should consist in imaginations only, or lest we might give any colour, to ill disposed persons, to deem us such, as were in times past the Canthares and Donatists, and in this our age are the Anabaptists, against whom, we have often reasoned about this question. Now let us come to the marks and signs of the true church, which is necessary to be discerned & known, sith out of her is no salvation. And for that cause Satan, that old enemy of man, hath attempted by all means possible, to disguise and counterfeit her, to change her ancient signs, and fain new in their places. Her uncertain and undoubted marks, we have said to be two, that is to went, the pure preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments. Hereto, do some adjoin ecclesiastical discipline, and fruits of faith. And truly, it is necessary, that every flock should have some head and guide whom they ought to obey, if they mind to live in safety: but forasmuch as our own iniquities, often times are the cause, that we want the two last marks, let us content ourselves with the first.  
Therefore, that the word of god is the certain sign of the church, hereby it appeareth, that both Christ and Peter compare the same to seed. 
Mat. xiii. a. iii iiii. xi. i Pet. i. d.  For the which cause also, Paul saith, that he begat the Corinthians in Christ, by preaching the word. 
i Cor. iiii c. xv.  Therefore in diverse places, it is called one food and nouryshement: this also Christ himself witnesseth to pertain to his sheep, saying: that they hear his voice and no others. 
john. x.   
We adjoin hereto the Sacraments also, for that Christ would not only, to our ears, but also to our eyes, and the rest of our bodylyesenses witness his grace. And therefore, he ordained the Sacraments, to be certain and visible signs, both of our union with him, and also of charity and love among ourselves. For that cause, during the old Testament it was said, that they should be banished the company of the faithful, which had not the sign of circumcision. And furthermore decreed, that all householders should thrice in the year, appear before the Lord, at jerusalem, by common sacrifice, to testify the unity of faith and religion. 
Exodus xxxiiii. d. xxiii.  Afterwards, the Vineyard being spoiled, the gentiles grew in one body with the jews, not only by preaching the word, but also, by the Sacraments of baptism, and of the body and blood of our Lord. Yea, and Christ commanded his Apostles so to do, saying: go ye, and teach all nations: 
Mat. xx. ● nineteen.  This is the doctrine of the word, to the which he forthwith adjoineth the Sacraments, saying: Baptysing, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the holy ghost.  
For, to baptism also, must we apply that, which Paul writeth of the supper, saying: that what he received of the Lord, he delivered to us. 
i Cor. xi. c xxxii.  And the same he testifieth in an other place also. Namely, that the Church is founded upon the foundation of the prophets and the Apostles: 
Ephe. two. d xx.  that is to weet, upon jesus Christ, who is the sum & substance of all the doctrine of the Apostles and Prophets. So also must we understand another text of the same Apostle. Where he sayeth, that the Church is a pillar of the living God, a bolster of truth. 
i Timo. three d. xv.  Which meaneth, that the word of God, which is the truth itself, doth stay and uphold the church, or else is placed in the church, as in an open and sure fortress, for that in her god extendeth his power & health to all believers, 
Rom. i  these are the true and visible signs of the church. Which therefore is called the mother of the faithful, for that they were begotten in her, by incorruptible seed, and nourished, and fed with the same food. If the preaching of the word, and the true administration of the sacraments, be necessarily required in the church, them must there needs be pastors & teachers to execute the same. As the holy scriptures sufficiently witness, but chiefly Paul writing to the Corinthians and Ephesians, this was the cause, that this third mark was adjoined hereto. 
i Cor. xii. d. xxviii. Ephe. iiii vi. xi. i Timo. iii. a Ti●…. i. a vi.  Namely, ordinary succession, from the time of the Apostles. Hereto we answer, that such succession is much to be esteemed, if it be well considered, and applied after the example of the ancient fathers, who grounded thereon against heretics, & there new opinions. As Tertulian, Ireneus and Austin against the Manichees and Donatists, but because many lay the same against us, as though we had conveyed into the churches new schisms and heresies, it is necessary, that we should show our mind herein. We say therefore, that there is one succession of doctrine, an other of people. Doctrine we grant to be the true and undoubted mark of the church as it hath been already said. For, although the doctrine of the Gospel, be not therefore the more to be credited, for that it is the ancientest of all other (though it happen many times for our sins, that the same seem so new & strange to men, as it ought to be familiar and usual) yet nevertheless, the witness of the continual succession thereof, is of no small force, to win it authority amongs men. As to the succession of persons, we admit it, but so that it be conjoined with the succession of the Prophetical and apostolic doctrine, in substance and the chief points and grounds atleaste. But, we speak of the doctrine itself, not of their manners. For, albeit, it be required, of true and faithful pastors, that in doctrine and life they be sound and pure, yet for the ignorance of some things, or for the diversity of opinions in doctrine, so that it stretch not to the substance of our salvation, or though their life be not of the perfectest, yet for these things we do not reject them, but bear them. So they keep the ground and foundation. And that we ought so to do, Christ teacheth us, saying: that when the Scribes and Pharisees sitting in Moses' chair teach us, we ought to follow their doctrine, and not their deeds. 
Mat. xxiii a. two. iii.  Which place, Austin writing upon john, sayeth: ought to be understand of such hyerling pastors as keep the sound doctrine, but not of false Prophets, of whom Christ contrariwise said. 
August. tracta. xlvi  Beware of the leaven of the Pharisees. 
Mat. xvi. a. vi. vi. xi  While they sit (sayeth Austin) in the chair of Moses, they teach the law of God, and so god teacheth by them. But if they teach their own doctrine, neither hear their words, neither follow their deeds. That also the same author expresseth more at large, in his xlix. Sermon, of the words of the Lord. Forasmuch as therefore, false Prophets and wolves may succeed to true and faithful pastors, we do not only, not admit personal succession, but even condemn it, unless the succession of doctrine be joined with all, because it is a meet cloak for any lie or error. Furthermore if personal succession of itself should be taken for a certain mark of the church, there ought to have been some promise of god showed whereby he hath limited his grace to any certain sea or country. Which in the new Testament, we shall not find. In deed he promised, that the church should be Catholic, that is to were, universal, which is so called, for that the particular members thereof, are here and there, dispersed throughout the whole world. wheresoever it pleaseth god to show his judgements, either upon those, whom he utterly cutteth of, or whom he chasteneth for a time, or in showing mercy to them, whom he furthereth better and better, or whom he calleth to his knowledge and salvation. For in some places, the Lord justly revenging himself so destroyeth the church, that he seemeth even to root it out, and not to leave so much as any sign thereof, as it happened amongs the barbarous nations and in the most part of all the east. Otherwhere, as in Greece, and other realms more nigh to us, he hath left some tokens of the church. Again, sometime the Lord doth cut and break of, only the personal succession of pastors: as it happened at Antioch, in the time of Samosatenus, and at Alexandria after the banishment of Athanasius, and in many other churches. And, that we need to seek no further: the personal succession, then at the least failed in the Roman church, when Honorius being bishop, was condemned for the detestable heresy of the Eutychians. And so likewise in the time of john, the. xxii of that name, who was also condemned for heresy. Unless perhaps some man will maintain, that those that are manifestly condemned of heresy, be pastors. Furthermore in what case this succession stood under john the she Pope, through the schisms and contentions of diverse, striving for the Pope's sea, the histories sufficiently witness. Wherefore we conclude, that not respecting the personal succession of pastors, we must always have regard to the pureness of doctrine, and the sincere administration of sacraments so that they only be to be counted successors of the Apostles, which being lawfully called, do build upon their foundation. Whether they derive their succession from them, or whether the same have failed. And contrariwise, they that neither build nor teach, or preach their own doctrine in stead of the Apostles, although they were able to show never so many and continual presidents of their predecessors, are not to be taken for pastors, but to be shunned as wolves, as Christ and his Apostles teach. Some man perhaps will object. Is it therefore lawful for any man to teach, and minister the Sacraments? no. For it behoveth (as the Apostle sayeth) that all things be done in the house of God, rightly, and orderly. 
i. Corint. xiiii. g. xi.  Who then shall be taken for true pastors? they which are lawfully called. It remaineth then, that we understand, what is a lawful calling And here I must crave attention. For we say that some calling is ordinary, and some extraordinary. Ordinary is it, in the which is observed the order appointed by GOD in his church. In that order these three things are chief required.  
first the examination of his doctrine and life that shallbe ordained, them a lawful choice and election. And lastly the laying of hands. And these we all gathered out of divers places of the scripture. As out of the Acts of the Apostles, and the writings of Paul to Timothe and Titus. 
Ac. i d. xii joh. vi. a. vi. i Tim. two. a. two. et. three d. xxii. Titus. i. a. vi  This therefore is the ordinary calling. Whereby we may well discern which is it, that we call extraordinary. Namely it, that wanteth some one, or other, or all these conditions, and yet the same grounded upon the authority of God, and lawful. That god used such extraordinary callings, it plainly appeareth throughout the whole scripture. For who laid hands upon Moses, that he might consecrate Aaron? Who gave the gift of prophecy, to Esay, Danyeil, Amos, and the rest? 
Exodus. xxviii. Esa. vi. b. xciii. Dani. i c. ●…vii. Amos. seven xiiii  Yea, was not this given them, when they, that ordinarily had the charge thereof, abused it? For than it was necessary, that god should put to his hand extaordinarily: not to trouble or confound the order of his church, but to correct them, which under the pretence of ordinary succession, dissordred all. This well prove the writings of the Prophets, which most of all pertain to the orders of the priests. 
Ps. xxviii vi. seven. jere. seven. a. iiii et. xxiii. a. xi. Ezec. xxii e. xxvi. Soph. iii. a. iiii.  But if it be objected, that such men gave some certainty, of their vocation, as either some miracle, or some heavenly sign: I grant the same to be true in some, but not in all. Neither can any man say otherwise, unless he will plainly deny the truth. Neither do Iwel know, whether we shall find many prophets of the stock of Aaron, or upon whom, after the ordinary manner, hands were laid. But if any man will take this exception, that those prophets used only to rebuke vice and went no farther, but abstained from sacrifice: I answer that that is not true in all. For Samuel, which was not of the stock of Aaron, sacrificed in Mispa: And Elias of Galaad, in the mount Carmelus. 
i. Samu. seven. c. ix i. Regum xviii. f. xxvi.  Then is it not to be marveled, that the prophets of that time would extend their office so far, as to circumcise & sacrifice, whereas that by inheritance appertained only to the tribe of Levy? But such inheritance at this day hath no place: thus you see, what we call the church, what we think of her marks: and of the calling of pastors in her. Which if you please to apply, to our Churches, or to our selves we hope, that by the help of god, we shall show such proof, and witness thereof, out of the holy scriptures, as no man shall have any occasion to doubt thereof. And that, both according to the word of god, & also to the writings of that godly man Austyne, at the least in that treatise, which is reckoned among his works, and entitled of. 65. question the last question. Now let us speak of the authority of the church. By that, which we have already spoken, it appeareth, that we derogate from her none of those high & precious titles, that the holy ghost doth give her, but say that she is the body of our lord, obtaining the same here only in part, till such time, as joined to her head, she shall fully and perfectly enjoy the same. 
Heb. xi. c. xv i. Co. i. a. seven. i Cor. xiiii vi. v. Ep. iiii. c. xv.  She is the house of god, but such as is daily put of and increased. She is ruled by the spirit of god, but as yet she stri●…eth against the flesh. 
Gala. v. c. xvii.  She is cleansed & washed but so, that by little, and little, she shallbe brought to that perfect beauty, in the which there shallbe no spot, no wrinkle. 
Ep. v. f. 25 i Co. 3. c. 4  She knows god but only in part. And in these our manners of speech, we wish the Apostles words to be weighed, to conclude, we grant, that there is no salvation without the church. For there is no salvation but in Christ jesus. 
i. Ihon. v. c. xi. john. three c. xviii.  And Christ doth no where extend his salvation, but in those members, whose congregation, and communion is called the church, but it is doubted, whether she may err in this world, whether we be subject to the scripture, or else her authority exceed the same. We answer, that her several members may err, and daily fall and fail, as well in doctrine, as in life, according to the saying of Paul. In part we know. 
i Cor. xiii c. ix.  Also john saith: If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves and there is no truth in us. 
i. john. i d. viii.  Wherefore if any man will go about, to except the doctors from this number, let him pardon us, that we believe him not. For we could easily show many authorities, wherein do appear the manifest errors of the best learned, & most ancient doctors. Be it spoken with their leave and favour, whom as well for their singular learning, as also for their passing pity, we do much reverence. Neither truly, my L. Cardinal, (if I well understood him) doth admy●… them without judgement. This therefore is our opinion of the members of the church severally, whose inperfection is not so material, but that the church may consist of them. For, by little & little, they daily profit & increase, aswell in amending of their lives, as increasing their learning. But now considering the parts of the Church more generally, as dividing it into several dioceses, & provinces, shall we say that they may err? That they both may err, & also have erred, my L. Cardinal (if Iwel remember) hath already granted. And the same is also confirmed with so great & long experience, that no wise man may well doubt thereof. It remaineth therefore to consider the whole & universal church. But first we must see in what sort. For if we consider it, as it is represented by some general counsel, assuredly we must not think, that the whole power, that the holy ghost extendeth to that church, is restrained to any certain number of bishops, which oftentimes, are neither the best learned, nor best livers. For how oft happeneth it, that some one private man, passeth the best learned, yea & sometimes the whole counsel in wit & knowledge? For this cause, long since it hath been written, that better credit is to be given, to any private man grounding a better reason, than either to any councelor or pope. 
glow. in. ca significasti de. elect. i ibi. pavo  And hereof their is a notable example in the council of nice. For what stayed, that the prohibition of marriage. Which hath bred so much filthiness in that church, had not then been established & decreed? only paphumtius as the history records with stood it. Or what convocation of any general council hitherto hath been so large, but that a great number of holy and learned men, yea & of the worthiest bishops, hath been overpassed therein? And who will affirm that nothing more is revealed to those that are absent, than to those that are present at the council? Furthermore you are not ignorant, what horrible confusion there hath been, and is at this present in the church, and chief amongs those that sit in highest comes. So that the Church of god, even there where it should be most pure and perfect, doth appear most confuse and desolate. And long time hath this wretched case continued, there yet remain so many grievous & lewd complaints of good bishops, on the same: that the sound of them, seemeth even now presentli to pea●…re ●…yne ears. What in his time, Be●…a had wrote in his books, de consideratione et sermone, 33 ch▪ upon the Lan●…a Lan●…corum▪ also in his sermon of the conversion of Paul, it is no less common, than true. Alas, alas, o lord god, they are chief in perse●…īg that▪ which seem to be chiefest in thy church, & to bear the greatest rule therein. They have take the castle of Zion: they have won the m●…nicions, & now freely, & by commandment, they ●…ōsume with fire the whole city▪ These things we speak not in reproach of any ●…ā, but to show, that for as much as that chef calling in the church are confounded, & gone astray, it can not be proved, that ●… vn●…uersal counsels, (which have been assembled many times, of a multitude of men most unfit therefore,) are so guided with the grace of the holy ghost, that they may not err. The old priest (of whom I would make no mention, but that his example is commonly alleged for that proof hereof) although he were vicious & wicked, did prophencye, ●…●…r●…tel, that it was necessari that on man should die for the people, lest the whole nation should perish. But nevertheless, his decres, or counsel is not therefore allowed, as though he had rightfully condemned Christ. For the holy ghost prophesied it, & not he, which understood not what he spoke. For he was stirred with a contrary spirit, and altogether devilish For he gave judgement against the innocent Christ, the son of god. Furthermore, if this privilege be given to general counsels, that they cannot err, either in the rule of doctrine, or form of life, we would fain know, at what time this was done For there was always one faith, & one church. 
Ephe. iiii a. v  In the old church & under the old testamont the histories & prophet's witness, the errors were commonly taught & received. All their spies (saith Esay) be blind, their dogs be dumb, not able to bark. 
Psa. lvi. d x.  Also jeremy: Both prophet & priest, do all forge lies 
jere. vi. ● xv.  And lest you should think thesame to be referred to the lives of private persons it in written in thesame prophet: the prophets prophesy falsely in my name. 
jer. xiiii. c. xiiii.  For I sent them not, neither did I command them to speak, neither did I speak unto them, but lying visions, divinations, yea nothing, or the dece●…s of their own heart, they prophecy unto you. Also isaiah: the wisdom of the wise shall perish, & the wit of the witty shall hide itself. 
Ps. xxiiii. c. xiiii.  Also ezechiel: The law shall perish from the priest, & council from the elders. 
Ezec. seven. g. xcvi.  Furthermore, who condemned the prophets, as jeremy, Michae, yea & the son of god himself, & his Apostles, but the counsels of the priests of Israel? If any man answer, that these things happened under the old testament, we will reply, that he doth not satisfy our reason, nor speak any thing to the purpose. For not wt●…ding y●, his conclusion remaineth That the caūs●…ls of the prelate's, albeit they were universal, were oftentimes ruled rather with the spirit of error than of god. But that we may come to the new testament, did not Paul specially warn that church, writing to the Ephesians, the wolves should come from amongs them, 
Act. xx. ●. nineteen.  & that the son of perdition should sit in the temple of god? 
two. Thessa two. a. iiii.  And truly if we weigh the counsels severally, we shall find so much repugnant & contrariety in them, that we must needs confess that the holy ghost ruled them not, but Satan, which long since knows how to transform himself into an Angel of light. There is a place very manifest in Austin, as concerning this, in his second book of Baptism against the Donatists, the third Chapter, wherein he plainly showeth, that the writings of several Bishops, are amended by particular counsels. And proviniciall Synods by universal. And universal counsels reform by others after, when by experience that is detected, which afore was hidden, or that disclosed, which afore was covered. Where Austyne doth not entreat of the outward form, but of the doctrine, and of the African council, wherein they did deliberate, whether they ought to be baptized again, that had been baptized of hereti●…es. There will perhaps be objected an other reason, common enough, namely, that Christ did promise, as oft as ii or three are gathered together in his name, to be himself in the midst of them. 
Math. vi, viii. c. xx.  And therefore much more he would be present at a general council. We grant ye, that may well be presumed, but far differs a presumption from a necessary conclusion. For, such is the naughtiness of men, that they abuse the name of God, to the decreeing of their own lies. And they often times have the name of God most in their mouths, whose hearts are enemies and haters of God. 
i Cor. xv. c. ix.  And whereas the weakness of man's wit is such, as daily experience proveth, and many are blinded with naughty affections: We say that those that ground on no other foundation, than the judgement of men, and colour of a council, are in great peril. How then? think we that the doctrine of the Church is uncertam for that she may err? No. For we grant, that although we know God only in part as Paul sayeth, and in that respect, error is mingled with the truth, yet God did never permit, that the chief, and substantial points were wholly overthrown and buried. For alway●…s he hath reserved to himself a flock, some times greater, & sometimes lesser, to speak and understand those things, which it behoveth, both to understand & speak. As in Elias time in Israel. Also in the captivity of Babylon, and about the coming of Christ. At which time, scarce Zacharias only, Elizabeth, joseph, the virgin mary, Simon, and Anne the Prophetess●… remained, that knew God: and among●… so great corruption of the Scribes and Pharisees, did truly understand the fulfilling of the Prophecies. Such breaches which happen in the church of God for our sins, be as it were tempests, which afterwards the Lor●… calms, and like clouds, which vanish away at the rising of the son. Do we then condemn the old counsels? God forbid. For if by their decrees things should be reformed, you know that you should be compelled to change more than we. Only this we desire, that the scripture may be to us as a touchstone, whereby all things ought to be allowed, that are done or spoken in the church. Which if any man think unreasonable, let him read that famous saying of Austin, writing to Maximinus the Arian in his second book and xiiii chapter, where he entreateth of the council of Nice and Ariminum. For I think there is no council, that may rather be called universal, than the first council of nice. And contrariwise, all men confess, that the council of Ariminum, ought worthily to be rejected and condened. Upon what occasion doth Austin talk of those two counsels? About the controversy of an article of our faith, now confirmed & established. Namely, the consubstantiality of the son of god. And yet nevertheless, Austin professeth, that he would neither ground●… on the council of nice nor yet of Ariminum, But would be tried by the scriptures, which ought to be the proves on either part. If any man object the darkness of the scripture, we will grant that, which Paul sayeth, that the natural man, doth not perceive those things which proceed from the spirit of god. 
i Cor. two. d xiiii.  Also we with Peter say, that the scripture is not of private interpretation. 
two. Pet. i. d xx.  But if the darkness of it be such, that it cannot light our minds, why doth Christ refer us only to these scriptures, to take council of them? Search ye the scripture, saith he▪ 
joh. f. xxix.  Also when Abraham was desired of that rich & unhappy man, that was tormented in hell, that he would send some man to warn his brethren: he answered, they have Moses and the Prophets. If they believe not them, neither if any man should rise from death, would they believe him. Or how did they, which had the writings of the Apostles only, when neither books, nor commentaries were written of the same. But whereas my Lord Cardinal would have that taken for an Apostolic tradition, which hath been received of the church at all times, in all places, and of all men. I see not, how these. three points may be proved. For how great diversity shall we find, in the books of ancient fathers, yea, and even in the very articles of our faith? If these words should be weighed (at all times, and of all men) where shall we begin, but at the Apostolic church? Who shall be first in order, but only the Apostles? Whose lives and doings, are partly, faithfully written by Luke, and partly, gathered out of their own writings.  
To be short, we return at the last, to the first foundation of the scriptures, sith all truth came from god, who commanded the prophets and Apostles to be interpreters & messengers of our salvation. In the mean time we do not reject the counsels of the fathers, as far as they be confirmed with the testimonies of the holy scripture. For them, as Austin sayeth, the holy●… ghost hath so tempered, that it which●… in some place is obscurely spoken, in some other is expressed more plainly, and more at large. And that rule chief amongs others he giveth, whereb●… we may understand the scriptures, i●… that book which he wrote of christia●… doctrine, yet there remaineth som●… doubt in this question. Some men hau●… thought, that the will of God in these things which pertain to our salvation, is not fully declared in those writings, which the Prophets and Apostles have left unto us. Which doubt if it should take any place, what a gap were there opened to all mischief? And certes, this was the breach, by the which, Satan first pierced into the vine yard of the lord, to destroy it. God truly before the tune of Moses, with visions & revelations, directed his church: & in like manner yeapostles before they put their doctrine in writing, taught thesame by word of mouth. But because the number of men increasing, their naughtiness increased also, the lord would, that this doctrine should be contained in writings and monuments. Which might be understood and perceived of all men, why so? that he might confounded the impudence and rashness of such, as will set forth & cloak their dreams, with the name of tradition, revelation, and custom. But if the doctrine of god be written only in some part, to what purpose is this remedy? Truly it can not be so. john spoke of the scriptures, when he sayeth, that those things which are written, are written to that end, that we believing them, may have life everlasting, 
john. xx. ●…. ●…xi.  which he had falsely said, if they themselves had concealed any doctrine necessary to life and salvation. But Paul, when he declareth the use of scripture, & under the person of Tymothe teacheth all ministers, if any thing should have been added to the scriptures, would not have affirmed, that by them, the man of god is made perfect. 
i Timo. two. d. xvi.  Neither do we deny, but that at all times there have been somtraditions of the apostles, which be not written. But those were such, as pertained to the civil order of the church. But forasmuch as, many men have abused this name this great while, I think good to show, what traditions ought to be counted Apostolic. Which shall not be hard, if in judging and discerning them, we use the marks. For, first we must consider, whether they do agree with the doctrine of the word, and then, whether they be apt and meet to edify●…. For it is certain, that the Apostles did never institute any rites and ordinances, which either directly, or else in any part, were contrary to their own doctrine: or might withdraw men from spiritual worshipping, whereof their own writings bear sufficient record. If this rule be observed, both doctrine shall easily be discerned from traditions, & also false traditions, from the true. Neither are you ignorant how foolish Tertullian judgeth their opinions, which think, that the apostles have overpassed an●…thīg, necessary to salvation, which either by word of mouth or writings they have not taught. but we will add more hereto. Namely that those things, which herein the Apostles decreed, were not continual. truly their instytutions pass all exception, yet nevertheless, by the rule of charity, they yielded somewhat to the weakness of men. As when the eating of suffocatorun and blood, was forbid the jews. Also, those things, which Paul himself taught, and observed in Timothe, and his own person. 
Ac. 15. f. 25. Act. 16. a. ● i Co. 16. d. xxix. i Co. 11. a 7  Which now truly should have no place, but by the general rule of charity, whereby, we are willed, in things indifferent, to apply ourselves to our neighbours. Other such like, may be gathered of their rites, as of kissing uncovering the head, which was the sign of authority, and other such like, which at this day are contrary to the customs of many nations, among whom, it would seem most foolish, the men should kiss, the one the other: & to talk with the head uncovered, is commonly a sign of the lowest state and condition. These things therefore ought to be considered, before any custom be thought apostolic.  
Also no man must ground upon the authority of the Apostles, to trouble the church: As it happened in the controversy of the day, in the which Easter should be kept, which bred miserable division, and even in the Apostles time, by those that did abuse the authority of the church at jerusalem, to mingle jewishness with Christian religion. Of whom it is written in the Acts of the Apostles, where it was decreed by a council, that no man should lay that yoke on men's consciences. Whereby, it may easily be perceived, that the Apostles could not be the authors of so many ceremonies, to the which afterwards: Satisfaction, merits, and remission of sins were attributed. For they taught far otherwise. And so much they dissented from making new ceremonies, that they gave no place to those of Moses law, of the which God was the author. Of this yoke of traditions & observances. Austin long since writing to januarius, much complained, if he had lived in our time, how would he have lamented them? Wherefore to be short, we desire, that the Scripture, which herein is plain, may judge good traditions from evil, holy from profane, profitable from hurtful, & necessary from superfluous. When of these articles we are once agreed, this question shall easily be dissolved, whether the authority of the church be greater, than of the word of god, which certes is no less fond, than if a man should doubt whether the son ought to be above his father, the wife above her husband, or man above god. And sure, never the true church, or any godly man, would move such a doubt, but will willingly submit himself to her judgement. Nether doth it make against us, that the church was afore the word. For it is most certain, that the word which afterwards was put in writing, is much more ancient. For by it was the church conceived, born & bred. But this saying of Austin, is not to be ob●…ected, that he would not believe the scripture, unless the authority of the scripture moved him thereto. But we must understand, that in that place, Austin spoke of himself, as of a Maniche, with whose error he was once seduced. I pray you, if there rise any doubt of the truth of any writing, to whom go we to try it, but to the common notary, to whose custody, all writings & monuments are committed. Neither therefore doth it follow, that the authority of the writing dependeth on the witness of the notary. For of itself it is true though no mortal man bear witness hereof. So truly must we answer them, which think, that the authority of the holy scripture, dependeth upon the constitutions, & decrees of the church. The decrees of of that counsels are many times contrary in this question. But all these things shallbe more fully opened in disputation & conference. I will show only reason, confirmed with the authority of certain ancient & allowed fathers. Christ himself, gave so much authority to the doctrine of the prophets, whom he had sent afore, that by their witness he would confirm his doctrine. Paul also, suffered the Thessalonians so to do, & willed them to search the scriptures, to know whether he had taught them truly. 
Ac. xvii. c. xi.  Peter allowed that self-same reason. 
two. Peter. two. d. nineteen.  They therefore, which boast themselnes to be the vicar's of Christ, & the successors of Peter & Paul, ought not to refuse thesame condition. 
Ca ix. li. two.  Truly Jerome upon Hieremy, saith: that neither the error of the fathers nor of our ancestors, by the authority of the Scriptures is to be followed. Chrisofton upon the xxiiii Chapter of Matthew the 49. Homely, erpounding this place. Those that be in jury, let them fly to the mountains, sayeth: that is, those that be Christians, let them fly to the Scriptures. And again. Wherefore doth he in this time, will all Christians to fly to the Scriptures? Because in this time, since heresy invaded the church, there can be no other proof of true Christendom, neither any other refuge for Christians minding to know the true faith, but the divine Scriptures. For afore, it appeared by many signs, which was the church of Christ, and which it of the Gentiles. But now whosoever will seek it, can by no other means discern which is the true church of Christ, but only by the Scriptures. Also he saith further. If a man therefore be willing to know the true church of Christ, how should he know it in so great confusion, but only by the Scriptures? Yet further therefore the lord knowing that theridamas should be so great confusion in the latter days, therefore doth Christ command the those that be in christianity & such as be willing to strengthen themselves in 〈◊〉 faith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…o other thing but the Scriptures. Otherwise if they ●…p●…e any other changes, they shall likely ●… 〈◊〉, & ●…sh, not understanding, which is the true ch●…rch and so shall they fa●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of defolation, which 〈◊〉 the holy places of the church. 〈◊〉 in his morals writeth thus. If, whatsoever is not of faith is sin, (as the Apostle ●…ayth) and faith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God: whatsoever is besides Scripture inspired of God, is ●…n. Also, in the Sermon of the confession of faith. If God be faithful in all his words and his commandments ●…me and stable, for ever, done in truth & justice, to reject any thing that is written, or to bring in any thing not written, is a swerving from faith & manifest pride. Thus much was spoken of the church, her signs, authority and succession afore the Lords, and Bishops, and diverse other, which heard the same very attentively. But because his oration had been already somewhat long, it seemed good then to entreat nothing of the supper. Wherefore Beza medestly excusing himself, & declaring also, that we were ready to show a reason of that article, and as much as lay in us to satisfy them, if they would command us forthwith to do it. When Beza had ended, the cardinal beckoned to Spensa to speak, and to answer our reasons. He protesting with many words, that he had long wished for this conference, & disputation, & that he never liked always contrary to those cruel punishments, which had long times been used toward them, answered that those things were true, which we had said of the church, her signs and succession. If we had so taught, and spoken at the first, we should never have needed to have come to this controversy. But whereas we spoke of the calling into the church, he much marveled, by whose authority, or by what calling we entered into the church, and took upon us to teach. Forasmuch as we were not instituted by any ordinaries, neither they at any time had laid their hands upon us. And hereof he gathered, that we were no good pastors For by ordinary means (quoth he) you were not called, and much less by extraordinary. For extraordinary vocation, must be proved either by miracles, as the calling of Moses was, who was raised up of God, to deliver his people: or else by the witness of the scripture, as the calling of john, whose vocation is plainly proved by a terte of Malachye, you want both. Whereof it followeth, that your ministry is unlawful. But as concerning traditions, and the interpreting of the scriptures, if there rise any controversy, we ought to refer it (quoth he) to the ordinary successors: as those, to whom the holy ghost is promised, and are appointed of God for the same cause.  
He brought forth the examples of the old Priests and Levites, which in times passed, in doubtful matters gave the people council, & to whose judgement, the people were so bound to stand, that from their decree, it was not lawful for them to serve, neither on the right hand, neither yet on the left. And that we had many things by tradition, which no man doubts of, no, not we ourselves. As that the father is without beginning, the son equal in substance to him, also that young children ought to be baptized, that Mary was a virgin after her deliverance, & such like. So he affirmed, that those things, which are descended unto us from the ancient fathers, albeit they be not written, yet are certainly to be believed, and no less to be allowed, than if they were confirmed by the authority of the Scriptures. That whatsoever is decreed by general counsels is certain, and that they can not err in doctrine. But as to that, which is cited out of Austin, that the first counsels are amended by the later, that he said never was in doctrine. That there were only three kept before Austin's time▪ The Nicene council against the Arrians, the council of Constantinople against the Macedonians, the first counsel of Ephesus against Nestorius, none of the which was afterwards amended. He denied the history of Paphuntius, as a thing doubtful to be credited and further said that it pertained not to the purpose. At the last to give the Cardinal occasion, which seeking by all means to break of the conference, willed him to entreat of the supper: he came to that question, and with few words entreated, of the presence of the body of Christ in the bred. And he red to us, certain places out of the books of calvin, ●…aling nevertheless the name of the ●…tour, saying that he ●…erua●…led, if we would serve from him, to whom we give most authority above the rest, & about the end of his tale, he gave us those places to read.  
Afore we answered Spensa, a Monk of that order, that are clothed all in white, whose name they say was Xantus, stepped forth, inflamed with desire of contention. And as though he were aggrieved that Spensa had talked somewhat gravely, and modestly, begun to power out his stomach and not able to stay any longer, would not let us answer, till we had first heard him. Then, he began to repeat those things, which Spensa had already spoken at large sawcig thesame with scoffs & taunts, which he seemed to esteem, as that greatest ornaments, & grace of his talk. For us he compared, both to other ancient hereti●…es, & also to the Anabaptists, but at the last he became so mad, that abusing the authority of the ancient fathers, he affirmed, that the foūdati●… of the traditions is more sure, than of the scripture. For the scriptures (quoth he) may by divers interpretations be wried sundry ways. And that Cyprian, with the rest of the Aphricans, was deceived in this, that they said. Christ sayeth not, I am that custom. But, I am the way, truth and life. And that this his saying, heretics did afterwards commonly abuse. He alleged the authority of Tertullian, of the prescriptions of heretics, imperyously, & even like a master of that schools. (I will not say foolishly) willing Beza, to read the place by him alleged, twice or thrice, Tertullian'S words be these. They allege the scriptures, and with these their impudence, at the first move away. Also that the disputation with scriptures, nothing availeth, unless a man do altogether, either turn his stomach, or his brain. And again. Therefore we must not appeal to the scriptures, neither contend with them, by whom there is either no victory to be achieved, or if there be any, it is very uncertain. Furthermore Xantus said, the god, otherwise than he intended (for that was his term) delivered his doctrine in writing, abusig the authority of Chrisostom, or of the author of the imperfect work written upon Matthew. And falsely touching the poem of that work, where there is no such thing red. For these be the words of the author. After that all the people of the jews, was fallen into the depth of sin, it was necessary that then a law should be written, & the tables given, & warning & threats by them. And this we see, happened, not only to the holy men of the old testament, but even of the new also. For Christ left nothing in writing to his apostles, but in stead of writing, promised to give them the grace of the holy ghost He (quoth he) will teach you all things. Then he added also, that not only the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was given of god whereof came all traditions. Also for the rule to discern traditions, that not only the word, but also the nature & custom is to be considered. According to the saying of Paul the i Corint. xi. Nature itself teacheth you. And again, neither, let us not have such a custom neither the examples of the church of god, to be short, he rehearsed the same that Spensa had afo●…e spoken.  
Hereto Beza answered modestly at large, that to have one self same tale doubled of divers, is not meet for that conference or disputation, wherein any good end or concord should be sought For that of much matter heaped together, the wits of man are confounded, so as thereof, no good thing may arise but confusion. That even by their own judgements, if they had at any time used disputation, this order could not be allowed. Nevertheless he hoped, that so far as his memory would serve him, to rehearse their reasons, he would lightly satisfy them. And therewithal, he desired the Queen and the rest of the nobles, hereafter to take some better order for their conference.  
First therefore, whereas Spensa had said, that he much marveled, that we took upon us to teach, forasmucheas the ordinary successors had never laid hands upon us: he answered, that this is not the chief sign of lawful calling For the chief and substantial parts be, the inquisition of learning and life, and choice and election. These be the ordinary means. To the which although the outward ceremonies of laying on hands, be not adjoined, yet the ministry is lawful notwithstanding. And that we, which were there present to defend our doctrine, and the rest of our fellows, wanted not also the third mark. And needed not to stay on that point, forasmuch as we were both chosen and confirmed. For hands were laid upon us, and we lawfully presented to our churches, which accepted our ministry if it be objected, that those of whom we were instituted and which laid their hands on us, had no authority of the ordinary successors, neither were chosen of the people: the answer is ready, that things being in such confusion, and the ecclesiastical order disordered, we did not stay for the laying on of their hands whose vicious life, superstition, & false doctrine, we have always reprehended. For in vain should we have sought, to have been allowed of them, which with deadly hate pursued that truth, & the defenders thereof. And that we wanted not the presidents of the Prophets, to whom none were more deadly enemies, than the Priests, forasmuch as they themselves were turned out of kind & no longer respected their office therefore, forasmuch as against them chief, the lord had stirred up the prophets, they ought not to seek for, at their hands the confirmation of that authority, which they had received of god. Nether did they intrude themselves into the ministry but when they had once the commandments of god, they were compelled even with the peril of their lives, to execute the same. And that the same, we in these our times, aught to do also. Furthermore, the extraordinary calling, is not always proved by miracles. For that which we read of Moses, & the signs showed by him, happened not so, in all the rest. For by what miracles did Esay Daniel, Amos, & Zachary prove their calling? Or Paulus afore he did execute his charge. Did he stay for the laying on of hands? but to prove himself an apostle he did not so much cite his miracles, of the which he had great store, as the fruit of his preaching, & the conversion of those people whom the lord had turned at his calling. For writing to the Corinthians he saith: You are the seal of my apostleship in that lord. 
Cor. ix.  Thesame truly say, of so great a number, as by our preaching have, received the gospel, against all the power of man neither seek we any other confirmation of our calling & ministry. For the power & virtue of god hath sufficiently showed itself, forasmuch, as neither prison, fire, banishment nor death could stay thesame. But quoth Spensa, show me but even one example within these xu C. years, like to your case. Although (quoth Beza) all histories are not written, yet I donbie not but there may be found some. But if there be none, it is no inconvenience to say, that god in our days hath done y●, which he never did afore. Afterwards we came to traditions, which Spensa made equal with that scripture, & ●…antus preferred above it, as more certain than it. But to the place of Paul, which revoketh us to the scriptures Spensa answered, that Paul speaketh generally of doctrine. Which forth with was answered not of us only, but of an other singularly well learned man, which was there present, that it is written, their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moreover we said, it was new & strange that Xantus would have the traditions more certain than the scripture, for that by reason of many interpretations, may be uncertain. For, what foundation shall our faith have, if we doubt of it? neither is it therefore incertain because many times men misapply it, mangle it, & abuse it. For the truth abides always one, which though it be sometimes darkened, yet continueth her force even to the last. Neither, because heretics abuse it, ought we therefore, the less to fly to it. What wrong he doth us, in comparing of Anabaptists & other devilish sects, our writings well testify. They admit only some part of the Scriptures. We accept & allow the whole: they credit new revelations. We say that such things are out of place, sith Christ hath manifested all things fully unto us. As to the place of Tertullian, whereof ●…antus warned Beza, twice or thrice to read it: I (quoth Beza) have read it more than xx. times, & am so well assured, that you shall find it as I say, as I perfectly know, that you shall never find in Chrisostom, that which you in his name have falsely alleged: But do not deny, that Tertullian did many times pass his bonds. Nevertheless, if we consider towhat end he spoke it, you shall perceive, how lightly, this which you think to make so much with you, shallbe answered. For this was his purpose, that we should not in vain reason with heretics. As Paul counseleth us, after the first or second admonition to leave them. But what manner of heretics were those? Such as beig convicted of their heresy by the word of god, tryfled in vain. What were the traditions, which he laid against them? Such as are contained in the writings of the Apostles, and pertain to the chief articles of our faith, and which the whole church professed. first therefore, we should have been convicted by the same word, that if we be in any error, we might thereby be withdrawn from it. But to be confuted by tradition which is neither Apostolical, nor yet grounded on their writings, that truly is as much, as to open the gate to all deceit and utterly to overturn the certainty of our faith. But why doth Tertullian himself upbraid the heretics? saying: Let them believe the scriptures, if they can do it belevig against the scriptures: except we ought to fly to them, and by them confute all errors? If these rites which at this day our adversaries have brought in, were Apostolic, the church would always have used them. Neither should they have had so late beginning. Now, forasmuch as the authors of them are well known, & described in histories, certainly, it cannot be said, that they came first from the Apostles. Falsely also is the name of traditions refrained to those things, which are delivered from hand to hand, in as much as this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is referred, even to those things that are written. Tertullian refuteth those that taught, that the apostles had not sufficiently instructed us in all things, that they might leave a place for new traditions, as things revealed by the holy ghost. They are want to say (quoth he) that the apostles knew all, but nevertheless, put not all in writing. In both points blaming christ, as though he had either insufficiently instructed his apostles, or else had choose such simple men, as were not able to utter their minds in writing. For what sober man would believe that the apostles were ignorant in any thing whom the lord appointed as masters▪ etc. To the Apostles therefore we must fly, whom christ sent to preach. But how shall we be assured of their doctrine, but by their writings? Was not unction given unto them, for this cause? that they might deliver and write unto us, all things necessary for our salvation, not to leave us doubting, or uncertain. And hereby is, that place of Chrisostom easily discussed, which was erst alleged, where he saith, that Christ left nothing in writing to his apostles. Would he therefore, that they should write nothing? No sure. But therefore he taught them, therefore he revealed it unto them by his spirit, that the same doctrine once written might remain for ever. But they taught som●…things which are not contained in their writings. Neither that truly do we deny. But we say, that there is nothing pertaining to our salvation. Which they have not left in writing, other things which concern rites, & civil dyscypline, they might easily teach by word of mouth. But because thesame change, according to time & place, they would not bu●… then our consciences therewith. As to the objection of the names of unbegotten, consubstantiality, trinity, baptism of children, although the plain names & words be not in the scriptures, yet the things themselves, that is to wit, the sense and ground. Whereof the names are gathered, is plainly expressed and showed in the scripture. These things were long debated, and sometimes the talk interrupted, Xantus spoke much, and affirmed a great while, that the virginity of Mary after her deliverance, could not be proved by the scriptures. Neither yet that young children ought to be baptized. Nevertheless, both were proved by the authority of the scripture. But he ceased not to babble after the manner of the Sorbonistes, as though he should win the victory, with trifling and talking. His talk little liked so honourable anaudience, as it, that was full of bitterness, sharpness and stomach. Our men in the mean tune, modestly stayed themselves. And albeit many of our adversaries spoke at once confusedly, yet we counted it better to for bear than to be counted like to such trouble some talkers. At this alteration the cardinal stepped in, and as though this question had been sufficiently debated, made an end thereof. Or rather, when he could no longer bear, the proud & insolent talk of Xantus he broke of his talk. Hereof, nevertheless the Sorhonists, as if the matter had been concluded, or sentence given on their side, with vain arrogance, pe●…waded themselves that they had won the victory. Neither is it any marvel, for neither could we answer many of their reasons, which they spoke all at once, so that we could not understand then neither would we interrupt the Cardinal in his talk. But he, taking on him the part of a judge did closely conclude, that whatsoever is written, aught to be referred to the authority of the charch: & that her traditions were in all points to be observed. Afterwards, he turned his talk to the lords supper, affirming & protesting that he would go no farther, till we agreed of that article. For this (said he) is the controversy that troubles most men. And said further, that we had necessarily compelled him to talk thereof. For that in our first meeting, we had plainly fhewed our mind thereof, which now filled all France with divers & dangerous rumour, and farther was imprinted, and set abroad. He objected unto us, the confession of Awgspurge, & asked, whether we would subscribe there to. We asked again, whether they would be content to allow it in all points, than they began to trifle.  
Furthermore, they objected other opinions of certain ministers of the Germans, which they said were sent unto them neither were they ashamed, to desire & entreat us, to subscribe unto them. But that was done for a policy, to th'intent, that if we denied so to do, he might set us at strife with the Germans, and make us to be hated of them. And if we did agree, than they as conquerors should triumph over us: and make a common jest of us, as of light and undiscrete people, and so condemn our opinion. To avoid this doubt, we answered that we came thither, to defend the confession of our faith and had no other commandment or authority of our churches▪ Therefore we required that we might follow the order of our confession: and that every article, might be severally and distinctly weighed, so that it might plainly appear, wherein we agree, and wherein we disagree. For both the order of nature, and also the way to concord requireth, that those things, which be plainest and easiest, should first be handled▪ Furthermore, forasmuch as the sacraments depend upon the doctrine: It is most necessary, first to reason of it. With all this we nothing prevailed. For the Cardinal continued in his purpose. We saw also that he attempted this, that we with inequal hand, might depart the confer, that thesame might seem to be broken of, by our stubborness. Which we thought good by all means to prevent. Therefore, we desired to have their writing to the which they would have us subscribe, that we might deliberate thereof. There with all they brought forth a copy of the article of the lords supper, taken (as they said) out of the confession, of Awgspurge. But differing neverthe less: much therefrom, as it may well appear by the reading thereof. For this it was, with a steadfast faith we confess, that in the most reverend sacrament of the lords body and blood, truly, really, and sacramentally, the true body & blood of Christ is offered, to the communicantes, and received by them. Herto they added, the confession of certain ministers of Wittenberg, set forth 〈…〉 the year of our of our lord god. 1559. So we departed for that day, and the matter was deferred till the morrow. Wherefore when we perceived, that by this request they minded, to drive us to this inconuentence, that either we should deny our own confession, or else break of the conference, returning at the last, and calling on the name of god we determined rather to take the most unequal and bniust conditions that could be offered, than to give any occasion, whereby it might seem, that we fled the conference. Therefore, the next day we prepared ourselves to answer, waiting always, when we should be commanded to come, when it was signified to us from the Queen, that the same was deferred for two days. In the mean time, divers tales were spread of us, as that we were overcome, and could not prove our ministry lawfully, and our adversaries rejoiced as conquerors, as though our hearts fainted, to be short, they criumphed afore the victory But this their mirth continued not long. For two days after, at our return we brought forth an answer, more at large, & more perfect, to those things which afore were over passed, & used such means as we could, to avoid the policy of our adversaries. It Beza rehearsed in wrytig. The effect of it was this: That we greatly marveled, that whereas of late we had so abundantly showed, what is the church, what be her marks & how great her authority, that any reasonable man might be satisfied therewith. Yet never the less, nothing was said against it, but only demanded of us, by what power we do administer the word of GOD & sacraments. And yet nothing overpassed that might make our cause odious & hateful. For to what purpose it was spoken we could not as yet well perceive because we came not thither to administer the word or sacraments. But if an account shallbe demanded of us of those things which her tofore we have done, they must understand, the amongs us, there are two sorts of ministers. One of those that teach in foreign countries, in the which their calling is allowed. And of those it cannot justly be demanded here, wherefore they be ministers. Another sort is of them which teach the gospel in this realm: whom we thought not to be sent for hither, to give an account of their callig, but only to confer & dispute of doctrine. Otherwise they might seem to be sent for to plead their cause, as for some crime. Which we cannot think that the Queen or nobles in any wise minded. And if the same be required, under the colour of conference & reasoning, it is very far from the means of concord, & reconcilement. For we cannot enter into such questions & demands, with out the great offence of the bishops, & other the Lords of spirituality. But none of us all at any time minded it, but purposed only to prosecute this holy purpose. I pray you if two parties agree to confer, & afterwards the one demand of the other. By what nower do you this? must it not needs ensue, that by such questions they shall fall at bariance. As for example, setting a part the bishops, and other the spirituality of this realm, whom we are loath to offend, let us admit that some strange bishop inquireth of us, by what authority, we minister the word and Sacraments? And we again ask of him, by whom he was chosen and institute? Whether by the voices of the elders of his church, whether he were desired of the people, whether there were any inquisition made of his life & doctrine? He would soon say yea. But he would soon be proved alter. Whereof we desire no other witness, than their own consciece which hear us, & know that whole matter perfectly. If he would obsect against us, that we are no ministers, because we want the laying on of hands: we would reply again, that he is no bishop, because in institutions of him, those things were not observed, which are appointed, for the chief & substantial poyutes, by the law of god. And when our talk were more, whether perhaps we would go farther, and say in this sort. You boast of the laying on of hands, which whosoever lacketh, you think no perfect minister: what if you want the two other points which are the chiefest? Namely, inquisition of life & learning, & the election of the elders of your church? may ye not then, much less than we, brag of the name of a pastor? It was decreed by the council of Chalcedon, that the ordynation of the bishop, or priest, should be frustrate, & of no force, which is not specially appointed to some one church. And forasmuch as they would have it doyde to the injury of him that ordaineth it, much more may we object the same, against the bishop, that thus reasoneth with us, inasmuch he is destitute of the two chiefest conditions, prescribed by the apostle. 
i Tim. iii a. Titus. i  Another thing also, may be added hereto, which we speak unwilling, nevertheless we are enforced thereto, the every man may perceive, that this disputation of our vocation may not be touched with out great peril. If we should ask of that same bishop, who laid their hands on him, or whether he bought it not with money, what would he answer? He would deny that he bought it, and he would say that those bishops laid hands on him which had authority thereto of the church. Again, if we should inquire how much his authority cost him, he would say he bought it not, but yet he would confess, that he gave some thousands of crowns. As though he should say, I bought not the bread, but the corn, where with the bread was made. This reasoning, if it should be parted by the authority of the counsels & canons of the churches, would shame a great many bishops & pastors.  
And sure we would not enter therein, lest any man should be offended thereby. Neither will we yet touch it, or sek●… to revenge ourselves, only we mind to show, that we did of late purposely answer shortly & briefly, to those things, that were laid against us, for that we would have all gently and mildly handled. But as for the Lords supper, we spoke more sparely thereof, bearing with the infirmitte of some, which not accustomed to that doctrine, are wont to be offended, assoon as they hear any thing, that is strange, or unwonted to them. And truly, we had rather, that they themselves should learn the same, out of the ancient writings of the Doctors of the church, th●… by us, which we hoped should have come to pass, if my lord Cardinal had kept his promiss. For he promised openly, to instruct us chief in this article of the lords supper, out of their writings which wrote thereof, with in .v. C. years after Christ: so that we would now agree to receive the light, if it appeared, that the same was hitherto hidden from us. To satisfy this our expectation, or rather the expectation of an infinite number of men, he separated this article, from others very necessary, & gave it to us alone. And required us to subscribe to it: saying that otherwise the conference would be broken of, if we should plead our cause in prison, you would scarce use such talk towards us, as to say subscribe hereto, or else we condemn you. Certainly, this is no part of your charge. For that office, which ye now profess, requireth that if we walk in error, you should reduce us, being once convict thereof, into the way and exhort us with wholesome doctrine. And chief those, which offer themselves to yield an account of their faith, (by the scriptures.) And truly, if this kind of condemnation be strange, certainly much more strange is the way and means, whereby you proceed to thesame. We came together here chiefly for ii causes. First, to render an account to god, to you, & to the whole world of our faith. Not to travel for gods cause, the kings, & the whole kingdom, & to find some way and means, whereby the troubles late stirred in religion may be appeased. Now if we be rejected, or dysmissed, without leave or liberty to dispute whatsoever shallbe done unto us, shall be declared to all Christendom: & the old tumults shallbe nothing appeased, as they know right well, which go about to prevent it. If the matter did only belong to us that are here present, truly at your pleasure, & with out peril, as far (as man may judge) you might daily with us. But you must consider that we stand here, in the name of all those, that profess the gospel, not only in this realm, but even in Swicerland, Poole, Germany, England and Scotland, which all look for some certain & happy end of this assembly. What may they think, when in stead of disputation & conference, which was promised us, they shall understand that the tenth part of one article was offered to us, with this addition? Subscribe to this, or else go no further. And if we do subscribe what shall you be the better? They that sent us, will desire to know whether we were compelled thereto by force, or else convict, by good & sure argument. So what else shall happen of this order, which you now begin to take, than great offence and grudge? we beseech the Queen therefore, that she will not suffer this holy purpose, to be broken of, but command that certain learned meet men, be chosen out, that will willingly confers with us. Nevertheless, lest we should seem to answer nothing, to those things, that have been objected against us, whatsoever M. Spensa gave us written, out of Caluins' book, we receive & allow. But as to the article, which my Lord Cardinal offered us, take or rather gelded out of the confession of Awgspurge: we say, there are many things therein to be considered. First, that the whole confession should have been offered unto us. For it is against reason, to proffer us one article without the rest. Then we would know whether of their own heads privately (which we are loath to think, nevertheless we would gladly know the truth thereof) or else in the name of all the Lords, they offer us the confusion of Augspurge: that all doubts taken away, we may more freely confer. For so it would come to pass, the thanks should generally be given to god, for y● my L. Cardinal, & the rest of the lords, reject transubstantiation, which now, by the common consent of all churches, aswell in Germany, as in other realms is condemned. If we be required to subscribe to any writing, it is meet also, that the Cardinal of Lorraine, in the name of all his, should subscribe the same also. That the churches by whom we were sent, may perceive, that we met not altogether unprofitably about these matters. If my Lord Cardinal, will constantly persever in that mind, that he will admit the whole confession of the Germans, we hope that we shall come nigher, and at the last to that point, that we shall easily satisfy you: And show a ready way to peace and concord. In the mean time, we affirm, that Christ is present in the use of his Supper, and there doth after, give, and exhibit unto us, his body and blood, by the power and operation of the holy ghost. And if we do receive, eat & drink spiritually and by faith, the self same body that died for us, and the self same blood, that was shed for our salvation. That we may be bones of his bones, and flesh of his flesh. And that we may be quickened thereby, and receive, whatsoever is necessary to our salvation. We desired also of the Queen, if this satisfied her not, because it is hard, to entreat of so great a mystery with few words, that we might speak thereof, in more large and ample sort. And that we were ready, to do it, whensoever the Cardinal of Lorraine, would show his authorities out of the old doctors. Moreover, we earnestly desired, that there might be some equal, and tolerable order of conference or disputation, taken, such as we desired, even from the beginning. And we protest that thereby it should appear to all men, that we came not thither, to stir contention, but rather, to find means of concord, in sound doctrive. For we desired nothing else, but that those things restored to the lords Supper, which were taken from it, and taking away those things that were il added, it might be restored to the old perfection. Which to compass, we decreed not to spare our lives, but in so good a cause, to yield and render our lives and hearts, to God, the king, the nobles, and the common quietness, as well of this realm, as of all Christendom. With this oration our adversaries were greatly amazed, but chief, with the first part thereof, whereby they saw the glory of their succession and callig stained. For they could have heard nothing, more grievous or unwelcome to them. Therefore the Cardinal fretting, & much disquieted, said: we were now come to a good point, that we were not content to invade the dignine of Priests. But we must also touch the kings majesty. For he privyly wrought to bring us in hate, as though we had accused the king, for taking away the elections of Bishops & Abbates, as though the fault were in the king that none of them were chosen, but as for themselves, they said, they were ordained and instituted, by the king, to whom the people had given all their right and power therein. Wherefore, if we would disprove that, we must speak to the king, to whom it belonged, to maintain his laws and ordinances. And that we were ignorant how they were ordained, when all the people were came together by the knolling of bells, and therefore guessed, of things that we knew not.  
To conclude all his talk was full of taunts, whereby he thought to kindle the Queen's wrath towards us, as though, we accused the king of Tyranny. But that slander was easily avoided. For it was forthwith showed, that thereby is the confusion, of the true ecclesiastical order and state, made much more manifest. For that kings were fame to set to their hands, to reform that horrible disorder, which ambition, envy, contention and such like, had longtyme bred amongs the Canonical Priests, Monks, and all the rest of the ecclesiastical order. And could by no other means remedy that sore, than by taking from them the liberty of choice which so long time, they had shamefully, and beastly abused. And as to their common form of ordaining Bishops, and pastors, it is right well known, what a jest it is, and therefore we will waste no time in speaking of it. For we entered not into that matter, to handle it at large, but only to show that our ministry, which in this ruin, and so great confusion, of the church, the Lord hath raised, is lawful, and unworthily mocked at. You yourselves began first to talk thereof, (quoth the Cardinal) you first invaded our flock. We came not into your garrisons, but you into ours, Neither would I wish you should think yourselves as good as we, nor talk as ye would to your fellows. Our estate is somewhat higher than yours. When we saw him speak cruelly in this sort, we thought good to provoke him no longer, lest we might seem ourselves to have hindered the disputation. Then he began again to be earnest on us, to know some reason why we would not subscribe to the confession of Augspurge. We answered him again, that it was unreasonable, to require that of us, which do not allow it in all points. But, if they themselves would first subscribe, it would be the easier way to reconcile us to them. And that we know not, whether he of his own head, or else by the consent of all the rest, did put in that bill, which he would have subscribed. I (quoth the Cardinal) am sworn to no man. And therefore, will I neither subscribe to the confession of Awgspurge, neither yet to you.  
And yet I will be ready to subscribe both to them and you, if you think truly. And that I offer nothing to you of mine own head, these my brethren that be present, can witness. Which when he said he turned his body, towards the rest of the Cardinals and Bishops. Which neither granted to his saying by word or gesture, nor greatly withstood it. Therefore, for asmuch as they would not subscribe, we said, they could not require it of us. This done and appeased, the Cardinal entered into talk of the Lords Supper, and set his common doctors to us. Master Spensa, began to urge the presence of the body of Christ in his Supper, so that he enclosed the body within the bread. And said, it could no otherwise be imagined, but the body must needs be joined with the bread, and reproved us, as though we swerved from our master calvin, whose book he had alleged. We said, we differred from him in nothing, and that we were ready to subscribe to all the contents of that book. Then he urged the name of substance which calvin ●…seth. We answered, that we wonted ●…o use that term, least men should think, that we fain either some new or ymaginary body, or some fantastical receiving thereof, but nevertheless, that we are no otherwise made partakers, of the body, than by saith, and power of the holy ghost. Hereto the right reverend master Peter Marti●…, added many things, and according to his singular learning, besides many other things, which pertain to the order of the church he handled this question also, shortly, plainly, and eloquently. He answered also divers things which both the Cardinal, and Spensa had objected in their orations in the first meeting, and chief those things, which concern the authority, and amendment of counsels. Which so pricked the Cardinal, that he would no more reply unto him. And whiles he was handling and declaring divers matters more plainly, because he spoke somewhat after the Italiam manner, the Cardinal rose, and said in a great chafe, that he would talk with his own country men. And yet marti●… spoke so plainly & distinctly, that not only that Cardinal being skilful in the Italiam tongue, but also every ignorant man, might well perceive him. Spensa somewhat talked to him, herefore commending him above the rest, that no man this day lived, that had written more largely or copiously of this question than he. Afore Spensa was answered: a spaniard, one of those, that call themselves jeswites, desired that he might have leave to speak. His talk was sharp, & bitter and nothing pleased the audience. He assayed to turn all men's minds. From hearing this cause, as it which was already sufficiently known. The suttel●…ies and crafts where with heretics are wont to creep into men's hearts, he applied to us. Calling us foxes, and dogs. And at the last concluded that we ought to be rejected, and referred, to the counsel of Trent, which the Pope of Rome had proclaimed, saying that we should have free coming thither, and the Pope's safeconduyte, that there the controversies of faith & religion ought to be judged, of the which, women, soldiers or other not exercised in divine matters, were not meet to be judges. Thus as it were, persuading the Queen, he willed her to send us to Trent. Hitherto his talk, although it favoured bitter hate, and malice, yet to some seemed grave and severe. But at the last, he played the fool so kindly, as if it had been in a stage. For when he entreated of the Lords Supper, & promised by a plain similitude to prove the presence therein, he said it was even like, as if any Prince, when he hath achieved victory on his enemies, to celebrate the remembrance thereof, would institute yearly plays, whereby both his war, and victory might be represented to all men's eyes. And if any man in those plays should represent the person of the Prince, That would so much the more move the minds of the beholders, to remember it, but if the king himself would be present, & show himself there, then the same would be most noble and excellent. Even so said he, that Christ himself, when he instituted the remembrance of his passion would also be present, and in the same. About the end of his oration he assayed to inflame the Queen against us, and made many mournful complaints feigning himself to weep, after the manner of those jesters, which are commonly apt to counterfeit any gesture. Hereto Beza answered, that the Spaniard talked, as though we were already convict of heresy. But for asmuchas no man hitherto, hath showed us our error, he might have done much better, if he had reserved, the scoffs which he bestowed on us, to himself and his fellows. Because we can not see how they touch us. And as to his council, that that Queen's majesty was not so bare of counsel, that she needed it. But that she and her council saw well enough, what is best to be done, and by what means, they may provide for common quietness. But that which he said of the Lords supper, that he made nothing else of, than a play of the history of Christ (because it was to blasphemous & beastly) being overpassed, he turned toward master Spensa. He urged the plain words of the Lord. This is my body, and the consent of the evangelists, which nothing differ therein. We answered that the same Evangelists said, this is my blood of the new testament. And an other. This cup is the new Testament, in my blood. Which without a figure can not be understanded. And hereby it appeareth, that it is a Sacramental manner of speech. Which Austin teacheth most plainly in his xxiii Epistle to Boniface. If the Sacraments (quoth he) had not a certain likeness, of those things, whereof they are Sacraments, they were no Sacraments at al. Of this likeness most commonly, they take the names of those things, whereof they are Sacraments. Like as therefore, after a certain manner, the Sacrament of the body of Christ is the body of Christ, and the Sacrament of the blood of Christ, is the blood of christ, so is also the Sacrament of faith, faith itself. But Spensa said that y● letted not, but that we ought simply, & without figure to credit the words of the Lord. We said: that a Sacramental manner of speech, could not be without figure. But if there be a figure in our Sacraments (quoth Spensa) they shall not then much differ, from the Sacraments of the old Testament, which are altogether figuratine. And we say, that they were a figure and shadow of that truth, which was fulfilled to us in Christ. Otherwise, we must needs confess, that they were figures of a figure. Which is most unreasonable, we denied that consequence, because the figures, appointed by God in the old Testament, are referred to the truth itself, whereof the fathers were partakers, but a far of, before the coming of Christ. But we are nigh at hand. After he was offered for us. Neither do we say that we are as yet under figures, but that we need yet, as long as we live in this body, visible signs and Sacraments, and in them we say there are figurative or Sacramental manners of speech, which nevertheless proveth not, but that we have the truth, notwithstanding, these signs. To conclude we agree with bernard saying. 
Bernard. sermone xxxiii super ●antica,  The truth is set before me: but in a Sacrament. The Angel is fed with the meal of the corn, or the perfect grain. But I must be content, with the bark of the Sacraments, with the brawn of his flesh, with the chaff of the letter, and the cloak of faith.  
But sure, howsoever these be tempered and swetened, with the aboundasice of spirit and faith, certainly the bark of the Sacrament, and the fine bolted meal of the corn, faith and hope, remembrance, and presence, eternity & present time, the countenance & the glass, the image of God, and the form of a servant, are not like pleasant in cast. Whereby it is well proved, that we truly are made partakers of the truth, but do not yet fully enjoy the same, because our weakness requireth the Sacrament, the bark and the cloak. After this communication with Spensa was ended, there stepped up an other doctor, one of the Sorbonistes, urging again. By a subtle and crafty means as he thought himself the exposition of these the Lords words. This is my body, & when he asked what we thought was meant by this pronoune, (hoc) we answered that bread was meant thereby, and that the body was speaken thereof, so that thereby we might well perceive that the bread is a sign of the body. They on the contrary side: Said that this pronoune. (Hoc) is of the neutre gender, & can not by the rules of Grammar, be referred to the bread, but was induuduum vagum. And only to note the body, as if a man should say. This is oil. This is honey. This is a building. And such like. Therein imitating Durand. Whom Gardyner also an open enemy of the Gospel, and alleged by them, did follow. We showed, that that repugned with the nature of a Sacrament, forasmuch as, if it lack a sign, if it be brought to nothing, or made as nothing, it ceaseth to be a Sacrament. And it is a great marvel that none of the old fathers could see this fiction of induuduum vagum. But this satisfied them not. And therefore repeating the same continually, with great cries, they ceased not after the manner of the Sorbonistes, to babble till night. Yea and one of them, foolishly & impudently threatened Beza. Saying: Oh, I would we had thee within our college. We in the mean time either held our peace, or modestly objected certain arguments, till the noise were whusshed, but because they would needs either win, or seem to win, with trifling or loud crying, we prevailed nothing. Wherefore to be short, we said, that all the ancient fathers made with us, and we would be judged by them. Neither did we departed, till the Cardinal pronused us, to send unto us the authority of Austene, & other ancient fathers, whereby our opinion is condemned. But we could never have them. He meant hereafter to confer by writing, because he saw that by our talk, God opened the ears of many, but chiefly of the nobles. Afterwards the order of our disputation was altered. For there were five chosen to confer with us, and those such as passed all the rest, in learning, wit, and modesty. Monluke the Bishop of Valentyne, Calius Sigensis an other Bishop, the Abbot of Saligne, the Abbot of Botillery, and doctor Spensa. Against those were chosen on our part, doctor Peter Martyr, Theodore Beza. Augustine Harlorate, john Spina. Nicholas Gallasius We agreed of the order, place, time, and secretaryes, which should regyster the questions proposed, and the reasons on either part.  
And then the self same day, which was the last of September, we began to deliberate with what order we should begin the disputation. We wished and desired, that we might orderly prosecute every article of our confession. Which request to be reasonable they themselves confessed, saying that they could not allow that prosperous order, that began at the last, yet because we were already entered into that article, they thought it good to finish it, afore we came to the rest.  
Therefore the next day at our return, we entreated of the presence of the body of Christ in his Supper. The abbot of Saluine, brought forth a place out of an ancient Greek copy of Cirilus a Bishop of jerusalem, whereof there was no long reasoning, because it made much with us. At the last, after much alteration we concluded thus. That in that respect, that faith makes those things present, that are promised, & that same faith, doth most truly receive the body and blood, of our Lord jesus christ, by the virtue of the holy ghost, in that respect, we confess the presence of his body and blood in his holy supper, in the which he offereth, giveth, and exhibyteth, truly the Substauce of his body, and blood, by the operation of his holy Spirit. And we do receive & eat, spiritually and by saith that very body, which died for us, that we may be bones of his bones, & flesh of his flesh, that thereby we may be quickened & receive whatsoever is necessary to our salvation. A copy of this conclusion those that conserred with us, gave to the rest of the bishops and doctors that were at Poyssye. But they allowed it not, wherefore, the next day, another was proposed us, wherein there was somewhat changed. For that which we attribute to faith, it attributed to the word. That when we perceived was done of purpose, that it being left doubtful, every man might interpret the sense thereof at his pleasure, lest any man should thereby be deceived, we would by no means admit for, forasmuch as we came together there, to provide for the quietness of our conscience, we endeavoured, as much as lay in us to withstand all error and doubt. Nevertheless, lest we should seem to stick upon words, we were contented, that they should change the form of the writing, so they altered nothing of the sense. This form therefore that follows they thought better, and promised to move all the bishops to agree there to. We do confess, that Christ in his holy supper, doth truly offer, give, & exhibit, the substance of his body and blood, by the operation of the holy ghost: and that we receive, and eat, sacramentally, spiritually, and by faith, his body that died for us, that we may be bones of his bones, and flesh of his flesh. That there by we may receive life, and whatsoever pertaineth to our salvation. But forasmuch as faith grounded upon the word of god, doth make those things present, which are promised: by this faith we acknowledge, that we truly, and verily, receive the true and natural body of our lord jesus Christ, by the virtue of the holy ghost. In this respect, we confess the presence, of the body & blood, of our lord, & saviour jesus Christ, in his supper.  
All though this form little differed from the other, yet they hoped that it would be better allowed of the lords. And therefore they took it with them, to communicate unto them. We said that we would in like manner, communicate it with our brethren, and reserve ourselves liberty, either to add or expound any thing therein, as we should think good.  
When the Cardinals had seen this form, some of them allowend it very well & rejoiced, as though we were turned to them. And diverse tales were thereupon spread of us. But when it was perused by the doctors as well Sorbonists, as others, they lightly changed their opinion. They added thereto therefore, (as we here say) their opinion, whereby they showed, what they thought wanted in it, or wherefore they thought it was not to be allowed. Also, they made almost a Tragedy, betwixt the bishops, and those which had conferred with us, and had put in the form of this agreement of this article, among them▪ as though they did either agree with us, or mock with them. But because it is no part of my purpose, to writ their contentions. I will willingly leave it. And now I come to the declaration of our opinion, as concerning the presence of the body of Christ in his supper, which we reserved, free to ourselves, lest any doubtfulness, because of the shortness of our first writing, might breed any doubt or error.  
We affirm, that no distance of place may let our conjunction with the body and blood of Christ, because the Lords supper, is a heavenly thing. And although in the earth, we receive with the mouth of our body, the bread & wine, the true Sacraments, & signs, of the body and blood of Christ: yet by faith, & the help of the holy ghost, our minds to whom this food doth chief belong, carried up to heaven, feed on the present body & blood. And in this respect we say also, that the body is joined with the bread, and the blood with the wine. But no other wise than sacramentally, that is to say, not according to place or situation, but because they do effectuously signify, that God giveth it to those that faithfully communicate & they truly receive it by faith.  
Hereby it appeareth in what sort we think, of the presence of the body of Christ, in the Use and Ministration of his Supper. For we admit, neither Transubstantiation nor Consubstantiation. Yea we refuse all manner presence, whereby Christ's body is thought to be in the earth, without quantity: or is affirmed to be any otherwher than in heaven. We use the name of substance to signify, that we meant not our faith, of any feigned body or phantasm, neither of the virtue only of Christ's passion, or his merits only (which nevertheless, we confess to be the spiritual cating of Christ's flesh) but even of the true and natural body of the son of God, which he took of that virgin Mary, and afterwards was crucified, and raised again for us, and now resteth in heaven, till such time as it shall come to judge the quick & the dead.  
And this was the end of the Conference. For they that conferred with us being ill entreated of their fellows, came not again. Neither were any other chosen in their rooms. Neither since that time, did the Bishops signefy any thing unto us, but though we oftentimes desired, that we might go forwards, & handle the rest, that were yet untouched, we could understand nothing of their minds therein, but that they minded to departed, & were desirous to refer all things, to the council of Trent. Therefore, order being taken for the leaviing of a subsidy (whereof perhaps they were more careful, than of any thing else,) & delivering up to the King the articles, whereof they had agreed among themselves, not making any account of us, but leaving us in the court, they all repaired to their homes.  
Finis.   

¶ Imprinted at London in Paul's Churchyard, by Luke Harryson.