AVXILIIO DI VINO SIC PARVIS MAGNA Drake perorati novit quem terminus orbis, Et quem bis mundi utdit uterque Polus; Si taceant homines, facient te Sidera notum, Sol nescit comitis non memor esse sui. THE WORLD Encompassed By Sir FRANCIS DRAKE, Being his next voyage to that to Number de Dios formerly imprinted; Carefully collected out of the notes of Master FRANCIS FLETCHER Preacher in this employment, and diverse others his followers in the same: Offered now at last to public view, both for the honour of the actor, but especially for the stirring up of heroic spirits, to benefit their Country, and eternize their names by like noble attempts. LONDON, Printed for NICHOLAS BOURNE and are to be sold at his shop at the Royal Exchange. 1628. TO THE TRULY NOBLE ROBERT Earl of WARWICK. Right Honourable, FAme and envy are both needless to the dead because unknown, sometimes dangerous to the living when too well known: reason enough that I rather choose to say nothing, then too little, in the praise of the deceased Author, or of your Lordship my desired fautor. Columbus did neatly check his emulators, by rearing an egg without assistance. Let the slighter of this voyage apply. If your Lordship vouchsafe the acceptance, 'tis yours, if the The Epistle Reader can pick out either use or content, 'tis his, and I am pleased. Example being the public, and your Lordship's favour the private aim, of Your humbly devoted, FRANCIS DRAKE. THE VOYAGE ABOUT the world, by Sir FRANCIS DRAKE. EVer since Almighty God commanded Adam to subdue the earth, there have not wanted in all ages, some heroical spirits, which in obedience to that high mandate, either from manifest reason alluring them, or by secret instinct enforcing them thereunto, have expended their wealth, employed their times, and adventured their persons, to find out the true circuit thereof. Of these, some have endeavoured to effect this their purpose, by conclusion and consequence, drawn from the proportion of the higher circles; to this nethermost globe, being the centre of the rest. Others not contented with school points. and such demonstrations (for that a small error in the beginning, groweth in the progress to a great inconvenience) have added thereunto their own history and experience. All of them in reason have deserved great commendation of their own ages, and purchased a just renown with all posterity. For if a surveyor of some few Lordships, whereof the bounds and limits were before known, worthily deserve his reward, not only for his travel, but for his skill also, in measuring the whole and every part thereof: how much more, above comparison, are their famous travels by all means possible to be eternised, who have bestowed their studies and endeavour, to survey and measure this globe almost unmeasurable? Neither is here that difference to be objected, which in private possessions is of value: Whose Land survey you? forasmuch as the main Ocean by right is the Lords alone, and by nature left free, for all men to deal withal, as very sufficient for all men's use, and large enough for all men's industry. And therefore that valiant enterprise, accompanied with happy success, which that right rare and thrice worthy Captain Francis Drake atcheiued, in first turning up a furrow about the whole world, doth not only overmatch the ancient Argonauts, but also outreacheth in many respects, that noble mariner Magellanus and by far surpasseth his crowned victory. But hereof let posterity judge. It shall, for the present, be deemed a sufficient discharge of duty, to register the true and whole history of that his voyage, with as great indifferency of affection as a history doth require, and with the plain evidence of truth, as it was left recorded by some of the chief, and diverse other actors in that action. The said Captain Francis Drake, having in a former voyage, in the years 72. and 73. (the description whereof is already imparted to the view of the world) had a sight, and only a sight of the south Atlantic, and thereupon either conceiving a new, or renewing a former desire, of sailing on the same, in an English bottom; he so cherished thenceforward, this his noble desire and resolution in himself, that notwithstanding he was hindered for some years, partly be secret envy at home, and partly by public service for his Prince and country abroad, (whereof Ireland under Walter Earl of Essex gives honourable testimony) yet, against the year 1577. by gracious commission from his sovereign, and with the help of diverse friends adventurers, he had fitted himself with five ships. 1. The Pelican. admiral. burden 100 tons. Captain general. Francis Drake. 2. The Elizabeth. vice admiral. burden 80. tons. Captain john Winter. 3. The Marigold. a bark of 30. tons. Captain john Thomas. 4. The Swan. a fliboat of 50. tons. Captain john Chester. A New and accurate Map of the World, drawn according to the best and latest discoveries that have been made. 5. The Christopher. a pinnace of 15. tons. Captain. Thomas Moon. These ships he manned with 164. able and sufficient men, and furnished them also with such plentiful provision of all things necessary, as so long and dangerous a voyage did seem to require: and amongst the rest, with certain pinnaces ready framed, but carried aboard in pieces, to be new set up in smother water, when occasion served. Neither had he omitted, to make provision also for ornament and delight, carrying to this purpose with him, expert musicians, rich furniture (all the vessels for his table, yea many belonging even to the Cooke-roome being of pure silver) and diverse shows of all sorts of curious workmanship, whereby the civility and magnificence of his native country, might, amongst all nations whithersoever he should come, be the more admired. Nou. 15 Being thus appointed we set sail out of the sound of Plymouth, about 5. of the clock in the afternoon November 15. of the same year, Nou. 16 and running all that night Southwest, by the morning were come as far as the Lizard, where meeting the wind at Southwest (quite contrary to our intended course) we were forced, with our whole fleet to put in to Falmouth. Nou. 17. 18. The next day, towards evening, there arose a storm, continuing all that night, and the day following (especially between 10. of the clock in the forenoon, and 5. in the after noon) with such violence, that though it were in a verygood harbour, yet 2. of our ships viz. the admiral (wherein our general himself went) and the Marigold, were fain to cut their main masts by board, and for the repairing of them, and many other damages in the tempest sustained (as soon as the weather would give leave) to bear back to Plymouth again, where we all arrived the 13. day after our first departure thence. Nou. 28 Whence (having in few days supplied all defects) with happier sails we, once more put to sea Decem. 13. 1577. December. 13 As soon as we were out of sight of land, our general gave us occasion to conjecture in part, whither he intended, both by the directing of his course, and appointing the Rendezvous (if any should be severed from the fleet) to be the Island Mogadore. And so sailing with favourable winds, the first land that we had sight of, was Cape Cantine in Barbary December 25. Christmas day in the morning. Dec. 25 The shore is fair white sand, and the inland country very high and mountainous, it lieth in 32. deg. 30. mi. north latitude, and so coasting from hence southward, about 18. leagues, we arrived the same day at Mogadore the Island before named. This Mogadore, lies under the dominion of the king of Fez in 31. deg. 40. mi. about a mile off from the shore, by this means making a good harbour between the land and it. It is uninhabited, of about a league in circuit, not very high land, all overgrown with a kind of shrub breast high, not much unlike our privet, very full of Doves and therefore much frequented of goshawks, and such like birds of prey, besides diverse sorts of sea-foule very plenty. At the south side of this Island are three hollow rocks, under which are great store of very wholesome but very ugly fish to look to. Lying here about a mile from the main, a boat was sent to sound the harbour, and finding it safe, and in the very entrance on the north side about 5. or 6. fathom water (but at the souther side it is very dangerous) we brought in our whole fleet December 27. and continued there till the last day of the same month, employing our leisure, the mean while, Decemb. in setting up a pinnace, one of the 4. brought from home in pieces with us. Our abode here was soon perceived by the inhabitants of the country, who coming to the shore, by signs and cries made show, that they desired to be fetched aboard, to whom our general sent a boat, into which 2. of the chiefest of the Moors were presently received, and one man of ours, in exchange, left a land, as a pledge for their return. They that came aboard were right courteously entertained, with a dainty banquet, and such gifts as they seemed to be most glad of, that they might thereby understand, that this fleet came in peace and friendship, offering to traffic with them, for such commodities as their country yielded, to their own content. This offer they seemed most gladly to accept, and promised, the next day, to resort again, with such things as they had to exchange for ours. It is a law amongst them to drink no wine, notwithstanding by stealth it pleaseth them well to have it abundantly, as here was experience. At their return ashore, they quietly restored the pledge which they had stayed, and the next day, at the hour appointed, returning again, brought with them Camels, in show loaden with wares to be exchanged for our commodities, and calling for a boat in haste, had one sent them, according to order, which our general (being at this present absent) had given before his departure to the Island. Our boat coming to the place of landing (which was among the rocks) one of our men called john Fry, mistrusting no danger, nor fearing any harm pretended by them, and therefore intending to become a pledge, according to the order used the day before, readily stepped out of the boat and ran a land, which opportunity (being that which the Moors did look for) they took the advantage of, and not only they which were in sight, laid hands on him to carry him away with them, but a number more, which lay secretly hidden, did forth with break forth from behind the rocks, whither they had conveyed themselves (as it seemeth the night before) forcing our men to leave the rescuing of him that was taken as captive, and with speed to shift for themselves. The cause of this violence, was a desire which the king of Fez had, to understand what this fleet was, whether any forerunner of the kings of Portugal or no, and what news of certainty the fleet might give him. And therefore after that he was brought to the king's presence, and had reported that they were Englishmen, bound for the straits, under the conduct of general Drake, he was sent back again with a present to his Captain and offer of great courtesy and friendship, if he would use his country But in this mean time, the general being grieved with this show of injury, and intending, if he might, to recover or redeem his man, his pinnace being ready, landed his company, and marched somewhat into the country, without any resistance made against him: neither would the Moors, by any means come nigh our men, to deal with them any way; wherefore having made provision of wood, as also visited an old for't, built sometime by the king of Portugal, but now ruined by the king of Fez, we departed December 31. Dec. 31 towards Cape Blank, in such sort, that when Fry returned, he found to his great grief, that the fleet was gone: but yet, by the king's favour, he was sent home into England not long after, in an English Merchants ship. Shortly after our putting forth of this harbour, we were met with contrary winds and foul weather, which continued till the fourth of january: yet we still held on our course, and the third day after, jan. 7 fell with cape De Guerre in 30. deg. min. where we lighted on 3. Spanish fishermen called Caunters, whom we took with our new pinnace, and carried along with us, till we came to Rio Del Oro, jan. 13 just under the Tropic of Cancer: where with our pinnace also we took a carvel. From hence, till the fifteenth day, jan. 15 we failed on towards cape Barbas, where the Marigold took a carvel more, and so onward to cape Blank till the next day at night. jan. 16 This cape lieth in 20. deg. 30. min. showing itself upright like the corner of a wall, to them that come towards it from the North, having, between it and cape Barbas, low, sandy, and very white land all the way. Here we observed the south Guards, called the Crosiers 9 deg. 30. min. above the horizon. Within the cape, we took one spanish ship more riding at anchor (all her men being fled ashore in the boat save two) which, withal the rest we had formerly taken, we carried into the harbour, 3. leagues within the cape. Here our general determined, for certain days to make his abode, both for that the place afforded plenty of fresh victuals, for the present refreshing of our men, and for their future supply at sea (by reason of the infinite store of diverse sorts of good fish, which are there easy to be taken, even within the harbour, the like whereof, is hardly to be found again, in any part of the world) as also, because it served very fitly, for the dispatching of some other businesses that we had. During the time of our abode in this place, our general being ashore was visited by certain of the people of the country, who brought down with them a woman a Moor (with her little babe hanging upon her dry dug, having scarce life in herself, much less milk to nourish her child) to be sold as a horse, or a cow and calf by her side, in which sort of merchandise our general would not deal. But they had also Ambergris, with certain gums of some estimation, which they brought to exchange with our men for water (whereof they have great want) so that coming with their Allforges (they are leathern bags holding liquor) to buy water, they cared not at what price they bought it, so they might have to quench their thirst. A very heavy judgement of God upon that coast! The circumstances whereof considered, our general would receive nothing of them for water, but freely gave it them that came to him, yea and fed them also ordinarily with our victuals, in eating whereof, their manner was not only uncivil, and unsightly to us, but even inhuman and loathsome in itself. And having washed and trimmed our ships, and discharged all our spanish prizes, excepting one Caunter (for which we gave to the owner one of our own ships viz. the Christopher) and one carvel formerly bound to Saint jago, which we caused to acompanie us hither, where she also was discharged: jan. 22 after 6. days abode here, we departed, directing our course for the Lands of cape Verde, where (if any where) we were of necessity to store our fleet with fresh water, for a long time, for that our general intended from thence to run a long course (even to the coast of Brasill) without touch of land. And now, having the wind constant at North East & East North East, which is usual about those parts, because it bloweth almost continually from the shore. january the 27. we coasted Bonavista, and the next day after, we came to anchor under the Wester part (towards Saint jago) of the Island Maio, jan. 28 it lieth in 15. deg. oo. high land, saving that the Northwest part stretcheth out into the sea, the space of a league very low, and is inhabited by subjects to the king of Portugal. jan. 29 Here landing, in hope of traffic with the inhabitants for water, we found a Town, not far from the waters side, of a great number of desolate and ruinous houses, with a poor naked Chapel or Oratory, such as small cost and charge might serve and suffice, being to small purpose, and as it seemeth only to make a show, and that a false show, contrary to the nature of a scarecrow, which feareth birds from coming nigh; this enticeth such as pass by to hale in, and look for commodity, which is not at all to be found there; though in the inner parts of the Island it be in great abundance. For when we found the springs and wells which had been there (as appeared) stopped up again, and no other water, to purpose, to be had to serve our need, we marched up to seek some more convenient place to supply our want, or at least to see whether the people would be dealt withal, to help us therein. In this travelling, we found the soil to be very fruitful, having every where plenty of figgetrees, with fruit upon most of them. But in the valleys and low ground, where little low cottages were built, were pleasant vineyards planted, bearing then, ripe and most pleasant grapes. There were also tall trees, without any branch till the top, which bore the Coco nuts. There were also great store of certain lower trees, with long and broad leaves, bearing the fruit which they call Plantanes, in clusters together like puddings, a most dainty and wholesome fruit. All of these trees were even laden with fruit, some ready to be eaten, others coming forward, others over-ripe. Neither can this seem strange, though about the midst of Winter with us, for that the Sun doth never withdraw himself farther off from them, but that with his lively heat he quickeneth and strengtheneth the power of the soil and plant; neither ever have they any such frost and cold, as thereby to lose their green hue and appearance. We found very good water in divers places, but so far off from the road, that we could not with any reasonable pains enjoy it. The people would by no means be induced to have any conference with us, but keeping in the most sweet and fruitful valleys among the hills, where their towns and places of dwelling were, gave us leave without interruption to take our pleasure in suruewing the Island, as they had some reason, not to endanger themselves, where they saw they could reap nothing sooner than damage and shame, if they should have offered violence to them which came in peace to do them no wrong at all. This Island yieldeth other great commodities, as wonderful herds of goats, infinite store of wild hens, and salt without labour (only the gathering it together excepted) which continually in a marvelous quantity is increased upon the sands by the flowing of the sea, and the heat of the Sun kerning the same. So that of the increase thereof they keep a continual traffic with their neighbours in the other adjacent Lands. jan. 30 We set sail thence the 30. day. Being departed from Maio, jan. 31 the next day we passed by the Island of Saint jago, ten leagues West of Maio in the same latitude, inhabited by the Portugals and Moors together. The cause whereof is said to have been in the Portugals themselves, who (continuing long time Lords within themselves, in the said Island) used that extreme and unreasonable cruelty over their slaves, that (their bondage being intolerable) they were forced to seek some means to help themselves, and to lighten that so heavy a burden; and thereupon chose to fly into the most mountany parts of the Island: and at last, by continual escapes, increasing to a great number, and growing to a set strength, do now live, with that terror to their oppressors, that they now endure no less bondage in mind then the Forcatos did before in body: besides the damage that they daily suffer at their hands in their goods and cattle, together with the abridging of their liberties in the use of divers parts of the fruitful soil of the said Island: which is very large, marvelous fruitful (a refuge for all such ships as are bound towards Brasill, Ginny, the East Indies, Binny, Calcutta. etc.) and a place of rare force, if it were not for the cause afore-recited, which hath much abated the pride, and cooled the courage of that people, who (under pretence of traffic and friendship) at first making an entrance ceased not, practising upon the poor Islanders (the ancient remainder of the first planters thereof, as it may seem from the coast of Guinea) until they had excluded them from all government and liberty, yea almost life. On the South-west of this Island, we took a Portugal laden the best part with wine, and much good cloth, both linen and woollen, besides other necessaries, bound for Brasill, with many gentlemen and Merchants in her. As we passed by with our fleet, in sight of 3. of their towns, they seemed very joyful that we touched not with their coast; and seeing us depart peaceably, in honour of our fleet and General, or rather to signify that they were provided for an assault, shot off two great pieces into the sea, which were answered by one given them again from us. South west from Saint jago in 14. deg. 30. min. about twelve leagues distant, yet, by reason of the height seeming not above three leagues lieth another Island, called of the Portugals Fogo, viz. the burning Island, or fiery furnace, in which riseth a steep upright hill, by conjecture at least six leagues, or eighteen English miles from the upper part of the water: within the bowels whereof, is a consuming fire, maintained by sulphury matter, seeming to be of a marvelous depth, and also very wide. The fire showeth itself but four times in an hour, at which times it breaketh our with such violence and force, and in such main abundance, that besides that it giveth light like the Moon a great way off, it seemeth, that it would not stay till it touch the heavens themselves. Herein are engendered great store of pumice stones, which being in the vehement heat of the fire carried up without the mouth of that fiery body, fall down, with other gross and slimy matter upon the hill, to the continual increasing of the same. And many times these stones falling down into the sea are taken up and used, as we ourselves had experience by sight of them swimming on the water. The rest of the Island is fruitful notwithstanding, and is inhabited by Portugals, who live very commodiously therein, as in the other Lands thereabout. Upon the South side, about two leagues off this Island of burning, lieth a most sweet and pleasant Island, the trees thereof are always green and fair to look on, the soil almost full set with trees, in respect whereof it's named the Brave Island, being a store-house of many fruits and commodities, as figs always ripe, cocos, plantons, oranges, lemons, cotton, etc. from the banks into the sea do run in many places the silver streams of sweet and wholesome water, which with boats or pinnaces may easily be taken in. But there is no convenient place or road for ships, neither any anchoring at all. For after long trial, and often casting of leads, there could no ground be had at any hand, neither was it ever known (as is reported) that any line would fetch ground in any place about that Island. So that the top of Fogo burneth not so high in the air, but the root of Brava (so is the Island called) is buried and quenched as low in the seas. The only inhabitant of this Island is an Heremit, as we suppose, for we found no other houses but one, built as it seemed for such a purpose; and he was so delighted in his solitary living, that he would by no means abide our coming, but fled, leaving behind him the relics of his false worship; to wit, a cross, with a crucifix, an altar with his superaltar, and certain other idols of wood of rude workmanship. Here we dismissed the Portugals taken near Saint jago, and gave to them in exchange of their old ship, our new pinnace built at Mogadore: Feb. 1 with wine, bread, and fish for their provision, and so sent them away, Febr. 1. Having thus visited, as is declared, the Lands of cape Verde, and provided fresh water as we could, Feb. 2 the second of Febr. we departed thence, directing our course towards the straits, so to pass into the South sea; in which course we sailed 63. days without sight of land (passing the line equinoctial Feb. 17 the 17. day of the same month) till we fell with the coast of Brasill, the fifth of April following. Apr. 5 During which long passage on the vast gulf, where nothing but sea beneath us and air above us was to be seen, as our eyes did behold the wonderful works of God in his creatures, which he hath made innumerable both small and great beasts, in the great and wide seas: so did our mouths taste, and our natures feed on, the goodness thereof in such fullness at all times, and in every place, as if he had commanded and enjoined the most profitable and glorious works of his hands to wait upon us, not alone for the relief of our necessities, but also to give us delight in the contemplation of his excellence, in beholding the variety and order of his providence, with a particular taste of his fatherly care over us all the while. The truth is, we often met with adverse winds, un welcome storms, and to us (at that time) less welcome calms, and being as it were in the bosom of the burning zone, we felt the effects of sultring heat, not without the affrights of flashing lightnings, and terrifying of often claps of thunder; yet still with the admixture of many comforts. For this we could not but take notice of, that whereas we were but badly furnished (our case considered) of fresh water (having never at all watered (to any purpose, or that we could say we were much the better for it) from our first setting forth out of England till this time, nor meeting with any place where we might conveniently water, till our coming to the river of Plate, long after) continually, after once we were come within four degrees of the line on this side, viz. after Feb. 10. and till we were past the line as many degrees towards the South, viz. till Feb. 27. there was no one day went over us but we received some rain, whereby our want of water was much supplied. This also was observable, that of our whole fleet, being now 6. in number, notwithstanding the uncouthnes of the way, and what ever other difficulties, by weather or otherwise we met withal, not any one, in all this space, lost company of the rest; except only our Portugal prize for one day, who March 28. was severed from us, but the day following March 29. she found us again, to both here own, and our no little comfort: she had in her 28. of our men, and the best part of all our provision for drink; her short absence caused much doubting and sorrow in the whole company, neither could she then have been finally lost, without the overthrow of the whole voyage. Among the many strange creatures which we saw, we took heedful notice of one, as strange as any; to wit, the flying fish, a fish of the bigness and proportion, of a reasonable or middle sort of Pilchards: he hath fins, of the length of his whole body, from the bulk to the top of the tail, bearing the form, and supplying the like use to him, that wings do to other creatures. By the help of these fins, when he is chased of the Bonito, or great mackrel (whom the Aurata or dolphin likewise pursueth) and hath not strength to escape by swimming any longer, he lifteth up himself above the water, and flieth a pretty height, sometimes lighting into boats or barks as they sail along: The quills of their wings are so proportionable, and finely set together, with a most thin and dainty film, that they might seem to serve, for a much longer and higher flight, but the dryness of them is such, after some 10. or 12. strokes, that he must needs into the water again to moisten them, which else would grow stiff and unfit for motion. The inrease of this little and wonderful creature is in manner infinite, the fry whereof lieth upon the upper part of the waters, in the heat of the Sun, as dust upon the face of the earth, which being in bigness of a wheat straw, and length an inch more or less, do continually exercise themselves in both their faculties of nature: wherein, if the Lord had not made them expert indeed, their generation could not have continued, being so desired a prey to so many, which greedily hunt after them, forcing them to escape in the air by flight, when they cannot in the waters live in safety. Neither are they always free, or without danger, in their flying; but as they escape one evil, by refusing the waters so they sometimes, fall into as great a mischief, by mounting up into the air, at that, by means of a great and ravening foul, named of some a Don or Spurkite, who feeding chiefly, on such fish as he can come by at advantage, in their swimming in the brim of the waters, or leaping above the same, presently ceaseth upon them with great violence, making great havoc, especially amongst these flying fishes, though with small profit to himself. There is another sort of fish, which likewise flieth in the air, named a Cuttill: it's the same, whose bones the goldsmith's commonly use, or at least not unlike that sort, a multitude of which, have at one time, in their flight, fallen into our ship, amongst our men. Passing thus, in beholding the most excellent works of the eternal God in the seas, as if we had been in a garden of pleasure. April 5 April 5. we fell with the coast of Brasill, in 31. deg. 30. min. towards the pole Antarctic, where the land is low near the sea, but much higher within the country; having in depth not above 12. fathom, 3. leagues off from the shore: and being descried by the inhabitants, we saw great and huge fires, made by them in sundry plaes. Which order of making fires, though it be universal, as well among Christians as heathens, yet is it not likely that many do use it to that end, which the Brasilians do: to wit, for a sacrifice to Devils, whereat they▪ intermix many and diverse ceremonies of conjurations, casting up great heaps of sand, to this end, that if any ships, shall go about to stay upon their coasts, their ministering spirits may make wrack of them, whereof the portugals by the loss of diverse of their ships, have had often experience. In the reports of Magellanes voyage, it is said, that this people pray to no manner of thing, but live only according to the instinct of nature, which if it were true, there should seem to be a wonderful alteration in them, since that time, being fallen from a simple and natural creature, to make Gods of Devils; But I am of the mind, that it was with them then, as now it is, only they lacked then the like occasion, to put it in practise which now they have: for then, they lived as a free people among themselves, but now, are in most miserable bondage and slavery, both in body, goods, wife, and children, and life itself to the portugals, whose hard and most cruel dealings against them, forceth them to fly, into the more unfruitful parts of their own land, rather there to starve, or at least live miserably with liberty, then to abide such intolerable bondage, as they lay upon them using the aforesaid practices with devils, both for a revenge against their oppressors, and also for a defence, that they have no further entrance into the country. And supposing indeed, that no other had used travel by sea in ships, but their enemies only, they therefore used the same at our coming: notwithstanding, our God made their devilish intent of none effect; For albeit there lacked not (within the space of our falling with this coast) forcible storms and tempests, yet did we sustain no damage, but only the separating of our ships, out of sight for a few days. Here our general would have gone ashore, but we could find no harbour in many leagues. And therefore coasting along the land, towards the south, April 7. Apr. 7 we had a violent storm, for the space of 3. hours, With thunder, lightning, and rain in great abundance, accompanied with a vehement south wind, directly against us, which caused a separation of the Christopher (viz. the Caunter which we took at cape Blank, in exchange for the Christopher, whose name she henceforward bore) from the rest of the fleet. After this, we kept on our course, sometime to the sea ward, sometimes toward the shore, but always southward, as near as we could: Apr. 14 till April 14. in the morning, at which time we passed by cape Saint Mary, which lies in 35. deg. near the mouth of the river of Plate: and running within it about 6. or 7. leagues along by the main, we came to anchor in a bay, under another cape which our General afterwards called cape joy Apr. 16 by reason that the second day after our anchoring here, the Christopher (whom we had lost in the former storm) came to us again. Among other cares which our General took in this action, next the main care of effecting the voyage itself, these were the principal and chiefly subordinate: to keep our whole fleet (as near as possible we could) together; to get fresh water which is of continual use; and to refresh our men wearied with long toils at sea, as oft as we should find any opportunity of effecting the same. And for these causes it was determined, and public notice thereof given at our departure from the Lands of cape Verde; that the next Rendezvous both for the recollecting of our navy (if it should be dispersed) as also for watering, and the like, should be the river of Plate: whither we were all to repair with all the convenient speed that could be made, and to stay one for another, if it should happen that we could not arrive there all together; and the effect we found answerable to our expectations, for here our severed ship (as hath been declared) found us again, and here we found those other helps also so much desired. The country hereabout is of a temperate and most sweet air, very fair and pleasant to behold, and besides the exceeding fruitfulness of the soil, it's stored with plenty of large and mighty dear. Notwithstanding that in this first bay we found sweet and wholesome water even at pleasure; yet the same day after the arrival of the Caunter, Apr. 16 we removed some twelve leagues farther up into another; where we found a long rock, or rather Island of rocks, not far from the main; making a commodious harbour, especially against a Southerly wind: under them we anchored, and road till the 20. day at night; in which mean space we killed diverse Seals, or sea-wolues (as the Spaniard calls them) which resorted to these rocks in great abundance. They are good meat, and were an acceptable food to us for the present, and a good supply of our provision for the future. Apr. 20 Hence April 20. we weighed again and sailed yet further up into the river, even till we found but three fathom depth, and that we road with our ships in fresh water; but we stayed not there, nor in any other place of the river, because that the winds being strong, the shoals many, and no safe harbour found, we could not without our great danger so have done. Haling therefore to seaward again, Apr. 27 the 27. of the same month (after that we had spent a just fortnight in that river, to the great comfort of the whole fleet) we passed by the South side thereof into the main. The land here lieth South, South-West, and North N. E. with shoal water, some three or four leagues off into the sea; it's about 36. deg. 20. min. and somewhat better South latitude. Apr. 27 At our very first coming forth to sea again, to wit, the same night our flyboate the Swan lost company of us: whereupon, though our General doubted nothing of her happy coming forward again to the rest of the fleet; yet because it was grievous to have such often losses, and that it was his duty as much as in him lay, to prevent all inconveniences beside, that might grow; he determined to diminish the number of his ships, thereby to draw his men into less room; that both the fewer ships might the better keep company, and that they might also be the better appointed with new and fresh supplies of provision and men, one to ease the burden of another: especially, for that he saw the coast (it drawing now toward Winter here) to be subject to many and grievous storms: And therefore he continued on his course, to find out a convenient harbour for that use; searching all that coast from 36. to 47. degrees (as diligently as contrary winds and sundry storms would permit) and yet sound none for the purpose. May 8 And in the mean time viz. May 8. by another storm the Caunter also was once more severed from us. May 12 May 12. we had sight of land, in 47. deg. where we were forced to come to anchor in such road as we could find for the time. Nevertheless our General named the place cape Hope; by reason of a bay discovered within the hedland, which seemed to promise a good and commodious harbour. But by reason of many rocks lying off from the place, we durst not adventure with our ships into it without good and perfect discovery before hand made. Our General, especially in matters of moment, was never wont to rely only on other men's care, how trusty or skilful soever they might seem to be; but always contemning danger and refusing no toil, he was wont himself to be one whosoever was a second at every turn, where courage, skill, or industry was to be employed; neither would he at this time intrust the discovery of these dangers to another's pains, but rather to his own experience in searching out and sounding of them. May 13 A boat being therefore hoist forth, himself with some others the next morning, May 13. rowed into the bay; and being now very nigh the shore, one of the men of the country showed himself unto him seeming very pleasant, singing and dancing, after the noise of a rattle which he shook in his hand, expecting earnestly his landing. But there was suddenly so great an alteration in the weather, into a thick and misty fog; together with an extreme storm and tempest, that our general, being now 3. leagues from his ship, thought it better to return, then either to land, or make any other stay: and yet the fog thickened so mightily, that the sight of the ships was bereft them, and if Captain Thomas (upon the abundance of his love and service to his general) had not adventured, with his ship to enter that bay, in this perplexity, where good advice would not suffer our ships to bear in, while the winds were more tolerable, and the air clearer; we had sustained some great loss, or our general had been further endangered, who was now quickly received aboard his ship; out of which, being within the bay, they let fall an anchor, and road there (God be praised) in safety: but our other ships, riding without, were so oppressed with the extremity of the storm, that they were forced to run off to sea for their own safeguard, being in good hope only of the good success of that ship, which was gone in to relieve our general; before this storm arose, our Caunter, formerly lost, was come in the same day unto us into the road, but was put to sea again, the same evening, with the rest of the fleet. May 14 The next day May 14. the weather being fair, and the winds moderate, but the fleet out of sight, our general determined to go ashore, to this end, that he might, by making of fires, give signs to the dispersed ships, to come together again into that road: whereby at last, they were all assembled, excepting the Swan, lost long time before, and excepting our Portugal prize, called the Mary; which weighing in this last storm, the night before, had now lost company, and was not found again in a long time after. In this place (the people being removed up into the country, belike for fear of our coming) we found near unto the rocks, in houses made for that purpose, as also in diverse other places, great store of Ostriches at least to the number of 50. with much other foul; some dried and some in drying for their provision, as it seemed, to carry with them to the place of their dwellings. The Ostriches thighs were in bigness equal to reasonable legs of murton, They cannot fly at all; but they run so swiftly, and take so long strides, that it is not possible for a man in running by any means to take them, neither yet to come so nigh them, as to have any shot at them either with bow or piece: Whereof our men had often proof on other parts of that coast for all the country is full of them; We found there the tools or instruments which the people use in taking them. Among other means they use in betraying these Ostriches, they have a great and large plume of feathers, orderly compact together upon the end of a staff; in the forepart bearing the likeness of the head, neck, and bulk of an Ostrich; and in the hinder part, spreading itself out very large, sufficient (being holden before him) to hide the most part of the body of a man: With this it seemeth they staulke, driving them into some strait or neck of land close to the sea side; where spreading long and strong nets, with their dogs which they have in readiness at all times, they overthrow them, and make a common quarry. The country is very pleasant, and seemeth to be a fruitful soil. Being afterwards driven to fall with this place again, we had great acquaintance and familiarity with the people, who rejoiced greatly in our coming, and in our friendship, in that we had done them no harm. But because this place was no fit or convenient harbour for us, to do our necessary business; neither yet to make provision, of such things as we wanted, as water, wood, and such like, we departed thence the 15. of May. May 15 At our departure hence, we held our course South and by West, and made about 9 leagues in 24. hours; bearing very little sail, that our fleet might the easier get up with us, Which by reason of the contrary winds, were cast a stern of us. In 47. deg. 30. min. we found a bay, which was fair, safe, and beneficial to us, very necessary for our use; into which we haled, and anchored May 17 May 17. and the next day May 18 May 18. we came further into the same bay, where we cast anchor, and made our abode full fifteen days. The very first day of our arrival here, our general having set things in some order, for the dispatch of our necessary business, being most careful for his two ships which were wanting, sent forth to the southward, Captain Winter in the Elizabeth viceadmiral; himself in the admiral, going forth northward, into the sea, to see, if happily they might meet with either of them: at which time, by the good providence of God, he himself met with the Swan, formerly lost at our departure from the river of Plate, and brought her into the same harbour, the same day: where being afterward unloaden, and discharged of her freight, she was cast off, and her iron work, and other necessaries being saved, for the better provision of the rest; of the remainder was made fire wood, and other implements which we wanted. But all this while, of the other ship which we lost so lately, in our extremity, we could have no news. While we were thus employed, after certain days of our stay in this place, being on shore, in an Island, nigh unto the main, where at low water was free passage on foot, from the one to the other; the people of the country did show themselves unto us, with leaping, dancing, and holding up their hands, and making ourcries after their manner: but being then high water, we could not go over to them on foot. Wherefore the General caused immediately a boat to be in readiness, and sent unto them such things as he thought would delight them; as knives, bells, bugles, etc. whereupon they being assembled together upon a hill, half an English mile from the waters side; sent down two of their company, running one after the other with a great grace, traversing their ground as it seemed after the manner of their wars, by degrees descending towards the water's side very swiftly. Notwithstanding drawing nigh unto it, they made a stay, refusing to come near our men: which our men perceiving, sent such things as they had tied with a string upon a rod, and stuck the same up a reasonable distance from them, where they might see it. And as soon as our men were departed from the place, they came and took those things, leaving instead of them, as in recompense, such feathers as they use to wear about their heads, with a bone made in manner of a toothpick, carved round about the top, and in length about six inches, being very smoothly burnished. Whereupon our General, with diverse of his gentlemen and company, at low water went over to them to the main. Against his coming they remained still upon the hill, and set themselves in a rank, one by one; appointing one of their company to run before them from the one end of the rank to the other, and so back again, continually East and West, with holding up his hands over his head, and yielding forward his body in his running toward the rising and setting of the Sun: and at every second or third turn at the most, erected his body, against the midst of the rank of the people, lifting himself vaulting-wise from the ground towards the Moon, being then over our heads: signifying thereby, as we conceived, that they called the Sun and Moon (whom they serve for gods) to witness, that they meant nothing towards us but peace. But when they perceived that we ascended the hill apace, and drew nigh unto them, they seemed very fearful of our coming. Wherefore our General not willing, to give them any way any occasion to mislike, or be discomfited, retired his company; whereby they were so alured, and did so therein confirm themselves of us, that we were no enemies, neither meant them harm, that without all fear diverse came down with great speed after us, presently entering into traffic with our men. Notwithstanding they would receive nothing at our hands but the same must be first cast upon the ground, using this word, Zussus, for exchange Tóytt to cast upon the ground. And if they misliked any thing, they cried Coróh. Coróh, speaking the same with rattling in the throat. The wares we received from them were arrows of reeds, feathers, and such bones as are afore described. This people go naked, except a skin of fur which they cast about their shoulders, when they sit or lie in the cold: but having any thing to do, as going or any other labour, they use it as a girdle about their loins. They wear their hair very long, but lest it might trouble them in their travel, they knit it up with a roll of Ostrich feathers, using the same rolls and hair together for a quiver for their arrows, and for a store house, in which they carry the most things which they carry about them. Some of them within these rolls stick on either side of their heads (for a sign of honour in their persons) a large and plain feather showing like horns afar off: So that such a head upon a naked body (if devils do appear with horns) might very nigh resemble devils. Their whole bravery and setting out themselves standeth in painting their bodies with diverse colours, and such works as they can devose. Some wash their faces with sulphur, or some such like substance: some paint their whole bodies black, leaving only their necks behind and before White, much like our damosels that wear their squares, their necks and breasts naked. Some paint one shoulder black, another white▪ and their sides and legs interchangeably, with the same colours, one still contrary to the other. The black part hath set upon it white moons, and the white part black Suns, being the marks and characters of their gods, as is before noted. They have some commodity by painting of their bodies, for the which cause they use it so generally: and that I gather to be the defence it yieldeth against the piercing and nipping cold. For the colours being close laid on upon their skin, or rather in their flesh, as by continual renewing of these ivyces which are laid on, soaked into the inner part thereof, doth fill up the pores so close that no air or cold can enter, or make them once to shrink. They have clean, comely, and strong bodies: they are swift of foot, and seem very active. Neither is any thing more lamentable (in my judgement) then that so goodly a people, and so lively creatures of God, should be ignorant of the true and living God. And so much the more is this to be lamented, by how much they are more tractable, and easy to be brought to the sheepfold of Christ: having in truth a land sufficient to recompense any Christian Prince in the world, for the whole travel and labour, cost and charges bestowed in that behalf: with a wonderful enlarging of a kingdom, besides the glory of God by increasing of the Church of Christ. It's wonderful to hear, being never known to Christians before this time, how familiar they became in short space with us; thinking themselves to be joined with such a people, as they ought rather to serve, then offer any wrong or injury unto. Presuming that they might be bold with our General as with a Father, and with us as with brethren and their nearest friends; neither seemed their love less towards us. One of the chiefest among them having on a time received a cap of our General's head, which he did daily wear, removing himself but a little from us, with an arrow pierced his leg deeply, causing the blood to stream out upon the ground: signifying thereby, how unfeignedly he loved him, and giving therein a covenant of peace: The number of men which here did frequent our company, were about fifty persons. Within, in the Southermost part of this bay, there is a river of fresh water, with a great many profitable Lands; of which, some have always such store of Seals or sea-wosues as were able to maintain a huge army of men. Other Lands being many and great, are so replenished with birds and foul, as if there were no other victuals, a wonderful multitude of people might be nourished by the increase of them for many posterities. Of these we killed some with shot, and some with status, and took some with our hands, from men's heads and shoulders upon which they lighted. We could not perceive that the people of the country had any sort of boat or canowe, to come to these Lands. Their own provision which they eat, for aught we could perceive, was commonly raw. For we should sometimes find the remnants of Seals all bloody which they had gnawn with their teeth like dogs: They go all of them armed, with a short bow of about an ell in length in their hands, with arrows of reeds, and headed with a flint stone, very cunningly cut and fastened. This bay by reason of the plenty of Seals therein found (insomuch that we killed two hundred in the space of one hour) we called Seal, bay. And having now made sufficient provision of victuals and other necessaries, as also happily finished all our businesses, june 3 june 3. we set sail from thence; And coasting along towards the pole Antarctic june 12. june 12 we fell with a little bay, in which we anchored for the space of two days spent in the discharging of our Caunter, the Christopher, which we here laid up. june 14 The 14. day we weighed again, and kept on our course Southward till the 17. june 17 and then cast anchor in another bay in 50. deg. 20. min. lacking but little more than one degree, of the mouth of the straits, through which lay, our so much desired passage into the South sea. Here our general on good advice determined to alter his course; and turn his stern to the Northward again, if happily God would grant we might find our ship and friends whom we lost in the great storm, as is before said. Forasmuch as (if we should enter the Strait without them in our company) it must needs go hard with them; and we also in the mean time as well by their absence, as by the uncertainty of their state, must needs receive no small discomfort. june 18 And therefore june 18. in the morning putting to sea again, with hearty and often prayers we joined watchful industry to serve Gods good providence: and held on our purpose to run back toward the line into the same height, in which they were first dissevered from us. june 19 The 19 day of june toward night, having sailed within a few leagues of port Saint julian, we had our ship in sight: for which we gave God thanks with most joyful minds. And forasmuch as the ship was far out of order, and very leak, by reason of extremity of weather which she had endured, aswell before her losing company as in her absence: our General thought good to bear into Port Saint julian with his fleet, because it was so nigh at hand, and so convenient a place: intending there to refresh his wearied men, and cherish them which had in their absence tasted such bitterness of discomfort, besides the want of many things which they sustained. june 20 Thus the next day the 20. of june we entered Port Saint julian: which standeth in 49. deg. 30. min. and hath on the South side of the harbour picked rocks like towers, and within the harbour many Lands, which you many ride hard aboard off, but in going in you must borrow of the North shore. Being now come to anchor, and all things fitted and made safe aboard, our General with certain of his company, (viz. Thomas Drake his brother, john Thomas, Robert Winter, Oliver the Master gunner, john Brewer, and Thomas Hood) june 22 june 22. rowed further in with a boat to find out some convenient place which might yield us fresh water, during the time of our abode there, and furnish us with supply for provision, to take to sea with us at our departure. Which work as it was of great necessity, and therefore carefully to be performed; so did not he think himself discharged of his duty, if he himself bestowed not the first travel therein, as his use was at all times in all other things, belonging to the relieving of our wants, and the maintenance of our good estate, by the supply of what was needful. Presently upon his landing he was visited by two of the inhabitants of the place, whom Magellane named Patagous, or rather Pentagours from their huge stature, and strength proportionable: These as they seemed greatly to rejoice at his arrival, so did they show themselves very familiar, receiving at our General's hands whatsoever he gave them, and taking great pleasure in seeing Master Oliver master gunner of the Admiral, to shoot an English arrow: trying with him to shoot at length, but came nothing near him. Not long after, came one more of the same last, but of a sowerer sort, for he, misliking of the familiarity which his fellows had used, seemed very angry with them, and strove earnestly to withdraw them, and to turn them to become our enemies; Which our general with his men not suspecting in them, used them as before: and one Mr. Robert Winter, thinking of pleasure to shoot an arrow at length, as Mr. Oliver had done before, that he which came last also might have a sight thereof, the string of his bow broke; which, as before it was a terror unto them, so now broken, it gave them great encouragement, and boldness, and as they thought, great advantage in their treacherous intent and purpose; not imagining that our calivers, swords, and targets, were any munition or weapon of war. In which persuasion (as the general with his company were, quietly without any suspicion of evil, going down towards his boat) they suddenly being prepared, and gotten by stealth behind them, shot their arrows; and chiefly at him which had the bow, not suffering him to string the same again, which he was about to have done, as well as he could: but being wounded in the shoulder at the first shot, and turning about, was sped with an arrow, which pierced his lungs, yet he fell not. But the Mr. gunner being ready to shoot of his calliver, which took not fire in levelling thereof, was presently slain out right. In this extremity, if our general had not been both expert in such affairs, able to judge, and give present direction in the danger thereof, and had not valiantly thrust himself into the dance, against these monsters, there had no one of our men, that there were landed, escaped with life. He therefore, giving order that no man should keep any certain ground, but shift from place to place, encroaching still upon the enemy, using their targets, and other weapons for the defence of their bodies, and that they should break so many arrows, as by any means they could come by, being shot at them; wherein he himself was very diligent, and careful also in calling on them, knowing that their arrows being once spent, they should have these enemies at their devotion and pleasure, to kill or save, and this order being accordingly taken, himself I say with a good courage and trust in the true and living God, taking and shooting off, the same piece, which the gunner could not make to take fire, dispatched the first beginner of the quarrel, the same man which slew our Mr. gunner. For the piece being charged with a bullet, and hail shot, and well aimed, tore out his belly and guts, with great torment, as it seemed by his cry, which was so hideous and horrible a roar, as if ten bulls had joined together in roaring, wherewith the courage of his partners was so abated, and their hearts appalled, that notwithstanding, divers of their fellows and countrymen appeared out of the woods, on each side: yet they were glad, by flying away, to save themselves, quietly suffering our men either to depart or stay. Our general chose rather to depart, then to take further revenge of them, which now he might, by reason of his wounded man, whom for many good parts he loved dear; and therefore would rather have saved him, then slain an hundred enemies, but being past recovery, he died the 2. day, after his being brought aboard again. That night our Mr. gunner's body being left ashore, for the speedier bringing of the other aboard, our general himself the next day, with his boat well appointed, turned to the shore, to fetch it likewise: which they found lying where it was left, but stripped of his uppermost garment, and having an english arrow stuck in his right eye. Both of these dead bodies were laid together in one grave, with such reverence, as was fit for the earthen tabernacles of immortal souls; and with such commendable ceremonies, as belong unto soldiers of worth, in time of war, which they most truly and rightfully deserved. Magellane was not altogether deceived, in naming them Giants; for they generally differ from the common sort of men, both in stature, bigness, and strength of body, as also in the hideousness of their voice: but yet they are nothing so monstrous, or giantlike as they were reported; there being some English men, as tall, as the highest of any that we could see, but peradventure, the Spaniards did not think, that ever, any English man would come thither, to reprove them; and thereupon might presume the more boldly to lie: the name Pentagones', Five cubits viz. 7. foot and half, describing the full height (if not some what more) of the highest of them. But this is certain, that the Spanish cruelties there used, have made them more monstrous, in mind and manners, than they are in body; and more inhospitable, to deal with any strangers, that shall come hereafter. For the loss of their friends (the remembrance whereof is assigned and conveyed over from one generation to another, among their posterity) breedeth an old grudge, which will not easily be forgotten, with so quarrellsome and revengeful a people. Notwithstanding the terror which they had conceived of us, did henceforward so quench their heat, and take down their edge, that they both forgot revenge, and seeming by their countenance, to repent them of the wrong they had offered us, that meant them no harm, suffered us to do what we would, the whole space of two months after this, without any interruption or molestation by them, and it may perhaps be a means, to breed a peace in that people, towards all that may hereafter this, come that way. To this evil, thus received at the hands of infidels, there was adjoined, and grew another mischief, wrought and contrived closely amongst ourselves, as great, yea far greater, and of far more grievous consequence than the former: but that it was, by God's providence, detected and prevented in time, which else had extended itself, not only to the violent shedding of innocent blood, by murdering our general and such others as were most firm and faithful to him: but also to the final overthrow of the whole action intended, and to diverse other most dangerous effects. These plots had been laid before the voyage began in England: the very model of them was showed, and declared to our general in his garden at Plymouth, before his setting sail, which yet he either would not credit, as true or likely, of a person whom he loved so dearly, and was persuaded of to love him likewise unfeignedly, or thought by love and benefits, to remove and remedy it, if there were any evil purposes conceived against him. And therefore, he did not only continue (to this suspected & accused person) all countenance, credit, and courtesies, which he was wont to show & give him, but increased them, using him in a manner as another himself, and as his most inmost friend: lodging him with himself; giving him the second place, in all companies, in his presence; leaving in his hand, the state as it were of his own person; in his absence; imparting unto him all his counsels; allowing him free liberty in all things, that were reasonable; and bearing often, at his hands great infirmities; yea despising, that any private injury, should break so firm a friendship, as he meant towards him. And therefore, was he often times not a little offended, even with those, who (upon conscience of their duty, and knowledge that otherwise they should indeed offend) disclosed from time to time unto him, how the fire increased, that theatned his own, together with the destruction of the whole action. But at length, perceiving that his lenity and favours did little good; in that the heat of ambition was not yet allayed, nor could be quenched, as it seemed, but by blood; and that the manifold practices grew daily more and more, even to extremities; he thought it high time, to call these practices into question, before it were too late, to call any question of them into hearing. And therefore setting good watch over him, and assembling all his Captains, and gentlemen of his comapany together; he propounded to them, the good parts which were in the gentleman, the great good will, and inward affection, more than brotherly, which he had ever, since his first acquaintance borne him, not omitting the respect, which was had of him, among no mean personages in England; and afterwards delivered the letters, which were written to him, with the particulars from time to time, which had been observed, not so much by himself, as by his good friends; not only at sea, but even at Plymouth; not bare words but writings; not writings alone, but actions, tending to the overthrow of the service in hand, and making away of his person. Proofs were required and alleged, so many, and so evident, that the gentleman himself, stricken with remorse of his inconsiderate and unkind dealing, acknowledged himself to have deserved death, yea many deaths; for that he conspired, not only the overthrow of the action, but of the principal actor also, who was not a stranger or il-willer, but a dear and true friend unto him: and therefore in a great assembly openly besought them, in whose hands justice rested, to take some order for him; that he might not be compelled, to enforce his own hands, against his owns bowels, or otherwise to become his own executioner. The admiration and astonishment hereat, in all the hearers even those which were his nearest friends, and most affected him was great, yea in those, which for many benefits received from him, had good cause to love him: but yet the general was most of all distracted; and therefore withdrew himself, as not able to conceal his tender affection, requiring them, that had heard the whole matter, to give their judgements, as they would another day answer it unto their prince, and unto almighty God, judge of all the earth. Therefore they all, above 40. in number, the chiefest of place and judgement in the whole fleet, after they had discussed diversely of the case, and alleged whatsoever came in their minds, or could be there produced by any of his other friends, with their own hands, under seal, adjudged that: He had deserved death: And that it stood, by no means with their safety, to let him live: And therefore, they remitted the manner thereof, with the rest of the circumstances to the general. This judgement, and as it were assize, was held a land, in one of the Lands of that port; which afterwards, in memory hereof was called, the Island of True justice and judgement. Now after this verdict was thus returned unto our general (unto whom, for his company, her majesty before his departure, had committed her sword, to use for his safety, with this word: We do account that he which striketh at thee Drake striketh at us) he called for the guilty party, and caused to be read unto him, the several verdicts which were written, and pronounced of him, which being acknowledged for the most part (for none had given heavier sentence against him, than he had given against himself) our general proposed unto him this choice: whether he would take, to be executed in this Island? or to be set aland on the main? or return into England, there to answer his deed before the Lords of her majesty's Council? He most humbly thanked the general for his clemency, extended towards him in such ample sort: and craving some respite, to consult thereon, and so make his choice advisedly: the next day he returned this answer, that: Albeit he had yielded in his heart, to entertain so great a sin; as whereof now he was justly condemned: yet he bade a care, and that excelling all other cares, to die a christian man, that whatsoever did become of his clay body, he might yet remain assured of an eternal inheritance, in a far better life. This he feared, if he should be set a land among Infidels, how he should be able to maintain this assurance, feeling in his own frailty, how mighty the contagion is of lewd custom. And therefore he besought the general most earnestly, that he would yet have a care, and regard of his soul; and never jeopard it amongst heathen and savage Infidels. If he should return into England, he must first have a ship, and men to conduct it, with sufficient victuals: two of which though they were had, yet for the third, he thought no man would accompany him, in so bad a message to so vile an issue, from so honourable a service. But if that there were, which could induce their minds, to return with him; yet the very shame of the return, would be as death, or grievouser if it were possible: hecause be should be so long a dying, and die so often. Therefore he professed, that with all his heart, he did embrace the first branch of the general's proffer; desiring only this favour, that they might receive the holy communion, once again together before his death; and that he might not die, other than a gentleman's death. Though sundry reasons were used by many, to persuade him to take either of the other ways: yet when he remained resolute in his former determination, both parts of his last request were granted: and the next convenient day, a communion was celebrated, by Mr. Francis Fletcher, preacher and pastor of the fleet at that time. The general himself communicated in this Sacred ordinance, with this condemned penitent gentleman; who showed great tokens of a contrite and repentant heart, as who was more deeply displeased with his own act, than any man else. And after this holy repast, they dined also at the same table together, as cheerfully in sobriety, as ever in their lives they had done aforetime: each cheering up the other, and taking their leave, by drinking each to other, as if some journey only had been in hand. After dinner, all things being brought in a readiness, by him that supplied the room of the provost Martial; without any dallying, or dolaying the time, he came forth, and kneeled down, preparing at once, his neck for the axe, and his spirit for heaven: which having done, without long ceremony, as who had before digested this whole tragedy, he desired all the rest to pray for him, and willed the executioner to do his office, not to fear nor spare. Thus having by the worthy manner of his, death (being much more honourable by it, then unblamable for any other of his actions) fully blotted out, what ever stain, his fault might seem to bring upon him; he left unto our fleet, a lamentable example of a goodly gentleman, who in seeking advancement unfit for him, cast away himself: and unto posterity a monument, of I know not what, fatal calamity, incident to that Port, and such like actions, which might happily afford a new pair of parallels, to be added to Plutarch's: in that the same place, near about the same time of the year, witnessed the execution of 2. gentlemen, suffering both for the like cause, employed both in like service, entertained both in great place, endued both with excellent qualities, the one 58. year after the other. For on the main, our men found a gibbet, fallen down, made of a spruce mast, with men's bones underneath it, which they conjectured to be the same gibbet, which Magellane commanded to be erected, in the year 1520. for the execution, of john Carthagene the Bishop of Burgos cousin, who by the king's order, was joined with Magellane in commission, and made his vice-admiral. In the Island, as we digged to bury this gentleman, we found a great grinding stone, broken in two parts, which we took and set fast in the ground, the one part at the head, the other at the feet, building up the middle space, with other stones and turfs of earth, and engraved in the stones, the names of the parties buried there, with the time of their departure, and a memorial of our general's name in Latin, that it might the better be understood, of all that should come after us. These things thus ended, and set in order, our general discharging the Mary viz. our Portugal prize, because she was leak and troublesome, defaced her; and then left her ribs and keel upon the Island: where for two months together we had pitched our tents. And so having wooded, watered, trimmed our ships, dispatched all our other businesses, and brought our fleet into the smallest number, even 3. only, besides our pinnaces, that we might the easier keep ourselves together, be the better furnished with necessaries, and be the stronger manned, against what soever need should be, August 17. we departed out of this port, and being now in great hope, of a happy issue to our enterprise, which almighty god hitherto had so blest and prospered, we set our course for the straits. Southwest. August 20. we fell with the cape; near which lies the entrance into the strait, called by the Spaniards Capo virgin Maria, appearing 4. leagues before you come to it with high and steep grey cliffs, full of black stars, against which the sea beating, sheweth as it were the spouting of Whales, having the highest of the cape, like cape vincent in Portugal: At this cape, our general caused his fleet, in homage to our sovereign lady the Queen's majesty, to strike their topsails upon the bunt, as a token of his willing and glad mind, to show his dutiful obedience to her highness, whom he acknowledged to have full interest and right, in that new discovery; and withal, in remembrance of his honourable friend and favourer, Sir Christopher Hatton, he changed the name of the ship, which himself went in, from the Pelican to be called the golden Hind. Which ceremonies being ended, together with a sermon, teaching true obedience, with prayers and giving of thanks for her majesty, and most honourable counsel, with the whole body of the common weal, and church of God, we continued our course on into the said frete, where passing with land in fight on both sides, we shortly fell with so narrow a strait, as carrying with it much wind, often turnings, and many dangers, requireth an expert judgement, in him that shall pass the same, it lieth West North West & East South East: but having left this straight a stern, we seemed to be come out of a river of two leagues broad, into a large and main sea, having the night following, an Island in sight, which (being in height nothing inferior to the Island Fogo, before spoken of) burneth (like it aloft) also in the air, in a wonderful sort, without intermission. It hath formerly been received as an undoubted truth, that the seas, following the course of the first mover, from East to West, have a continual current through this strait, but our experience found the contrary: the ebbings and flow here, being as orderly (in which the water rises and falls more than 5. fathoms, upright) as on other coasts. The 24 of August being Bartholomew day, we fell with 3. Lands, bearing trianglewise one from another, one of them was very fair and large, and of a fruitful soil, upon which being next unto us, and the weather very calm, our general with his gentlemen, and certain of his mariners, then landed; taking possession thereof in her Majesty's name, and to her use, and called the same Elizabeth Island. The other two, though they were not so large, nor so fair to the eye, yet were they to us exceeding useful, for in them we found great store of strange birds, which could not fly at all, nor yet run so fast, as that they could escape us with their lives: in body they are less than a goose, and bigger than a mallard, short and thick set together, having no feathers, but instead thereof, a certain hard and matted down; their beaks are not much unlike the bills of crows, they lodge and breed upon the land, where making earth's, as the coneys do, in the ground, they lay their eggs, and bring up their young; their feeding and provision to live on, is in the sea, where they swimm in such sort, as nature may seem to have granted them no small prerogative in swiftness, both to pray upon others, and themselves to escape from any others that seek to cease upon them, and such was the infinite resort of these birds to these Lands, that in the space of 1. day, we killed no less than 3000. & if the increase be according to the number, it is not to be thought, that the world hath brought forth, a greater blessing in one kind of creature in so small a circuit, so necessarily and plentifully serving the use of man, they are a very good and wholesome victual: our general named these Lands, the one Bartholomew, according to the day; the other Saint Georges, in honour of England, according to the ancient custom there observed. In the Island of Saint George, we found the body of a man, so long dead before, that his bones would not hold together, being moved out of the place whereon they lay. From these Lands, to the entrance into the South sea, the frete is very crooked; having many turnings, and as it were shutting up, as if there were no passage at all, by means whereof, we were often troubled with contrary winds, so that some of our ships, recovering a cape of land, entering another reach, the rest were forced to alter their course, and come to anchor where they might. It is true which Magellane reporteth of this passage: namely that there be many fair harbours, and store of fresh water; but some ships, had need to be fraughted with nothing else, besides anchors and cables, to find ground, in most of them, to come to anchor; which when any extreme gusts, or contrary winds do come (whereunto the place is altogether subject) is a great hindrance to the passage and carrieth with it no small danger. The land on both sides is very high and mountainous, having on the North and West side the continent of America, and on the South and East part, nothing but Lands: among which, lie innumerable fretes or passages into the South sea. The mountains arise with such tops, and spires into the air, & of so rare a height, as they may well be accounted amongst the wonders of the world; environed as it were, with many regions of congealed clouds, and frozen meteors, whereby they are continually fed and increased, both in height and bigness, from time to time, retaining that which they have once received, being little again diminished by the heat of the sun, as being so far from reflection, and so nigh the cold and frozen region. But notwithstanding all this, yet are the low and plain grounds very fruitful, the grass green and natural; the herbs that are of very strange sorts, good and many; the trees for the most part of them always green; the air of the temperature of our country, the water most pleasant; and the soil agreeing to any grain which we have growing in our country: a place no doubt, that lacketh nothing, but a people to use the same to the Creator's glory, and the increasing of the Church: the people inhabiting these parts, made fires as we passed by in diverse places. Drawing nigh the entrance of the South sea, we had such a shutting up to the Northwards, and such large and open fretes toward the South, that it was doubtful which way we should pass, without further discovery: for which cause, our general having brought his fleet to anchor under an Island; himself, with certain of his gentlemen, rowed in a boat to descry the passage; who having discovered a sufficient way towards the North, in their return to their ships, met a cannowe under the same Island, where we road then at anchor, having in her diverse persons. This cannowe or boat was made of the bark of diverse trees, having a prow and a stern standing up, and semicirclewise yielding inward, of one form and fashion; the body whereof was a most dainty mould, bearing in it most comely proportion, and excellent workmanship; in so much as to our general and us, it seemed never to have been done, without the cunning and expert judgement of art; and that not for the use of so rude and barbarous a people, but for the pleasure of some great and noble personage, yea of some Prince: It had no other closing up or caulking in the seams, but the stitchin with thongs, made of Seale-skins, or other such beast, and yet so close that it received very little or no water at all. The people are of a mean stature, but well set and compact, in all their parts and limbs; they have great pleasure in painting their faces, as the others have, of whom we have spoken before. Within the said Island they had a house of mean building, of certain poles, and covered with skins of beast; having therein fire, water, and such meat, as commonly they can come by: as seals, mussels, and such like. The vessels wherein they keep their water, and their cups in which they drink, are made of barks of trees, as was their canow: and that with no less skill (for the bigness of the thing) being of a very formal shape and good fashion. Their working tools, which they use in cutting these things and such other, are knives made of most huge and monstrous mussel shells (the like whereof have not been seen or heard of lightly by any travellers; the meat thereof being very savoury and good in eating) which, after they have broken off the thin and brittle substance of the edge, they rub and grind them upon stones had for the purpose, till they have tempered and set such an edge upon them, that no wood is so hard but they will cut it at pleasure with the same: whereof we ourselves had experience. Yea they cut therewith bones of a marvelous hardness; making of them fisgies to kill fish, wherein they have a most pleasant exercise with great dexterity. Sept. 6 The sixth of September we had left asterne us all these troublesome Lands, and were entered into the South sea, or Mare deal zur: at the cape whereof, our General had determined with his whole company to have gone ashore, and there after a Sermon to have left a monument of her Majesty engraven in mettle, for a perpetual remembrance; which he had in a readiness for that end prepared: but neither was there any anchoring, neither did the wind suffer us by any means to make a stay. Only this by all our men's observations was concluded; that the entrance, by which we came into this strait, was in 52. deg. the midst in 53. deg. 15. m and the going out in 52. deg. 30. m. being 150. leagues in length: At the very entry, supposed also to be about 10. leagues in breadth. After we were entered ten leagues within it, it was found not passed a league in breadth: farther within, in some places very large, in some very narrow, and in the end found to be no strait at all, but all Lands. Now when our General perceived that the nipping cold, under so cruel and frowning a Winter, had impaired the health of some of his men; he meant to have made the more haste again toward the line, and not to sail any farther towards the pole Antarctic, lest being father from the Sun, and nearer the cold, we might happily be overtaken with some greater danger of sickness. But God giving men leave to purpose, reserveth to himself the disposition of all things: making their intents of none effect, or changing their meanings oft times clean into the contrary, as may best serve for his own glory and their profit. Sept. 7 For September 7. the second day after our entrance into the South sea (called by some Mare pacificum, but proving to us rather to be Mare furiosum.) God by a contrary wind and intolerable tempest, seemed to set himself against us: forcing us not only to alter our course and determination, but with great trouble, long time, many dangers, hard escapes, and final separating of our fleet, to yield ourselves unto his will. Yea such was the extremity of the tempest, that it appeared to us as if he had pronounced a sentence, not to stay his hand, nor to withdraw his judgement till he had▪ buried our bodies and ships also, in the bottomless depth of the raging sea. Sept. 15 In the time of this incredible storm the 15. of September, the Moon was eclipsed in Aries, and darkened about three points, for the space of two glasses: which being ended, might seem to give us some hope of alteration and change of weather to the better. Notwithstanding, as the ecclipticall conflict, could add nothing to our miserable estate, no more did the ending thereof ease us any thing at all; nor take away any part of our troubles from us: but our eclipse continued still in its full force, so prevailing against us, that for the space of full 52. days together, we were darkened more than the Moon by 20. parts, or more than we by any means could ever have preserved, or recovered light of ourselves again, if the Son of God which laid this burden upon our backs, had not mercifully borne it up with his own shoulders, and upheld us in it by his own power, beyond any possible strength or skill of man. Neither indeed did we at all escape, but with the feeling of great discomforts through the same. For these violent and extraordinary flaws (such as seldom have been seen) still continuing, or rather increasing, Sept. 30 September 30. in the night, caused the sorrowful separation of the Marigold from us, in which was Captain john Thomas, with many others of our dear friends: who by no means that we could conceive could help themselves, but by spooming along before the sea. With whom albeit we could never meet again, yet (our General having aforehand given order, that if any of our fleet did loose company, the place of resort to meet again should be in 30. deg. or thereabouts, upon the coast of Peru, toward the Equinoctial) we long time hoped (till experience showed our hope was vain) that there we should joyfully meet with them: especially for that they were well provided of victuals, and lacked no skilful and sufficient men (besides their Captain) to bring forwards the ship to the place appointed. From the seventh of September (in which the storm began) till the seventh of october we could not by any means recover any land (having in the mean time been driven so far South, Octob. 7 as to the 57 deg. and somewhat better) on this day towards night, somewhat to the Northward of that cape of America (whereof mention is made before in the description of our departure from the strait into this sea) with a sorry sail we entered a harbour: where hoping to enjoy some freedom and ease, till the storm was ended, we received within few hours after our coming to anchor, so deadly a stroke and hard entertainment, that our Admiral left not only an anchor behind her, through the violence and fury of the flaw; but in departing thence, also lost the company and sight of our Vide-admiral, the Elizabeth: partly through the negligence of those that had the charge of her, partly through a kind of desire that some in her had to be out of these troubles, and to be at home again: which (as since is known) they thence forward by all means assayed and performed. Octob. 8 For the very next day October 8. recovering the mouth of the straits again (which we were now so near unto) they returned back the same way by which they came forward, and so coasting Brasill, they arrived in England june 2. the year following. So that now our Admiral if she had retained her old name of Pelican, which she bore at our departure from our country, she might have been now indeed said to be as a Pelican alone in the wilderness. For albeit our General sought the rest of his fleet with great care, yet could we not have any sight or certain newes of them by any means. From this bay of parting of friends, we were forcibly driven back again into 55. deg. towards the pole Antarctic. In which height we ran in among the Lands before mentioned, lying to the Southward of America, through which we passed from one sea to the other, as hath been declared. Where coming to anchor, we found the waters there to have their indraught and free passage, and that through no small guts, or narrow channels, but indeed through as large frets or straits, as it hath at the supposed straits of Magellane through which we came. Among these Lands, making our abode with some quietness for a very little while, (viz. two days) and finding diverse good and wholesome herbs together with fresh water; our men which before were weak, and much impaired in their health, began to receive good comfort: especially by the drinking of one herb (not much unlike that herb which we commonly call Penny-lease) which purging with great facility afforded great help and refreshing to our wearied and sickly bodies. But the winds returning to their old wont, and the seas raging after their former manner, yea every thing as it were setting itself against our peace and desired rest, here was no stay permitted us, neither any safety to be looked for. For such was the present danger by forcing and continual slawes, that we were rather to look for present death then hope for any delivery, if God almighty should not make the way for us. The winds were such as if the bowels of the earth had set all at liberty; or as if all the clouds under heaven had been called together, to lay their force upon that one place: The seas, which by nature and of themselves are heavy, and of a weighty substance, were rolled up from the depths, even from the roots of the rocks, as if it had been a scroll of parchment, which by the extremity of heat runneth together: and being aloft were carried in most strange manner and abundance, as feathers or drifts of snow, by the violence of the winds, to water the exceeding tops of high and lofty mountains. Our anchors, as false friends in such a danger, gave over their holdfast, and as if it had been with horror of the thing, did shrink down to hide themselves in this miserable storm; committing the distressed ship and helpless men to the uncertain and rolling seas, which tossed them, like a ball in a racket. In this case, to let fall more anchors, would avail us nothing; For being driven from our first place of anchoring, so unmeasurable was the depth, that 500 fathom would fetch no ground: So that the violent storm without intermission; the impossibility to come to anchor; the want of opportunity to spread any sail, the most mad seas; the lee shores; the dangerous rocks; the contrary and most intolerable winds; the impossible passage out; the desperate tarrying there; and inevitable perils on every side, did lay before us so small likelihood to escape present destruction, that if the special providence of God himself had not supported us, we could never have endured that woeful state: as being environed with most terrible and most fearful judgements round about. For truly, it was more likely that the mountains should have been rend in sunder, from the top to the bottom, and cast headlong into the sea, by these unnatural winds; then that, we, by any help or cunning of man, should free the life of any one amongst us. Notwithstanding the same God of mercy which delivered jonas out of the Whale's belly, and heareth all those that call upon him faithfully, in their distress; looked down from heaven, beheld our tears, and heard our humble petitions, joined with holy vows. Even God (whom not the winds and seas all one, but even the devils themselves and powers of hell obey) did so wonderfully free us, and make our way open before us, as it were by his holy Angels still guiding and conduting us, that more than the affright and amaze of this estate, we received no part of damage in all the things that belonged unto us. But escaping from these straits and miseries, as it were through the needle's eye (that God might have the greater glory in our delivery) by the great and effectual care and travel of our General, the Lords instrument therein; we could now no longer forbear, but must needs find some place of refuge, aswell to provide water, wood, and other necessaries, as to comfort our men, thus worn and tired out, by so many and so long intolerable toils: the like whereof, it's to be supposed, no traveller hath felt, neither hath there ever been, such a tempest (that any records make mention of) so violent, and of such continuance, since Noah's flood, for as hath been said it lasted from September 7. to October 28, full 52. days. Not many leagues therefore to the Southwards of our former anchoring, we ran in again among these Lands; where we had once more better likelihood to rest in peace: and so much the rather, for that we found the people of the country, travelling for their living, from one Island to another, in their canowes, both men, women, and young infants wrapped in skins, and hanging at their mother's backs; with whom we had traffic, for such things as they had, as chains of certain shells and such other trifles; here the Lord gave us three days to breath ourselves, and to provide such things as we wanted, albeit the same was with continual care, and troubles to avoid imminent dangers, which the troubled seas and blustering winds, did every hour threaten unto us. But when we seemed to have stayed there too long, we were more rigorously assaulted by the not formerly ended, but now more violently renewed storm; and driven thence also with no small danger; leaving behind us the greater part of our cable with the anchor; being chased along by the winds, and buffeted incessantly in each quarter by the seas (which our General interpreted, as though God had sent them of purpose to the end which ensued) till at length we fell with the uttermost part of land towards the South pole, and had certainly discovered how far the same doth reach Southward, from the coast of America aforenamed. The uttermost cape or hedland of all these Lands, stands near in 56. deg. without which there is no main, nor Island to be seen to the Southwards: but that the Atlantic Ocean, and the South sea, meet in a most large and free scope. It hath been a dream through many ages, that these Lands have been a main, and that it hath been terra incognita; wherein many strange monsters lived. Indeed it might truly, before this time, be called incognota, for howsover the maps and general descriptions of Cosmographers, either upon the deceivable reports of other men, or the deceitful imaginations of themselves (supposing never herein to be corrected) have set it down, yet it is true, that before this time, it was never discovered, or certainly known by any traveller, that we have heard of. And here as in a fit place, it shall not be amiss, to remove that error in opinion, which hath been held by many, of the impossible return, out of Mar Deal Zur, into the West Ocean; by reason of the supposed Eastern current, and levant winds: which (say they) speedily carry any thither, but suffer no return. They are herein likewise altogether deceived: for neither did we meet with any such current, neither had we any such certain winds, with any such speed to carry us through; but at all times, in our passage there, we found more opportunity to return back again, into the West Ocean, then to go forward into Mar Deal zur, by means either of current, or winds to hinder us, whereof we had experience more than we wished: being glad oftentimes, to alter our course, and to fall asterne again, with frank wind (without any impediment of any such surmised current) farther in one afternoon, than we could fetch up, or recover again in a whole day, with a reasonable gale. And in that they allege the narrownes of the frete, and want of sea-room, to be the cause of this violent current; they are herein no less deceived, than they were in the other without reason: for beside, that it cannot be said, that there is one only passage, but rather innumerable it is most certain, that a sea-board all these Lands, there is one large and main sea, wherein if any will not be satisfied, nor believe the report of our experience and eyesight, he should be advised to suspend his judgement, till he have either tried it himself, by his own travel, or shall understand, by other travellers, more particulars to confirm his mind herein. Now as we were fallen to the uttermost part of these Island Octob. 28 Octob. 28. our troubles did make an end, the storm ceased, and all our calamities (only the absence of our friends excepted) were removed, as if God, all this while, by his secret providence, had lead us to make this discovery; which being made, according to his will he stayed his hand, as pleased his majesty therein, and refreshed us as his servants. At these Southerly parts we found the night, in the latter end of October, to be but 2. hours long: the sun being yet above 7. degrees distant from the Tropic: so that it seemeth, being in the Tropic, to leave very little, or no night at all in that place. There be few of all these Lands, but have some inhabitants, whose manners, apparel, houses, canowes and means of living, is like unto those formerly spoken of, a little before our departure out of the Strait. To all these Lands, did our general give one name, to wit Elizabethides. Octob. 30 After two days stay, which we made in and about these Lands, the 30. of October we set sail; shaping our course right North west, to coast alongst the parts of Peru (for so the general maps set out the land to lie) both for that we might, with convenient speed, full with the height of 30. deg. being the place appointed, for the rest of our fleet to re-assemble; as also, that no opportunity might be lost, in the mean time to find them out, if it seemed good to God to direct them to us. In this course, we chanced (the next day) with two Lands, being as it were store houses, of most liberal provision of victuals for us, of birds; yielding not only sufficient and plentiful store, for us who were present, but enough, to have served all the rest also, which were absent. Thence (having furnished ourselves to our content) we continued our course November 1. still Northwest, as we had formerly done, but in going on, we soon espied, that we might easily have been deceived: and therefore casting about, and steering upon another point, we found, that the general maps did err from the truth, in setting down the coast of Peru, for 12. deg. at least to the Northward, of the supposed strait; no less than is the Northwest point of the compass, different from the North-east, perceiving hereby, that no man, had ever by travel, discovered any part of these 12. deg. and therefore the setters forth of such descriptions, are not to be trusted; much less honoured, in their false and fraudulent conjectures; which they use, not in this alone, but in diverse other points of no small importance. We found this part of Peru, all alongst to the height of Lima, which is 12. deg. South of the line, to be mountainous and very barren, without water or wood, for the most part, except in certain places, inhabited by the Spaniards, and few others, which are very fruitful and commodious. After we were once again thus fallen with the land, we continually coasted along, till we came to the height of 37. d. or thereabout: and finding no convenient place of abode, nor likelihood to hear any news of our ships, we ran off again with an Island, which lay in sight, named of the Spaniards Mucho, by reason of the greatness and large circuit thereof. Nou. 25 At this Island coming to anchor, Novemb. 25. we found it to be a fruitful place, and well stored with sundry sorts of good things: as sheep and other cattle, maize, which is a kind of grain whereof they make bread, potatoes, with such other roots: besides that, it is thought to be wonderful rich in gold and to want no good thing for the use of man's life. The inhabitants are such Indians, as by the cruel and most extreme dealing of the Spaniards, have been driven to fly from the main, here to relieve and fortify themselves. With this people, our General thought it meet to have traffic, for fresh victuals and water: and for that cause, the very same night of our arrival there, himself with diverse of his company went ashore, to whom the people with great courtesy came down, bringing with them such fruits and other victuals as they had, and two very fat sheep, which they gave our General for a present. In recompense whereof, he bestowed upon them again many good and necessary things; signifying unto them, that the end of his coming was for no other cause but by way of exchange, to traffic with them for such things as we needed, and they could spare: and in particular, for such as they had already brought down unto us, besides fresh water, which we desired of them. Herein they held themselves well contented, and seemed to be not a little joyful of our coming: appointing where we should the next morning have fresh water at pleasure, and withal signifying that then also they would bring us down such other things as we desired to serve our turns. Nou. 26 The next day therefore very early in the morning (all things being made ready for traffic, as also vessels prepared to bring the water) our General taking great care for so necessary provision, repaired to the shore again; and setting aland two of his men, sent them with their Barricoes to the watering place, assigned the night before. Who having peaceably passed on one half of the way, were then with no small violence set upon by those traitorous people, and suddenly slain: And to the end that our General with the rest of his company should not only be stayed from rescuing them, but also might fall (if it were possible) into their hands in like manner, they had laid closely behind the rocks an ambushment of (as we guessed) about 500 men, armed and well appointed for such a mischief. Who suddenly attempting their purpose (the rocks being very dangerous for the boat, and the sea-gate exceeding great) by shooting their arrows hurt and wounded every one of our men, before they could free themselves, or come to die use of there weapons to do any good. The General himself was shot in the face, under his right eye, and close by his nose, the arrow piercing a marvelous way in, under basis cerebri, with no small danger of his life; besides that, he was grievously wounded in the head. The rest, being nine persons in the boat, were deadly wounded in diverse parts of their bodies, if God almost miraculously had not given cure to the same. For our chief Surgeon being dead, and the other absent by the loss of our vice-admiral, and having none left us but a boy, whose good will was more than any skill he had, we were little better than altogether destitute of such cunning and helps as so grievous a state of so many wounded bodies did require. Notwithstanding God, by the good advice of our General, and the diligent putting too of every man's help, did give such speedy and wonderful cure, that we had all great comfort thereby, and yielded God the glory thereof. The cause of this force and injury by these Islanders, was no other but the deadly hatred which they bear against their cruel enemies the Spaniards, for the bloody and most tyrannous oppression which they had used towards them. And therefore with purpose against them (suspecting us to be Spaniards indeed, and that the rather, by occasion that though command was given to the contrary, some of our men in demanding water, used the Spanish word Aqua) sought some part of revenge against us. Our General notwithstanding he might have revenged this wrong; with little hazard or danger; yet being more desirous to preserve one of his own men alive, then to destroy 100 of his enemies, committed the same to God: wishing this only punishment to them, that they did but know whom they had wronged, and that they had done this injury not to an enemy, but to a friend, not to a Spaniard, but to an Englishman; who would rather have been a patron to defend them, than any way an instrument of the least wrong that should have been done unto them. The weapons which this people use in their wars, are arrows of reeds, with heads of stone, very brittle and indented▪ but darts of a great length, headed with iron or bone. The same day that we received this dangerous affront, in the afternoon we set sail from thence; and because we were now nigh the appointed height, wherein our ships were to be looked for, as also the extremity and crazy state of our hurt men advising us to use expedition, to find soon convenient place of repose, which might afford them some rest, and yield us necessary supply of fresh victuals for their diet; we bent our course, as the wind would suffer us, directly to run in with the main. Nou. 30 Where falling with a bay, called Philip's Bay, in, 32. deg. or thereabout, Novemb. 30. we came to anchor: and forthwith manned and sent our boat to discover what likelihood the place would offer to afford us such things as we stood in need of. Our boat doing her uttermost endeavour in a diligent search, yet after long travel could find no appearance of hope for relief, either of fresh victuals or of fresh water: huge herds of wild buffs they might disecrne, but not so much as any sign of any inhabitant thereabout. Yet in their return to us, they descried within the bay, an Indian with his Canow as he was a fishing: him they brought aboard our general, canow and all as he was in it. A comely personage, and of a goodly stature; his apparel was a white garment, reaching scarcely to his knees, his arms and legs were naked; his hair upon his head very long; without a beard, as all the Indians for the most part are. He seemed very gentle, of mild and humble nature, being very tractable to learn the use of every thing, and most grateful for such things as our General bestowed upon him. In him we might see a most lively pattern of the harmless disposition of that people; and how grievous a thing it is that they should by any means be so abused as all those are, whom the Spaniards have any command or power over. This man being courteously entertained, and his pains of coming double required; after we had showed him, partly by signs, and partly by such things as we had, what things we needed, and would gladly receive by his means, upon exchange of such things as he would desire; we sent him away with our boat and his own canow (which was made of reed straw) to land him where he would. Who being landed, and willing our men to stay his return, was immediately met with by two or three of his friends; to whom imparting his news, and showing what gifts he had received, he gave so great content, that they willingly furthered his purpose; so that, after certain hours of our men's abode there, he with diverse others (among whom was their head or Captain) made their return; bringing with them their loadings of such things as they thought would do us good: as some hens, eggs, a fat hog, and such like. All which (that our men might be without all suspicion of all evil to be meant or intended by them) they sent in one of their canowes, a reasonable distance from off the shore, to our boat, the sea-gate being at that present very great, and their Captain having sent back his horse, would needs commit himself to the credit of our men, though strangers, and come with them to our General, without any of his own acquaintance or countrymen with him. By his coming as we understood, that there was no mean or way, to have our necessities relieved in this place; so he offered himself to be our pilot, to a place and that a good harbour, not far back to the Southward again: where, by way of traffic, we might have at pleasure, both water, and those other things which we stood in need of. This offer our general very gladly received, and so much the rather, for that the place intended, was near about the place appointed, for the randenoves of our fleet. Omitting therefore our purpose, of pursuing the buffs formerly spoken of, of which we had otherwise determined, if possible to have killed some; this good news of better provision, and more easy to come by, drew us away: and so the 5. day after our arrival, viz. Decem. 4 December 4. we departed hence, and the next day Decemb. 5 December 5. by the willing conduct of our new Indian Pilot, we came to anchor in the desired harbour. This harbour the Spaniards call valperizo, and the town adjoining Saint james of Chinli it stands in 35. deg. 40. min. where albeit we neither met with our ships, not heard of them, yet there was no good thing which the place afforded, or which our necessities indeed for the present required, but we had the same in great abundance: amongst other things we found in the town divers storehouses of the wines of Chilie; and in the harbour, a ship called the Captain of Moriall, or the grand Captain of the South, Admiral to the Lands of Solomon; loaden for the most part, with the same kind of liquors: only there was beside, a certain quantity of fine gold of Baldivia and a great cross of gold beset with Emeranlds, on which was nailed a God of the same mettle, we spent some time in refreshing ourselves, and easing this ship of so heavy a burden: and on the 8. day of the same month (having in the mean time, sufficiently stored ourselves with necessaries, as wine, bread, bacon etc. for along season) we set sail, returning back towards the line; carrying again our Indian pilot with us, whom our general bountifully rewarded, and enriched with many good things, which pleased him exceedingly, and caused him, by the way, to be landed in the place where he desired. Our necessities being thus to our content relieved, our next care was the regaining (if possible) of the company of our ships, so long severed from us: neither would any thing have satisfied burr general, or us so well, as the happy meeting, or good news of them, this way therefore (all other thoughts for the present set apart) were all our studies and endeavours bend, how to fit it so, as that no opportunity of meeting them might be passed over. To this end, considering that we could not conveniently run in with our ship (in search of them) to every place, where was likelihood of being a harbour; and that our boat was too little, and unable to carry men enough, to encounter the malice or treachery of the Spaniards (if we should by any chance meet with any of them) who are used to show no mercy, where they may overmaster; and therefore meaning not to hazard ourselves to their cruel courtesy; we determined, as we coasted now towards the line, to search diligently for some convenient place, where we might, in peace and safety, stay the trimming of our ship, and the erecting of a pinnace, in which we might with better security, then in our boat, and without endangering of our ship, by running into each creek, leave no place untried, if happily we might so find again our friends and countrymen. For this cause December 19 Dec. 19 we entered a bay, not far to the Southward of the town of Cyppo now inhabited by the Spaniards, in 29. deg 30. min. where having landed certain of our men, to the number of 14. to search what conveniency the place was likely to afford, for our abiding there; we were immediately descried by the Spaniards, of the town of Cyppo, aforesaid, who speedily made out 300. men at least whereof 100 were Spaniards, every one well mounted upon his horse; the rest were Indians, running as dogs, at their heels, all naked, and in most miserable bondage. They could not come any way so closely, but God did open our eyes to see them, before there was any extremity of danger, whereby our men being warned, had reasonable time to shift themselves as they could; first from the main, to a rock within the sea; and from thence into their boat: which being ready to receive them, conveyed them with expedition, out of the reach of the Spaniards fury, without the hurt of any man. Only one Richard Minivy, being over bold and careless of his own safety, would not be entreated by his friends, nor feared by the multitude of his enemies, to take the present benefit of his own delivery: but chose either to make 300. men by out-braving of them to become afraid, or else himself to die in the place; the latter of which indeed he did, whose dead body being drawn by the Indians from the rock to the shore, was there manfully by the Spaniards beheaded, the right hand cut off, the heart plucked out, all which they carried away in our sight, and for the rest of his carcase, they caused the Indians to shoot it full of arrows, made but the same day, of green wood, and so left it to be devoured of the beasts and fowls but that we went ashore again and buried it: wherein as there appeareth a most extreme and barbarous cruelty, so doth it declare to the world, in what miserable fear the Spaniard holdeth the government of those parts; living in continual dread of foreign invasion by strangers, or secret cutting of their throats, by those whom they kept under them in so shameful slavery, I mean the innocent and harmless Indians. And therefore they make sure to murder what strangers soever they can come by, and suffer the Indians by no means to have any weapon longer than they be in present service: as appeared by their arrows cut from the tree the same day, as also by the credible report of others who knew the matter to be true. Yea they suppose they show the wretches great favour, when they do not for their pleasures whip them with cords, and day by day drop their naked bodies with burning bacon: which is one of the least cruelties, amongst many, which they universally use against that Nation and people. This being not the place we looked for, nor the entertainment such as we desired; Dec. 20 we speedily got hence again, and Decemb. 20. the next day, fell with a more convenient harbour, in a bay somewhat to the Northward of the forenamed Cyppo, lying in 27. deg. 55. win. South the line. In this place we spent some time in trimming of our ship, and building of our pinnace, as we desired: but still the grief for the absence of our friends remained with us, for the finding of whom, our general having now fitted all things to his mind, intended (leaving his ship the mean while at anchor in the bay) with his pinnace and some chosen men, himself to return back to the Southwards again; to see if happily he might either himself meet with them, or find them in some harbour, or creek; or hear of them by any others, whom he might meet with, with this resolution he set on, but after one days sailing, the wind being contrary to his purpose, he was forced, whether he would or no to return again. within this bay, during our abode there, we had such abundance of fish, not much unlike our Gurnard in England, as no place had ever afforded us the like (Cape Blank only upon the coast of Barbary excepted) since our first setting forth of Plymmouth, until this time, the plenty whereof in this place was such, that our gentlemen sporting themselves day by day, with 4. or 5. hooks and lines, in 2. or 3. hours, would take sometimes 400. sometimes more at one time. jan. 19 All our business being thus dispatched, january 19 we set sail from hence; and the next place that we fell withal, jan. 22 jan. 22. was an Island standing in the same height, with the North cape of the province of Mormorena, at this Island we found 4. Indians with their canowes, which took upon them to bring our men to a place of fresh water, on the foresaid cape; in hope whereof, our general made them great cheer (as his manner was towards all strangers) and set his course by their direction, but when we came unto the place, and had traveled up a long way into the land, we found fresh water indeed, but scarce so much as they had drunk wine in their passage thither. As we sailed along, continually searching for fresh water; we came to a place called Tarapaca, and landing there we lighted on a Spaniard who lay asleep, and had lying by him 13. bars of silver, weighing in all, about 4000 Spanish ducats: we would not (could we have chosen) have awaked him of his nap: but seeing we, against our wills, did him that injury, we freed him of his charge, which otherwise perhaps would have kept him waking, and so left him to take out (if it pleased him) the other part of his sleep, in more security. Our search for water still continuing, as we landed again not far from thence, we met a Spaniard with an Indian boy, driving 8. Lambs or Peruvian sheep: each sheep bore two leathrens bags, and in each bag was 50. pound weight of refined silver, in the whole 800. weight: we could not endure to see a gentleman Spaniard turned carrier so; and therefore without entreaty, we offered our service, and became drovers: only his directions were not so perfect, that we could keep the way which he intended; for almost as soon as he was parted from us, we with our new kind of carriges, were come unto our boats. Farther beyond this cape forementioned lie certain Indian towns, from whence as we passed by, came many of the people in certain bawses made of Seales skins; of which two being joined together of a just length, and side by side, resemble in fashion or form a boat: they have in either of them a small gut, or some such thing blown full of wind; by reason whereof it floateth, and is rowed very swiftly, carrying in it no small burden. In these upon sight of our ship, they brought store of fish of divers sorts, to traffic with us, for any trifles we would give them: as knives, margarites, glasses, and such like, whereof, men of 60. & 70. years old, were as glad as if they had received some exceeding rich commodity; being a most simple and plain dealing people. Their resort unto us was such, as considering the shortness of the time, was wonderful to us to behold. Not far from this, viz. in 22. deg. 30. min. lay Mormorena, another great town of the same people, over whom 2. Spaniard's held the government, with these our general thought meet to deal; or at least to try their courtesy, whether they would, in way of traffic, give us such things as we needed or no, and therefore jan. 26 jan. the 26. we cast anchor here, we found them (more for fear then for love) somewhat tractable, and received from them by exchange many good things, very necessary for our uses. Amongst other things which we had of them, the sheep of the country (viz. such as we mentioned before bearing the leathern bags) were most memorable. Their height and length was equal to a pretty cow, and their strength fully answerable, if not by much exceeding their size or stature. Upon one of their backs did sit at one time three well grown and tall men, and one boy, no man's foot touching the ground by a large foot in length, the beast nothing at all complaining of his burden in the mean time. These sheep have necks like camels; their heads bearing a reasonable resemblance of another sheep. The Spaniards use them to great profit. Their wool is exceeding fine, their flesh good meat, their increase ordinary, and beside they supply the room of horses for burden or travel: yea they serve to carry, over the mountains, marvelous loads, for 300. leagues together, where no other carriage can be made but by them only. Hereabout, as also all along, and up into the country throughout the Province of Cusko, the common ground wheresoever it be taken up, in every hundred pound weight of earth, yieldeth 25. s. of pure silver, after the rate of a crown an ounce. The next place likely to afford us any news of our ships (for in all this way from the height where we builded our pinnace, there was no bay or harbour at all for shipping) was the port of the town of Arica, standing in 20. deg. whither we arrived the 7. of February Feb. 7: This town seemed to us to stand in the most fruitful soil that we saw all alongst these coasts: both for that it is situate in the mouth of a most pleasant and fertile valley, abounding with all good things; as also in that it hath continual trade of shipping, as well from Lyma as from all other parts of Peru. It is inhabited by the Spaniards. In two barks here, we found some forty and odd bars of silver (of the bigness and fashion of a brickbatte, and in weight each of them about 20. pounds) of which we took the burden on ourselves to ease them, and so departed towards Chowley; with which we fell the second day following, Feb. 9 viz. Febr. 9 and in our way to Lima, we met with another bark at Ariquipa, which had begun to load some silver and gold, but having had (as it seemed from Arica by land) some notice of our coming, had unloaden the same again before our arrival. Yet in this our passage we met another bark loaden with linen: some of which we thought might stand us in some stead, and therefore took it with us. Feb. 15 At Lima we arrived Febr. 15. and notwithstanding the Spaniards forces, though they had thirty ships at that present in harbour there, whereof 17. (most of them the especial ships in all the South sea) were fully ready, we entered and anchored all night in the midst of them, in the Calao: and might have made more spoil amongst them in few hours if we had been affected to revenge, than the Spaniard could have recovered again in many years. But we had more care to get up that company which we had so long missed, then to recompense their cruel and hard dealing by an even requital, which now we might have taken. This Lima stands in 12. deg. 30. min. South latitude. Here albeit no good news of our ships could be had, yet got we the news of some things that seemed to comfort, if not to countervail our travels thither, as namely, that in the ship of one Mighell Angel there, there were 1500. bars of plate, besides some other things (as silks, linen, and in one a chest full of royals of plate) which might stand us in some stead in the other ships; aboard whom we made somewhat bold to bid ourselves welcome. Here also we heard the report of some things that had befallen in & near Europe, since our departure thence; In particular of the death of some great personages: as, the king of Portugal, and both the kings of Morocco and Fez, dead all three in one day at one battle: The death of the king of France, and the Pope of Rome: Whose abominations as they are in part cut off from some Christian kingdoms, where his shame is manifest, so do his vassals and accursed instruments labour by all means possible to repair that loss, by spreading the same the further in these parts, where his devilish illusions and damnable deceive are not known. And as his doctrine takes place any where, so do the manners that necessarily accompany the same insinuate themselves together with the doctrine. For as its true that in all the parts of America, where the Spaniards have any government, the poisonous infection of Popery hath spread itself; so on the other side it is as true, that there is no City, as Lima, Panama, Mexico, etc. no town or village, yea no house almost in all these Provinces, wherein (amongst other the like Spanish virtues) not only whoredom, but the filthiness of Sodom, not to be named among Christians, is not common without reproof: the Pope's pardons being more rife in these parts than they be in any part of Europe, for these filthinesses whereout he sucketh no small advantage. Notwithstanding the Indians, who are nothing nearer the true knowledge of God than they were afore, abhor this most filthy and loathsome manner of living; Showing themselves in respect of the Spaniards, as the Scythians did in respect of the Grecians: who in their barbarous ignorance, yet in life and behaviour, did so far excel the wise and learned greeks, as they were short of them in the gifts of learning and knowledge. But as the Pope and Antichristian Bishops labour by their wicked factors with tooth and nail to deface the glory of God, and to shut up in darkness the light of the Gospel; so God doth not suffer his name and Religion to be altogether without witness, to the reproving both of his false and damnable doctrine, as also crying out against his unmeasurable and abominable licentiounesse of the flesh, even in these parts. For in this City of Lima, not two months before our coming thither, there were certain persons, to the number of twelve apprehended, examined, and condemned for the profession of the Gospel, and reprooving the doctrines of men, with the filthy manners used in that City: Of which twelve, six were bound to one stake and burnt, the rest remained yet in prison, to drink of the same cup within few days. Lastly, here we had intelligence of a certain rich ship, which was loaden with gold and silver for Panama, that had set forth of this haven the second of February. The very next day therefore in the morning (viz. the 16. of the said month Feb. 16) we set sail, as long as the wind would serve our turn, and towed our ship as soon as the wind failed; continuing our course toward Panama, making stay no where, but hastening all we might, to get sight if it were possible, of that gallant ship the Cacafuego, the great glory of the South sea; which was gone from Lima 14. days before us. We fell with the port of Paita in 4. deg. 4o. min. Febr. 20 Feb. 20. with port Saint Helen and the river and port of Guiaquill, Febr. 24 Febr. 24. we passed the line Febr. 28 the 28. and the first of March March 1 we fell with cape Francisco: where, about midday, we descried a sail a head of us, with whom after once we had spoken with her, we lay still in the same place about six days; to recover our breath again which we had almost spent with hasty following, and to recall to mind what adventures had passed us since our late coming from Lima; but especially to do john de Anton a kindness, in freeing him of the care of those things with which his ship was loaden. This ship we found to be the same of which we had heard, not only in the Calao of Lima, but also by diverse occasions afterward (which now we are at leisure to relate, viz. by a ship which we took between Lima and Paita: by another which we took loaden with wine in the port of Paita: by a third loaden with tackling and implements for ships (besides eighty pound weight in gold) from Guiaquill. And lastly, by Gabriel Aluarez, with whom we talked somewhat neearer the line) we found her to be indeed the Cacafuego: though before we left her, she were new named by a boy of her own the Cacaplata. We found in her some fruit, conserves, sugars, meal and other victuals, and (that which was the especiallest cause of her heavy and slow sailing) a certain quantity of jewels and precious stones, 13. chests of rials of plate; 80. pound weight in gold; 26. ton of uncoyned silver; two very fair gilt silver drinking bowls, and the like trifles, valued in all at about 360000. pezoes. We gave the master a little linen and the like, for these commodities; and at the end of six days we bad farewell and parted. He hastening somewhat lighter than before to Panama, we plying off to sea, that we might with more leisure consider what course hence forward were fittest to be taken. And considering that now we were come to the Northward of the line (Cape Francisco standing in the entrance of the bay of Panama, in 1. deg. of North latitude) and that there was no likelihood or hope that our ships should be before us that way by any means: seeing that in running so many degrees from the Southermost Lands hitherto, we could not have any sign or notice of their passage that way, notwithstanding that we had made so diligent search, and careful enquiry after them, in every harbour or creek almost as we had done; and considering also that the time of the year now drew on, wherein we must attempt, or of necessity wholly give over that action which chiefly our General had determined: namely, the discovery of what passage there was to be found, about the Northern parts of America, from the South sea, into our own Ocean (which being once discovered, and made known to be navigable, we should not only do our country a good and notable service, but we also ourselves, should have a nearer cut and passage home: where otherwise, we were to make a very long and tedious voyage of it, which would hardly agree with our good liking, we having been so long from home already, and so much of our strength separated from us) which could not at all be done, if the opportunity of time were now neglected: we therefore all of us willingly hearkened, and consented to our general's advice: which was, first to seek out some convenient place, wherein to trim our ship, and store ourselves with wood and water and other provisions, as we could get: and thenceforward to hasten on our intended journey, for the discovery of the said passage, through which we might with joy return to our longed homes. From this cape before we set onward March the 7. March 7 shaping our course towards the Island of Caines, with which we fell March 16. March 16 settling ourselves for certain days, in a fresh river, between the main and it; for the finishing of our needful businesses as it is aforesaid. While we abode in this place, we felt a very terrible earthquake, the force whereof was such, that our ship and pinnace, riding very near an English mile from the shore, were shaken and did quiver as if it had been laid on dry land: we fond here many good commodities which we wanted, as fish, fresh water, wood etc. besides Alagartoes, Munckeyes and the like, and in our journey hither, we met with one ship more (the last we met with in all those coasts) loaden with linen, China silk and China-dishes, amongst which we found also a Falcon of gold, handsomely wrought, with a great emerald set in the breast of it. March 24 From hence we parted the 24. day of the month forenamed, with full purpose to run the nearest course, as the wind would suffer us, without touch of land a long time; and therefore passed by port Papagaia; the port of the Vale, of the most rich and excellent balms of lericho; Quantapico; and divers others: as also certain gulfs hereabouts, which without intermission, send forth such continual and violent winds, that the Spaniards, though their ships be good, dare not venture themselves too near the danger of them. Notwithstanding, having notice that we should be troubled with often calms, and contrary winds, if we continued near the coast, and did not run of to sea to fetch the wind; and that if we did so, we could not then fall with land again when we would: our general thought it needful, that we should run in with some place or other, before our departure from the coast; to see if happily we could, by traffic, augment our provision of victuals, and other necessaries: that being at sea, we might not be driven to any great want or necessity albeit we had reasonable store of good things aboard us already. The next harbour therefore which we chanced with, Apr. 15 on April 15. in 15. deg. 40. min. was Guatulco so named of the Spaniards who inhabited it, with whom we had some intercourse, to the supply of many things which we desired, and chiefly bread etc. And now having reasonably, as we thought provided ourselves, we departed from the coast of America for the present: but not forgetting, before we gate a-shipboard, to take with us also a certain pot (of about a bushel in bigness) full of rials of plate, which we found in the town: together with a chain of gold, and some other jewels, which we entreated a gentleman Spaniard to leave behind him, as he was flying out of town. Apr. 16 From Guatulco we departed the day following, viz. April 16. setting our course directly into the sea: whereon we sailed 500 leagues in longitude, to give a wind: and between that and lune 3. 1400. leagues in all, till we came into 42. deg. of North latitude, where in the night following, we found such alteration of heat, into extreme and nipping cold, that our men in general, did grievously complain thereof; some of them feeling their healths much impaired thereby, neither was it, that this chanced in the night alone, but the day following carried with it, not only the marks, but the stings and force of the night going before; to the great admiration of us all, for besides that the pinching and biting air, was nothing altered; the very ropes of our ship were stiff, and the rain which fell, was an unnatural congealed and frozen substance, so that we seemed rather to be in the frozen Zone, than any way so near unto the sun, or these hotter climates. Neither did this happen for the time only, or by some sudden accident, but rather seems indeed, to proceed from some ordinary cause, against the which the heat of the sun prevails not, for it came to that extremity, in sailing but 2. deg. farther to the Northward in our course: that though seamen lack not good stomaches, yet it seemed a question to many amongst us, whether their hands should feed their mouths, or rather keep themselves within their coverts, from the pinching cold that did benumb them. Neither could we impute it to the tenderness of our bodies, though we came lately from the extremity of heat, by reason whereof we might be more sensible of the present cold: insomuch as the dead and senseless creatures, were as well affected with it as ourselves, our meat as soon as it was removed from the fire, would presently in a manner be frozen up; and our ropes and tackling, in few days were grown to that stiffness, that what 3. men afore were able with them to perform, now 6. men with their best strength, and uttermost endeavour, were hardly able to accomplish: whereby a sudden and great discouragement seized upon the minds of our men, and they were possessed with a great mislike, and doubting of any good to be done that way, yet would not our general be discouraged, but as well by comfortable speeches, of the divine providence, and of God's loving care over his children, out of the scriptures; as also by other good and profitable persuasions, adding thereto his own cheerful example, he so stirred them up, to put on a good courage, and to quite themselves like men, to endure some short extremity, to have the speedier comfort, and a little trouble, to obtain the greater glory; that every man was throughly armed with willingness, and resolved to see the uttermost, if it were possible, of what good was to be done that way. The land in that part of America, bearing farther out into the West, than we before imagined, we were nearer on it then we were aware; and yet the nearer still we came unto it, the more extremity of cold did seize upon us. june 5 The 5. day of june, we were forced by contrary winds, to run in with the shore, which we than first descried; and to cast anchor in a bad bay, the best road we could for the present meet with: where we were not without some danger, by reason of the many extreme gusts, and flaws that beat upon us; which if they ceased and were still at any time, immediately upon their intermission, there followed most vile, thick, and stinking fogs; against which the sea prevailed nothing, till the gusts of wind again removed them, which brought with them, such extremity and violence when they came, that there was no dealing or resisting against them. In this place was no abiding for us; and to go further North, the extremity of the cold (which had now utterly discouraged our men) would not permit us: and the winds directly bend against us, having once gotten us under sail again, commanded us to the Southward whether we would or no. From the height of 48. deg. in which now we were, to 38. we found the land by coasting alongst it to be but low and reasonable plain: every hill (whereof we saw many, but none very high) though it were in june, and the Sun in his nearest approach unto them being covered with snow. june 17 In 38 deg. 30. min. we fell with a convenient and fit harbour, and june 17. came to anchor therein: where we continued till the 23. day of july following. During all which time, notwithstanding it was in the height of Summer, and so near the Sun; yet were we continually visited with like nipping colds, as we had felt before: insomuch that if violent exercises of our bodies, and busy employment about our necessary labours, had not sometimes compelled us to the contrary, we could very well have been contented to have kept about us still our Winter clothes; yea (had our necessities suffered us) to have kept our beds; neither could we at any time in whole fourteen days together, find the air so clear as to be able to take the height of Sun or star. And here having so fit occasion, (notwithstanding it may seem to be besides the purpose of writing the history of this our voyage) we will a little more diligently inquire into the causes of the continuance of the extreme cold in these parts: as also into the probabilities or unlikelihoods of a passage to be found that way. Neither was it (as hath formerly been touched) the tenderness of our bodies, coming so lately out of the heat, whereby the poors were opened, that made us so sensible of the colds we here felt: in this respect, as in many others, we found our God a provident father, and careful Physician for us. We lacked no outward helps nor inward comforts, to restore and fortify nature, had it been decayed or weakened in us; neither was there wanting to us the great experience of our General, who had often himself proved the force of the burning Zone; whose advice always prevailed much to the preserving of a moderate temper in our constitutions: so that even after our departure from the heat we always found our bodies not as sponges, but strong and hardened, more able to bear out cold, though we came out of excess of heat, than a number of chamber champions could have been, who lie on their featherbeds till they go to sea, or rather whose teeth in a temperate air do beat in their heads, at a cup of cold Sack and sugar by the fire. And that it was not our tenderness, but the very extremity of the cold itself, that caused this sensibleness in us, may the rather appear in that the natural inhabitants of the place (with whom we had for a long season familiar intercourse, as is to be related) who had never been acquainted with such heat; to whom the country, air, and climate was proper; and in whom custom of cold was as it were a second nature: yet used to come shivering to us in their warm furs; crowding close together body to body, to receive heat one of another, and sheltering themselves under a lee bank, if it were possible, and as often as they could, labouring to shroud themselves under our garments also, to keep them warm. Besides how unhandsome and deformed appeared the face of the earth itself showing tree without leaves, and the ground without greennes in those months of june and july. The poor birds and fowls not daring (as we had great experience to observe it) not daring so much as once to arise from their nests, after the first egg laid, till it with all the rest be hatched, and brought to some strength of nature, able to help itself. Only this recompense hath nature afforded them, that the heat of their own bodies being exceeding great, it perfecteth the creature with greater expedition, and in shorter time than is to be found in many other places. As for the causes of this extremity they seem not to be so deeply hidden, but that they may at least in part be guessed at: The chiefest of which we conceive to be the large spreading of the Asian and American continent, which (somewhat Northward of these parts) if they be not fully joined, yet seem they to come very near one to the other. From whose high and snow-covered mountains, the North and Northwest winds (the constant visitants of those coasts) send abroad their frozen nymphs, to the infecting of the whole air with this insufferable sharpness: not permitting the Sun, no not in the pride of his heat, to dissolve that congealed matter and snow, which they have breathed out so nigh the Sun, and so many degrees distant from themselves. And that the North and Northwest winds are here constant in june and july, as the North wind alone is in August and September; we not only found it by our own experience, but were fully confirmed in the opinion thereof, by the continued observations of the Spaniards. Hence comes the general squalidnesse and barrenness of the country; hence comes it, that in the midst of their Summer, the snow hardly departeth even from their very doors, but is never taken away from their hills at all; hence come those thick mists and most stinking fogs, which increase so much the more, by how much higher the pole is raised: wherein a blind pilot is as good as the best director of a course. For the Sun striving to perform his natural office, in elevating the vapours out of these inferior bodies; draweth necessarily abundance of moisture out of the sea: bat the nipping cold (from the former causes) meeting and opposing the Sun's endeavour, forces him to give over his work imperfect: and instead of higher elevation, to leave in the lowest region, wand'ring upon the face of the earth and waters, as it were a second sea: through which its own beams cannot possibly pierce, unless sometimes when the sudden violence of the winds doth help to scatter and break through it; which thing happeneth very seldom, and when it happeneth is of no continuance. Some of our mariners in this voyage had formerly been at Wardhouse, in 72. deg. of North latitude; who yet affirmed, that they felt no such nipping cold there in the end of Summer, when they departed thence, as they did here in those hottest months of june and july. And also from these reasons we conjecture; that either there is no passage at all through these Northern coasts (which is most likely) or if there be, that yet it is unnavigable. Add hereunto, that though we searched the coast diligently, even unto the 48. deg. yet found we not the land, to trend so much as one point in any place towards the East, but rather running on continually Northwest, as if it went directly to meet with Asia; and even in that height when we had a frank wind, to have carried us through, had there been a passage, yet we had a smooth and calm sea, with ordinary flowing and reflowing, which could not have been, had there been a frete: of which we rather infallibly concluded then conjectured, that there was none. But to return. june 18 The next day after our coming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the people of the country showed themselves; sending off a man with great expedition to us in a canow. Who being yet but a little from the shore, and a great way from our ship, spoke to us continually as he came rowing on. And at last at a reasonable distance staying himself, he began more solemnly a long and tedious oration, after his manner: using in the delivery thereof, many gestures and signs; moving his hands, turning his head and body many ways; and after his oration ended, with great show of reverence and submission, returned back to shore again. He shortly came again the second time in like manner, and so the third time: When he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of feathers, much like the feathers of a black crow, very neatly and artificially gathered upon a string, and drawn together into a round bundle, being very clean and finely cut, and bearing in length an equal proportion one with another; a special cognizance (as we afterwards observed) which they that guard their king's person, wear on their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, and filled with an herb which they called Tabáh. Both which being tied to a short rod, he cast into our boat. Our General intended to have recompensed him immediately with many good things, he would have bestowed upon him: but entering into the boat to deliver the same, he could not be drawn to receive them by any means: save one hat, which being cast into the water out of the ship, he took up (refusing utterly to meddle with any other thing, though it were upon a board put off unto him) and so presently made his return. After which time, our boat could row no way, but wondering at us as at gods, they would follow, the same with admiration. The 3. day following, viz. jan. 21 the 21. our ship having received a leak at sea, was brought to-anchor nearer the shore, that her goods being landed, she might be repaired: but for that we were to prevent any danger, that might chance against our safety, our general first of all landed his men, with all necessary provision, to build tents and make a fort for the defence of ourselves and goods: and that we might under the shelter of it, with more safety (what ever should befall) end our business; which when the people of the country perceived us doing, as men set on fire to war, in defence of their country, in great haste and companies, with such weapons as they had, they came down unto us; and yet with no hostile meaning, or intent to hurt us: standing when they drew near, as men ravished in their minds, with the sight of such things as they never had seen, or heard of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and fear to worship us as Gods, then to have any war with us as with mortal men. Which thing as it did partly show itself at that instant, so did it more and more manifest itself afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst them. At this time, being willed by signs to lay from them their bows and arrows, they did as they were directed, and so did all the rest, as they came more and more by companies unto them, growing in a little while, to a great number both of men and women. To the intent therefore, that this peace which they themselves so willingly sought, might without any cause of the breach thereof, on our part given, be continued; and that we might with more safety and expedition, end our businesses in quiet; our General with all his company, used all means possible, gently to entreat them, bestowing upon each of them liberally, good and necessary things to cover their nakedness, withal signifying unto them, we were no Gods but men, and had need of such things to cover our own shame; teaching them to use them to the same ends: for which cause also we did eat and drink in their presence, giving them to understand, that without that we could not live, and therefore were but men as well as they. Notwithstanding nothing could persuade them, nor remove that opinion, which they had conceived of us, that we should be Gods. In recompense of those things which they had received of us, as shirts linen cloth, etc. they bestowed upon our general, and divers of our company, divers things, as feathers, cawles of network, the quivers of their arrows, made of fawne-skins, and the very skins of beasts that their women wore upon their bodies. Having thus had their fill of this times visiting and beholding of us, they departed with joy to their houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and have from the uppermost brims of the circle, clefts of wood set up, and joined close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a Church: which being covered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warm, the door in the most part of them, performs the office also of a chimney, to let out the smoke: it's made in bigness and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, only with rushes strewed upon it, and lying round about the house, have their fire in the midst, which by reason that the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giveth a marvellous reflection to their bodies to heat the same. Their men for the most part go naked, the women take akinde of bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hemp, make themselves thereof a loose garment, which being knit about their middles, hangs down about their hips, and so affords to them a covering of that, which nature teaches should be hidden: about their shoulders, they wear also the skin of a dear, with the hair upon it. They are very obedient to their-husbands, and exceeding ready in all services: yet of themselves offering to do nothing, without the consents, or being called of the men. As soon as they were returned to their houses, they began amongst themselves a kind of most lamentable weeping & crying out; which they continued also a great while together, in such sort, that in the place where they left us (being near about 3. quarters of an English mile distant from them) we very plainly, with wonder and admiration did hear the same: the women especially, extending their voices, in a most miserable and doleful manner of shrieking. Notwithstanding this humble manner of presenting themselves, and awful demeanour used towards us, we thought it no wisedowe too far to trust them (our experience of former Infidels dealing with us before, made us careful to provide against an alteration of their affections, or breach of peace if it should happen) and therefore with all expedition we set up our tents, and entrenched ourselves with walls of stone: that so being fortified within ourselves, we might be able to keep off the enemy (if they should so prove) from coming amongst us without our good wills: this being quickly finished we went the more cheerfully and securely afterward, about our other business. Against the end of two days (during which time they had not again been with us) there was gathered together a great assembly of men, women, and children (invited by the report of them which first saw us, who as it seems, had in that time, of purpose dispersed themselves into the country, to make known the news) who came now the second time unto us, bringing with them as before had been done, feathers and bags of Tobàh for presents, or rather indeed for sacrifices, upon this persuasion that we were Gods. When they came to the top of the hill, at the bottom whereof we had built our fort, they made a stand; where one (appointed as their chief speaker) wearied both us his hearers, and himself too, with a long and tedious oration: delivered with strange and violent gestures, his voice being extended to the uttermost strength of nature, and his words falling so thick one in the neck of another, that he could hardly fetch his breath again: as soon as he had concluded, all the rest, with a reverend bowing of their bodies (in a dreaming manner, and long producing of the same) cried Oh: thereby giving their consents, that all was very true which he had spoken, and that they had uttered their mind by his mouth unto us; which done, the men laying down their bows upon the hill, and leaving their women and children behind them, came down with their presents; in such sort, as if they had appeared before a God indeed: thinking themselves happy, that they might have access unto our general, but much more happy, when they saw that he would receive at their hands, those things which they so willingly had presented: and no doubt, they thought themselves nearest unto God, when they sat or stood next to him: In the mean time the women, as if they had been desperate, used unnatural violence against themselves, crying and shrieking piteously, tearing their flesh with their nails from their cheeks, in a monstrous manner, the blood streaming down along their breasts; besides despoiling the upper parts of their bodies, of those single coverings they formerly had, and holding their hands above their heads, that they might not rescue their breasts from harm, they would with fury cast themselves upon the ground, never respecting whether it were clean or soft, but dashed themselves in this manner on hard stones, knobby, hillocks, stocks of wood, and pricking bushes, or what ever else lay in their way, itterating the same course again and again: yea women great with child, some nine or ten times each, and others holding out till 15. or 16. times (till their strengths failed them) exercised this cruelty against themselves: A thing more grievous for us to see, or suffer could we have holp it, then trouble to them (as it seemed) to do it. This bloody sacrifice (against our wills) being thus performed, our General with his company in the presence of those strangers fell to prayers: and by signs in lifting up our eyes and hands to heaven, signified unto them, that that God whom we did serve, and whom they ought to worship, was above: Beseeching God if it were his good pleasure to-open by some means their blinded eyes; that they might in due time be called to the knowledge of him the true and everliving God, and of jesus Christ whom he hath sent, the salvation of the Gentiles. In the time of which prayers, singing of Psalms, and reading of certain Chapters in the Bible, they sat very attentively: and observing the end at every pause, with one voice still cried, Oh, greatly rejoicing in our exercises. Yea they took such pleasure in our singing of Psalms, that whensoever they resorted to us, their first request was commonly this, Gnaáh, by which they entreated that we would sing. Our General having now bestowed upon them diverse things, at their departure they restored them all again; none carrying with him any thing of whatsoever he had received, thinking themselves sufficiently enriched and happy, that they had found so free access to see us. Against the end of three days more (the news having the while spread itself farther, and as it seemed a great way up into the country) were assembled the greatest number of people, which we could reasonably imagine, to dwell within any convenient distance round about. Amongst the rest, the king himself, a man of a goodly stature and comely personage attended with his guard, of about 100 tall and warlike men, this day, viz. june 26 june 26. came down to see us. Before his coming, were sent two Ambassadors or messengers to our General, to signify that their Hióh, that is, their king was coming and at hand. They in the delivery of their message, the one spoke with a soft and low voice, prompting his fellow; the other pronounced the same word by word after him, with a voice more audible: continuing their proclamation (for such it was) about half an hour. Which being ended, they by signs made request to our General, to send something by their hands to their Hióh or king, as a token that his coming might be in peace. Our General willingly satisfied their desire; and they, glad men, made speedy return to their Hióh: Neither was it long before their king (making as princely a show as possibly he could) with all his train came forward. In their coming forwards they cried continually after a singing manner with a lusty courage. And as they drew nearer and nearer towards us, so did they more and more strive to behave themselves with a certain comeliness and gravity in all their actions. In the forefront came a man of a large body and goodly aspect bearing the Sceptre or royal mace (made of a certain kind of black wood, and in length about a yard and a half) before the king. Whereupon hanged two crowns, a bigger and a less, with three chains of a marvelous length, and often doubled; besides a bag of the herb Tabáh. The crowns were made of knitworke, wrought upon most curiously with feathers of diverse colours, very artificially placed, and of a formal fashion: The chains seemed of a bony substance: every link or part thereof being very little, thin, most finely burnished, with a hole pierced through the midst. The number of links going to make one chain, is in a manner infinite: but of such estimation it s amongst them, that few be the persons that are admitted to wear the same: and even they to whom its lawful to use them, yet are stinted what number they shall use; as some ten, some twelve, some twenty, and as they exceed in number of chains, so are they thereby known to be the more honourable personages. Next unto him that bore his Sceptre, was the king himself with his guard about him: His attire upon his head was a cawl of knitworke, wrought upon somewhat like the crowns, but differing much both in fashion and perfectness of work; upon his shoulders he had on a coat of the skins of coneys, reaching to his waist: His guard also had each coats of the same shape, but of other skins: some having cawles likewise stuck with feathers, or covered over with a certain down, which groweth up in the country upon an herb much like our lectuce; which exceeds any other down in the world for fineness, and being laid upon their cawles by no winds can be removed: Of such estimation is this herb amongst them, that the down thereof is not lawful to be worn, but of such persons as are about the king (to whom also it is permitted to wear plume of feathers on their heads, in sign of honour) and the seeds are not used but only in sacrifice to their gods. After these in their order, did follow the naked sort of common people; whose hair being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stuck plumes of feathers, but in the forepart only single feathers like horns, every one pleasing himself in his own device. This one thing was observed to be general amongst them all; that every one had his face painted, some which white, some black, and some with other colours, every man also bringing in his hand one thing or other for a gift or present: Their train or last part of their company consisted of women and children, each woman bearing against her breast a round basket or two, having within them diverse things, as bags of Tobâh, a root which they call Petáh, whereof they make a kind of meal, and either bake it into bread, or eat it raw; broiled fishes like a pilchard; the seed and down aforenamed, with such like: Their baskets were made in fashion like a deep boale, and though the matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuff, yet was it so cunningly handled, that the most part of them would hold water; about the brims they were hanged with pieces of the shells of pearls, and in some places with two or three links at a place, of the chains forenamed: thereby signifying, that they were vessels wholly dedicated to the only use of the gods they worshipped: and besides this, they were wrought upon with the matted down of red feathers, distinguished into diverse works and forms. In the mean time our General having assembled his men together (as forecasting the danger, and worst that might fall our) prepared himself to stand upon sure ground, that we might at all times be ready in our own defence, if any thing should chance otherwise then was looked for or expected. Wherefore every man being in a warlike readiness, he marched within his fenced place, making against their approach a most warlike show (as he did also at all other times of their resort) whereby if they had been desperate enemies, they could not have chosen but have conceived terror and fear, with discouragement to attempt any thing against us, in beholding of the same. When they were come somewhat near unto us, trooping togetehr, they gave us a common or a general salutation: observing in the mean time a general silence. Whereupon he who bore the Sceptre before the king, being prompted by another whom the king assigned to that office, pronounced with an audible and manly voice, what the other spoke to him in secret: continuing, whether it were his oration or proclamation, at the least half an hour. At the close whereof, there was a common Amen, in sign of approbation given by every person: And the king himself with the whole number of men and women (the little children only remaining behind) came further down the hill, and as they came set themselves again in their former order. And being now come to the foot of the hill and near out for't, the Sceptre bearer with a composed countenance and stately carriage began a song, and answerable thereunto, observed a kind of measures in a dance: whom the king with his guard and every other sort of person following, did in like manner sing and dance, saving only the women who danced but kept silence. As they danced they still came on: and our General perceiving their plain and simple meaning, gave order that they might freely enter without interruption within our bulwark: Where after they had entered they yet continued their song and dance a reasonable time: their women also following them with their wassail bowls in their hands, their bodies bruised, their faces torn, their dugs, breasts, and other parts bespotted with blood, trickling down from the wounds, which with their nails they had made before their coming. After that they had satisfied or rather tired themselves in this manner, they made signs to our General to have him sit down; Unto whom both the king and diverse others made several orations, or rather indeed if we, had understood them, supplications, that he would take the Province and kingdom into his hand, and become their king and patron: making signs that they would resign unto him their right and title in the whole land, and become his vassals in themselves and their posterities: Which that they might make us indeed believe that it was their true meaning and intent; the king himself with all the rest with one consent, and with great reverence, joyfully singing a song, set the crown upon his head; enriched his neck with all their chains; and offering unto him many other things, honoured him by the name of Hyóh. Adding thereunto (as it might seem) a song and dance of triumph: because they were not only visited of the gods (for so they still judged us to be) but the great and chief god was now become their god, their king and patron, and themselves were become the only happy and blessed people in all the World. These things being so freely offered, our General thought not meet to reject or refuse the same: both for that he would not give them any cause of mistrust, or disliking of him (that being the only place, wherein at this present, we were of necessity enforced to seek relief of many things) and chiefly, for that he knew not to what good end God had brought this to pass, or what honour and profit it might bring to our country in time to come. Wherefore in the name and to the use of her most excellent majesty, he took the sceptre crown and dignity, of the said country into his hand; wishing nothing more, then that it had lain so fitly for her majesty to enjoy, as it was now her proper own, and that the riches and treasures thereof (wherewith in the upland countries it abounds) might with as great conveniency be transported, to the enriching of her kingdom here at home, as it is in plenty to be attained there: and especially, that so tractable and loving a people, as they showed themselves to be, might have means to have manifested their most willing obedience the more unto her, and by her means, as a mother and nurse of the Church of Christ, might by the preaching of the Gospel, be brought to the right knowledge, and obedience of the true and everliving God. The ceremonies of this resigning, and receiving of the kingdom being thus performed, the common sort both of men and women, leaving the king and his guard about him, with our general, dispersed themselves among our people, taking a diligent view or survey of every man; and finding such as pleased their fancies (which commonly were the youngest of us) they presently enclosing them about, offered their sacrifices unto them, crying out with lamentable shrieks and moans, weeping, and scratching, and tearing their very flesh off their faces with their nails, neither were it the women alone which did this, but even old men, roaring and crying out, were as violent as the women were. We groaned in spirit to see the power of Satan so far prevail, in seducing these so harmless souls, and laboured by all means, both by showing our great dislike, and when that served not, by violent withholding of their hands from that madness, directing them (by our eyes and hands lift up towards heaven) to the living God whom they ought to serve: but so mad were they upon their Idolatry, that forcible withholding them would not prevail (for as soon as they could get liberty to their hands again, they would be as violent as they were before) till such time, as they when they worshipped, were conveyed from them into the tents, whom yet as men desides themselves, they would with fury and outrage seek to have again. After that time had a little qualified their madness, they then began to show & make known unto us their griefs and diseases which they carried about them, some of them having old aches, some shrunk sinews, some old sores and cankered ulcers, some wounds more lately received, and the like, in most lamentable manner craving help and cure thereof from us: making signs, that if we did but blow upon their griefs, or but touched the diseased places, they would be whole. Their griefs we could not but take pity on them, and to our power desire to help them: but that (if it pleased God to open their eyes) they might understand we were but men and no gods, we used ordinary means, as lotions, emplasters, and unguents most fitly (as far as our skills could guess) agreeing to the natures of their griefs, beseeching God, if it made for his glory, to give cure to their diseases by these means. The like we did from time to time as they resorted to us. Few were the days, wherein they were absent from us, during the whole time of our abode in that place: and ordinarily every third day, they brought their sacrifices, till such time, as they certainly understood our meaning, that we took no pleasure, but were displeased with them: whereupon their zeal abated, and their sacrificing, for a season, to our good liking ceased; notwithstanding they continued still to make their resort unto us in great abundance, and in such sort, that they ofttimes forgot, to provide meat for their own sustenance; so that our general (of whom they made account as of a father) was fain to perform the office of a father to them, relieving them with such victuals, as we had provided for ourselves, as, Muscles, Scales, and such like, wherein they took exceeding much content; and seeing that their sacrifices were displeasing to us, yet (hating ingratitude) they sought to recompense us, with such things as they had, which they willingly enforced upon us, though it were never so necessary or needful for themselves to keep. They are a people of a tractable, free, and loving nature, without guile or treachery; they bows and arrows (their only weapons, and almost all their wealth) they use very skilfully, but yet not to do any great harm with them, being by reason of their weakness, more fit for children then for men, sending the arrow neither far off, nor with any great force: and yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that that, which 2. or 3. of our men could hardly bear, one of them would take upon his back, and without grudging carry it easily away, up hill and down hill an English mile together: they are also exceeding swift in running, and of long continuance; the use whereof is so familiar with them, that they seldom go, but for the most part run. One thing we observed in them with admiration: that if at any time, they chanced to see a fish, so near the shore, that they might reach the place without swimming, they would never, or very seldom miss to take it. After that our necessary businesses were well dispatched, our general with his gentlemen, and many of his company, made a journey up into the land, to see the manner of their dwelling, and to be the better acquainted, with the nature and commodities of the country. Their houses were all such as we have formerly described, and being many of them in one place, made several villages here and there. The inland we found to be far different from the shore, a goodly country, and fruitful soil, stored with many blessings fit for the use of man: infinite was the company of very large and fat Deer, which there we saw by thousands, as we supposed, in a heard: besides a multitude of a strange kind of Coneys, by far exceeding them in number: their heads and bodies, in which they resemble other Coneys, are but small; his tail like the tail of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like the paws of a Want or Mole; under his chin, on either side, he hath a bag, into which he gathereth his meat, when he hath filled his belly abroad, that he may with it, either feed his young, or feed himself, when he lists not to travail from his burrow: the people eat their bodies, and make great account of their skins, for their king's holidays coat was made of them. This country our general named Albion, and that for two causes; the one in respect of the white banks and cliffs, which lie toward the sea: the other, that it might have some affinity, even in name also, with our own country, which was sometime so called. Before we went from thence, our general caused to be set up, a monument of our being there; as also of her majesties, and successors right and title to that kingdom, namely, a plate of brass, fast nailed to a great and firm post; whereon is engraven her grace's name, and the day and year of our arrival there, and of the free giving up, of the province and kingdom, both by the king and people, into her majesty's hands: together with her highness' picture, and arms in a piece of sixpence currant English money, showing itself by a hole made of purpose through the plate: underneath was likewise engraven the name of our general etc. The Spaniards never had any dealing, or so much as set a foot in this country; the utmost of their discoveries, reaching only to many degrees Southward of this place. And now, as the time of our departure was perceived by them to draw nigh, so did the sorrows and miseries of this people, seem to themselves to increase upon them; and the more certain they were of our going away, the more doubtful they showed themselves, what they might do; so that we might easily judge that that joy (being exceeding great) wherewith they received us at our first arrival, was clean drowned in their excessive sorrow for our departing: For they did not only lose on a sudden all mirth, joy, glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility of body, familiar rejoicing one with another, and all pleasure what ever flesh and blood might be delighted in, but with sighs and sorrowings, with heavy hearts and grieved minds, they poured out woeful complaints and moans, with bitter tears and wring of their hands, tormenting themselves. And as men refusing all comfort, they only accounted themselves as castaways, and those whom the gods were about to forsake: So that nothing we could say or do, was able to ease them of their so heavy a burden, or to deliver them from so desperate a strait, as our leaving of them did seem to them that it would cast them into. Howbeit seeing they could not still enjoy our presence, they (supposing us to be gods indeed) thought it their duties to entreat us that being absent, we would yet be mindful of them, and making signs of their desires, that in time to come we would see them again, they stole upon us a sacrifice, and set it on fire err we were aware; burning therein a chain and a bunch of feathers. We laboured by all means possible to withhold or withdraw them but could not prevail, till at last we fell to prayers and singing of Psalms, whereby they were alured immediately to forget their folly, and leave their sacrifice vnconsumed, suffering the fire to go out, and imitating us in all our actions; they fell a lifting up their eyes and hands to heaven as they saw us do. july 23 The 23. of july they took a sorrowful farewell of us, but being loath to leave us, they presently ran to the tops of the hills to keep us in their sight as long as they could, making fires before and behind, and on each side of them, burning therein (as is to be supposed) sacrifices at our departure. Not far without this harbour did lie certain Lands (we called them the Lands of Saint james) having on than plentiful and great store of Seals and birds, with one of which we fell july 24 july 24. whereon we found such provision as might competently serve our turn for a While. We departed again the day next following, viz. july 35. july 25. And our General now considering, that the extremity of the cold not only continued but increased, the Sun being gone farther from us, and that the wind blowing still (as it did at first) from the Northwest, cut off all hope of finding a passage through these Northern parts, thought it necessary to lose no time; and therefore with general consent of all, bend his course directly to ton with the Lands of the Moluccas. And so having nothing in our view but air and sea, without sight of any land for the space of full 68 days together, we continued our course through the main Ocean, till September 30. Sept. 30. following, on which day we fell in ken of certain Lands, lying about eight degrees to the Northward of the line. From these Lands present'y upon the discovery of us, came a great number of canowes, having each of them in some four, in some six, in some fourteen or fifteen men, bringing with them Coques, fish, Potatoes, and certain fruits to small purpose. Their canowes were made after the fashion, that the canowes of all the rest of the Lands of Moluccas for the most part are: That is of one tree, hollowed within with great art and cunning, being made so smooth both within and without, that they bore a gloss, as if it were a harness most finely burnished: A prow and stern they had of one fashion, yielding inward in manner of a semicircle, of a great height, and hanged full of certain white and glistering s●●●ls for bravery: One each side of their canoes, lay out two pieces of timber about a yard and half long, more or less according to the capacity of their boat. At the ends whereof was fastened crosswise a great cane, the use whereof was to keep their canowes from overthrowing, and that they might be equally borne up on each side. The people themselves have the neither parts of their ears cut round or circlewise, hanging down very low upon their cheeks, wherein they hang things of a reasonable weight: the nails on the fingers of some of them, were at least an inch long, and their teeth as black as pitch; the colour whereof they use to renew by often eating of an herb, with a kind of powder, which in a cane they carry about them to the same purpose. The first sort and company of those canowes being come to our ship (which then by reason of a scant wind made little way) very subtly and against their natures, began in peace to traffic with us, giving us one thing for another very orderly, intending (as we perceived) hereby to work a greater mischief to us: Entreating us by signs most earnestly to draw nearer towards the shore, that they might (if possible) make the easier prey both of the ship and us. But these passing away, and others continually resorting, we were quickly able to guess at them what they were: For if they received any thing once into their hands, they would neither give recompense nor restitution of it, but thought what ever they could finger to be their own: Expecting always with brows of brass to receive more, but would part with nothing: Yea being rejected for their bad dealing, as those with whom we would have no more to do, using us so evilly, they could not be satisfied till they had given the attempt to revenge themselves, because we would not give them whatsoever they would have for nothing: And having stones good store in their canowes, let fly a main of them against us. It was far from our General's meaning to requite their malice by like injury. Yet that they might know that be had power to do them harm (if he had listed) he caused a great piece to be shot off not to hurt them but to affright them. Which wrought the desired effect amongst them, for at the noise thereof, they every one leapt out of his canow into the water, and diving under the keel of their boats, stayed them from going any way till our ship was gone a good way from them. Then they all lightly recovered into their canowes, and got them with speed toward the shore. Notwithstanding other new companies (but all of the same mind) continually made resort unto us. And seeing that there was no good to be got by violence, they put on a show of seeming honesty, and offering in show to deal with us by way of exchange; under that pretence they cunningly fell a filching of what they could, and one of them pulled a dagger and knives from one of our men's girdles, and being required to restore it again, he rather used what means he could to catch at more. Neither could we at all be to rid of this ungracious company, till we made some of them feel some smart as well as terror: and so we left that place by all passengers to be known hereafter by the name of the Island of thieves. Octob. 3 Till the third of October we could not get clear of these consorts, but from thence we continued our course without sight of land till the Octob. 16 16. of the same month, when we fell with four Lands standing in 7. deg. 5. min. to the Northward of the line. Octob. 21 We coasted them till the 21. day, and then anchored and watered upon the biggest of them called Mindanao. Octob. 22 The 22. of October as we passed between two Lands, about six or eight leagues South of Mindanao, there came from them two canoes to have talked with us, and we would willingly have talked with them, but there arose so much wind that put us from them to the Southwards. Octob. 25 October 25. we passed by the Island named Talao in 3. deg. 40. min. we saw to the Northward of it three or four other Lands, Octob. 30 Teda, Saeln Saran, (three Lands so named to us by an Indian) the middle whereof stands in 3. deg. we passed the last save one of thes▪ & Novemb. 1 the first day of the following month in like manner, we passed the I'll Suaro in 1. deg. 50. min, and Nou. 3 the third of November we came in sight of the Lands of the Moluccaes' as we desired. These are four high piked Lands, their names, Tirenáte, Tidóre, Matchan, Baetchan, all of them very fruitful, and yielding abundance of cloves, whereof we furnished ourselves of as much as we desired at a very cheap rate. At the East of them lies a very great Island called Gillola. We directed our course to have gone to Tidore but in coasting along a little Island belonging to the king of Terenate, Nou. 4 Nouemb. 4. his deputy or Viceroy with all expedition came off to our ship in a canow, and without any fear or doubting of our good meaning came presently aboard. Who after some conference with our General, entreated him by any means to run with Terenate, not with Tidore, assuring him that his king would be wondrous glad of his coming, and be ready to do for him what he could, and what our General in reason should require: For which purpose he himself would that night be with his king to carry him the news: with whom if he once dealt, he should find, that as he was a king so his word should stand; whereas if he dealt with the Portugeses (who had the command of Tidore) he should find in them nothing but deceit and treachery. And besides that if he went to Tidore before he came to Terenate, than would his king have nothing to do with us, for he held the Portugal as an enemy. On these persuasions our General resolved to run with Terenate, where the next day very early in the morning we came to anchor: And presently, our General sent a messenger to the king with a velvet cloak, for a present and token that his coming should be in peace: and that he required no other thing at his hands, but that (his victuals being spent in so long a voyage) he might have supply from him by way of traffic and exchange of merchandise (whereof he had store of diverse sorts) of such things as he wanted. Which he thought he might be the bolder to require at his hands, both for that the thing was lawful, and that he offered him no prejudice or wrong therein, as also because he was entreated to repair to that place by his Viceroy at Mutir, who assured him of necessary provision in such manner as now he required the same. Before this, the Viceroy according to his promise had been with the king, signifying unto him what a mighty Prince and kingdom we belonged unto, what good things the king might receive from us, not only now, but for hereafter by way of traffic: yea what honour and benefit it might be to him, to be in league and friendship with so noble and famous a Prince as we served: And farther what a discouragement it would be to the Portugals his enemies to hear and see it: In hearing whereof the king was so presently moved to the well liking of the matter, that before our messenger could come half the way, he had sent the Viceroy with diverse others of his Nobles and Councillors to our General, with special message that he should not only have what things he needed, or would require with peace and friendship, but that be would willingly entertain amity with so famous and renowned a Princes as was ours, and that if it seemed good in her eyes to accept of it, he would sequester the commodities and traffic of his whole Island from others, especially from his enemies the Portugals (from whom he had nothing but by the sword) and reserve it to the intercourse of our Nation, if we would embrace it: In token whereof he had now sent to our General his signet, and would within short time after, come in his own person with his brethren and Nobles with boats or canowes into our ship, and be a means of bringing her into a safer harbour. While they were delivering their message to us, our messenger was come unto the Court, who being met by the way by certain noble personages, was with great solemnity conveied into the king's presence: at whose hands he was most friendly and graciously entertained, and having delivered his errand together with his present unto the king, the king seemed to him to judge himself blame-worthy, that he had not sooner hasted in person to present himself to our General, who came so far and from so great a Prince; And presently with all expedition, he made ready himself with the chiefest of all his States and Councillors to make repair unto us. The manner of his coming as it was princely, so truly it seemed to us very strange & marvelous: serving at the present not so much to set out his own royal and kingly state (which was great) as to do honour to her highness to whom we belonged; wherein how willingly he employed himself, the sequel will make manifest. First therefore, before his coming, did he send off 3. great and large Canowes; in each whereof, were certain of the greatest personages that were about him, attired all of them in white Lawn, or cloth of Calcutta, having over their heads, from one end of the Canow to the other, a covering of thin and fine mats, borne up by a frame made of reeds, under which every man sat in order according to his dignity; the hoary heads, of many of them, set forth the greater reverence due to their persons, and manifestly showed, that the king used the advice of a grave and prudent Counsel, in his affairs. Besides these, were divers others, young and comely men, a great number attired in white as were the other, but with manifest differences: having their places also under the same covering, but in inferior order, as their calling required. The rest of the men were soldiers, who stood in comely order round about on both sides; on the outside of whom, again did sit the rowers in certain galleries, which being 3. on each side all alongst the Canow, did lie off from the side thereof, some 3. or 4. yards, one being orderly builded lower than the other: in every of which galleries was an equal number of banks, whereon did sit the rowers, about the number of fourescoure in one Canow: In the forepart of each Canow, sat two men, the one holding a Tabret, the other a piece of brass, whereon they both at once stroke; and observing a due time and reasonable space between each stroke by the sound thereof, directed the rowers to keep their stroke with their oars; as on the contrary, the rowers ending their stroke with a song, gave warning to the others to strike again; and so continued they their way with marvellous swiftness: neither were their Canowes naked or unfurnished of warlike munition, they had each of them, at least one small cast piece of about a yard in length mounted upon a stock, which was set upright; besides every man except the rowers, had his sword, dagger, and target, and some of them some other weapons, as, lances, calivers, bows, arrows, and many darts. These Canowes coming near our ship in order, rowed round about us one after another; and the men as they pass by us, did us a kind of homage with great solemnity, the greatest personages beginning first, with reverend countenance and behaviour, to bow their bodies even to the ground: which done, they put our own messenger aboard us again, and signified to us, that their king (who himself was coming) had sent them before him, to conduct our ship into a better road, desiring a halser to be given them forth, that they might employ their service as their king commanded, in towing our ship therewith to the place assigned. The king himself was not far behind, but he also with 6. grave and ancient fathers in his Canow approaching, did at once together with them, yield us a reverend kind of obeisance in far more humble manner, than was to be expected; he was of a tall stature, very corpulent and well set together, of a very princely and gracious countenance; his respect amongst his own was such, that neither his Viceroy of Mutir aforenamed, nor any other of his counsellors, durst speak unto him but upon their knees, not rising again till they were licenced. Whose coming as it was to our general, no small cause of goodliking, so was he received in the best manner we could, answerable unto his state: our ordinance thundered, which we mixed with great store of small shot, among which sounding our trumpets, and other instruments of music, both of still and loud noise, where with he was so much delighted, that requesting our music to come into the boat, he joined his Canow to the same, and was towed at least a whole hour together, with the boat at the stern of our ship: Besides this, our general sent him such presents, as he thought, might both requite his courtesy already received, and work a farther confirmation, of that goodliking and friendship already begun. The king being thus in musical paradise, and enjoying that wherewith he was so highly pleased; his brother named Moro with no less bravery, than any of the rest, accompanied also with a great number of gallant followers, made the like repair, and gave us like respect; and his homage done he fell asterne of us, till we came to anchor: neither did our general leave his courtesy unrewarded, but bountifully pleased him also before we parted. The king as soon as we were come to anchor, craved pardon to be gone, and so took leave, promising us, that the next day he would come aboard, and in the mean time would prepare and send such victuals, as were requisite and necessary for our provision. Accordingly the same night, and the morrow following, we received what was there to be had, by way of traffic, to wir, rice in pretty quantity, hens, sugar canes, imperfect and liquid sugar, a fruit which they call Figo (Magellane calls it a fig of a span long, but is no other than that which the Spaniards and Portingalls have named Plantanes) Cocoes' and a kind of meal which they call Sago, made of the tops of certain trees, tasting in the mouth like sour curds, but meltes away like sugar; whereof they make a kind of cake which will keep good at least 10. years; of this last we made the greatest quantity of our provision: for a few cloves we did also traffic, whereof for, a small matter, we might have had greater store, than we could well tell where to bestow: but our general's care was, that the ship should not be too much pestered or annoyed therewith. At the time appointed, our general (having set all things in order to receive him) looked for the king's return, who failing both in time and promise, sent his brother to make his excuse, and to entreat our general to come on shore; his brother being the while to remain aboard, as a pawn for his safe restoring: our general could willingly have consented, if the king himself had not first broke his word: the consideration whereof, bred an utter disliking in the whole company, who by no means would give consent, he should hazard himself, especially, for that the king's brother had uttered certain words, in secret conference with our general aboard his cabin, which bred no small suspicion of ill intent; our general being thus resolved not to go ashore at that time, reserved the Viceroy for a pledge, and so sent certain of his gentlemen to the court, both to accompany the king's brother, and also with special message to the king himself. They being come somewhat near unto the castle, were received by another brother of the kings, and certain others of the greatest states, and conducted with great honour towards the castle, where being brought into a large and fair house, they saw gathered together a great multitude of people, by supposition at least 1000 the chief whereof, were placed round about the house, according as it seemed to their degrees and calling, the rest remained without. The house was in form four square, covered all over with cloth of divers colours, not much unlike our usual pentadoes borne upon a frame of reeds, the sides being open from the groundsel to the covering, and furnished with seats round about: it seems it was there council-house and not commonly employed to any other use. At the side of this house, next unto the castle was seated the chair of state, having directly over it, and extending very largely every way, a very fair and rich canopy, as the ground also for some 10. or 12. paces compass, was covered with cloth of Arras. Whilst our gentlemen attended in this place the coming of the king, which was about the space of half an hour, they had the better opportunity to observe these things; as also that before the kings coming, there were already set threescore noble grave and ancient personages, all of them reported to be of the kings privy Council: at the neither end of the house were placed a great company of young men, comely personage and attire. With out the house on the right side, stood four ancient comely hoare-headed men, clothed all in red down to the ground, but attired on their heads not much unlike the Turks; these they called Romans, or strangers, who lay as lidgiers there to keep continual traffic with this people: there were also two Turks one Italian as lidgiers: and last of all one Spaniard, who being freed by the kings out of the hands of the Portugals, in the recovering of the Island, served him now in stead of a soldier. The king at last coming from the castle, with 8. or 10. more grave Senators following him, had a very rich canopy (adorned in the midst with emboss of gold) borne over him, and was guarded with 12. lances the points turned downward: our men (accompanied with Moro the king's brother) arose to meet him, and he very graciously did welcome and entertain them. He was for person, such as we have before described him, of low voice, temperate in speech, of kingly demeanour, and a Moor by nation. His attire was after the fashion of the rest of his country, but far more sumptuous, as his condition and state required: from the waist to the ground, was all cloth of gold, and that very rich; his legs bare, but on his feet a pair of shoes of cordivant died red: in the attire of his head, were finely wreathed in divers rings of plated gold, of an inch, or an inch and half in breadth, which made a fair and princely show, somewhat resembling a crown in form; about his neck he had a chain of perfect gold, the links very great and onefold double; on his left hand was a Diamond, an Emerald, a Ruby, and a Turkey, 4, very fair and perfect jewels, on his right hand in one ring, a big and perfect Turkey, and in another ring many Diamonds of a smaller size, very artificially set and couched together. As thus he sat in his chair of State, at his right side there stood a page with a very costly fan (richly embroidered and beset with Saphires) breathing & gathering the air to refresh the king, the place very hot, both by reason of the sun, and the assembly of so great a multitude. After a while our gentlemen men having delivered their message, and received answer, were licenced to depart, and were safely conducted back again, by one of the chief of the king's Council, who had charge from the king himself to perform the same. Our gentlemen observing the castle as well as they could, could not couceive it to be a place of any great force: two only canons they there saw, and those at that present untraversable because unmounted. These with all other furniture of like sort which they have, they have gotten them from the Portugeses, by whom the castle itself was also builded, whiles they inhabited that place and Island. Who seeking to settle a tyrannous government (as in other places so) over this people, and not contenting themselves with a better estate than they deserved (except they might (as they thought) make sure work by leaving none of the royal blood alive, who should make challenge to the kingdom) cruelly murdered the king himself (father to him who now reigns) and intended the like to all his sons. Which cavelty instead of establishing, brought such a shaking on their usurped estate, that they were fain, without covenanting to carry away goods, munition, or any thing else to quit the place and the whole Island to save their lives. For the present king with his brethren in revenge of their father's murder, so bestirred themselves, that the Portugal was wholly driven from that Island, and glad that he yet keeps footing in Tidore. These four years this king hath been increasing, and was (as was affirmed) at that present, Lord of an hundred Lands thereabout; and was even now preparing his forces to hazard a chance with the Portugeses for Tidore itself. The people are Moors, whose Religion consists much in certain superstitious observations of new Moons, and certain seasons, with a rigid and strict kind of fasting. We had experience hereof in the Viceroy and his retinue, who lay aboard us all the time for the most part during our abode in this place: who during their perscribed time, would neither eat not drink, not so much as a cup of cold water in the day (so zealous are they in their selfe devised worship) but yet in the night would eat threetimes, and that very largely. This Terenate stands in 27. min. North latitude. While we road at anchor in the harbour at Terenate, besides the natives there came aboard us another, a goodly gentleman, very well accompanied with his interpreter, to view our ship, and to confer with our General: he was apparelled much after our manner, most neat and Courtlike: his carriage the most respective, and full of discreet behaviour that ever we had seen; He told us that he was himself but a stranger in those Lands, being a natural of the Province of Paghia in China; his name, Pausaos of the family of Hombu: of which family there had 11. reigned in continual succession these two hundred years, and king Bonog by the death of his elder brother (who died by a fall from his horse) the rightful heir of all China, is the twelfth of this race: he is of 22. years of age: his mother yet living: he hath a wife, and by her son: he is well beloved, and highly honoured of all his subjects, and lives in great peace from any fear of foreign invasion: but it was not this man's fortune to enjoy his part of this happiness both of his king and country, as he most desired. For being accused of a capital crime whereof (through free) yet he could not evidently make his innocency appear, and knowing the peremptory justice of China, to be irrevocable, if he should expect the sentence of the judges; he before hand made suit to his king, that it would please him to commit his trial to God's providence and judgement, and to that end to permit him to travel on this condition, that if the brought not home some worthy intelligence, such as his Majesty had never had before, and were most fit to be known, and most honourable for China, he should for ever live an exile, or else dye for daring to set foot again in his own country: for he was assured that the God of heaven had care of innocency. The king granted his suit, and now he had been three years abroad, and at this present came from Tidore (where he had remained two months) to see the English General, of whom he heard such strange things, and from him (if it pleased God to afford it) to learn some such intelligence as might make way for his return into his country: and therefore he earnestly entreated our General, to make relation to him of the occasion, way, and manner of his coming so far from England thither, with the manifold occurrences that had happened to him by the way. Our General gave ample satisfaction to each part of his request: the stranger harkened with great attention and delight to his discourse, and as he naturally excelled in memory (besides his help of art to better the same) so he firmly printed it in his mind, and with great reverence thanked God, who had so unexpectedly brought him, to the notice of such admirable things. Then fell he to entreat our General with many most earnest and vehement persuasions, that be would be content to see his country before his departure any farther Westward, that it should be a most pleasant, most honourable, and most profitable thing for him that he should gain hereby the notice, and carry home the description of one of the most ancient, mightiest and richest kingdoms in the world. Hereupon he took occasion to relate the number and greatness of the Provinces, with the rare commodities and good things they yielded: the number, stateliness, and riches of their Cities, with what abundance of men, victuals, munition, and all manner of necessaries and delightful things they were stored with: In particular, touching ordnance and great guns (the late invention of a scab-shind F●●er amongst us in Europe) he related that in Suntien (by some called Quinzai) which is the chiefest City of all China, they had brass ordnance of all sorts (much easier to be traversed then ours were, and so perfectly made that they would hit a shillng) above 2000 years ago. With many other worthy things which our Generals own experience (if it would please him to make trial) would (better then his relation) assure him of. The breeze would shortly serve very fitly to carry him thither, and he himself would accompany him all the way. He accounted himself a happy man, that he had but seen and spoken with us; the relation of it might perhaps serve him to recover favour in his country: but if he could prevail with our General himself to go thither, he doubted not but it would be a means of his great advancement, and increase of honour with his king: Notwithstanding our General could not on such persuasions be induced, and to the stranger parted sorry, that he could not prevail in his request, yet exceeding glad of the intelligence he had learned. Nou. 9 By the ninth of November having gotten what provision the place could afford us, we then set sail: and considering that our ship for want of trimming was now grown foul, that our cask and vessels for water were much decayed; and that diverse other things stood in need of reparation: our next care was, how we might fall with such a place where with safety we might a while stay for the redressing of these inconveniences. The calmness of the winds, which are almost continual before the coming of the breeze (which was not yet expected) persuaded us it was the fittest time that we could take. Nou. 14 With this resolution we sailed along till November 14. at what time we arrived at a little Island (to the Southward of Celébes standing in 1. deg. 40, min. towards the pole antarctic: which being without inhabitants, gave us the better hope of quiet abode. We anchored and finding the place convenient for our purposes (there wanting nothing here which we stood in need of, but only water which we were fain to fetch from another Island somewhat farther to the South) made our abode herefor 26. whole days together. The first thing we did, we pitched our tents and entrenched ourselves as strongly as we could upon the shore, lest at any time perhaps we might have been disturbed by the inhabitants of the greater Island which lay not far to the Westward of us; after we had provided thus for our security, we landed our goods, and had a Smith's forge set up, both for the making of some necessary shipworke, and for the repairing of some ironhooped casks, without which they could not long have served our use: and for that our Smith's coals were all spent long before this time; there was order given and followed for the burning of charcoal, by which that want might be supplied. We trimmed our ship, and performed our other businesses to our content. The place affording us not only all necessaries (which we had not of our own before) thereunto, but also wonderful refreshing to our wearied bodies, by the comfortable relief and excellent provision that here we found, whereby of sickly, weak, and decayed (as many of us seemed to be before our coming hither) we in short space grew all of us to be strong, lusty, and healthful persons. Besides this, we had rare experience of God's wonderful wisdom in many rare and admirable creatures which here we saw. The whole Island is a through grown wood, the trees for the most part are of large and high stature, very strait and clean without bows, save only in the very top. The leaves whereof are nor much unlike our brooms in England: Among these trees, night by night did show themselves an infinite smarme of fierie-seeming-wormes flying in the air, whose bodies (no bigger than an ordinary fly) did make a show, and give such light as if every twig on every tree had been a lighted candle: or as if that place had been the starry sphere. To these we may add the relation of another almost as strange a creature, which here we saw, and that was an innumerable multitude of huge Bats or rearemices, equalling or rather exceeding a good Hen in bigness. They fly with marvelous swiftness, but their flight is very short; and when they light, they hang only by the bows with their backs downward. Neither may we without ingratitude (by reason of the special use we made of them) omit to speak of the huge multitude, of a certain kind of Crayfish, of such a size, that one was sufficient to satisfy four hungry men at a dinner, being a very good and restorative meat; the especial means (as we conceived it) of our increase of health. They are as far as we could perceive, utter strangers to the sea, living always on the land, where they work themselves earths, as do the coneys, or rather they dig great and huge caves, under the roots of the most huge and monstrous trees, where they lodge themselves by companies together. Of the same sort and kind, we found in other places, about the Island Celébes some that for want of other refuge, when we came to take them, did climb up into trees to hide themselves, whether we were enforced to climb after them, if we would have them, which we would not stick to do rather than to be without them: this Island we called Crab-iland. All necessary causes of our staying longer in this place being at last finished, our general prepared to be in a readiness, to take the first advantage of the coming of the breeze or wind which we expected; and having the day before, furnished ourselves with fresh water from the other Island, and taken in provision of wood and the like: Dec. 12 December 12. we put to sea, directing our course toward the West: Dec. 16 the 16. day we had sight of the Island Celebes or Silébiss, but having a bad wind, and being entangled among many Lands, encumbered also with many other difficulties, and some dangers, & at last meeting with a deep bay, out of which we could not in three days turn out agnine, we could not by any means recover the North of Silébis, or continue on our course farther West, but were enforced to alter the same toward the South; finding that course also to be both difficult and very dangerous, by reason of many shoals, which lay far off, here and there among the Lands, insomuch, that in all our passages from England hitherto, we had never more care to keep ourselves afloat, jan. 9 and from sticking on them: thus were we forced to beat up and down with extraordinary care and circumspection till january 9 at which time, we supposed that we had at last attained a free passage, the land turning evidently in our sight about to Westward, and the wind being enlarged, followed us as we desired with a reasonable gale. When lo on a sudden, when we least suspected no show or suspicion of danger appearing to us, and we were now sailing onward with full sails, in the beginning of the first watch of the said day at night, even in a moment our ship was laid up fast upon a desperate shoal, with no other likelihood in appearance, but that we with her must there presently perish: there being no probability how any thing could be saved, or any person scape alive. The unexpectedness of so extreme a danger, presently roused us up to look about us, but the more we looked, the less hope we had of getting clear of it again, so that nothing now presenting itself to our minds, but the ghastly appearance of instant death, affording no respite or time of pausing, called upon us to turn our thoughts another way, to renounce the world to deny ourselves, and to commend ourselves into the merciful hands of our most gracious God: to this purpose we presently fell prostrate, and with joined prayers sent up unto the throne of grace, humbly besought almighty God, to extend his mercy unto us in his son Christ jesus; and so preparing as it were our necks unto the block, we every minute expected the small stroke to be given unto us. Notwithstanding that we expected nothing but imminent death, yet (that we might not seem to tempt God, by leaving any second means unattempted which he afforded) presently as soon as prayers were ended our general (exhorting us to have the especiallest care of the better part, to wit, the soul, and adding many comfortable speeches, of the joys of that other life, which we now alone looked for) encouraged us all to bestir ourselves, showing us the way thereto by his own example; and first of all the pump being well plied, and the ship freed of water, we found our leaks to be nothing increased, which thought it gave us no hope of deliverance, yet it gave us some hope of respite, insomuch, as it assured us that the bulk was sound, which truly we acknowledged to be an immediate providence of God alone, insomuch, as no strength of wood and iron could have possibly borne so hard and violent a shock, as our ship did, dashing herself under full sail against the rocks, except the extraordinary hand of God, had supported the same. Our next assay was for good ground and anchorhold, to sea, ward of us (whereon to hale) by which means if by any, our general put us in comfort, that there was yet left some hope ro clear ourselves: in his own person, he therefore undertook the charge of sounding, and but even a boats length from the ship, he found that the bottom could not by any length of line be reached unto: so that the beginnings of hope, which we were willing to have conceived before, were by this means quite dashed again; yea our misery seemed to be increased, for whereas at first we could look for nothing but a present end, that expectation was now turned, into the awaiting for a lingering death, of the two, the far more fearful to be chosen: one thing fell out happily for us, that the most of our men did not conceive this thing, which had they done, they would in all likelihood have been so much discouraged, that their sorrow would the more disable them, to have sought the remedy: our general with those few others, that could judge of the event wisely, dissembling the same, and giving in the mean time cheerful speeches, and good encouragements unto the rest. For whiles it seemed to be a clear case, that our ship was so fast moared, that she could not stir; it necessary followed, that either we were there to remain on the place with her; or else leaving her to commit ourselves in most poor end helpless state, to seek some other place of stay and refuge, the better of which two choices, did carry with it the appearance of worse than 1000 deaths. As touching our ship, this was the comfort that she could give us, that she herself lying there confined already upon the hard and pinching rocks, did tell us plain, that she continually expected her speedy dispatch, as soon as the sea and winds should come, to be the severe executioners of that heavy judgement, by the appointment of the eternal judge already given upon her, who had committed her there to Adamantine bonds in a most narrow prison, against their coming for that purpose: so that if we would stay with her, we must perish with her; or if any by any yet unperceiveable means, should chance to be delivered, his escape must needs be a perpetual misery, it being far better to have perished together, then with the loss and absence of his friends, to live in a strange land: whether a solitary life (the better choice) among wild beasts, as a bird on the mountains without all comfort, or among the barbarous people of the heathen, in intolerable bondage both of body and mind. And put the case that her day of destruction should be deferred, longer than either reason could persuade us, or in any likelihood could seem possible (it being not in the power of earthly things, to endure what she had suffered already) yet could our abode there profit us nothing, but increase our wretchedness, and enlarge our sorrows, for as her store and victuals were not much (sufficient to sustain us only some few days, without hope of having any increase, no not so much as of a cup of cold water) so must it inevitably come to pass, that we (as children in the mother's womb) should be driven even to eat the flesh from of our own arms, she being no longer able to sustain us; and how horrible a thing this would have proved, is easy by any one to be perceived. And whither (had we departed from her) should we have received any comfort; nay the very impossibility of going, appeared to be no less, than those other before mentioned: our boat was by no means able at once, to carry above 20. persons with any safety, and we were 58. in all, the nearest land was six leagues from us, and the wind from the shore directly bend against us: or should we have thought of setting some ashore, and after that to have fetched the rest, there being no place thereabout without inhabitants, the first that had landed must first have fallen into the hand of the enemy, and so the rest in order, and though perhaps we might escape the sword, yet would our life have been worse than death, not alone in respect of our woeful captivity, and bodily mifseries, but most of all in respect of our Christian liberty, being to be deprived of all public means of serving the true God, and continually grieved with the horrible impieties and devilish idolatries of the heathen. Our misery being thus manifest, the very consideration whereof must needs have shaken flesh and blood, if faith in God's promises had not mightily sustained us, we passed the night with earnest longings that the day would once appear, the mean time we spent in often prayers, and other godly exercises, thereby comforting ourselves; and refreshing our hearts, striving to bring ourselves to an humble submission under the hand of God, and to a referring ourselves wholly to his good will and pleasure. The day therefore at length appearing, and it being almost full sea about that time, after we had given thanks to God for his forbearing of us hitherto, and had with tears called upon him to bless our labours; we again renewed our travel, to see if we could now possibly find any anchorhold, which we had formerly sought in vain. But this second attempt proved as fruitless as the former, and left us nothing to trust to, but prayers and tears, seeing it appeared impossible that ever the forecast counsel, policy, or power of man could ever effect the delivery of our ship, except the Lord only miraculously should do the same. It was therefore presently motioned, and by general voice determined to commend our case to God alone, leaving ourselves wholly in his hand; to spill or save us as seem best to his gracious wisdom. And that our faith might be the better strengthened, and the comfortable apprehension of God's mercy in Christ, be more clearly felt; we had a Sermon and the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Saviour celebrated. After this sweet repast was thus received, and other holy exercises adjoined were ended, lest we should seem guilty in any respect for not using all lawful means we could invent; we fell to one other practice yet unassayed, to wit, to unloading of our ship by casting some of her goods into the sea: which thing as it was attempted most willingly, so was it dispatched in very short time. So that even those things which we before this time, nor any other in our case could be without, did now seem as things only worthy to be despised, yea we were herein so forward, that neither our munition for defence, nor the very meal for sustentation of our lives could find favour with us, but every thing as it first came to hand went overboard assuring ourselves of this, that if it pleased God once to deliver us out of that most desperate strait wherein we were, he would fight for us against our enemies, neither would he suffer us to perish for want of bread. But when all was done, it was not any of our endeavours, but God's only hand that wrought our delivery; 'twas he alone that brought us even under the very stroke of death; 'twas he alone that said unto us, Return again ye sons of men; 'twas he alone that set us at liberty again, that made us safe and free, after that we had remained in the former miserable condition, the full space of twenty hours, to his glorious name be the everlasting praise. The manner of our delivery (for the relation of it will especially be expected) was only this. The place whereon we sat so fast, was a firm rock in a cleft, whereof it was we stuck on the larbord side ' at low water there was not above six foot depth in all on the starbord, within little distance as you have heard no bottom to be found, the breeze during the whole time that we thus were stayed, blew somewhat stiff directly against out broad side, and so perforce kept the ship upright: It pleased God in the beginning of the tide, while the water was yet almost at lowest, to slack the stiffness of the wind; and now out ship who required thirteen foot water to make her fleet, and had not at that time on the one side above seven at most, wanting her prop on the other side, which had too long already kept her up, fell a heeling towards the deep water, and by that means freed her keel and made us glad men. This shoal is at least three or four leagues in length, it lies in 2. deg. lacking three or four minute's South latitude. The day of this deliverance was the tenth of january. jan. 10 Of all the dangers that in our whole voyage we met with, this was the greatest, but it was not the last as may appear by what ensueth. Neither could we indeed for a long season free ourselves from the continual care and fear of them; nor could we ever come to any convenient anchoring, but were continually for the most pair tossed amongst the many Lands and shoals (which lie in infinite number round about on the South parts of Celébes) till the eight day of the following month. jan. 12 jan. 12. being not able to bear our sails by reason of the tempest and fearing of the dangers, we let fall our anchors upon a shoal in 3. deg. 30. min. jan. 14 jan. 14. we were gotten a little farther South, where at an Island in 4. deg. 6. min. we again cast anchor and spent a day in watering and wooding. After this we met with foul weather, Westerly winds, and dangerous shoals for many days together: insomuch that we were utterly weary of this coast of Sillebis, thought best to bear with Timor. The Southermost cape of Sillebis stands in 5. deg. that side the line. But of this coast of Sillebis we could not so easily clear ourselves. jan. 20 The 20. of janua. we were forced to run with a small Island not farre from thence; where having sent our boat a good distance from us to search out a place where we might anchor: we were suddenly environed with no small extremities, for there arose a most violent, yea an intolerable flaw and storm out of the South-west against us, making us (who were on a lee shore amongst most dangerous and hidden shoals) to fear extremely not only the loss of our boat and men, but the present loss of ourselves, our ship and goods, or the casting of those men whom God should spare into the hands of Infidels. Which misery could not by any power or industry of ours have been avoided, if the merciful goodness of God had not (by staying the outrageous extremities wherewich we were set upon) wrought our present delivery, by whose unspeakable mercy our men and boat also were unexpectedly, yet safely, restored unto us. We gate off from this place as well as we could, and continued on our course till the 26. day, jan. 26 when the wind took us, very strong against us, West and West Southwest, so as that we could bear no more sail, till the end of that month was full expired. Febr. 1 February 1. we saw very high land, and as it seemed well inhabited, we would fain have borne with it to have got some succour, but the weather was so ill, that we could find no harbour, and we were very fearful of adventuring ourselves too far, amongst the many dangers which were near the shore. Febr. 3 The third day also we saw a little Island, but being unable to bear any fail, but only to lie at hull, we were by the storm carried away, and could not fetch it. Febr. 6 February 6. we saw five Lands, one of them towards the East, and four towards the West of us, one bigger than another, at the biggest of which we cast anchor, and the next day watered and wooded. Febr. 8 After we had gone hence on February 8. we descried two canowes, who having descried us as it seems before, came willingly unto us, and talked with us, alluring and conducting us to their town not far off, named Barativa it stands in 7. deg. 13. min. South the line. The people are Gentiles of handsome body, and comely statute, of civil demeanour, very just in dealing, and courteous to strangers, of all which we had evident proof, they showing themselves most glad of our coming and cheerfully ready to relieve our wants, with whatsoever their country could afford. The men go all naked save their heads and secret parts, every one having one thing or other hanging at his ears. Their women are covered from the middle to the foot, weating upon their naked arms bracelets, and that in no small number, some having nine at least upon each arm, made for the most part of horn or brass, whereof the lightest (by our estimation) would weigh 2. ounces. With this people linen cloth (whereof they make rolls for their heads, and girdles to wear about their loins) is the best merchandise and of greatest estimation: They are also much delighted with Margaretas (which in their language they call Saleta) and such other like trifles. Their Island is both rich and fruitful, rich in gold, silver, copper, tin, sulphur, etc. neither are they only expert to try those metals, but very skilful also in working of them artificially, into divers forms and shapes, as pleaseth them best. Their fruits are divers likewise and plentiful, as, nutmegs, ginger, long pepper, lemons, cucumbers, cocoes, figoes, sagu, with divers other sorts, whereof we had one in reasonable quantity, in bigness form and husk, much like a bay-berry, hard in substance, but pleasant in taste, which being sod becometh soft, and is a most profitable and nourishing meat: of each of these we received of them, whatsoever we desired for our need; insomuch that (such was Gods gracious goodness to us) the old proverb was verified with us, After a storm cometh a calm, after war peace, after scarcity followeth plenty;) so that in all our voyage (Terenate only excepted) from our departure out of our own country hitherto, we found not any where greater comfort and refreshing, than we did at this time in this place; in refreshing and furnishing ourselves, here we spent 2. days, and departed hence February 10. Febr. 10 When we were come into the height of 8. deg. 4. min, Febr. 12 Feb. 12. in the morning we espied a green Island to the Southward; not long after, two other Lands on the same side, and a great one more towards the North: they seemed all to be well inhabited, burr we had neither need nor desire to go to visit them, and so we passed by them. Feb. 14 The 14. day we saw some other reasonable big Lands, and Febr. 16 February 16, we passed between four or five big Lands more which lay in the height 9 deg. 40. min. Feb. 18. 19 The 18. we cast anchor under a little Island, whence we departed again the day following; we wooded here, but other relief except two turtles we received none. Febr. 22. The 22. day we lost sight of three Lands on our starboard side, which lay in to▪ deg. and some odd minutes. After this, we passed on to the Westward without stay or any thing to be taken notice of, March 9 till the 9 of March when in the morning we espied land, some part thereof very high in 8. de. 20. m. South latitude: here we anchored that night, and the next day weighed again, March 10 and bearing farther North, and nearer the shore, we came to anchor the second time. March 11 The eleventh of March we first took in water, and after sent our boat again to shore, March 12 where we had traffic with the people of the country; whereupon the same day, we brought our ship more near the town: and having settled ourselves there that night, the next day our general sent his man ashore, to present the king with certain cloth, both linen and woollen, besides some silks, which he gladly and thankfully received, and returned rice, cocoes, hens, and other victuals in way of recompense. This Island we found to be the Island java, the middle whereof stands in 7. deg. and 30. min. beyond the equator. March 13 The 13. of March our general himself with many of his gentlemen, and others went to shore, and presented the king (of whom he was joyfully and lovingly received) with his music, and showed him the manner of our use of arms, by training his men with their pikes & other weapons, which they had before him: for the present we were entertained as we desired, and at last dismissed with a promise of more victuals to be shortly sent us. In this Island there is one chief, but many under-governors, or petty kings, whom they call Raias, who live in great familiarity and friendship one with another. March 14 The 14. day we received victuals from two of them, and the day after that, to wit, the March 15 15. three of these kings in their own persons came aboard to see our General, and to view our ship and warlike munition. They were well pleased with what they saw, and with the entertainment which we gave them. And after these had been with us, and on their return had as it seems related what they found, Raia Donan the chief king of the whole land bringing victuals with him for our relief: he also the next day after came aboard us. Few were the days that one or more of these kings did miss to visit us, insomuch that we grew acquainted with the names of many of them, as of Raia Pataiára, Raia Cabocapálla, Raia Mangbángo, Ria Bocabarra, Raia Timbánton: whom our General always entertained with the best cheer that we could make, and showed them all the commodities of our ship, with our ordnance and other arms and weapons, and the several furnitures belonging to each, and the uses for which they served. His music also and all things else whereby he might do them pleasure, wherein they took exceeding great delight with admiration. March 21 One day amongst the rest, viz, March. 21. Raia Donan coming aboard us, in requital of our music which was made to him, presented our general with his country music, which though it were of a very strange kind, yet the sound was pleasant and delightful: the same day, he caused an ox also to be brought to the waters side, and delivered to us, for which he was to his content rewarded by our General, with divers sorts of very costly silks which he held in great esteem. Though our often giving entertainment in this manner, did hinder us much in the speedy dispatching of our businesses, and made us spend the more days about them, yet here we found all such convenient helps, that to our contents we at last ended them: the matter of greatest importance which we did (besides victualling) was the new trimming and washing of our ship, which by reason of our long voyage was so overgrown with a kind of shellfish sticking fast unto her, that it hindered her exceedingly, and was a great trouble to her sailing. The people (as are their kings) are a loving, a very true, and a just dealing people. We trafficked with them for hens, goats, cocoes, plantons, and other kinds of victuals, which they offered us in such plenty that we might have laden our ship if we had needed. March 26 We took our leaves and departed from them the 26. of March, and set our course West South West, directly towards the cape of good hope, or Bon Esperance, and continued without touch of aught, but air and water, May 21 till die 21. of May, when we espied land (to with a part of the main of Africa) in some places very high, under the latitude of 31. deg. and half. june. 15 We coasted along till june 15. on which day, having very fair weather, and the wind at Southeast, we passed the cape itself so near in sight, that we had been able with our pieces to have shot to land. july 15 july 15. we fell with the land again about Rio de Sesto, where we saw many negroes in their boats a fishing, whereof 2. came very near us but we cared not to stay, nor had any talk or dealing with them. july 22 The 22. of the same month, we came to Sierra Leona, and spent two days for watering in the mouth of Tagoine, and then put to sea again july 24; here also we had oysters, and plenty of lemons, which gave us good refreshing. August 15 We found ourselves under the Tropic of Cancer August 15. having the wind at North-east, and we 50. leagues off from the nearest land. Aug. 16 The 22. day we were in the height of the Canaries. Sept. 26 And the 26. (which was Monday in the just and ordinary reckoning of those that had stayed at home in one place or country, but in our computation was the Lord's day or Sunday) we safely with joyful minds and thankful hearts to God, arrived at Plymouth, the place of our first setting forth after we had spent 2. years 10. months and some few odd days beside, in seeing the wonders of the Lord in the deep, in discovering so many admirable things, in going through with so many strange adventures, in escaping out of so many dangers, and overcoming so many difficulties in this our encompassing of this neither globe, and passing round about the world, which we have related. Soli rerum maximarum Effectori, Soli totius mundi Gubernatori, Soli suorum Conseruatori, Soli Deo sit semper G●●ria. FINIS.