HEre beginneth the table of the rubryshies of the book of the faith of arms and of chivalry which said book is departed in to four parties/  

¶ The first party deviseth the manner that kings and princes oughten to hold in the fayttes of their wars and battles after th'order of books/ dictes/ and examples of the most preu & noble conquerors of the world/ And how & what manner fayttes ought best to be chosen & the manners that they ought to keep and hold in their offices of arms  
¶ Item the second party speaketh after Frontyn of cawteles & subtleties of arms which he calleth stratagems of th'order & manner to fight & defend castellis & cities after vegece and other auctors/ And to make war & give battle in rivers and in the See/  
¶ Item the third part speaketh of the droytes & rights of arms after the laws & droyt wreton  
¶ Item the/ iiij/ party speaketh of the dwytes of arms in the faytes of sauf●onduytes/ of tryews/ of mark/ & after of champ of battle/ that is of fighting within lists    


HEre beginneth the chapters of the first book/  
¶ The first chapiter is the prologue/ in which Crystyne excuseth her/ to have dare enterprise to speak of so high matter as is contained in this said book/ Capitulo/ prio·  
¶ Item how wars and battles emprised by just and true quarrel and lad by their right & dwit/ is a thing of justice and suffered of god/ Capitulo/ ij  
¶ Item how it is not leeful/ but only to kings/ and to sovereign princes to emprise of their singular authority wars and battles/ Capitulo/ iij  
¶ Item what been the movings whereof comune●y ●o●●den wars and battles Capio▪/ iiij  
¶ Item the considerations & regards that the king or sovereign prince ought to have in entreprysing war/ And the manners that they ought to hold before that they delibere and conclude/ Capitulo/ v  
¶ Item it is not expedient that the king or sovereign pryn●ce ought to go in his proper person to the battle for the perillis of the adverse fortune Capitulo/ uj  
¶ Item what Constable ought to be chosen for to be may●stre of the chivalry of the king or sovereign prince/ and of the conditions that he ought to have Capiᵒ·/ seven  
¶ Item some auctors allege to purpose of thexcercy●● of arms/ which thereof have spoken/ and the manners which the valiant conquerors helden Capiᵒ· viii  
¶ It the manners that thauncyent knights helden to teach & ensign their childreen in the doctrine of arms/ Caᵒ·/ ix  
¶ Item yet he speaketh of the same/ and the things of arms in which he ensigneth & teacheth the children of the common people/ Capiᵒ·/ x  
¶ Item of the properties that men of arms ought to have & in which they ought to be informed/ Capiᵒ·/ xj  
¶ Item of the manners that belongen to a good Constable or captain to hold in his office/ Capiᵒ·/ xii  
¶ Item of the manner that belongeth to a capitain to hold in the fayte to lodge his host after the books of arms/ Capᵒ·/ xiii  
¶ Item of the same/ Capitulo/ xiv  
¶ Item here deviseth if it be need that the capitain ought to have/ to take heed upon his host/ Capiᵒ·/ xvo·  
¶ Item the manner that the captain ought to hold in dyslodging fro one place to another & by the ways where he leadeth his host Capiᵒ· xuj  
¶ Item he speaketh for to make an host to pass over floods and rivers Capiᵒ·/ xvij  
¶ Item deviseth the manners that behoven to the captain of an host to hold in the time when he supposeth to have haftely battle Capiᵒ·/ xviijo·  
¶ Item the manners that a captain ought to hold if it happen that he will depart fro the field without tabyde and give battle Capiᵒ·/ nineteen  
¶ Item it deviseth how if the captain of th'host falleth in to treattye of peace or of truces with his enemies ought to keep him fro the peryllis < Capo· ● xxo·  
¶ Item the manners that the captain of th'host ought to keep the day that he hopeth to have the battle Cxxj  
¶ Item deviseth after vegece the manner to take thavauntageadvantage of the felde Capo· xxij  
¶ It deviseth▪ in short the manner after the usage of the time present to arrenge the host in the field for to fight Cxxiij  
¶ Item he saith yet after vegece and thauncyents th'order for to arrenge bataylles Capio· xxiv  
¶ Item deviseth after vegece seven manners of arrenging an host and to fight Capio· xxv  
¶ Item of the same Capio· xxuj  
¶ It the order & manner that the captain ought to hold when good fortune is for him in the bataill capo· xxvij  
¶ Item the order & manner that the captain ought to held when the fortune of the battle is against him capo· xxviij  
¶ Item a recapitulation shortly of some thyngiss of the orders above said capio·/ xxix ●   
Eplicit/   

Here beginneth the book of fayttes of arms & of chivalry/ And the first chapter is the prologue/ in which xprystyne of pyse excuseth herself to have dare enterprise to speak of so high matter as is contained in this said book ¶ Capitulum primum  
By cause that hardiness is so much necessary to enterprise high things/ which without that should never be enpryses That same is covenable to me at this present work to put it forth without other thing/ Seen the lytylhed of my person/ which I know not dign ne worthy to treat of so high matter/ ne durst not only think what blame hardiness causeth when she is foolish/ I thenne nothing moved by arrogance in foolish presumption/ but admonested of very affection & good desire of noble men in th'office of arms am exhorted after mine other escriptures passed/ like as he that hath to forn beaten down many strong edyfices/ is more ●ardy to charge himself defy or to beat down a castle or forceless when he feeleth himself garnished of covenable stuff thereto necessary/ then to enterprise to speak in this present book of the right honourable office of arms & of chivalry as well in things which thrto been convenient/ as in droyces which thereto be appertenant/ like as the laws & diverse auctors declaren it/ to the purpoos/ I have assembled the matters & gathered in diverse books for to produce mine en●encion in this present volume/ But as it appertaineth this matter to be more executed by faith of diligence & wit than by subtleties of words polisshed/ and also considered that they that been excersing & expert in thart of chivalry be not commonly clerks ne instruct in science of language/ I intend not to treat/ but to the most plain and entendible language that I shall mow/ to that end that the doctrine given by many authors/ which by the help of god I purpose to declare in this present book/ may be to all men clear & entendible/ And by cause that this is thing not accustomed & out of usage to women/ which commonly do not entremete but to spin on the distaff & ocupie them in things of household/ I supply humbly to the said right hie office and noble state of chivalry/ that in contemplation of their lady minerve born of the country of grece/ whom the auncyents for her great cunning reputeden a goddess the which fond like as old wrytyngis sayen/ and as I have other times said/ And also the poet boece reciteth in his book of clear & noble wimmen/ and semblably recyten many other/ the arte & manner to make harnoys of iron & steel/ which will not have netake it for none evil/ if I a woman charge myself to treat of so like a matter/ but will ensue themseignement & teaching of seneke which saith/ retch the not what they say/ so that the words be good/ And therefore & to purpose in manner poetyke/ it plaiseth me tadresse such a prayer to the foresaid lady/ O mynerue goddess of arms & of chivalry/ which by virtue of high intendment/ above all other women fondest & institutest among tother noble arts & sciences which of the took their beginning thusage to forge of iron & steel/ armours & harnois ꝓpice & covenable to couure & targe the body of man against the strokes of darts/ noyous shot & spears in battle fayttes of arms/ helms/ sheldes/ targes/ & other harnoys defensable fro the first comen/ institutest & gavest manner & order to arenge battles/ & tassaille & fight in manner/ Adoured lady & high goddess be thou not displeased that I simple & little woman like as nothing unto the greatness of thy renomee in cunning/ dare presently comprise to speak of so magnyfike an office as is th'office of arms/ Of which first in the said renowned country of grece thou gavest thusage/ And in so much it may plaise the to be to me favourable/ that I may be somewhat consonant in the nation where thou was born which as thenne was named the great grease/ the country beyond the alpes or montaygnes/ which now is said puylle & calabre in italy where thou were born/ & I am as thou were/ a woman ytalien   

¶ Here showeth how wars & battles emprised by just quarrel/ moened in their right & droit/ is thing of justice & suffered of god ¶ Capitulo ijo·  
Chaton the vayllaunt combataunt or fyghtar/ by whose force and strength of arms/ the romans had many fair victories/ & which never in battle was discomfited saith that it ought more to have proffyted to the common weal the writing of rules/ techyng and discipline of arms which he had composed & made in a book/ than in any thing that he ever had done with his body/ for he saith all that ever that a man may do/ endureth not but one age/ But that which is wreton endureth to the common profit evermore/ by which Innumerable men may the more avail/ so is it then by this reason proved/ that it is not a thing of little profit for to write & make books/ But to th'end that this present whrke by some envious might be reproached saying that it is but idleness & loss of time as to treat of things not lawful/ first it is to wite if wars & battles/ chivalry & faytes of arms of which thing we hope to speak/ it is or not/ o thing just/ for as in excersysing of arms been done many great evils/ extortions/ & grieves/ like as occisions ravayne by forces/ to overrun by fire & infenyte harms may seem to some that wars & battles should be accursed thing & not due/ And therefore to answer to this question/ it is to weet/ that it appeareth manifestly that wars emprysed by just cause be permysed & suffered of god/ like as we have founden in the holy scripture in many places/ how our lord himself ordained to captains of hosts that which they should do against their enemies/ like as it is wreton of one that was called Ih̄us/ to whom he said that he should ordain him to battle against his enemies/ & made an enbusshe for the better to vaynquisshe them/ And of other enough semblably is recited/ And also the holy escripture saith of god that he is fires & governor of hoostis & battles/ And war & battle which is made by just quarrel is none other thing but right execution of justice/ for to give the right/ there as it appertaineth/ and to this accordeth the law divine/ & semblably the laws ordained of men for to repress the arrogaunts & malefactors/ & as touching the harms & evyllis that been done above the right & droyt of war/ like as other auctors sayen/ that cometh nothing of the right of war but by evilness of the people that usen it evil like as I hope by the aid of god to touch here after where as it shall fall where as I shall speak of things limited after the laws and droit canon in the excersyte of arms   

¶ Here it deviseth how it is not leeful but to kings & sovereign princes to emprise war or battles of their singular authority/ against any what somever they be/ ¶ Cao· iij  
Now have we in this first chapter touched shortly how wars & battles by good right emprysed is a thing just/ thenne is it to be take heed sith they be of right/ it appertaineth to every man to do just & rightful work/ if it be leeful to any person to emprise war for to keep his right thenne it should seem by this reason that without to mesprise every man may so do it/ But for to declare the truth to/ them that in this point might err/ it is to wite that without to make any doubt/ after the determination of right & of the laws/ it appertaineth to none to empryse war or battle for any manner cause/ but if it be to princes sovereign like as emperors' kings/ duke's/ & other lords terryens which been merely princypall heeds of juredictions temporal ne to a baron what somever he be ne to any other be he never so great without licence/ congee & volente of his sovereign lord and that this law is of right/ manifest reason showeth it enough/ for if it should be other wise/ werof thenne should serve princes sovereign/ which for none other thing were established but for to do right to every of their subjects that should be oppressed for any extortion & for to defend & keep them like as the good shepherd exposeth his life for his sheep & therefore oweth the subject to resort to the lord as to his refuge/ when any grief is done to him & the good lord shall take his arms for him if it be need/ that is to say he shall help with his power to keep his good right/ be it by way of justice or by execution of Armes   

¶ Here is devised what been the movemens' wherrof first sourden wars and battles ¶ Capitulo iiijo·  
Thenne appertaineth it only unto sovereign princes tentreprise wars & battles/ now is it for be taken heed for what causes after the law ought to be emprised or maintained wars & in this well advised/ me seemeth that commonly five pryncypal moevyngiss there be upon which they be founded of whom the three been of the law & droyt & the other of will/ The first of the law wherefore ought to be enprysed or maintained war is for to sustain right & justice The second for to withstoude the evil that would defoul grieve/ & oppress the land the country & the people/ and the third for to recover/ lands/ seignoryes/ or other things/ by other taken & usurped by injust cause/ which to the prince or to the jurisdiction of the country or of the subgettes ought to appertain Item of the two of will/ that one is for cause of vengeance for some grief received of other/ that other for to conquer & get lands & estrange seignouries/ But for more particularly to declare/ first & by especial the first of the three which is of justice/ it aught to be known/ that there been three pryncypal causes by the which it is leeful to a king or a prince to enterprise or sustain arms/ war/ or battles The first is for to bear & sustain the church & his patrimony against all men that would defoul it/ as all christian princes been holden/ The second for his vassal/ if he be required in case that he have just quarrel/ & that the said prince have to fore duly endevoyrd him to make accord between the parties/ in the which thing thadversary be found not treatable/ & the third is that the prince may justly if it please him to aid & help every prince baron or other his ally or friend/ or any country or land if he be required/ in case that the quarrel be just/ & in this point be comprised wimmen widows/ orphans/ & all them that may have necessity/ of what part that they be wronged of any others power/ for this cause & semblably for the other twain afore said moevyngs that is to wit that one to withstand the evil And that other for to recouure his proper things lost/ is not only leeful to a prince to move war or to maintain it/ but it is to him pure debt to make it by obligation of title of seignourie & jurisdiction/ if he will use it after rightful duty/ but as touching the other ij points/ that is to wite that ne for vengeance of some grief received by power & might of another/ & that other for to get strange lands without to have any title/ what somever the conquerors/ alixandre the romans & other be much praised in the titles of chivalry/ & semblably they that greatly be vengid on their enemies be it well or evil/ & what commonly therein is done I find not in law divine ne other scripture/ that for these two causes without other moving/ is lawful to emprise upon christian men war or battle/ but well the contrary for by the law of god/ it appertaineth not to a man only to take ne usurp nothing of others/ nor in no wise to covet it & semblably been reserved to god the vengeances/ & nothing appertain to man to do them/ but for more plainly to declare upon this part/ & answer to the questions that may be moved Truth it is/ that it is leeful to a prince to keep to himself the same right/ that he should do to another & for as much as a just prince shall do/ feeling himself wronged by an others might & power/ ought he thenne for to obey to god's law to deport & forbear without doing more thereto forsaken nay/ for that deffendeth justice/ but the faytte requireth of 〈◊〉 trespaas pugnition & for that work justly he shall hold this way/ he shall assemble great counseyl of wisemen in his parliament/ or in the counsel of his sovereign if he be subget●e & ●e shall not only assemble them of his country to th'end that out be put all suspicion of favour/ but also of strange contrees that may be known not adherent to neither party as well ancient/ nobles/ as iuristes & other present themself shall purpose or do be purposed all the troth & without any favour for god may not be deceived all such right & such wrong that he may have/ & in concluding shall say that of all he will report him & hold to the determination of right shortly for to say by this manner/ this thing put in right well seen & discuted so & by such way that it appear by true judgement that he hath just cause/ Thenne he shall do somone his adversary for to have of him restitution & amends ofthyniures & wrongs by him received/ Thenne if it happene/ that the said adversary deliver deffences & will gainsay it/ that he be entirely herd without favour to himself in any wise ne proper will ne heinous courage/ These things & that which appertaineth duly made/ in case that the said adversary be found refusing to come to right & law/ the prince may justly & surely enterprise war/ the which ought not be called vengeance/ but pure execution of rightful justice/   

¶ Here been devised the considerations & regards that the king or prince ought to have in the fayte to enterprise war and the manners that he ought to hold/ to fore he conclude the said war/ ¶ Capitulo quinto  
Sith it is so that it is leeful to a prince tentrepryse war & battles/ and them maintain for the causes above said/ And how be it that these things be great & poysaunt/ as they that touch principally the life/ the blood/ thonour/ and chyvaunce of infenyte persons/ without which regard all before the work/ aught not to be emprised/ ne for light moevynges ne young wills but that it ought to be redoubted tempryse new wars/ but for to modere himself we have ensamples enough/ O remember/ that the puissance of africa/ ne thorguillous city of cartage which was chief & heed/ and the spaynards/ ne the right puissant king anthyochus lord of a great part of the orient/ which brought so moche people to battle that it was infenite with their dreadful olyphauntes'/ ne also the right mighty prince king metridates which lorded upon xxiiij contrees/ and also all the world/ but that the right little puissance of romans might well subdue them/ & therefore ought no prince lightly to put himself in peril which is for to be determined by the distribution of fortune/ of which noman may know to what side it shall turn/ Thenne it is necessary that the prince be wise/ or at the lest will use the counsel of wise men for plato saith that the royalme or country is blessed & well happy where the wise men govern/ and the thopposite or contrary it is accursed & unhappy like as witnesseth the holy scripture And without fail there is nothing so much necessary to be conveyed by wisdom/ as is war & battle like as it shall be said her after/ for there is no fault made in any case lass repayrable/ than that which is executed by arms & by evil governing of battle what shall thenne do the wise prince to whom shallbe of necessity for some of the case aforesaid tempryse war or battle/ first to fore all thing ●e must be hold & take heed what puissance or power he hath or may have as much people/ as of synaunce & money/ without the which the two pryncypal things to be well garnished & surely it is folly tentrepryse any war/ for above all things they been necessary/ & in especial money/ for who that hath money enough/ & will employ it/ he shall allway find aid & help of men enough/ & more than he would: witness of the wars of ytalic: & in especial of florence: of venyse: & other places the which commonly fight more with their money than they of the country: And therefore without pain: and uneath may they be vanquished: And it should more auay●le and be moche better to a prince: if he feel him not well garnished of treasure or of rich subgettes full of good will to aid him: to make some trayttye with his enemies: if he feel himself assailed: Or for to deport and forbear tempryse war: Rather than to begin if to maintain it he hath not whereof: For be he all certain: that if he entrepryseth in hope to take more of his subjects than they may bear & against their will/ it shall increase the number of his enemies/ so should it be to him little profit for to destroy the strange & far enemies/ for to get pryvee & nigh enemies/ for it is to wit that the prince capitain ought not despise no puissance of enemies though it seem to him but little for he may not know what fortune the other shall have for himself/ as it is wreton how that there was a shepherd named uriacus/ to whom fortune was so propice/ that she held him in puissance with great foison of thieves & pillyardes which he had assembled for to make war to rome/ which was so mighty by the space of/ xxiv/ year/ that he died moche grief to them/ And oft times vaynquyssed in battle/ & the romans might never destroy him/ but finished his life by one of his owen men which slew him/ and therefore to th'end that he be not deceived he shall assemble to counsel the four estates of his country which ought to be called or he emprise so chargeable a thing/ that is to wit th'ancient nobles expert in arms which know what the faith of war mounteth/ Item the clerks legystes/ by cause that in the laws been declared all the caasis of whom ought to sourde just war as many ensamples we have to this purpoos/ Item the bourgeises by cause it is of necessity and by cause they part in the mice and treasure which thereto by hoveth as said is/ and that they take heed to the fortification of towns cities and enduyce the mean people to aid their lord/ Item some of the men of Craft for more to honour the said people/ And that they be the more inclined and the better willed to aid their lord with their goods/ of which thing they ought all to be sweetly prayed/ O how is that a profitable thing in signory/ Royame's/ or city to have true subjects/ & of great love/ For they fail not in bodies ne in goods/ like as it appeared many times in rome/ when the treasures of the city despended in great wars in so much that they had no thing/ Thenne the lady's themself of their proper motion brought their jewels & rich adournemens'/ and with their good will brought & delivered them for to succour to the necessity of the town & city/ the which afterward were greatly restored again as good reason was/ And for to hold this way/ well gave ensample the good wise king charles the fifth of that name/ father of this that presently reigneth the which anon after he had be crowned/ what died he as in the age of xxv/ year/ as he beheld that the english men held evil the covenants made of the treaty of the peace/ which he had by necessity & diverse fortune acoorded to them how well it was to him right damageable/ and that not with●stondyng that it was agreed to them to hold great part of the duchy of guyenne & many other lands & seignouries in other places in the royalme of france but that sufficed them not/ but marched defouled & grieved by their pride & overwening the other contrees neighbours which appertained nothing to them/ sent the said king by advise his ambassiadours authorised to the duke of lancastre son of king edward of england & to his people which had done the said outrage/ that thereof he would cease/ & make amends of the grieves & dommaiges made sith the said peace of which thing such was theffect/ how well the answer was courteous enough/ the said ambassiadours were slain in that journey or way/ wherefore the good wise king seen that by constraint had accorded the dishonourable peace the which english men evil held/ & for many other reasons which should be over long a thing to recount/ assembled at paris at his parliament the foresaid four estates/ and with them all the wise iurystes strangers/ as well of boloyne the craas/ as of other places such as he might have/ and to them purposed his reasons against th'English men demanding their advice/ if he had cause to begin war/ for without just cause/ the regard & deliberation among them/ and the consent & will of his good subgettes in no wise he would do it/ at which counseyl by long deliberation was concluded that he had good & just cause to begin again the war & thus the good wise king entreprysed it/ in which thing god hath be so much favourable to his good right loved be he/ with the great prudence of him/ that all the lands lost he gath sith reconquerd with the sword/ like as yet it appeareth   

¶ Here is devised how it is not expedient that a king or sovereign prince go in battle for the peryllis of adversayre fortune ¶ Capttulo vjo·  
Thenne by the way aforesaid the wise king or prince shall determine to work in the fayte to enterprise wars & battles/ And for as much as it is a thing notayre/ that in such a faith to begin/ maintain/ & continue four principal things/ That is to wit an heed or chief/ hardiness/ strength/ and constance/ without the which all should go to confusion/ ye if that only one of them failed/ now it is to see if it be good that the king or sowerayn prince in his proper person go to his war/ And be in the battle/ For as the faytte ought to touch him more than/ any other/ By which his presence might represent the foresaid four things/ And with this that it is no doubt that his knights & men of arms & all th'host should have the better heart to fight/ seeing their lord in the place/ ready to live & die with them/ without fail for to ansuere to this question not Wihnthstonding all that any may say of the weal & good that might ensue/ and that many ensamples should be founden of kings & princes/ to whom it is well taken to be present in their battles/ lyk as the king alexander in his conquests/ & also many kings of france/ as the king clodoneus/ charlemayne & enough of other/ & also charles which presently reigneth being a child in the age of: xiv: year newly crowned was in the battle of rosebek/ against the flemyngiss/ where he had noble victory/ it is not to be delibered ne lightly to be concluded/ that the king ne sovereign prince go in his proper person/ and better is it t'eschew it ● than to go thither/ allway reserved some cas that is to wit against his own proper natural subgettes/ in case that they be rebel to him/ the cause is for as much as naturally the subject feareth to offend the majesty of his sovereign lord in especial in his presence/ whom they may not deny ● what somever paruerse will they have/ that they should lose hearts and membres like as they were vaynquisshed/ they seeing against him: whom they ought to aid/ and also to be with him against all men/ and in especial the confusion is great against them/ And the right is great for the prince ● when he is to them good & not cruel ne tyrant/ But not for what somever necessity that he see/ he aught well to take heed ● that he be set so surely in the battle/ that the peril of evil fortune may not fall upon his person/ But the reason general wherefore it is not good commynly that he go to battle is by cause that none may know to what party god shall give the eure of the victory/ wherefore if the fortune came against the prince being there in person/ by which he take death be take or flee/ that should not be perdition and deshonour only to his said person: but to them of his blood: & generally to all his subjects land & contrees perdition & infenyte inconvenient/ like as ynowh may be known by th'experience of case semblable in this royalme/ & else where late happened/ And therefore it is not to be chosen that for the regard of some particular utility is put in adventure & peril that/ of which may come infenyte harms & inconuenyentes and therefore a prince ought not be believed that therein should be over willy & courageous/ but he ought to be put fro it/ and the causes & reasons to him assigned with examples which ought to refrain him/ Considering the right great peril/ not only of his person as said is but of all his subjects & royalme/ And to this purpoos verily may well serve for example/ the wit & good governance of the foresaid wise king Charles the which he not moving fro his throne ryal in palace/ conquered again all the lands lost by his predecessors right chevaleroꝰ/ like as the truth is manifested/ and that it be true to this purpoos/ that wit & diligence be more expedient in faytte of war than in the presence of the prince/ semblably it appeareth by the first duke of mylane father of this that now is: the which not parting fro his palace: conquered by his wisdom as many lands & seignouries in lombardie & in the marches: that to the signory of a city he attribued & gate so many other that he made it a right great & notable duchy   

¶ Here is devised what constable ought to be chosen for to be master of the chivalry of the king or prince: and the conditions that he ought to have ¶ Capo· vijo·  
NOw we have how the king or sovereign prince for the weal and surety of the common weal ought not lightly delyberes ne conclude in himself to go in to battle/ Then ne is it to be advised to what persons ● for to one only sufficeth not to be commised the fayttes of so great offices/ as master & conduytours of his chivalry/ that for him & in his name excerciseth the faith of his wars/ of which thing without fail by right to take heed is none other of more great regard/ than to make th'election of them ● for of so much as thexercite of their office passeth in boys & peril all other/ of so much it appertaineth & behooveth the more covenable persons/ & by especial aught by great advise to have regard & deliberation to cheese him to whom is comysed the principal charge above all other/ The which office the auncyens called duke of battles or sovereign master of the chivalry/ whom we call now in france Conestable And after in following thusage of france the two marchallis under the which principal offices/ been after set diverse and many captains of certain number & quantity of men of arms/ In th'election in special of the sovereign master of the chivalry of the prince/ aught to be advised ● that he be a person right notable/ especially in all that which behoveth in things that require arms/ That is to wit/ that by long experience he be so used/ that it be to him as a natural craft or mestier/ and that the continual excersite hath rendered him a master of all that which behooveth/ as he which by many times hath be founden in diverses adventures happened in fayttes of war by diverse contrees & nations/ For vegece saith that length of age/ ne great number of years give not only art & manner of fighting/ but thusage/ So that he be not to learn the orders & manners/ which ought to be holden/ in treating of men of War and of Arms/ be it in time of rest/ or in travail of War/ And that he can maintain/ lead/ conduit/ And put in array so and in manner as it appertaineth for the best/ And it is to wite that in the said election ought to be more regard to the perfection of the said things/ with the other manners & conditions/ which appertain to him/ Than to the greatness of his lineage & high blood of his person/ and all that he may assemble to be shallbe much expedient/ by cause that of so much as he shall be more noble of blood/ so much the more shall he be the more dread & hold in reverence/ in his said office/ the which thing is necessary to every captain/ for to this purpoos recounteth valere/ that the ancients/ which made the great conquests/ for to be the more doubted in their oostes/ feigned them to be so great & so high in lineage/ that they said themself parents & kin to the gods/ But nevertheless it sufficeth not this only covenablete/ without the other ꝓpretees therefore the regard of the eliseurs or chesars ought more to purvey to the weal of th'office/ then to the person For it should be a thing moche to be reprened to cheese one of high blood being ignorant/ & to set him in th'office/ in which subtlety/ wisdom/ and long usage hath oft more great need/ than the quantity of people or any other strength/ For Cathon saith that of all other things the faults may be amended/ safe such that be done in battles/ of the which the pain ensieweth anon the fault/ For evil perish they that can not well defend/ and to fugityves uneath or with great pain cometh again the heart to fight/ Ther fore also with the other foresaid things it is necessary that he be wise/ of good natural wit/ as he to whom hath be commised the knowledge of many things/ and that is as chief of justice & lieutenant of the prince for to do right to everich of causes that may happen in case of arms & feats of chivalry/ of all them that be under him and also of strangers which oft happen in divorce manners/ And it is to weet that after the right of gentleness and high noblesse of courage appertaineth to a good captain which useth thexercite of arms/ in all caases that may to him happene of all that gentleness requireth if he will get honour that is to wite that also to his enemies he be rightful & veritable in feat & in judgement where it shall fall And with this that he honour the good & the valiant in like wise as he would be of them honoured/ And this manner held the valiant king Pyrrhus of Macedon whereof he gate great loose/ which by cause he had found so many valyaunces in the romans/ how well they were his great enemies ●e honoured them right greatly/ when an ambassade came to him And also them whom he slew in battle/ he died do bu●●● them honourably/ And of the noblesse of this king & of his great franchise it is yet wreton/ that he had in so great 〈◊〉 the prisoners which he had taken in his batayl●es 〈…〉 would not keep ne retain them as prysonners/ but rend●●d 〈◊〉 delivered them all quite/ The manners and conditions 〈◊〉 belongen to a good constable been these that he be not 〈◊〉 hastyf/ hoot/ fell/ ne angry/ But amesured and at●empo●a● rightful in justice/ benign in conversation of high mayn●●●● & of little words/ Sad in countenance no great dysour of truffs/ veritable in word and promise hardy: sure 〈◊〉 diligent: not coveytoꝰ/ fires to his enemies pietous to them that be vainquissed/ and to them that be under him he be not lightly angry/ ne be not moved for little occasion ne believe over hastily for lityl apprence/ Ne give faith to words which have ne colour of truth ● ne that he be not curious of mygnotes/ jolyetes/ ne of iewellis ● but be he habylled & arrayed/ richly in harnoys & mountures/ & contiene him fiercely/ Ne be he not slothful/ sluggyssh/ ne sleepy/ ne curious in meats & feasts in life delicate/ & in searching allway thestate & cowyne of his adversaries/ & be he subtle/ purveyed & wily to defend him fro them/ & wisely to assail them/ well advised upon their espies & watches. & that he know to govern his owen people & hold in order & dread/ & to do right where he ought to do it/ And that he be not over curious to play in no games/ to honour the good and them that be worthy/ & nigh to him/ & well to reward them that deserve it/ And that he be large & liberal in case that it be requisite/ & that his common speech be of arms: of fayttes: of chivalry and of the valyaunces of good men. And that he keep him well from avaunting/ & be he loving his prince & true to him/ favourable to widows/ to orphans/ & to the pour/ ne make great count of a lityl trespass done to his person/ And small debate to pardon lightly to him that repenteth/ and above all other thing to love god & the church & to sustain & help right/ these said conditions belongen to a good constable/ And by consequent to the marchallis/ & to all them of semblable offices/   

¶ Here allege to purposes of excercyte of arms some auctors which hereof have spoken/ & the manners which helden the valiant auncyens conquerors in arms/ ¶ Capio· viijo·  
AFter that we have devised what officers ought to be chosen or at lest them that have conditions next and most like to them a foresaid/ which shall be commised captains & conduytours of the chivalry of the prince or king/ it behooveth us to say in what works & things their excersyte shall extend/ And by cause that divorce auct●urs learn me to speak which have wreton/ I shall produce in to witness their sayengis/ And principally vegece which in the time of valentyne th'emperor notably/ made a proper book of the discipline & art which the right conquerors helden/ which brought to end by wisdom and virtue of arms/ things/ which now in this present time should s●me as Impossible And this thing well affirmeth by his word/ the said king pyrrus/ when he had assayed & proved the valiance of the romans/ Of whom a little quantity wythstood against his host/ which was so great that they covered then mountains & valleys/ Thenne the said king Pyrrhus said/ if I had such knights/ I should conquer all the world/ And by this it is to suppose/ that great wit travail/ & proper industry achieven so high emprises as to conquer the world/ like as died the romans and other conquerors/ of whom the manners/ and ordres that they helden many wise men registered them/ the which things for example to be conformed to them if they seem good been for to be herd propyce & expedient/ For the said vegece saith who that will have peace/ let him learn to fight/ & who loveth victory ought to know the feat of arms/ & the knight that desireth good adventure/ let him fight by art or craft/ that is to wite by wisdom/ and not at all adventure ● none dare grieve ne anger him the supposeth shall surmount 〈◊〉 overcome if he be assailed/ So is it by the great conquests/ that the auncyens died some time/ that the people be not now so valiant/ as they were woned to be/ And of this whom it is a long/ or causeth the forenamed vegece rendrith the reason that saith ● that the long peace rendryth the men/ which herto fore by long and continual travayllis were woned to exercise the feat of arms set nothing by that occupation/ But now been put in delight/ rest and to covetise of money/ which the noble auncyens praised nothing but honour of arms/ ne set nought there by/ And thus is chivalry set in negligence/ & as it were forgotten & not reached of/ And he said/ the romans in like wise which had gotten many lands & conquered/ left on a time thexercite of arms/ which by their discontynuaunce they were by hannibal prince of africa desconfyted in the second battle/ where as they lost all their signory tofore canes in puylle/ which was so horrible/ that almost all they of rome were deed/ And their chievetains taken & destroyed & also the noble chivalry in so great quantity that after the desconfiture/ hannibal which died do search the field had three mues/ or bush ois/ all full of rings of gold fro their fingers like as th'history saith/ the which he died do bear in to his country in sign and joy of that victory/ But after when the said exercise of were was of the noble ancients taken up again they always had victory/ Therefore concludeth the said author to the loving & praising of the continual exercise of arms that more profitable is to a king or prince to see his men used & well taught in the said art and fait of arms how few or little quantity of people that he hath/ than to take and retain under him great foison of strange soldiers that he knoweth not/ & nothing so firm ne stable saith he ne that more is to be commended than is a country where foison of good men of arms be well learned & taught in all that longeth to the faith of were/ for nethre gold ne silver nor precious stones vanquish nor overcome not the enemies nor make not thenhabytans to live in peace as doth & may do the might of worthy chivalry well taught/ And of such folk ought not to be judged after the foolish sentence of the king Bynytus of gallya or france/ which after he had enuaysshed the romans with/ Ciiij/ sore thousand men armed/ and saw 'em come against him with so little a quantity/ despised them and said that they were not men enough for to satisfy thappetite of the dogs of his host/ But not withstanding was their men enough for to distress both him and his great host/ as is happened soon after like as th'history recounteth/ And this for to confirm after the saying of the said Author/ we shall first speak of the doctrine and lore that th'ancient nobles gave unto their children in time of their youth/ And then shall we return to the matter of the said chieftain or chieftains of the chivalry/ The said vegece to purpose saith in the first chapter of his first book/ We by noon other means nor manner can perceive ne see/ the city of rome to have subdued unto her the countries of the world/ but by use of arms and by teachings of ostes of knighthood/ For all enough may be presumed/ that so small a quantity of folk as the romans were at the first should do little harm to the great multitude of frenshmen The wit of the greeks as Titus livius saith died resist against themalyce & strength of them of afrique And by this we conclude as it is afore said that better is a small quantity of folk used and well taught in faith of arms by continual exercise of all that thereof may fall in the doubtouse hap of battle/ than is a great mlntytude of rude folk nought knowing/ for as he saith ● the manner of cunning to know that/ that in wars & battles belongeth groweth nourisheth & giveth hardiness to fight/ as it is so that noon doubteth to do that in which he feeleth himself learned expert & taught/ And all sciences & crafts are known & learned by contynuams of usage/ Thus if it be truth saith vegece that this be in small things ● better it behoveth to keep the same in things that been right great/ O what is it of men used & made to the were and that be subtle in thexercise of arms/ with pain can they be overcome by no manner of strange adventure that never was seen bifore/ As it appeared that time the romans found the craft & the manner for to slay the multitude of Elephantꝭ that been so great and fearful bestis what both men and horses of their sight were afraid/ that the cartagiens and they of parthe had brought against them/ And the wise romans made engines by the which they lanchid & cast unto them sharp bars of brenning iron/ and thus destroyed them/ And therefore saith th'author that of all arts or craftis in a land more to be commended/ is the art of fight in exercise of were For by that is the freedom of the land place or country surely kept/ and the dignity of the province is there by increased/ and the ancient worthy men/ as it is said sovereignly kept the same/ first the greeks and they of lacemodone right valiant and strong werryours/ And then this art to learn & understand above all other thing were the romans curious & fain/ and the fame & honour that ensued them for the same/ appeareth and is well known   

¶ Here deviseth & showeth the manner that the noble ancient worthy men kept to thintroduction & learning of their childre in the doctrine of faitꝭ of arms ¶ Capio· ixo·  
The ancient noble men then that by haultnes of courage desired all ways that thexercise of arms should be continued/ to th'end the common weal of their lordships and cities should be the better amended and deffended made not their children to be nourished in the king's & princes courtis for to learn pride/ lechery nor to were wanton clothing But died so by cause in time to come of their flowering age might serve the prince and the country in that office that appertaineth to noble men/ & had of a custom when their children were come to/ xiv/ year of age they made 'em to be taught in all such thing that longueth to knyghthed and in faites of were/ And is to wit that there were in certain places proper fools where they were induced/ And taught to were harness & handling of staves & deffensing and the faith & the ways of the same/ And therefore will vegece say there as he speaketh to this purpoos in his fourth chapiter of his first book that the noble men ought to pain 'em self to draw their children in their first youth to the love of fayttes of arms/ for the young child is able to conceyne & keep in mind that/ that men show to him/ and naturelly children are glad and willing to tyse 'em self to such things as men see/ that they wrestle lepen & play one with other moeving their bodies/ So ought thenne to be showed unto them the tournez of swiftness to cast & fight with both their arms/ and the manner how they shall glaunche or with drathe themselves from the strokes that in travers or sydling may come/ to lepen over trenchis or dyches/ to launch or cast speries & darts and the way to cover & save 'em self with their sheldes/ and to do all other semblable things/ And unto them they showed also how in casting of speries or darts they should set their lift foete afore/ by cause in launching shaking or casting that which they hold & would cast out of hand the body should be more steadfast on the ground & the might in casting greater/ but as to come hand to hand for to repulse or shove forth with speries they taught 'em to set the right foot afore/ by cause that the strength of shoving is at the lift side of men And for to teach 'em better in all things to fight & to assault/ they were oft-times put in array of battles by their maistres/ by cause they should know by very use the conduit and the order that aught to be kept in a battle/ And all renged in fair ordonance made 'em to march forwardis a quantity of paaces for to teach 'em to keep 'em self clos togidre in good ordinance without going out or from the rout of their battle/ And with light staves at the first by cause they schuld not hurt each other/ made one party to assault that other/ And to th'end that no rancour ne anger might not be norryshed among hem/ they that had the victory were at another time put for to fight with them that they so had overcome/ against other After this they were put in certain places to keep them that one place against that other/ And as their bodily strength grew more and more/ they made 'em for to take axes and swerdis and almaner of other weapons of were and assayed & forced themself to smite against certain stakes that for the nonce were dressed and there made great appertyses of arms/ as it had be against their enemy mortal/ and all this was/ by cause they should bear travails and be used in abling of themself And so assawted the stake all a bout glanching and turning here and there/ and in this manner of asawte took in 'em self strength and breath and the manner of fighting and sawting they learned/ And as their strength & age grew/ so was given to them greater charge and more poysaunt/ and namely bigger armours and more heavy staffs than thoo that are used in a field or battle/ by cause that common staves should seem to them easy and light at a need/ They learned them also to strike with a foin which manner of foining was first brought in use by the romans/ for they scorned them that smote edgeling/ and said with pain might one slay another after that guise/ by cause the bones that be hard with holdeth and keepeth the stroke/ But of a foin is the wound deadly if the head or the body enter the deepness of two yuches/ And for this reason also is the stroke of a foin better and surer by cause he that smiteth edgeling/ in heving up of both his arms showeth himself naked and bare and discovered a long his right side/ and this doth not he that smiteth with a foin/ but keepeth himself close as he striketh/ and may hurt his enemy/ ere that other have up his arms for to smite edgeling/ And with all this they excited and taught 'em for to bear some heavy fardelis all armed as they were for to be the readier to suffer travails and pain/ and to th'end if need were/ they might bear with them their own vitaillis/ And for this lesson to confirm ● to this purpose saith vegece/ that nothing is grievous which of afore is learned by long use/ nor so heavy a farthel but that by custom of bearing shall seem easy and light/ And virgille in like wise confirmeth the same use/ there as he saith that the valiant romans bare of times with them their necessaries with the farthel of their armours/ And beside all this were their horses made of timber upon which they learned to leap up of both the sydiss all armed from head to too & the spear in their hand/ to clemme up with cords to the walls lightly/ to make ladders hem self and ropes knotted for to clemme up ward there with all   

¶ Yet of the same ¶ Capio· xo·  
In all the foresaid usages and in other more the nobles ancient introducted & taught their children so that by long contynnance/ with the good doctrine of such honourable words as they died put in to their courages/ that when the very fait of a battle came. they were not to seek in no manner of point/ but as all learned and right wise made great appertyses & faitises of arms/ such doctrine was necessary in the time of the great conquestis/ and yet expedient & good it were in france & in all other lands where as sometime of need harnoys & armours been taken Saluste to this purpose saith/ The knight or men of arms is to be chosen that from the time of his youth hath learned the travayllis of arms and the manners of battle/ And that by usage can the wyes of knyghthede/ And better it is saith he/ to a young noble man to escuse himself of that he hath not yet learned/ than to make sorrow & mourn in his old age of that he could never nothing/ wherefore th'ancient praised so little the noble men that could nothing/ that they put no difference between them & the landishmen/ But much they set by the noble men that were wortly & valiant/ as it is known by vegece that thus saith to the lauding and praising of them/ O men of great and laudable marvels/ that this noble art and doctrine of knyghthede/ have so long excersyced/ that of very kind it abideth still with you/ Ye aught to be highly enhanced as they thithout which other men nor the land can not be deffended ne live in peax It is then great advantage to a young man that is willing to do well/ When both time and place he hath and power to learn the art and science of arms which is not to be thought of little importans nor with little pain gotten & to him saith he that in such discipline is well taught/ fere ne dread of fighting is to him nothing against who soever his enemy that it be/ but rathre is to him as a joy & a delyt And with this addeth the auctors showing in what lesson they of the people were taught/ that is to wit in shooting & casting with slings which doth great aid to them that well can skill there with/ & was much used by ancient time wherefore vegece in praising of such cunning saith that how be it a sling be of no weight/ it is profitable & namely in sawting or fensing of a fortress a sling is good & covenable/ whereof they say/ that such manner of shot was sometime so greatly set by/ that in some Isles of grece the modres gave no food to their children unto time they had hithe their meet with that stroke of the sling/ & also learned 'em to shoot with a long bow & with a crossbow both & their masters learned them to hold their bow with the lift hand & to draw the cord with the right and with great strength unto there ears/ & that the heart & the eyen they should see that thing that they would shoot at & that intentively should take their mark with good heed/ & in this art namely englishmen are learned from their young age/ wherefore contynuingly they pass all other archers/ vegece saith that this manner of art will be continued and oft exercised namely to the good masters/ & that the ham●tyng & continuance thereof be needful/ cathon saith in his book of arms/ that good archers been much profitable in a battle/ & this testifieth claudius that saith that by the archers & they that were taught in the manner of casting of darts/ overcome Alexandres enemies in diverse battles with a lityl quantity of his people/ & this witenesseth also the noble warrior scipion of affrica/ also he taught 'em to cast stones to bear sheldis & the manner to cover with the same to caste speris & the ways to do all such other thing & as thauctours say divers & proper master were/ that by the phizonomye of the youngmen & by the body they know which were most able and more proper to the discipline and teaching of arms/ as were they of whom the eyen & spirits were open & movable/ that had a straight heed a large breast/ great shoulders & well shapen arms long & big & well made/ long hands & of great bones small belly & the reins well form/ big thighs/ legs straight well shapen full of synewis & dry/ broad feet & straight/ but as for the height of the body made no force/ and above all other thing took heed to the vigour and courage and to the swiftness of the body/ and to such youngmen put their masters their busy cure & diligence to teach them the said art & cunning of arms/ and as they saw 'em with their ableness of body/ of good & wise undrestanding/ they had 'em much dear/ and taught & showed unto them all things that behoven to the chief captains of arms/ with all this/ they learned hem for to swim in rivers or in see/ And saith vegece that this art of swimming is right covenable to almanere men of arms/ as sometime it is needful to them when strength chasseth them to pass over waters & rivers for to eschew apparel or for to short their ways/ or for some other need/ as may be/ for to come at a certain hour there as they would be/ or for to take or come by these ways upon their enemies unbeware/ and so died drive thauncyent their baggage harness & farthels aftre them by subtle craft/ as upon pecis of timber & upon dry thorns cast in the water which they lad all swimming aftre them/ And by this art of swimming may a man of arms eschew the parel of death divers ways/ as it is written of julius cesar that for to warrant his own life safe died swim in the see/ iij/ c passes also the right worthy & prew baitailler cena the romain escaped all alone sore wounded from the great multitude of his enemies by his swimmying over a great river/ and thurghe these way of swimming were the people of a castle that was besieged holpen that victuals by their friends that swimmed over/ with all by night unto them not knowing their enemies of the same/ and in especial by this art thaūciens led their bestis & horses/ and for to assoil the reason of them that might say/ that such things as above been said/ be light to the saying/ but hard to the learning our author saith that how be it all things seem dyfficyle to the disciple or sooler ere he can hem if the master be tending & diligent of teaching there is noon so hard a cunning/ but that it willbe light by long continuation of haunting of the same/ And yet in continuing the manieres that the romans kept such an use a 'mong other they had/ that the noble men bore a garment unlike to them that were unnoble/ and with this was their robes of joy & robes of sorrow which they wered after the fall of their good eure or evil fortune/ that is to wit if they had lost any great battle/ or that some land were rebel unto them or some great Injure done against 'em that required vengeance then they took & wered the robes of sorrow without other garment upon hem unto time they came to their above & were avenged/ & thenne they took again their robes of joy   

¶ Here devised the proprietes that men of arms ought to have & in which they ought to be taught ¶ Capio· xjo·  
WE have devised all enough the manners and introductions of fayttes of arms that thauncyent gaff to their children/ the which for an ensample are good to be kept in mind/ and so behoveth us to return to that/ that is said afore/ that is to wit in what things the good & wise captain or his lieutenant shall aplie himself first he shall as it is said afore draw unto him all the best & most chosen men of arms and shall cherish 'em/ And sith it cometh to speak of good men of arms/ vegece recounteth of the proprieties that behoven unto them/ and saith that with hardiness without which he may not be aught/ must be taught & be master in helping of himself in his harness & to be in at his ease to th'end he may lightly assaylle his enemy/ and to be able to leap lightly over a dyche and to climb if need be upon that that may let him to entry the lodgis of the adversaries over hedgiss & over tentis if he seeth his time/ to bow aside forto void the strokis by delyvernes of body/ and to enuahisshe leping upon his enemies if the manner of the battle requireth/ And saith that such manner of appertyses abasshen the courages of the adversaries & put 'em in a fere and so hath th'advantage over 'em/ And thus it hath be full often that one hath had the better upon a stronger man than himself/ and sooner wounded him that nought was appareled for to defend himself/ And of such touches saith he/ used the great pompee when he fought/ And if ye demanded of me where shall the best men of arms be taken/ I say for an answer/ what so ever it is said that the men that be in the hot countries nigh the son how wise that they be subtle & malicious/ are not much hardy/ by cause they have not foison of blood/ for cause of the great heat that there aboundeth/ & also to the contrary/ they say that they of that cold countries are hardy & not wise/ & thus cosequently none of both ought not be taken/ but they of that land which is betwixt both temperate aught to be taken/ but as to me I hold that in this none other rule ought to be kept/ but for to cheese tho o men that most have seen/ and that take most delight & have plesur in thexercise of arms/ in which labour is their glory & their joy set/ and that none other felicity nor worship they require/ but only that/ that may come to them by mean of their chevalrouse deeds/ and such of what nation that they be of/ be to be taken & received/ and troth it is that with thauctours all good wit ought to accord that if the captain hath need of folk of the comynaltee he ought singularly to cheese them that can some crafts/ as bochers that are woned to shed blood & to smite with axes ● carpenters smiths and all other that excersyce their bodies in travail and in works that be done by might of mann●s ●and Also men of the country to whom hard lying ●●yne and labour is not strange & are nourished of rude f●de such be good to suffer pain & travail/ without which thing is not made were that long is demeaned & kept/   

¶ Here beginneth to speak of the manners that behoven to a Constable or chief captain in executing of his office ¶ Capitulo Duodecimo  
IT is so thenne/ that the were delivered & begun and by the prince & sovereign received & sent deffyaunce as the guise is/ The wise captain that committed is to the same/ shall ordain & see first of all that the fron●yers 〈◊〉 borders be well garnished aswell of good men of were as of artyllerye of all manner shot & of all other defensible necessaries &/ almaner of garnysen of such quantity as ●ym sh●l seem good after the quality of the adversaries And the towns & fortresses so garnished lack of nothing he shall advise what number of men he needeth for to do that he hath and shall have to do upon his enterprise So shall he choose out among all other the best men of arms and semblably of them that occupy shooting gonners and other unto the number that necessary is for him ● And by cause that now commynly it is so taken that that the victory of the battle by reason ought to fall to that party that more folk are/ Against this opinion saith vegece/ that it sufficeth for a common battle to lead a legion of good men of arms with thyr aids/ A legion of men of arms is in number/ vi/ Mill/ lxvi/ that we may so take as we say for speries/ And all other auctors that hereof have written accorden what vegece/ saying that as in an overgrete quantity is confusion/ it sufficeth at the most against all multitude of enemies two legions without more of good men of arms so that they be conducted & lad by sovereign ordinance which be in number little more than: xiii: mill speries/ And it is found that many ostes have be discomfited by their own multitude more then by the force of their enemies/ and why/ certes a good reason is thereto/ for the great multitude is more strong to be kept & holden in order/ & host falleth to a great myscheff for her great & peasant weight and is more needy of vytailles/ more debates be there/ And more long to pass forth away/ and it happeth often easily that the enemies/ how well that they be of little quantity awayten to overcome them as they go through narrow passages & rivers/ And there is the apparel for tavaunce nor haste 'em self they can not but they shall let each other/ and namely in arrenged battles they overpress & overstep one over that other by such amavere that they smoldre each other/ And therefore as it is said afore/ the ancient that the thing that be convenable to a battle had taught/ and the perillis showed by experience/ commended more to have a little oft well taught than a great multitude/ The high chief captain shall ordain over such folk as he shall have divers captains & constable's under whom he shall commit certain number of men of arms/ to some more/ And less to some other after their suffisance/ and like wise shall depart with them his gonners labourers & shooters/ And then himself & such as he hath commyted shall see them muster divers times in the feldis that one after that other/ There shall be take good heed that noon be retained but he be passable so that no fault be neythre in his person nor in harnoys of what estate that they be/ And there shall be wise comyssaryes that good heed shall take/ that for covetise of the payment of the soldiers no deception be made by retinue of such that be unable/ & from old time were the heed captains first of all right straightly sworn/ that they faithfully & truly should serve the prince or the country without that for fere of death nor for to eschew what soemer apparel that it were they should not i'll nor for sake the battle/ And they in like wise took the oaths of every man of arms when they retained 'em in wages/ These things well & duly made/ after that he shall see that he have good surety & assignation for the payment of his men of arms for the time that he thinketh that this army shall last/ For to this aught singularly all chief capp●taynes to take good heed/ as to that thing principal that may eythre make or deffeate their enterprise/ For noon intend for to have good men of arms without they be well paid/ For none sooner declineth their payment but that their courages fayllen   

¶ Here deviseth the manner that to a chief captain longeth to keep/ in lodging of his oft/ after that the books of arms sayen ¶ Capio· xiijo·  
ANd if it be so that the said chief captain go purposyngly to assemble in battle with his enemies of which he awaiteth their coming/ wherefore him needeth to keep the feldis for a space of time and to lodge there his oft he shall advise with a good heed after the supposing that he hath of coming of his adversaries/ to lodge his host in the best wise he can/ and to take first if he may the advantage of the ground & the best way for himself to the hurt and hindrance of his enemies/ And tytus livius saith that some time when they of gallya were gone with their oostes upon the romans/ which knowing their coming went against them/ & as they first took th'advantage of the field and of the place died lodge 'em self in such manner that they were betwixt their enemies & the river For the which cause they vaynquisshed and overcome their enemies more by thirst/ than by arms/ And it sufficeth not to take a good place in a field/ but such that their enemies if they approach may not cheese for themself any better So shall he establish his lodges to the highest part of the field nigh the river and that no hill shadow them if he may and that the place of their lodges be of good air and of good compass if he may/ And after vegece/ in a place where pastures water and wood be/ and that the feldies be not disposed to keep rain water long upon the earth/ nor where as to the enemies might fall great rushing & habondance of waters by breaking of some ponds and stangs or some scluses/ And it is to wit that after the quantity of folk and the plenty of charyotis & cartis baggage and fardellages must be taken the spaces of the lodges in such manner that a great multitude be not to narrow set/ nor also more a broad than it needeth for to be/ For of less strength they should be thereby/ and aught the cartisand carriage to be set round a bout joining to guider/ and more fair is the lodges holden when the place is taken more in length by the third part than it is in the breed/ And in the mids aught the place to be fortyffyed most of all/ As a strong hold made with timber if men may and that need be/ Of which the gate shall be even against the front of the enemies/ And other yatis must there be/ by which the victuals shall come in/ And vegece saith that many banners ought to be set there up on high/ and if the chief captain thinketh to keep his host long there he shall do fortify the place with dyches & palis round a bout and with closure made of timber as it were a castle wherein shall be 〈◊〉 the garnisons/ to the vytaylling of which ought to be 〈◊〉/ for before all other work right wisely and well 〈◊〉 as vegece saith more grievous is hunger than wepen 〈◊〉 many thyngiss may be borne and suffered in an oft but ●●●cessyte and lack of meet in a field hath no sufferance 〈◊〉 remedy without vitaylle come thither/ how be it ●e saith 〈◊〉 all thing is covenable to an host that a man concence 〈◊〉 self with a lityl meet/ And therefore the wise captain ought so to purvey/ that victuals fail not or ever the siege which oft-times lasteth longer than men ween of be raised or go fro/ For when thadversary feeleth the oft needy of vitaillis so moche more sharp & fierce he is against hem & as 〈◊〉 think lightly to take 'em & for this cause it happeth the folk of an host force themself so much to take victual one fro that other/ & in especial folk that keep a siege before a fortress do so/ wherefore good heed would be taken that the dyspensatours & vitaillers of the host be not thiefs himself & rob not the host as they by crafty wiles may do/ for by such away hath many an host suffered among great hunger & moche misease & great apparel/ wherefore it is good & wisely done to look thereto/   

¶ Yet of the same ¶ Capio· xiiijo·  
With all the things a 'bove said/ the good captain that will maynten & keep his were justly against god and truly towardis the world/ aught to endevoire himself to see his soldiers be paid so well that they need not to live of no pillage upon the contrees of them that been their friends/ and by this manner of way the host shall have no default/ For why all manner goodis & victuals from every part shall come thither/ so that merchants may surely come/ & that he make an ordinance upon pain of death that no thing be taken but it be paid for/ nor nought misdo to the merchant/ which now would god that it were done so every where/ great good it were and I believe that all things should therefore come to the better end/ great peril is in faith of were & in an host when covetise of pillage leadeth to hit men of arms more rather/ than doth the good intent that they should have to keep the right of their party/ or the honour of knighthood/ or for to get praising & good fame/ And such folk aught better to be called thieves & robbers/ than men of arms or chivalrous/ and this showed well the frenshmen that time they overcome the romans & there great host in battle upon the river of the rosne and great proyes' gate upon 'em/ but in token that they setted nought by the same/ and that their intent was not set there upon/ they took all the proyes/ as pylfreys and rich harnoys/ gold silver and plate & cast all to guider in the said river/ the which thing so done put the Romans which such another deed had never known in great fere & dread/ The wise captain thenne well purveyed of though things that been said a 'bove/ shall not trust only upon that/ that his fourragers shall bring by cause oft-times they find nought to take/ but he shall be purveyed bifore his parting/ not only of all his garnison/ but also of all vitaillis that upon cartis he shall do carry with him as is corn/ and/ meal/ wines/ flesh/ beans/ salt/ and vinegar refresheth to drink it with moche water in the summer when win faileth and all other things covenable that wisely he shall do to be dispensed/ Yet saith the book of arms that if the host should tarry long in a place and that a great puissance of enemies waiteth to come thither the place ought to be fortyffyed round a bout with good dyches of/ xii/ foot deep and/ xv/ foot broad and as straight as they can be made at that side of the enemies/ with stakes 〈◊〉 other thyngiss to let them that would descend for ten●re but and so be saith he that the host should not abide long●● that he awaiteth but for a few folk/ it is no need of so great fortyffyeng/ but suffysseth if men will dig that the dyches be made of/ viii/ or/ ix/ foot of deepness and of breed seven foot/ And aught the good capitain to commit good men of arms with gonners and men of shot for to keep and wait upon the labourers and workmen which such fortifications are in doing/ And for to bring a bout all such things the wise captain shall be right well purveyed of all Instrumentis covenables as shovillis with iron at for end/ ratellis/ pycosis/ sawis/ axes/ nails/ wymbrekyns and of all other ferrementis for to make lodges or for to pydche and dress up tents & pavilions/ and of such workmen that can good skill of the same/ Not withstanding vegece saith that folk of oostis ought all to be master himself of kutting of wodis and of felling down of great trees of making of ways through hedgis and busshies/ of building of lodgis/ of making of cloysours of timber in sawing of bordis and of making of brydgiss if need be/ of filling of dyches with fagotis and bondellis of reed for to find passage/ of making of ladders & of all such thyngiss And after the said Author the ancient conquerors carried with 'em in their oostis forges ready made where were forged and made salatis/ and helmeties/ curacies & all other manner of harnoys/ and all such instruments of iron as must be had to make bows and arrows speries/ darts & javelots'/ and such workmen that could skill in all these crafts/ And their sovyrayne care was to see that in their oostis al things covenable for the same should be found as it were with in a city/ For to their houses they returned not soon/ Also minors they lad with them that conde full craftily dig under the earth for to over take the enemies unbeware/ With this showeth vegece thoo thyngiss that are to be considered for to keep the host in good health if it must tarry long in one place/ Whereof five things he assigneth thereunto/ that is to wit place/ water. time medicine & exercise/ a place must be chosen far from any palusche or maresgrounde/ and a water that is unwholesome fowl and still wythym a ditch full of vermin ought not to be had/ but must see to/ that in summer time they be not during the great heat without shadowing of trees and pavilions and no default of good and sweet water for themself & for their bestis/ medicine they must have/ that is to be garnished with notable leches and good master of Syrurgye that shall give help and succour to the sick aswell as they were in a city/ And exercise they must also have/ that is to enure 'em self so to pain and travail and to be hard/ that sickness take not hem in time of need for fault they be not woned thereto/ Thus been they covenable to battles that been accustomed to endure and suffer both heat and cold Hard rest & sharp fare for no thing can come unto them but they have assayed and known it afore/ And in this manner after vegece the wise captain shall do set up his lodges where by a good order shall establish his captains with their folk under divers banners and standardis as they should go to a battle by the manner and form as he shall ordain to them/ And he with his men shall be in the mids with his standard dressed up a high/   

¶ Here deviseth of the thought & care that the head captain ought to have to take good heed upon his host ¶ Capio· xv  
Among the other virtues that sovereignly been covenable to a duke & chief captain of an host is necessary that he be a good man and faithful/ as by ensample it is 〈◊〉 of fabricius leader of the romain host/ that for his gre●e worthiness and bounty/ the king Pirrus his adversary would have given him the fourth part of his royalme and of his tresors/ so that he would take his party and to be his fellow in arms/ To whom he answered that richeses by treason and malice gotten was to be despised overmuch & that possible it was him to be overcome by arms but not by untruth nor treason/ With this vegece saith that the captain to whom is committed in hand so great a thing as is the bail & charge of the noblesse of knighthood the deed of the prince/ the common weal of the land the sur●ee of the cities and the fortune of the battles/ aught to take heed not in general upon all the host without more but also particularly over every person/ For if any mishap fall/ the common damage is attribued te his culpe and deffawte/ And therefore the valiant duke and chief captain of an oft so committed & deputed by the prince as it is said shall endevoire himself to take good keep of all his folk and that they keep good rule in their lodges and do as they should do For the book saith that these young esquires when they be in rest ought to disport 'em self by ways of strengths of arms/ giving by this manner to understand that they be better pleased with the exercise of the same/ than with idleness of which groweth commonly among young folk that be to guider noise and riot if they be not kept in fere of their captain/ And for this cause ought the sage duke to be right curious in taking of good keep upon his people in this byhalue/ for as the wise master saith they that be riotous and full of rancour & anger are perilous in an host Wherefore if a captain hath any so disposed in his host he ought by ways of fairness to make himself quite of 'em/ and not to be rigorous and hoot upon them as he dischargeth 'em which should cause them to turn to the other party against him/ or to procure and machyne sooner evil against his host/ But with fairness ought to send 'em away somewher in feigning a cause why wherefore he doth so to them/ Morovere saith the master that if need constraineth that such men be pugnysshed according to their riotous dediss with iron/ they ought not to be spared/ for right wiseness will that it be so to th'end that other may take ensample there by and for correction of themselves/ than that men should suffer 'em to Do offence and to hurt oultragiously divers other men/ But yet he saith that the captains of whom the men of arms are measurably & sadly demeaned by good rule & by good doctrine/ are more to be praised/ than thoo whose men of arms are kept & trayed from malice & evil/ only for fere to be punished for the same/ And to this purpose saith th'author that folk which is gathered out of divers placis & of strange nations bring up some time wilfully noise/ tumult & debatis in an oft/ And this cometh oft-times by some of them that have no will for to fight which feign to be angry by cause they well not go to the battle/ And this cometh to them for one of two causes/ or else for both/ that is to wit by cause that either they are better willing to that other party of their enemies or elliss by cause they be wont to be idle & to live wauntonly ● therefore the grievousness of the travail in which they be 〈◊〉 enurid with afore/ is sore noyous unto them/ & the books saien that right great worship it is to a captain when his people ruleth themselves covenably in an host/ & to this purpose it is said/ that when cymars the messenger of king pir●us was sent in to the host of the romans for to treat of 〈◊〉 with them/ he found the knightis there of so high a manner & noble mayntyen/ that he reported by them & said that he had seen an host all of kings thus the wise captain that of all things shall be purveyed shall take good heed to see that through his fault nothing be left that is to be thought upon or to be done/ not long sleep shall he take/ but a little & measurable rest for out of a courageous heart in what thing that it is sete● unto/ cometh the great labour of/ he shall be therefore curious & diligent to send for the here & there his espies subtylli for to inquire & understand the purpose of his enemies & what their weigh be/ & by their report made unto him what folk in number his enemies be to the regard of the quantity of his own oft/ what manner of folk they be & what his own how strong & how they are armed/ which of both parties is better horsed/ what apparel & ordinance they have/ what comynaltee they have/ & of what nation what socours & of whence it may come/ aswell to his 〈…〉 and what advantage hath the one party more than that other/ And hereupon he shall take thaduis and opinion of divers chivalrous wise and good captains that shallbe of his counsel/ old and good true men of good & sad counseyl and expert in faytis of arms/ Nor he shall not do nothing only by his own heed but shall make his enterprise after thaduys of many men/ by whose regard and direction he with them shall conclude by good delyberation that which is best for to be done/ to give battle to his adversaries/ or not/ soon/ or late/ or whether he shall abide and tarry till his enemies come to assault his and him keeping always good watch and every man at his ward for to deceive by some cawtell his adversaries/ But and if he can know his enemies to be waiting after any haviour/ he shall make haste to fight with them/ And if he himself abideth for socours he shall tarry if he be not able having always good keep and good watch/ and to see that allthing be readily priest at hand/ to th'end that at their meet or by night time they be not overcome unbeware/ For as the master saith/ in most surety/ is oft woned to fall great peril/ And therefore ought the head captain if he see his time to assaylle his enemies while they be at meet or a sleep/ or else when they be traveled and weary of the way/ or else when their horses taken their pasture & their food/ when they think to be most sure/ For to them saith he that be so overtaken/ neither virtue nor strength maketh no force to them nor multitude of people may not profit 'em/ But him that his overcome in a battle/ How be it that his wit in the art and use of arms/ might not that time profit him/ natheless in his wrath he may complain upon fortune But he that vanquished is or hurt by the subtylnes of his enemy/ can blame noon/ but only the deffauwte of his own self/ For he might have eschewid his hurt if he had be as kepefull and diligent to keep himself/ as his enemy was for to make a surprise upon him/ O how well showed/ that of wise assailing or sawting & was a master/ that valiant scipion of africa when that he so moche died/ that he fond a way and a mean by might/ that all the lodges of his enemies were set all on a fire/ and soon after ran upon 'em so sharply that they witted not where at they should a wait nor take keep/ and thus they were discomfited more by abaysshment than by arms And this purpoos of espying of enemies vegece saith that much profitable a thing it is in an oft to have wise espies that can well find the ways to learn and understand the cowyne of the adversaries/ For such can entremette 'em self by gifts or great promesses and by subtle ways to draw to them some or many namely if they may that be of the counsel of that other party so that they know what is their intent and purpoos for to do/ And by this may the chief captain/ see what it is best for him to do/ And with this saith yet vegece that much it profiteth to find ways who may/ to make dissension among the enemies/ and that they disdain to obey to their capitain/ of which the conditions men ought for to know/ & to take him who may through his own manners of dealing/ & hereof ought the wise capitain to be well advised/ for no manner of nation how little that it be can not in all things be put a down by enemies without it be that dissension and debate hap to fall among hem self & semblably the duke or captain that so shall send out his espies shall take good keep that he himself be not nor his covin discovered and ther fore right all thus as they that go by the see that know not the perilous passagiss that be there in diverses placis & costs of the same will have all such parelliss painted in parchment or paper for to eschew them as they shall sail/ So in likewise the captains and leders of oostis ought to know the ways & the passagiss the mountains/ the forestis & the wodis the waters the rivers and the narrow passagis/ where as they must pass/ And how well the good captain be well informed of all this/ yet for fere of falling in this case/ he shall take with him if it needeth such of the country to lead his host that can the ways well/ The which so taken with him/ shall make them to be so well kept that they may not scape to th'end that they have no space if they would to betray the host/ So shall he give 'em money and shall promise hem a great reward if well and truly they lead him and his host/ And by threatening he shall also ●raye 'em if they do the contrary/ And straightly shall command the head captain to them all that be of his counseyl upon their oath that they shall uttir nor say what way he purposeth to go/ nor where he thinketh to lead his host nor what his purposes is to do/ For uneath without any traitors is any host/ And hard it were that there as great quantity of folk is gathered to gidre namely where great foison of strangers be that they all shield be of a good co●●ag●/ But he ought to ●orte that no thing of less sufferance is in the world to princes/ lords/ and heed captains of an host ● Than they that be known such/ evil reward they ought to have for what soever treason that they do/ well showed this the romans to them that traitorously slew. Centoryus their lord/ by cause that 〈…〉 it he was a ●ommayn he had made great were against them of rome for despyt and envy that he bore to other princes of the romans/ But when the traitors came for to have & receive their reward/ death was to them ●ouen for their payment/ and was told 'em that such reward ought to have all such traitors/ It is semblably written that king alexandre died so to them that thought to have a pleasure of him that slew king darnis their lord With this he shall commit also such of his that be good & true and well horsed to search afore & there for to take keep that the host ●e not espied & watched/ And vegece saith that espies must be sent afore as though they were pilgrims or laborous that both day & night seek about/ to wit and see if 〈…〉 be laid oughwhere/ and if these spies come 〈◊〉 again/ then ought the captain to take another way 〈◊〉 may/ For it is a token that they be taken and such men 〈◊〉 ●●●tourment and pain done to them/ of times show 〈…〉 they know of He shalt not be no pren●●z also in 〈◊〉 his host when he departeth in fair ordinance ●nd 〈◊〉 that is to wit the best of his men with foison 〈…〉 that side as he thinks that more great peril may 〈◊〉 fall/ and shall command that the feeblest par● shall 〈…〉 most part of his oft/ and shall ordain and coming 〈◊〉 other petty captains/ that be in the forward ●or 〈◊〉 march forth in fair ordinance/ that one 〈…〉 to that other and always ready for to 〈…〉 if it need be/ And after shall follow the 〈…〉 and shall march pace by pace joined 〈…〉 thick as awalle with their 〈…〉 fleeing out a broad with the 〈…〉 shall 〈◊〉 the ●rryere guard by semblable 〈…〉 saith that the ca●ti● and baggage 〈…〉 forward for the more surte of the same/ or else before the arriere guard And by cause it happeth some time to be sawted on the sides by some embushe that falleth upon unbewarre/ the captain shall ther fore ordain for socours to be ready at any time on every side/ And the book of arms saith that the captain ought singularly to take good heed to the manner of going of his people/ that they make their pace equal & like/ and that they keep still good ordinance/ For an oft unordynatly renged wherrof that one fellowship hasteth to march/ and that other withdrawith/ it his in great peril/ nor no thing is mor preiudicyable in a battle/ than dysordonaunce or to go out of array/ and he saith that the journey of an oft aught to be of/ x/ m/ paaces in the summer/ or else/ v/ ours that may amount to/ v/ mile of way/ and if need leadeth hem/ they may go yet as he saith: ij: M pace and no more/ and aught to be well wise that by long way nor travail his oft fall not to some sickness for fault of rest/ wherefore he must see to depart at a covenable hour/ so that they may come to lodging ere the night come upon 'em/ And that in the short days of the winter they depart not so late that through rain snow or frost they must go a great part of the night/ and he shall see also that his oft be always purveyed as he goeth with wood for to make fire with all/ For noothing so needful is in an oft as is the fire/ & that they use of noon evil waters that might engender in them some pestilence/ that in such an assemble sick folk need not/ and it is a great mischief when necessity of battle chasseth them that by sickness are as dysconfyt to do more than they can   

¶ Here speaketh of the passage of ostis over floods and Rivers ¶ Capio· xvijo·  
IT falleth sometime so that an oft must pass over great waters & ryves which thing is great acombraunce and full of parel/ and the remedies for to pass them over/ dyscriveth vegece/ saying/ that first men must wisely know where the water is lest and most low/ and there in travers ought to be set a rout of folk well horsed and another in like wise undrenethe/ and thus shall pass betwixt them both the great float of the host/ And saith that they that be upward shall hold the swiftness of the waters/ and they that be donuwardis they may keep up them that the water might throw a down/ And if the water be so great that this remedy can not serve/ and that needs it must be passed the captain shall have his bridgiss ready made tofore which shall do to be borne always with him in charyotis or cartis of which bridgis some may be made upon pipes bounden together and well teyed with ropies by travers of the river & bordis well fastued thrupon with pins made of wood/ which bridge may be soon dressed upon the water as men do upon levys by wit of subtle masters/ and some may be made with stakis fast pight within the water with ropes that shall retch in travers from that one stake to that other upon which ropes the cordis shall be set for folk to go over Another manner of bridgis may be found/ that is with ships covered with bordis and well made fast that one vessel to what other/ and this manner of ways is the surest for a bridge who that can recover so many vessel is/ & yet men may make a bridge with long peers of timber and set 'em in travers of the river with hyrdellis thereupon and covered with horse dung and they must be anchored withim the● water that they may be steadfast/ And by such manner of ways they may pass 'em self over lightly ● but diverse other remedies fond in this byhalue the king Cirus of pierce when he went for to take the city of Babilonne/ For as he came to the river of Euffrates/ he fond it so large & so de●e that it seemed as Impossible that any oft of men should have passed it over/ Wherefore by force of men he died do make dyches & dalue the earth so that the said flood was parted in/ iiij/ C/ lxvi/ rivers And by this mean he and his great ostis died pass over/ And thus there is nothing but that the wit of man can reach when wisdom & will be to gider set thereto/ With this it is recounted by th'ancient histories that the conquerors in old time were so taught & so good masters of swyming that they set but little for to have gone over a great water/ and had great pecis of timber made hollow as chestis in which they drew their harnoys & victuals after hem/ and other made fagottiss or boundellis of dry read and bound 'em up and so passed over/ And if the bridge must of need abide still for to pass continually & repass over/ it must be fortyffied with dicbes & with strong palis that shall be kept of good men of arms & archers at the side of the enemies/ And where this manner of doing should seem light by hearing say/ and hard of doing to them that have not learned the way thereof/ that might say that of such things it is but a dream/ It is no jape that when the great oostis of the romans during the space of/ thirty/ year & more went diverse times fro rome in Africa unto the cite of cartage and yet ferther in other countries where they must pass great floods & great rivers and like wise through all the lands that they gate & subdued/ they had no bridgiss made of stone nor no vessels they fond for to pass 'em over/ wherefore they fond as for need all such ways of making of brydgis/ And if it happened that they passed over on the might by the move light or elliss so secretly that the enemies can not know nothing thereof/ they must assoon as they be passed arm hem self and put 'em self again in good ordinance that they be not overtaken unbewarre And keep forth on their way with a fair little pace by such an order that if any enemies come upon 'em they may be able and ready to bear more pain and suffer more peril than they can give hem/ But if they may eschew 'em by mountains and leave their enemies undrenethe it is a great avauntayge and surety for them/ And if it be so that they find the ways narrow by cumbrance of bushes and hedges it is better/ as vegece saith that they cut hem and open 'em a broad with their hands for making of the way/ than that they should abide or suffer great peril in the high and broad ways   

¶ Here speaketh of the manners that the chief captain of an oft aught to hold & keep when he thinketh to have shortly a battle ¶ Capitulo xviijo·  
After that which a 'bove is said must be here spoken of certain points/ advices and ways that to a captain/ be good to be kept that time he supposeth to receive soon a battle/ after the book of arms and other auctors that have spoken of this matter/ And it is to wite that when men feel their enemies coming willing to over run the land/ they ought not if they can to suffer 'em to enter the country/ but shall go axenst them with a great host/ For much better it is to hurt anothris land than to suffer his own to be damaged/ When a captain thenne is come to that place as he thinketh to have shortly antiochus of Europe/ that is to wite by night when their oosties were traveled and lacked rested/ And no keep they took of themself/ the which rommayns being but a few in quantity slew more than/ lx/ thousand of the foresaid two king's men as th'history recounteth/ ¶ And vegece saith that where a battle is done in two or in three ours after which all manner trust and hope is gone from that party that is over come/ And by cause that the fortune of the victory can not be known of afore/ The wise captain ought not to put nor vance forth him and his men lightly to a battle in a plain field but if he see that it be to his great advantage/ And that a day of battle set/ is to be dread and redoubted as a thing that is put in a great I●opardye/ Well it was assayed and proved of the rommayns that time they had sent their great host in to hyspayne that turned rebel against hem/ Where as of the battle which they found there ready against 'em remained not of 'em all one person that might report the tidings to rome/ but knew it a good while after by strangers/ ¶ Therefore ought the Duc to hurt his enemies little and oft by fair scarmysshes/ by watches/ and by busshementies/ ¶ And by such way to mynushe them day by day as much as he can/ ¶ Item he saith also that when it happeth that prisoners be taken during the were in scarmyshing or otherwise/ men ought to entreat and far so fowl with them that they be put thereby in despair of their life If it be so that they that so have taken hem/ Await after the battle/ by cause that their enemies having no trust to find neither pity nor mercy in them if they were vanquished of them/ should defend themself and fight more courageously for their life/ For many a time it hath be seen that a little quantity of men thus desperate of mercy and pity/ discomfited and over came a great and a mughti host/ by cause that they would rather they fighting/ than to fall in the cruel hands of their enemies/ ¶ And so it is a great peril to be fight such men/ ¶ For their strength groweth and doubbeth with in hem ¶ Therefore ought the Duc or captain saith he to understand and know as a rygtewies judge doth the truth of a matter or he give his sentence/ Alswel the strength as th'advantage that his enemy hath over him and how and wherrof he may hurt him/ whereupon he shall take wise counsel to wite what he hath to do/ ¶ For by this manner of way hath of times a small quantity of folk that led were by wise captains/ over come a great multitude as it is said bifore/ ¶ But if it hap saith vegece/ that thine enemy press the much for to give him a day of battle and that he hasteth to be fight thee/ take heed whether it is at his advantage and to thy hurt and damage/ but do nothing nor meddle not but if thou see thy time   

¶ Here showeth the manner of behaving that a chief captain ought to hold if it hap that he will depart from the field without abiding or giving of any battle/ ¶ Capitulo nineteen/  
But we put a cas/ that the prince hap to send word to the captain that he turn again wytout giving of any battle nor that he make no more ado/ or that the chief captain would take himself upon him for certain cause to leave the field/ it is to consider & to see what manner be sure/ Thenne shall come out upon 'em they that be in busshementies set for them and by great virtue and strength shall hurt and damage 'em/ ¶ And how so ever it is He that departeth from his enemy ought by all manner of ways to purvey/ that if he be chased and followed/ that they that chasseth and pursiewith him have some mishap at his return again/ eythre by setting of a watch for them or else by some other manner/ ¶ And if it needeth them that shall make chasse after the to pass over some flood or ryvere/ lay thy watch so for them that they that shall pass first may be over run by thy men/ and that another party of thy people be put in a bushment at the bac side of thine enemies if thou can for to assault them that yet awayten for to pass over the river/ And if thou need thyself for to pass through woodis or by some narrow ways see that thou send a fore some persons of the host that be faithful and true that can report unto thee/ the paths and whether any bushment be there laid or not/ For a less shame it were to receive a dommayge in fighting openly with his enemy/ than to have any cumbrance & letting by some awaiting set/ whereof men had take no keep unto it thorughe negligence/   

¶ Here showeth how the head captain of an host that falleth in a treatee of peace or taketh truce with his enemies ought to keep himself and his people from such perils as he may be brought or fall in to by wylies & decepton/ C/ xxo·  
And to th'end that no thing that covenable is & expedient to be put in this our book be not fogoten/ as touching the caasis that oftentimes happen or that may hap by faitꝭ of arms/ it is good to speak of a thing that over moche may hurt & over sore an oft & that may overcome & hurt more/ than doth iron or any other thing/ & that sovereignly is to be eschewed and to take good heed unto/ the which thing is hard to be put fro/ when it is once set in an host/ as it shall be declared hereafter/ ¶ We have devised all enough how that an host may depart more surely fro the field if cas be that his best counsel will not that he fight/ ¶ Now will we put another cas/ that is to wit/ that both thosts be In a field with a great strength on both sides and ready for to take a day of battle together/ But by certain means they fall in a treatee of peace/ ¶ It is then necessary in such a case/ That the captain as we have said before/ be sage and wise/ so that he may werke all things to the best/ ¶ And for to follow the way that wisdom teacheth/ He shall first take heed to two principal things/ ¶ One is that he shall consider/ What the persons be that treatten and what moveth them thereto/ That other is/ he shall be hold and see what and upon which conditions is founded and resteth the same trayttee/ ¶ What the demand which is done to him is/ and what his offer is/ ¶ As to the first of two it is to be advised if they that so treaten been his friends or if he so reputeth and holdeth them/ or whethre they be men of equal mean not partial nor singular for neither of both parties/ or whether they be simply sent and admitted of that other party/ or not/ If it be so that ●it cometh by the simple motion of that other part ● it is a good token/ that no deceit be not with all For either god hath so inspired them/ or it appeareth that they doubt fere the battle/ but never themore for this/ he shall be well advised of the manner of their asking with the manner of their proffre thou be more proud therefore weening to have 'em at advantage if the battles happened to be/ whereby thou wouldest not fall to accord/ But rathre to be found the harder For any proffres that were done unto thee/ nay certainly/ For with pain it might be found that ever it happened that they that refused just proffres what somever right that they had nor what great number of people that they had against a few folk/ But that at the last they repented full sore/ And it seemeth that god in this case hateth them that such raysonnable proffres' comtempnen and reffusen/ And punisheth 'em there for/ But hereto thou oughtest to take heed for in this lieth the pareyl/ that is to wite/ that thou be not deceived by treason through false means under the shadow of the treating of the peace/ And how shalt thou know this/ For sooth I say that by conjectures thou shalt mow have a colour of the doubt thereof/ Wherefore be thou always upon thy watch/ Wherefore if it be so/ that the first moeving of the trayttee of peace be comen of some of thine/ thou shalt mow know by the conditions of him/ what the cause may be that hath moved him to speak thereof/ For if he be wise and a good true man and that thou knowest him for such/ thou oughtest not for to merueyll if such a man would gladly see that a good mean were found that might eschew effusion and shedding of man's bl●de by some good and worshipful trayttye and that peace might be had/ ¶ But if he be a man that is not wont to find himself in such a case/ And that is of little courage/ though he be malicious and a well spoken man/ thou mayst think that this cometh to him by cowardness & feebleness of heart/ But not therefore thou oughtest not to put his reasons all a back/ But shalt see if they been good and to thy profit and honour/ Another thing is to be considered/ that is that in hearing him speak/ that the way of the treattye peax showeth and counseilleth unto thee/ thou shalt feel and see whethre the peax may better be & come to his profit/ than the were/ And if in his talking he paineth himself to put the in will of making of a peax/ the which for great desire that he hath to it/ should not be unto the well honnourable/ or if it is any covetous person to whom this may be made to be said by yefts & promesses/ To these if thou may it know/ thou ought not to add nor give no credence nor faith/ but shalt put them aside if thou be of their conditions sufficiently informed/ For an untrue counseiller will never give good counsel but if it be to his singular proffyt/ but a true counseiller seeth more to the common we'll/ than to his own partial profit/ And now it is to the necessary during the traittye of peax/ that like wise as the ambaxadours comen to the from that other party ● so shalt thou send again some of thine/ Therefore thou must in this well see that thou be not deceived/ For a great parel may be thrynne but if they be true men/ For by such ways and by such ambaxatours many cities/ land●s and royalmes as some time was troy the great and other divers have be deceived by such traitors ambaxatours feigning themself good & true/ nor no parel there nies like unto the same/ by cause that it is so hid/ that with pain may noon keep himself how wise that he be/ from a traitor if he hath enterprised to hurt him by treason/ And therefore no better remedy to this there nies but to send such ambaxadours that be most nigh thy noble person if such thou hast with the that greatly setten by thy death and destruction so that he may have both worship and good fame thereby and we evermore to be praised and worshipped with him for the same/ and that his good grace we may please thereby So have we a good cause fair lords to assault by fires courage and to enuaysshe willingly our enemies I dare well say For they be in the wrong/ and so is god with us wher fore we shall overcome them without fail without the default be in us/ and thereof I make you sure/ Now be ye willing then my dear friends every man asmuch as he may/ to do so well that I may have a cause to report by you that which ye shall be the better for/ ¶ And as to me I swear you by may faith/ That whosomenere shall bear himself well now of whatsoevere degree that he be of/ I shall so greatly Reward him that he shall be while that he liveth the better both in honour and profit/ ¶ Now let us go without fere and hardyly my dear children/ friends and brethren against these folk commending oure self unto god that he will grant us the victory over them as we all desire the same/ ¶ such manners of words shall say the head capitain unto his men and that this aught to be do/ all the authors accorden in one that of this case have spoken/ and sayen that these manners kept julyus Cesar/ Pompee/ Scipyon and the other conquerors/ And with this affirm and holden that the wise capitain ought to be large and not covetous/ ¶ For it is to be known that the books of knighthood learn no covetise to be had in no manner of capitain but only to see for the price and worship that longen to the fayttes of arms/ And certainly this showed well the good duke Fabrycyus the which for example of his bountifulness we so often Remember him in this book/ When that the king Pyrrus his enemy that sore much desired to draw him with his party by cause he was so worthy/ sent him a great quantity of plate both of gold and of syluere/ For by cause that he understood that he was so pour that he was served at his own board with veseels of wood and platters made of tree/ and sent him word that to so high a man as he was apparteyned well rich service/ But he refused them/ and answered that he loned better to eat his meet in treen dishes with worship/ than in dishes of gold with reproach and shame/ ¶ Then thus it behoveth that the said head capitain/ be benign and gracious among his folk/ For otherwise he were not worthy to be amitted to that office/ For they say that by the means of his largesse and benignity he may the better draw unto him the hearts of his folk to expose and jeopardy with him both body and life/ than by any other other thing/ ¶ His benignity ought to give hardiness namely to the lest & that been of simple estate/ that they dare show and signify unto him some thing if it seemeth 'em good that concerneth the faycte of arms/ As it may hap sometime that some of low degree may be of good advice and of good counsel/ For why/ god Imparteth his gifts of grace where he will ¶ And it is written that the valyunt conquerors that be past and gone departed largely their conquests and proyes to their men of arms/ And for themself it sufficed to have only the honour of the battles/ and therefore they died with their folk what they would/ And that drawing words are good/ vegece saith/ that the good 'ticing and the admonesting of the worthy duke everraceth in an host hardiness/ courage and virtue/ And therefore in once face troubleth his sight full sore/ And likewise doth the wind that filleth them with fond/ And also the shoot of an arrow borne with the help of the wind a lighteth more sore and beareth a greater strength/ And also mynussheth and taketh away the force of the shot of the contrary part/ ¶ And it is here to know that by two manners of wiles over came the Rommayns in battle them of Sycambre/ that was by enuahysshing of such an art that their enemies had the son to fore them/ And that other was/ by soubdayn coming upon them so that no layfer they had to put 'em self in ordinance/   

¶ Here deviseth shortly the manner after the use of the time present to renge an oft in a field for to befyght his enemies ¶ Capytulo/ twenty-three/  
WHere vegece putteth many manners of ways for to renge an host in battle/ as it shall be said hereafter the which in some manners may be dyfferentes to the regard of the ordinances of the time present/ The cause peradventure is by cause that the folk commonly in though days foughten more on horseback than a foot/ ¶ And also where no thing there nies in the orders of human deeds/ But that it is by long process of time changed and turned/ me seemeth good to touch shortly somewhat in most entendyble terms of the common ordinances of the time present/ as enough it is known of them that faytes of arms excersycen/ ¶ That is to wite to make his avantgarde of a long train of men of arms all close together and renged full smoothly that the one pass not that other the best and the most chosen in the first front and the maresshalles with them by their baneres and standartes/ and at the formest sides are made wings in which been all manners of shooters renged and in good array/ asswel gonners/ as balesters/ and archers ¶ After the first battle that men call the Forward cometh the great battle where as all the great float and rout of men of arms is put all arrenged in a fair order by their capitains that have among 'em their banneres and signs all up/ which are by diverse rows one after another full smoothly renged and not stepping out of place/ For the Connestable doth a cry to be made that noon upon pain of death shall dysrowme himself/ ¶ And some say that if any quantity of commons be there men ought to fortify with such manner of men the wingys' of both sides by fair rows well ordered at the back side of the shot/ the which commons shallbe taken and come/ mytted unto good capitains/ and in like wise they shall be renged before the great battle/ so that if they would flee they might be kept in still by the men of arms that be behind hem/ In the mids of this great battle is put the prince of the host and the principal banner borne before him to the which is the beholding of the battle/ wherefore it is taken to hold it up to one of the best and principal of the said host/ and a bout it been of the best and most approved men of arms/ aswell for the suretee of the prince as of the same/ ¶ After following this great battle cometh the third that men call the ryeregarde the which is ordained for comfort And help them that be afore/ that semblably are put in array by a fair order/ And behind this battle been fairly put the yeomen on horseback that helpen their masters if need be and holden and maken an obstakell that on the baksyde of the battle they be not enuahysshed/ ¶ Of the which thing if there be enough of men of arms and that they be in a doubtless that the enemies will come at that side/ those that surely will fight and that been wise in fayttes of arms/ maken another battle that turneth the back towards the other battles a foresaid/ all ready counseled for to receive them that would come/ ¶ And with these said things commonly are ordained a quantity of men of arms expert of the craft/ and well mounted upon good coursers which been full ready on the side for to come and break with courses of horses th'ordinance of the enemies as they shall be renged and assembled together/ ¶ And therefore the battle is often time won by them that best can shift and deal withal/ ¶ And where this manner of renging of an host is most covenable/ yet some that been expert in arms do counsell/ that when men have no great quantity of commons but have for the more part all men of arms/ that all the whole assemble be put together only in one battle without noon other forward nor arryeregarde but only the wings of the front of the battle as it is said afore/ and sayen that more surely they fight so/ ¶ And this manner was kept at the battle of rosebeke where as the king of France Charles the sixth of that name had the victory against/ xl/ thousend Flemyngys'/ and semblably it was done but awhile a gone at the battle of Lyege where as johan duke of bourgoyne that son was to phylyppe the son of the king of France with a small quantity of his men was victorious against/ xxxuj/ thousand Lygeoys'/   

¶ deviseth yet the manner of renging of battles/ ¶ Capitulo/ xxiv/  
how be it that it is said here before and after of the manners of fighting and of renging of an host/ sayen th'ancient that of this matyere have spoken that the best manyere to give a battle is in roundness and that men put many battles in the fore front/ and at that side that they know their enemies shall come they shall keep 'em self by good ordinance well nigh clos together/ and with pain shall they mow be overcome nor desconfyted though that their enemies be more than they ● And if it fall so that the adversaries be of less folk/ the battle aught to be then ordered and made in manner of a horse shoe/ and thus saith he thou shalt stop 'em about if thou go to it wisely/ And if the other be foison of folk ordain ye the battle as with a sharp end before for to pierce forth/ But let the capitain be well advised saith vegece/ that at that same hour that the battle shall assemble he change not this manner of order nor lead not bear nor there no number of people on't of their ordinance/ For that were for to destroy all/ and should put trouble in his battles/ Nor nothing profiteth more in a battle saith he/ than to keep the order that aught there to be kept with the interualle or distance that ought for to be betwixt every row/ For men ought to see by great cure that they overpress not each other/ and that they also large not neither the one from that other but shall keep themselves in covenable order together/ For they that were to nigh each other should lose their strokes and their fighting for lack of more room and space & that one should so let that other/ Also they that were over large ordered should give to their enemies an entry through themself/ And so were they in apparel to be broken and sparpeylled a broad/ Whereof the fere that they should have to see their enemies so comen wythyn them/ should yield 'em as dysperate and lost/ ¶ Yet saith vegece/ that by fair order ought to make an issue in to the field where as the capitain by diverse times shall have put 'em in ordinance for to show unto them/ how that they ought to maintain and be have 'em self when the battle shall come in hand/ the first battle so ordered as it ought for to be/ and the second battle after and the other so that the ordinance be in every point kept as it is said before/ And some capitain saith he hath had a manyere to turn their battle in a square and sin in a manner of a triangle that men called at that bersuell/ ¶ And this manner of ordinance hath proffyted much in battle/ And when any great strength of enemies died come upon 'em/ they put 'em self in a round and the best to the formest row and so kept theirs that they turned not for to flee and that they were not over charged with to great a dommayge/ ¶ And a manyere had the ancient that they put never all their folk in one assembly/ but made many battles/ to th'end they that were fresh should come for to succour & help them that were weary/ And bythies way with pain they might be discomfited all for that which one battle lost/ that other battle recoured it again ¶ Nevertheless all deeds of battle been done at alaventure/ wherefore noon ought to trust thereto in hope to have the better of it by cause that often times it falleth all contrary to that/ which men thought afore/ ¶ Example hereof/ For who should ever have trowed that that of the ●yght great oostes and great assemblies of men of the Cartagyens/ and of the rommayns that warred each other/ should the slaughter and occysyon be so equal in a battle/ that ones befell between hem/ ¶ For there abode not one man a live of neythre of both parties/ ¶ Item he saith/ that that day that the battle must be It is covenable for men for to eat little to th'end they have a longer breath and that they may be the more light and more movable/ But some good wine ought men to drink who that may/ by cause that the wine moevyth the spirits and the strengths of man so that it be measurably taken/ ¶ And it happeth of times saith he that almost all the courages of men are troubled in 'em self when they shall go to the battle/ but to them that be first chaffed and angry is the force and hardiness encreced within hem/ and do forget all apparel/ ¶ And therefore the wise capitain for to give a cause unto hyemen to be more fierce and hardy/ aught for to have had them first at a scarmysshe against the adversaries to th'end that for the strokes and sores that they have received of them they may be in anger and chaffed upon them ¶ And yet he saith that the lass wise and the lass bold are wont for to give up the escr●e before that the battle be begun Which thing ought not for to be do/ ¶ But the calling and the scry aught to be with the first strookys/ ¶ The ancient had a respect in th'assembling of their battles that the men of arms were not made a feared in battle by the scrye and alarm that the landysshe people or commons maken some time/ ¶ And therefore they instructed and advised them thereof by certain sown of a trumpet/ ¶ Also those that be not excersyced in arms nor learned Redoubten sore the battle/ And therefore the book saith/ that such men ought to be occupied in other things than in faytties of were/ ¶ For thoos that never saw no man killed nor no shedding of blood they are a feared to see it/ And for this cause when they been at it/ their thought is more to flee/ than to fight/ and thus they may let more/ than do any avail at lest if they be not put under the Rule of some good captains/ ¶ Some say that they ought to be put by fore all the other to guider/ And some sayen nay/ but aught to be meddled among the good/ ¶ Yet again/ for to speak shortly by recapitulation of that that is covenable to be kept in the ordinance of battles after the teghing of the noble ancient/ there been seven things whereupon the good capitain ought to take keep unto/ ¶ The first is that he have take first the advauntayge of the place if he may as it is said afore where as he shall have set his people in fair ordinance/ ¶ The second/ that they be at the one side of them shelded or paveysed with hills that nought may let them/ or else with the see or with a river or some other thing that shall let that noon enemies shall con come upon them of that side/ ¶ The third/ that they have neither son nor wind that can cumber their fight with powder or glistering/ The fourth that much covenable is to them that they shall know if they can the estate of their enemies/ What number of people they have which way they come and in which array/ ¶ And what order they keep/ For after the knowledge of the same they may ordain and set 'em self to the best for to abide and to receive them/ ¶ The fifth/ that they be not mated nor traveled nor made the more feeble for hunger/ ¶ The sixth that they must be all of one courage and purpose for to keep the place/ and to be willing rather to they than for to flee away/ ¶ And thus such men shall not be brought lightly unto no manner of dysconfyture/ ¶ And the seventh is that their enemies know not what their intention and purpoos is/ nor what they think for to do/ nor what course they will take/ ¶ Nevertheless after that/ that it is said a 'bove the falls and the adventures of the battles been wonderful and marvelous/ For it happeth at such a time as god will help that one party and nought that other/ ¶ As it died fall that time when the rommayns fought some time with the two mighty kings of Orient jugurta and Boctyus/ ¶ For at that time as the heat of the son was so brenning boot and so fervent that almost it smoldred the rommayns/ suddenly rose up awind so mighty and so great that the archers shot/ of which these two kings had foison/ had as almost no virtue/ and sin came a rain that refreshed all the rommayns which thing was contrary to the other by cause it slaked the cords of their bows/ & their elephants whereof a great plenty was there which is a beast that can not well suffer wet nor water a bout hem/ might uneath move 'em self & the girdle that held up the castle upon their backs were also slaked and the castles charged with water that sore cumbered them/ ¶ And by this manner of way the Rommayns that all ready had recoured their strength by the refreshing of the rain/ died envaysshe so vygourously their enemies/ that how be it that they were much lass in quantity of people yet they obtained and had the victory/   

¶ deviseth after vegece of seven manners of arrenging of an host and of fighting ¶ Capitulo/ xxvo·  
Yet after vegece in his third book in the eight and twenti chapter there been/ seven/ manners of ways how an host shall fight in a field and seven manners of ordinances of battles/ the which ways and manner how be it he giveth 'em derkly enough for to be undrestanden/ but only of such that been excersyced in th'office & mastery of arms they been declared here as followeth/ The first manner of renging of folk in a field is that which is to be made with a long fore front as men do now/ but this manner of way as it is said is not right good/ by cause that the space of the ground must be long and that the host be all stratched in length/ and it happeth not always that the place of the field is found propyce nor meet so for to do/ ¶ And when there been dyches or dales or some evil paths the battle is lightly broken by the same/ And with this thadversaries if they be any great number of folk they shall go to the right side or to the left side and so they shall enuyrone and close the battle a bout whereby many a great apparel may be fall/ as th'author showeth that saith that if cas be that thou have more foison of people than thin enemy hath/ take of the best of thy folk & enuyrone thine adversaries if thou may within the bosom of thine ooste/ the second manner is best for if thou ordain by the same a few of thy folk most valiant and well assayed in some place covenable thou shalt mow have lightly the victory/ though thine enemy hath more people/ of the which manner the way of fighting/ is such/ that when the battles comen for to assemble together/ thou shalt change then thy lift wing from her place in to another to th'end that thou mayst see far unto the right corner of thine enemy/ and thy right wing thou shalt join with the left wing of thine advesaryes'/ and there by the best men of thine oft thou shalt begin the battle sharply and strong/ And by great strength both an horseback and on foot/ the said lift wing of thine enemies shall be assailed of thy men that shall go a bout shoving and running upon till that they come at the back of thine enemies/ ¶ And if thou mayst once depart a sounder thine enemies that been so coming upon thy folk without doubt thou shalt obtain the victory/ ¶ And that one part of thine oft that thou shalt have withdrawn from the other shall be sure/ ¶ This manyere of battle is ordained after the likeness of this letter/ A/ And if thine enemies ordain their battle after this manner of way and make issue first out/ then shalt thou put thy men in a long row that shall march forth all of a front with thy wings all in a good ordinance atte the lift corner of thine host and by this manner of way thou shalt withstand thine enemies/ ¶ The third manner is like unto the second and no difference is there between/ But that thou must set first with the left corner of thy battle upon the Right corner of thine enemies ¶ And if thy left wing is better than thy right wing/ than shalt thou put with it some right strong and best fighting men both on horseback and on foot and see that thou first of all when it cometh to assemble togider hand to hand/ that thy lift/ wing be joined and set upon the right wing of thin enemies/ and asmuch as thou caused/ put from the a back the right hand of thine adversaries/ and make haste for to enuyrone them/ And that other part of thine host which thou knowest not so strong/ dissever them asmuch as thou caused from that other contrary wing/ so that speries nor darts may not light upon them/ And thou must take keep that thine enemies make not a plowmpe of their folk to enter and break thy battle in travers/ In this manner then men fighten profitably/ and in special if the fall happeth that the left corner of thine enemy be of less strength than is the thine/ The fourth manner of fighting in a field is such when thou shalt have ordained thy battles with four or five hundred fighting men/ or ever thou make any approach upon thin enemies thou shalt so suddenly do move thin host secretly with both thy wings in a good ordinance/ that from both the corners of thine enemies as nought purveyed shall be constrained for to turn their backis and flee away/ and if swiftly thou caused do so thou shalt have victory/ But this manner/ all be it so that thou have men right strong and well excersiced in arms/ I hold it peryllice/ For if the half of thy battle is constrained to dessevere and depart thine host in two parties/ and that thine enemies be not overcome at the first coming on they shall have occasion to assaylle thy men of arms that thus been divided/ ¶ The fifth manner of fighting is like unto the fourth but so much more it is/ that the archers and they that been lightly armed shallbe ordained by fore the first battle/ to th'end that they be not broken out of ordinance/ And shall also assaylle & enuaysshe with the right corner of his battle/ the left corner of his enemy/ and with the lift the right/ And if thou mayst do so/ thou shall soon overcome them/ But the middle battle is not in peril by cause it is deffended by them that been lightly armed and by the archers/ The sixth manner of fighting is right good and almost like unto the second/ And with the same are wont the good fighters to help semself in hope of victory how well that they be but a few folk for to ordain well their battles/ The battle of the enemies then all renged in a row/ thou shalt join thy right corner to their lift/ & there thou shalt begin the battle with the best men that thou hast on horseback and a foot/ And that other part of the oft shall follow of far the battle of thine enemy/ the which part shall be spread all straight/ and if thou canst come to the lift wing of thine enemies they must needs turn their backies/ and thadversary may not be succoured of his right wing nor with his middle battle he can not help the other/ For the tail of the ooste is exceeded unto the likeness of the most long letter/ L/ & fro far it departeth from his enemy/   

¶ Of the same ¶ Capitulo/ xxuj/  
THe seven manner of fighting is when the room & the place is propyce for him that first taketh the field that is to wite if thou hast a place where as at the one side of it thine enemies can not come/ as it is said for cause of the see/ or of floods or of montaygnes/ mares ground or other lets how be it that thou have good men and well renged in battle by good ordinance/ And at that side of the place where as noon such letting is/ thou shalt put thy men on horseback/ and then fight surely if thou be assailed/ For by the said lettyngiss thou art kept safe of that one part and like wise of that other part by the strength of them that be on horseback/ And it is to be take heed unto/ what side that thou wilt fight/ that thou put first the most valiant men/ And for any little quantity of people that thou have be not dismayed therefore/ For victory hath well acostumed to be had of few fyghters'/ so that the wise duke ordain them there as profit and reason requireth and it is to wit that namely the same time they holp 'em self in their battles by diverse manners of engines and wiles for to break the battles/ at it is said here before/ as of oxen that had the fire set under their tails that were chased towardis the party adverse/ And namely also they used at that time with semblable engines as been thoo that now be called Rybawdekyns/ For even thus were they set upon awhele and a man within as within a little castle that was made all of iron/ and shot with a gone or with arbalaster/ And had at every side of him an archer/ and sharp irons were dressed to the foreside of the same engine/ as it had been speries/ And with the strength of men or of horses made many of such engines to enter all atones within the battle of the enemies/   

¶ The order and the manner that the capitain ought to keep when good Fortune is for him ¶ Capitulo/ xxviij  
SOme that know not well the turns of arms ween for to help 'em self in a battle with closing of their enemies within a certain compass of a place/ or by enuyronning of 'em round a bout with multitude of folk so that they can not issue out by no way/ but this doth moche to be doubted For hardiness groweth within the hearts of thoos that been so enclosed a bout/ by cause that the more that they think 'em self but as for dead or overcomen having no hope to come nor escape out they will sell full dear her own flesh/ or they be take And therefore was the sentence of Scypyon praised that said/ that men ought to make away to the enemies where through they may flee/ and to put abusshement where as they shall pass fore by/ For when they been so sore overpressed and see away where they may go out if they will/ they will soon take it and put 'em self to flight trowing to be sauffe thereby and thenne they may be better thus slain/ than in deffensing of themself/ And many cast fro them their armours & harnoys for to flee more lightly/ and thus they been slain as beasts by them that chasse them/ And the more great multitude that they be/ the greater is their confusion/ For no number ought to be set by there as the courages been for fere discomfited all ready/ The wise men of arms say that when a good fortune cometh to that one of the two parties so that she overcometh that other party in battle/ men aught for to pursyewe still his good fortune all unto the end while that she endureth and that the enemies been assailed/ and not to be over joyful nor so proud for some what of victory that is had at the beginning/ that men leave all weening to recover it of light again/ as many have found themself deceived thereby that never sin conde hap to have it/ for a wittenes whereof may be taken hannibal the which if he had gone after the battle of Cans straight to rome he had taken it without gaynsaing of any man/ For the romans were so afraid and so full of sorrow for their great loss that to gainsay at that hour they durst not/ but he that wend to return there at his pleasure when it should please him/ and that waited but only to dyspoylle the country a bout from all manner of riches could never sith come thereto how well that he forced himself with all his power so to do/   

¶ Here showeth another manner of way that the chief capitain aught to keep when that the fortune of the battle is against him/ ¶ Capitulo/ xxvijo·/  
NOw is there another point/ that is to wite/ if one part of the host overcometh/ and that other part fleeth/ that part that keepeth & abideth steadfastly/ may trust to have the victory/ For divers tymys it hath be known that they that men held under have gotten the field at the last/ Therefore ought such people to raise himself by calling of mouths & by sown of trumpets whereby they may move & bring the enemies in to affere in comforting of himself/ as though they were victorious in every part of their host/ And if it happeth that the mischief be through all thine host/ nevertheless thou ought to seek a remedy thereunto/ for fortune sometime hath recovered to their above many one that fled away/ And the wise men of arms say that in fayttes of a plain battle the capitain ought to be purveyed and advised how he shall gather again to guider his folk/ as the good pastor doth his sheep/ for how be it that they all begin to flee & run away he ought to be awaiting with all his power for to save them that be so over come & to withdraw 'em about him in to some corner of a way/ or upon a hill if any be nyhe him/ or in to some other sure place/ & if he may thus gather together again some quantity of valiant men in good ordinance of array they shall mow grieve full fore their enemies/ for commonly it falleth that they that pursyeve the chasse foolishly & that be out of ordinance here & there/ been soon put to flight if their adversaries work wisely/ And thus are slain they that chassed first/ and no greater confusion may come a 'mong hem/ then when their pride & fierceness is so changed & turned in to a dread/ And therefore what somevere adventure that falleth men ought to recomfort and redress by covenable exortations them that overcome/ & to bring 'em together again/ and to garnish the rooms again with new men & harnoys if men can/ And a souldayne help beh●●●th thenne to be thought upon the soudbdayne adventure that come/ That is to see how a watch shallbe so set that the enemies that have followed them may be recontred in some place/ And thus by the good capitain shall the fere of them that run away be turned in to boldness for to withstand & pursue if need be/ Wherefore the good capitain ought never to despair himself of what soevere a fortune that cometh to him if he be wise/ For oft-times it falleth that thurghe a good hope of propyce fortune/ they that trow to have wonnen all/ arreyse hem self in to arrogance Whereby not so wisely as they should do they set upon their enemies the which that be well advised receive them with great courage and beateth hem/ And by this aught the good capitain to see upon all such falls that mow happen ● by cause it hath happened full often as it is said that they that were over come and chased/ had soon after the victory upon their enemies/ And to know that it is so/ the fall of the rommayns showeth it all enough/ when they were discomfited at the battle of Cans/ whereby they at/ as dysperate that they should never more be of power to recover any good hap or propyce fortune/ would for sake their own city/ and cheese in to some other parties their place of habitation/ But one of their princes that right wise was & valiant kept 'em here fro saying that he should fight against 'em if cas were that they went/ And thus he put 'em in hope of a better fortune/ and assembled them again all together And of gathered folk he made many knights/ and with such a power as he might have he went and assailed hanybal that never had thought that he should have done so/ and thus took him unpurveyed/ & was at that hour so entirely discomfited that he never sith could have victory upon the rommayns/   

¶ Here followeth a short recapitulation of some things that been said afore/ ¶ Capitulo/ xxix  
TO recapytule shortly almost all the substance of that which vegece will say in his book where as by epilogation in manner of proverbs at the end of it he saith thus/ Thou that will have worship in arms/ do that the lore of youth learneth the to be a master of the turns & fayctes of knighthood in thy perfect age/ For a more fair thing it is to say I can this & that/ that to say ha' a why have I not learned/ do ever after thy power all that may let thine enemy/ and that may be profitable for the For from that time that thou cease to grieve him/ thou hurtest & lettest thyself/ do so that thou know the knights or ever thou lead 'em to the field/ For much better it is to doubt his enemy keeping himself upon his ward surely/ than to trust upon folk that men know not in a field/ and a great surety it is for to call his enemies that be run away who that may for they may hurt more sore the adversaries/ than they that be slain/ And the capitain with pain is overcome/ that with the his and with his adversary may help himself/ And better it is to keep a side all enough and aid beside the battle y renged/ than to make an over big battle having no succour be side it/ for they that be weary may be helped by them that comen freshly upon to succour them/ and more helpeth virtue/ than multitude/ And often is a room better than his strength in a field/ A man proffyteth by labour/ and by idleness he wasteth/ Late no knight be had nor led to a battle but that hystrust be to have the victory for if he mistrusteth in his courage/ he is as half overcome/ And the things that suddenly be done fere full sore the enemies/ Who that followeth the chasse upon his enemy unwisely he putteth his enemy in a hope to have that victory that he himself had had first Who that appareylleth not the battle in an host he is overcome without stroke/ To keep order in a field as right would/ giveth victory both to the strong and to the feeble/ when thou knowest that the sides of thine enemies are hiding hem self a bout thine oft/ make thy folk to withdraw within their lodges/ if thou hast any supecyon that thy counseyl be showed unto the enemies/ change thine ordynauce/ No counseylles been so good/ as they whereof the enemies have no knowledge of unto the time that they be brought awerke/ Adventure giveth often victory more than doth force/ impossible it is to jug to the certain the end of the battle of which fortune disposeth ● All that is contrary to thin intention thou ought treatte and show among many one/ But thy propos thou ought to say or show unto few folk/ withdraw towards the/ the hearts of strangers by yefts and by promesses/ and chastise thine own folk through thretnyngys'/ By cause that good capitains redoubting the fortune of battle are both to fight with an host assembled together/ great wisdom it is to constrain his enemy more by hunger than by iron/   
¶ Here finisheth the first party of this present book/  

HEre beginneth the table of the Rubrycys of the second party of this book which speaketh of the cawteles or wiles of arms after frontyn that calleth them Stratagems/ And of the order and manner of fighting/ and deffensing of towns and castles after vegece and other auctors/ And to give battle aswell upon rivers as/ upon the see  

¶ The first chapter speaketh of Scypyon  
¶ The second of maryus and of Certoryus/  
¶ The third of them of the city of Boyaux of Hannibal and of Denys the tyrant  
¶ The fourth speaketh of them of hyspayne/ of Alyxaundrye/ of Pyrre/ of Laptenes/ of hannibal/ and of other/  
¶ The fyfeth of menoles king of the roods of Scipyon of Certoryus of hanybal of Acoryolo and of Fuluyus nobylyus/  
¶ The sixth of Acoryolo duke of dace/ of Fuluyus nobilius of pamondas duke of thebes/ of Fabyus maxymus/ of Scypion Affryckan the second/ and of Certorius  
¶ The/ seven/ of the Lacedemoneus/ of julyus' cesar/ of Papyrius cursor/ and of Pompee  
¶ The/ viii/ of the great Alyxaundre of Cesar augustus and of Crathes duke of athens  
¶ The/ ix/ chapiter containeth of Symacus king of macedony / of Fabyus maximus/ of Denys the tyrant/ of Alexaunder/ and of Yphytrates  
¶ The/ x/ of Amulcar duke of Cartage of haymo Emperor of Affrycke of Hanybal and of Valeryus/  
¶ The/ xj/ speaketh of Cesar of Domycyus of Cyvylius of Scypyon of Gayus  
¶ The/ xii/ of hannibal of a king of Grece and of another king of semblable cas & of the romans that had need of soldiers  
¶ The/ xiii/ chapter speaketh of the wile of the romans/ of Quintius metellus and of Hanybal  
¶ The/ xiv/ bygynneth to speak of the manner of besyeging of towns & castles and first how they should be edified/  
¶ The/ xv/ deviseth of the garnisons that belongen to castles and towns in time of were  
¶ The/ xuj/ how a fortress ought to be garnished and purveyed of fresh water  
¶ The/ xvij/ how it is needful that to the garnison of a fortress be put true men within the same and showeth it by ensample  
¶ The/ xviij/ chapter speaketh of leymg of a siege and of assawtes informed after vegece  
¶ The/ nineteen/ of an ordunaunce in leymg of a siege & of that which longeth for to assault a right strong place after the time present  
¶ The/ xx/ deviseth what powdres longen to gonnes and other engines  
¶ The/ xxi/ speaketh of certain engines that be called mauntelles  
¶ The/ xxij/ of the instruments that must be had for to carry all such things as belongen to the faytes of assawtes  
¶ The/ twenty-three/ of the habyllementies that need thereunto/  
¶ The/ xxiv speaketh following of thabiliments that be needful for the shot  
¶ The/ xxv/ of certain other habyllementes  
¶ The/ xxv/ guns and stones  
¶ The/ xxvij/ of other habyllementies or Instruments for to undremyne/  
¶ The/ xxvij/ of the timber that ought to be had for to make that which followeth  
¶ The/ xxix/ of the workmen & labourers that be needful for making of the foresaid habyllementes/  
¶ The/ thirty/ deviseth of the victuals and habyllementes how they shall be conducted and the passages kept  
¶ The/ xxxj/ chapter speaketh of certain establyshyngiss  
¶ The/ xxxij/ devyseth the manner to stop the port of the enemies  
¶ The/ xxxiij/ of such engines that been covenable as vegece saith in fayttes of assault  
¶ The/ xxxiiij/ beginneth to speak of sawtyngiss of towns and castles after vegece/  
¶ The/ xxxv/ showeth the remedies against the foresaid engines of assault  
¶ The/ xxxuj/ of a remedy against the undermyning of a castle/  
¶ The/ xxxvij/ beginneth to speak of battles that be done upon the see  
¶ And the/ xxxviij/ chapter devyseth of the garnisons that been covenable and needful for folk that go to an army upon the see    

¶ Here followeth the second party of this present book which speaketh first of the cawtelles & wiles of arms Whereof the first chapter speaketh of Scipyon  
IN this second party that we have devised after vegece principally the manieres that sometime held the noble & valiant conquerors of the world in fayttes of arms during the time of their great conquests/ by cause that they could well help himself with more than of one manner of werreing/ it seemeth me good to th'end that our matyere may be yet more increased and multiplied always to the profit of them that pursyewen chivalry/ that we add unto this matyere the ways and the manyeres of the cawtelles'/ subtylitees/ and wiles that the said ancient conquerors uttered & held in their deeds of were ● which subtilites and wylis are called by the auctors that have thereof spoken Stratagems of arms/ of the which Stratagems made a book a valiant man that men cle●ped Froncyus in which book he deviseth and showeth the proper deeds of the foresaid right noble and worthy conquerors/ the which to here may be of good example to them that find themself in such a cas after the dyuersyte● of the adventures of arms/ out of which book we have ex●stracted to our profit some titles/ Thus thenne saith first the said Author Froncyus that the worthy conqueror prince and head capitain of the great host of the romans Scypyon the Affrycan that all hyspayne/ Afrique ● and Cartayge died conquerre by the sword/ ones among other as he was with a great host upon the fields against the king Syphax that semblably was coming against him with a great host of folk/ died send toward the said king as by manner of ambaxade one of his knights named lelius with the which he committed to go some of his most wise captains in arms in manner of yeomen or as they had be little servants to th'end that by all ways they should see & advise well both the order & the manyere & the quantity of the said king syphaxs oost/ which capitains as they were come there endeavoured themself so well that nought they forgot but they took good heed unto and for to oversee better all the host they feyntly let for the nonce go loose one of their horses as he had escaped & broken loose from them whereby they following after all a bout saw plainly all that was in the same host and as wise & right cunning in such a cas marked all things full well/ Wherefore after their return and their report made unto their duke Scypyon that by their saying knew that great plenty of stubble & of reed was in the said king's oost/ fond away that fire was put by night thereunto in many places And this done as the enemies were busy & awaited for to succour their lodges from the fire/ he ran upon them in a good ordinance/ And by this way full subtilely dyscomfyted them uttyrly the said duke Scipyon/   

¶ Of the duke Maryus & of Xertoryus of dynlyus & of perycles/ ¶ Capytulo/ ij/  
MAryus right chevalrouse duke of the host of the rommayns when he was set for to fight against a folk full fierce & proud that men named Tymbres or otherwise called Thewtoniquys/ had in his host many soldiers out of Gallya/ And to this propos for to ensyewe the teaching of the wise that saith prove the man or ye trust him much/ he would prove the truth and obeyssance of the said soldiers of france/ his letters he sent to them where as among other things deffended & charged them straightly that they should not open afewe letters which were choosed within the great letters that he sent to them unto a certain day that was named therein/ but or ever the day was come he sent again for them & for thoo that were open/ And where the said soldiers had trespassed his commandment he knew that they were not true to him/ wherefore he trusted them never after in no great thing/ ¶ Iten a worthy knight named xertornis conductor of a great oft came in to hyspaine where he had a river to pass over/ & where his enemies followed him fast nigh for to run upon him at an narrow passage where he & his host should pass over/ he advised himself of a cawtele/ he died tarry still upon the bank of the water and made his lodges to be made there in manner of half a circle as in a compass somewhat far fro the river & was all made of bows & of wood & sin made it to be set all on fire/ and while it burned thus he passed and his host over the water surely maugre all his enemies that might not come to him but they must come through the fire/ ¶ Item dynlyus a duke of the romans host/ where as he ones to boldly had advanced himself in to the haven of the city of Cyracuse where his enemies were that for to close him therein died have up the chain/ but when he saw this well & fair he chevysed therewith/ for the prowere which is the foremost party of the ship he made to be turned toward the chain side/ & the pouppe which is the hindermost party of the ship was toward the side of the land & then soon he made his men to draw themself all to the pouppe/ and thus was the formest party of the ship light so that it heaved up a 'bove & with strength of ories made a great part of the ship to leave upon the chain/ & then he made his men to go again to the formest party of the ship/ And then was the hynderm●st party of the ship heaved up/ ¶ And thus with force of ories the ship passed over the chain/ And by this way he scaped fro that apparel/ ¶ Item perycles sometime duke of Athenes was once by them of the city of Pelopenes that chassed him/ driven in to a place that was closed with high & horrible mountains & were but two issues/ and when he saw this/ he died do make soon at the one of the issues a great & a deep ditch as though he died so to th'end his enemies should not enter upon him atte that side ● and at that other part he led his men as though he would await to issue out there/ And when the enemies saw this by cause that they trowed not/ that he would nor might have go over the ditch away/ they set himself for to have deffended that other issue like as they would have besieged him therein/ but perycles that maliciously died so made soon good brygges that he had do make to be set over the ditch/ And by this manner he went his way without knowledge of his enemies   

¶ Of them of the city of Boyaux of hanybal and of Denys the Tyrant/ ¶ Capitulo/ iij/  
IN the time of the conquests of rome it happened ones that the host of the romans should pass by the forest that is called Latin for to go upon the city of Boyaux And when the dwellers were aware of it they went soon in to the said forest & died saw all though trees by the way there as they should pass by/ so that a little thing would have brought 'em down/ and after they had thus done they hided 'em self within the thykke bushes of the forest/ And when the said host was entered therein/ they that were hid leapt fourth/ ¶ And died shove the trees that thus were sawed upon the host of the Rommayns so that a Right great part of them were there by field adoune and slain/ And by all thus they were delivered quit & free fro the said host/ And semblably this was another time done/ ¶ Item hannibal prince and emperor of Cartayge and of africa was always wont to lead many elephants with him in battle/ It happened him once that he must pass over a great water and there was no way to pass his elephants/ but he advised himself of a subtlety/ He had in his company a man among other that could swim right well and was full of courage bold and hardy/ to him he commanded that he should make angry one of the most cruel elephants that he had there/ and when the man had done his commandment and had hurted sore the elephante/ he right soon plunged himself in to the water/ And then the great best full of ire and cruel followed the man within the water for to be avenged/ & in like wise all the other elephants entered in to the river after him/ and in this manner the said Hanybal made hem all to pass over the water/ ¶ Item Denys the tyrant prince of Cyracuse in Cecylle knew that they of Cartage would come in to Cecylle with a right great host against him/ ¶ So died he right well garnish the towns and castles where they should pass by/ And gaffe commandment by his ordinance that when the enemies were come nigh/ that his garnisons should issue out of the castles and towns as though they were a feared and that they should come to him at Cyracuse/ And thenne the Cartagyens that trowed to have gotten all the country took & seized all the said fortresses & towns & garnished them with their own people/ and of so much was their oost made less/ And the host of Denys increased/ which delivered them battle soon after where they were overcome and the other cartagiens that kept the said towns and castles were famished/   

¶ Of them of hyspayne/ of Alexandrie/ of Pirre/ of Lapcenes/ of hannibal/ and of other ¶ Capitulo/ iiij/  
UPon a time the spaynardes should have fought against Amulcar the leader was of the host of Cartage where much folk were in a good ordinance/ They be thought 'em self of a wile for to break the battle of their enemies they took many oxen that drew the plonghe/ and enoyncted with oil and brymestone a staff that was put under their taylle/ and was all covered with tow of flax that well embybed were with oil/ and this oxen they died put at the forefront of their battle when they should assemble with their enemies/ And when the fire was set in to the said tow they chassed and droof hem fourth against the Cartagyens/ the which oxen as full of a Rage entered and broke all their battles/ and so was the said Amulcar discomfited/ ¶ Item alexander prince of Pirre/ had were against a folk that men called illyrians that bare habits and gowns different from all other garments/ The said alexander took with him a great quantity of his men and clothed & rayed them after the manner of the illyrians/ And thus arrayed commanded them that when the Illyryens were so nigh that they could see hem/ they should take upon hem self for to burn their own corns that grew upon the fields and that they should make 'em self as busy as they would destroy & waste all/ ¶ Of the which thing/ the said commandment accomplished/ the enemies that saw the same/ trowed that they had be of their folk/ & followed them that so went fourth destroying all things afore 'em/ unto the time that they came in to a narrow way where as Alexaunder had put a bushment/ & there the illiryens for the most party were taken & slain/ ¶ Item in like wise died Laptenes prince of Syracuse to them of the city of Cartage that upon him were come to battle/ For he made his own men to set on a fire certain of his own towns & castles/ whereby the Cartagyens that wend that it had be of their folk that thus wasted all/ would run thither anon/ but Laptenes had set await for them by the way where they must pass/ and thus they were all slain/ Item hannibal the good werryer duke of cartage of whom I have spoke afore/ should ones go upon them of Affrycke that were rebel/ and he knew well that folk was sore set upon this wine/ So made he thenne to take thereof a great quantity & mingled it with certain herb that is called mandglorye which maketh folk to be soon drunk and sleepy/ And after all for the nonies made a lityl battle of his people to be ready to whom he commanded that they should run away as though they were afeard when the enemies should come nigh hem/ And when the other that trowed to have wonnen all were come nigh/ hannibal with his folk making as he durst not abide 'em left his lodges all alone that was full of goods and of this meddled wine and departed about nydnyght/ and on the morn when the enemies saw there no body they came to the lodges with great joy and dyspoilled it about/ and as folk that deed was for hunger eat glotonsly of the sweet meats and drank of the wines evil counseled for them/ For they all were made heavy a sleep and so drunk thereby that they lay still as dead men/ then came again hannibal when him list and all them he died put to the sword/ ¶ Item thoos that fought against a folk that men called Heryteos took the sword of their enemies and made 'em to confess & tell there cowyne & their propos/ & after took their raymentes fro them & revested their own folk with the same & made 'em to cemme up upon a high hill that they might be seen of the oft/ And because the enemies had commanded to the said espies that after that which they should find they should make 'em a sign/ and they that were upon the mountain made a sign that they should come more nigh/ & they died so by cause they wend that it had be their espies in so much that they entered in to the busshementꝭ of their enemies/ where as they were all slain/   

¶ Of Menoles king of the roads/ of Scypion/ of Xertoryus/ of Hannibal/ of Lentulus'/ of Acoriolo/ and of Fuluyus nobilius ¶ Capitulo/ v/  
MEnoles king of the roads was at an host against his enemies and had more & of better men on horseback than his adversaries/ which kept the mountains to th'end that menoles might not lightly befyght them/ So advised Menoles a cawtele for to make them to come down/ he took a knight of his wise & hardy/ and him charged that he should behave himself as one that was fled from his host & that was evil content with him & of his wages & that he should go to that other party/ And he died as he was charged/ And with other evils & harms that he showed to hem of menoles/ he made them to believe that through his evil ordinance was a great dissension in his host/ & that for the same cause many one departed from him/ and to th'end that they should believe better these things Menoles died depart/ diverse of his folk so that they that were upon the hills might see 'em go away/ but he made them to be laid in to divers busshementes here and there/ And by this manner of deceit thoo that were upon the mountains came down when they see the oft of Menoles so lessed that they thought to be able for them/ but right soon they were environed all about with the horsemen that killed and slew them everichone/ Item when scipion should once go against the spaynardes with a great armee/ the king syphax sent him certain messengers that showed him great threttnynges & words of great fear/ aswell of the hardness of the land/ as of the folk of the same & of their quantity & strength/ of the which thing not sore afraid was the valiant man scypion but to th'end that this● ambassadors should not spread such words a broad among his folk whereby they might be afraid for he sent them full soon again & made words to be noised about that the said king had sent him word as to his friend that he should soon go to him/ Item xertorius fought once in a battle/ where one came & told him that his constable was slain/ but to th'end that his folk semblably should not know of it whereby they should be a feared/ he slew with a spear that he held the messenger/ Item in the time that hanybal descended in to italy for to go upon rome/ three thousand carpenters that he led with him fled from his oft upon a night/ and when he knew it/ because his folk should not be put in no fear nor abassed therefore/ He made words to be cast through ●ut his host that they were so gone by his commandment/ and for to give credence and faith to these words he sent yet divers other away that he knew should do little good and that were simply armed/ Item a time that Lentulus had assembled a great host for to be fight his enemies and had taken in his company a cohort of macedonyens for to help him/ a cohort is/ uj/ C/ lxuj/ men/ But when he trowed to have been helped of them/ they died advise 'em self soon and out of his host departed and went to that other party/ And when Lentulus that divers & many turns of arms knew/ saw this he was not abahysshed/ but could well take 'em by their own barat/ and also to th'end that his host should have no fear therefore he made to be noised a bout/ that for the nonies he had sent 'em before for to meddle and assemble first with the enemies/ And for to gyffe a better believe to this thing he departed soon and followed them/ whereby it happened all in effette that wher fore he died so/ For the adversaries that saw the macedonyens coming wend that it had be true/ and that they had come against them for to have the first battle/ turned toward them and began strongly to launch upon them and so of force they must make defence whether they would or not/ And Lentulus was at that other part that in the mean while enuaysshed his enemies/ and by this manner of way he had the said Macedonyens to his help whether they would or not in so much that he had the victory   

¶ Of Acoriolo duke of Dace of Fuluyus nobilius/ of Pamynodas'/ of Fabyus maximus/ of Scypion Affrycan the second/ of Xertoryus/ and yet of Pomodas' duke of Athenes ¶ Capitulo/ vjo·/  
THat time that the rommayns were in dissension the one against the other and during the civil were/ & where diverse nations had sin the time of their prosperity conceived a great envy and disdain against them seemed by especial to them of dace that the time was come that they might well run upon 'em/ And where they had diverse times admonested before this their duke Acor●alo for to do so which would not be agreeable thereunto/ he at he last by cause that they pressed him so sore/ and for to give 'em a knowledge by an example died make divers dogs to be brought before him in a place before the palace and were set that one upon that other in so much that they began strongly to be fight each other/ But in the most strength of their battle when it seemed that they were most angry and fierce that nothing could depart hem/ he made a wolf of which he was purveyed afore to keep amongs hem & assoon as the dogs saw him they l●fte the battle that they had together among hem/ and they all of one acoorde run a noon upon the wolf/ and by this example showed the said duke to his men/ that what soevere awerre that any nation have among each other/ they shall not suffer therefore/ that a stranger shall hurt 'em/ but rather they would make accord together for to ●enne upon him/ ¶ Item Fuluyus nobilius head capitain of the oft of romans fond himself ones so nigh taken by them of Samoys that need and force was to him for to abide the battle/ of the which thing by cause that he knew well that his folk were sore a feared by cause that their enemies were of more quantity than they were/ he died advise himself for to take away their fear by this cawte●●e He said unto his folk and made it to be cried and publyed through all his host/ that he had turned unto him for money the hearts of a hole legion of the Samytes/ And that they should join with him when the battle should/ begin for to help him/ ¶ And by cause they should believe better this thing he borrowed of them all the gold and the syluere that they might make/ as though it had be for to prepare the said folk/ A legion of men is in number/ uj thousand/ uj/ C/ lxuj/ So it happened that for hope of this/ the romans took so great a boldness in their courages/ that they enuaysshed hardyly & prondly ran upon their enemies which they fond all enough dyspurueyed by cause that they praised 'em so little & setted nought by them for cause that they were so few folk to the sight of them/ and so the romans vaynquissled the Samytes and gate the field upon 'em/ ¶ Item Pamynodas the worthy duke of Thebes should once fight against them of Lacedemonye/ So died he see in himself for a subtlety whereby the strength & hardiness of courage might grow in his men/ He made 'em all to come before him and said thus all ahighe in audience that he would advise 'em of that that to his knowledge was come for a truth/ It was that the Lacedemonyens had ordained affirmably/ that if they had the victory they should kill and slay all the men and the women of Thebes/ and that they should destroy the city and should take the children in to thraldom perpetuelly/ For this denunciation they of Thebes moved with great ire & anger died fight sore as men that set nought by their lives and overcame the Lacedemonyens that more folk were without comparison/ ¶ Item Fabyus maximus should fight once against his enemies and was his host enforced right well with pales and of strong lodges wherefore he doubted that his folk should not fight strongly enough for cause of the places where they had their wythdrawht and refut were so sure/ And therefore he made to be set all a fire or ever he began to fight/ ¶ Item when Scypion the second Affrycan conduytte his second host in africa it happened him to fall to the ground when he issued out of his ship/ he soon behold the countenance of his folk & perceived that they took this fall for an evil token/ & that they were all ready as dysconforted therefore/ then advised the right wise warrior in himself of a wise word for to say whereby he might give surtye to his people of their doubt he began to laugh & said boldly/ O god be thou praised here may ye see a good token For I am seized all ready of the land of Afrique it will be mine without fail/ And thus by this word he turned the evil hope of his folk in to a good/ the which thing happened after as he had said/ Item as xertorius should once have fought it appeared in his oft a marvelous sign/ For the sheldes of his men of arms and the breasts of their horses became all covered with blood the which thing was to them occasion of a great fere but the valiant duke assured them full well/ saymge to them with a glad cheer that it was a right good token and that by the same they ought to understand that they should have the victory For these parties been thoo that are & aught to be commonly bloody with the blood of the enemies/ Item pamynodas the wortly duke of Thebes should once be fight the Lacedemonyens/ and where the cas happened that the battle was somewhat dilated/ his chaere was brought unto him for to set a little upon abiding the hour of the battle/ but percase of adventure his chaere turned under him and fill down beside/ of the which thing his folk were much abashed and took it for an evil betokning The said duke then which rose up quickly saying unto them with a hardy face in this wise/ Now up up lightly my good knights the gods done forbid us the sojourn and tarrying/ For they have admonested us by this token for to go soon to the battle/ and our shall be the victory/   

¶ Here speaketh of the Lacedomyens'/ of julius caesar/ of Papyrius cursor & of Pompee/ ¶ Capitulo/ seven/  
THat time when the Lacedomyens had were to they me of the city of Messynes/ they knew once by their espies for certain that the Messynyens were so sore set in ire upon them that they should bring to the battle both their wives and their children for to have thereby a greater courage for to obtain or elliss die together/ For the which thing the Lacedemonyens with drew themself and differde the battle/ Item Cesar had once so brought his enemies by taking of water away fro them/ that they dying for thrust were in despair of their life/ and as they that be forced with a great rage issued for to fight with him/ but he would not at that hour/ but withdrew fair his men away/ For him seemed not good that they should fight at that time when desperation and wrath ruled the courage of the adversaries/ ¶ Item as Papyrius Cursor should once fight against the Samytes and that he knew by his espies that the more number of folk were his enemies/ wherefore his men redoubted to deal with them/ he took soon a certain of his folk that he most trusted with him/ and secretly commanded them to take a great quantity of bows and of read/ and that they should draw it after them from a high hill where both the ostes might see hem/ for to stir and move therewithal in to the air the powder & dust of the fields/ and that they should make the greatest noise that they might with all/ & as soon that this was done so and that Papyryus saw them he began to make a scrye with a high voice so that his folk & eke his enemies herd it/ and semblably made to be cried diverse times/ that it was his fellow of arms that he had left in to abusshement which had discomfited a part of his enemues/ and that they should do so much that his fellow had not all alone the glory of the victory/ And hereof it happened as he thought for thereby his men were made hardy and bold and lost all fear/ And the Samytes that for the great dust that they saw flee above the earth wend that it had be a thing of truth/ wherefore they turned their bakkis and fled away ¶ Item pompee was in a doubt that a certain city should be more favourable to his enemies/ than to himself/ and that she give them aid and succour by fore the stroke/ And therefore he required the enhabytantes that they would receive within hem divers sick men that might not follow his host unto his return again for to ease and he'll hem self/ And that both gold and syluere and goods enough they should be●re with them for to reward well them that should receive hem/ And when this thing was granted Pompee made to be put in divers and many litteres of his best and most hardy knights bound and bended as though they had be sore wounded and sick/ and in males/ and other fardellages he died their harness to be carried with them as it had be their gowns and their havoir/ For the which thing when these knights saw their time ●ay rest they ran upon the commons and so much they died that they had the mastery of the city and so kept hit   

¶ Of Alexaunder the great/ of Cesar Augustus/ of Crates of Athenes/ ¶ Capitulo/ viii/  
When the great alexandre had subdued and overcome the third part of Assie/ by cause he doubted les that they should turn rebel after his departing/ he brought away with him all the kings & princes of the land as though he would worship them/ & principally such that him seemed were most wroth & heavy that they were subdued & vanquished/ & to the people that he left there/ he constituted and stablished certain captains that he chose out of 'em self/ And by all thus he gate the love of the princes by mean of the worship that he showed unto them/ and eke also the love of the commons by cause that he made them to be governed by such of the comynaultee as they were 'em self/ And thus if they would be rebel they might not well sin that they had no captain/ For a people that hath learned to be ruled under a head is nought worth by himself/ And for to have them more subgett he died do build diverse castles nigh by their towns/ but for to pease them of this doing he garnished these fortresses with their own people/ Item when Cesar augustus had subdued all germany & that the Alemayns had yoleden hem self to him he thenne for to bear a more lordship over them he builded many fortresses nigh by their towns/ but for to content hem of this thing he bought the ground of them where he set the said fortresses/ For the which deed they held 'em self so well content that they had his lordship right agreeable/ Item Crates duke of Athenes was lodged in the fields and he had but a few folk but he waited after a great secours thus he doubted les that his enemies that in agrete number were assembled should come upon him by cause they knew him feeble/ but by cause he would purvey to this Inconvenient he made to issue by night a great part of his folk/ & commanded them that on the moro●e they should come again a long the hanging of a mountain making a great noise so that they might be herd and seen of their enemies that should trow that it were some new succour/ And it happened even thus for the which simulation he abode sure unto the time that his help was come/   

¶ Here it is showed of Lysimachus king of macedony/ of Fabyus maximus/ of Denys the tyrant/ of Alexaunder and of Yphytrates/ ¶ Capitulo/ ix/  
LYsymacus the king of macedony had besieged the cite of Epheze which had to her aid an Archepyrate/ that is so say a great thief of the see that much harm died to the said king & navy of his ships he took oft fro him a great quantity of prisoners/ but to this he fond a remedy For he died so moche that he corromped the said rover by mean of money so that he died fill his ships with the said Lysymacus folk well garnished with their harness & led them in to the city as they had be his prisoners/ which soon after by night when they see their fairest and that they of the cite took none keep they ran upon the spies & slew them/ & so was the town taken & delivered unto Lysymacus/ Iten fabius maximus that time he besieged capne he died waste all the corn that grew about it wherbi it seemed that his intent was not for to besiege the town/ & thenne departed far from the same/ & tarried his coming thither again unto the time that they had sowed their lands again whereto they had employed their corn and had but little kept/ And then returned again Fabyus'/ And for fault of bred gate the strong cite of capne which was famisshed ¶ Item Denis the tyrant after that he had taken many fortresses in cecyle/ he came before rogues which he knew well garnished of victual/ for the which thing thex kept 'em strong/ So feigned Denys to make a peace with them & that he would go to another part/ but in the covenant made between him and them was comprised that they should deliver him victuals for his money unto a certain day And when he saw that all their victuals were almost gone & consumed away whereof they wrought not because they trowed to have had peace & that their lands were almost ripe for to be reaped up/ he came on a fresh upon them that soon were famished & thus took hem/ Item when alexaunder would take the cite of lencadye which he knew was stowred with victual he took first diverse towns & castles/ & for the nonce suffered the people that was in to enter the said cite of lencadie whereunto they fled full fast/ to th'end the their victuals should the sooner be consumed & gone/ & he took good heed that no victual might come to them/ & by all thus he took hem/ Item Yphitrates when he kept tharente he found a watch man a sleep/ & so struck & slew him/ and when men blamed him for the same/ he answered that he had left him as he had found him that is to say/ that he reputed a man asleep/ as for deed/   

¶ Of amulcar duke of cartage/ of haymo Emperor of africa/ of hannibal and of valesius ¶ Capitulo/ xo·/  
Amulcar duke of cartage knew well that the romans were wont to receive benigneli their enemies when they turned them to their part & that in great worship they kept hem/ & y● specially the soldiers of gallia/ & therefore by cause that he would have them by such away/ ordained agrete quantity of them of his host that he knew most true to him/ And made them to go to the oft of the rommayns as they had be rebel unto him and would take part with the romans/ So was this subtylite double worth unto the said duke/ That is to wit in asmuch as his enemies were of them slain/ and that they durst receive never sin noon of the his that would depart from him/ Item Haymo emperor of Cartage had a much great host in cecylle against the romans/ and knew that in his host among other of his folk he had well four thousand Frenshmen that were accorded among themself for to go toward the romans for to take their part/ by cause that they were not well paid of their wages/ Haymo durst not punish 'em for fere of rebellion/ but he died purvey through means of a wile to this inconvenient/ He called unto him the captains of the said folk & speak fair to them & a promise he made 'em that within a certain day he should make satisfaction unto them/ but the last day of the term except one that he should keep his promise which he would nor conde not accomplish/ wherefore he wist well that they should depart/ he sent toward the duke of the host of the rommayns one of his knights that true was to him as though ●e had run away as rebel unto him/ that told the said duke that he should keep himself well/ & that upon the night next coming four thousand of his enemies were pointed for to enter upon his host/ whereof the roman duke for fere lest this should hap ordained that & the most party of his oft for to watch the night the which full soon ran upon the said frenshmen when they saw 'em come/ & by all thus came this well to pass for haymo for the Romans lost there many of their folk & was advenged right well of them of galia that so had gone away from him for they were all disconfi●ed & slain Item by such anothre manner was advenged hannibal upon divers soldiers that he know were gone away by night from his host for to go to the Romans for he made to be published through his host the noon should take nor hold them that so were departed from his ooste for false nor rebel & that they as worthy knights & good they were so gone away by his commandment & secret ordinance/ because they should know the cowyve & counsel of his enemies/ & for to do a certain thing that he had committed them unto And this died so hannibal because that he wist well that the romans had some espies in his host that soon should go tell them this/ and so they died/ wherefore the romans took incontinently all thoo that came from hanyballis host & made their hands to be smitten of & sin they send 'em again unto him Item the head captains of the roman folk kept the fortress of tharente and he sent his messengers to hasdrusbal that had him besieged/ that he should yield to him the said fortress so that he would late him go save & hold/ But while this parliament was kept by which hadrusbal held himself as all asseured and evil watch he set/ valeryus that his advantage saw leapt out of the castle and with his power & strength ran wisely upon his enemies which he discomfited and slew the said hadrusball/ What should I say more of the stratagems of Frontyn many full fair been contained in his book which shald be long to say/ but thus much shall now suffice except some fair notables which I will show that be comprised in his book to this propos   

¶ Frontyn in his fourth book saith of Cesare domycius of Emilius/ of Scipion Affrycan/ & of Gains scipio ¶ Capitulo/ xjo·  
Caesar said that men ought to use against his enemy of the counseyl that the leches given against the sickness/ That is to wtte of diet & of hunger or ever iron be attempted / Item domicyus carbulo said that men ought first to hurt his enemy by all manners of wylis & subtleties of wit/ or ever that the body be exposed thereto/ Item the emperor emulus paulus said that it behoved to a good captain of an host for to be old of conditions ¶ Item scipyon affrycan answered to one that wited him that little he died of his hands in a battle/ My mother said he childed me as an emperor/ & not as a fyghter/ that was for to say/ that almanere a captain or prince of an oft aught to suffice for to set & ordain well his folk without to put his body in jeopardy of strokis ¶ Item gayus maximus aunsuered to an almany that called him to fight with him body against body/ ¶ If my life were noyous unto me I should have found the means long sin for to have be slain/ Item scypion said that men ought not only to make a way to his enemy for to flee/ but also ●o show it to him clearly/ And me seemeth that to the propos of thes things may well serve that that the wise c●arles the fyfeth king of France said when men said unto 〈◊〉 that agrete shame it was that with money he recovered his fortresses that some of his enemues held and kept from him wrongfully/ seeing that he was of might great enough for to have recovered them by strength/ ¶ It seemeth me said he that that which may be bought ought not to be bought with man's blood   

¶ In the book of valeryus it is said of hanybal/ of a king of grece/ of another in a semblable cas/ and of the romans that had need of soldiers ¶ Capitulo/ xii/  
Ualerius speaketh to this propos in his seventh book & saith that hanybal of whom it is spoken bifore/ hated much the right worthy duke Fabius maximus because he constrested or gaynstode him in battle & bare him great hurts & damages/ And because that Hanybal could not let nor grieve him with strength/ he thought to help himself against Fabyus with subtyletees & wylies/ he wasted all the fields about rome and all the manners of other princes there/ except them that appertained to the worthy knight fabius which he spared and mysdide them nought/ to th'end that he might do understand the rommayns by the same that Fabius had some alliance or treatee with him/ & with this he died yet more/ For he secretly wrote certain letters and sent them to rome for to be diretted unto the said Fabyus which letters contained & spoke as though among they had be certain convenant that Fabius should commit treason against the romans/ and died ordain this thing so that the Senate of rome had knowledge thereof/ But they that knew the truth of Fabyus and the malice of Hanybal made no force thereof/ ¶ Item a king of Grece was sometime that had envy of the romans and for this cause & for noon other occasion he hated them sore much/ and if their great might and power had not be/ he would gladly have hurted them/ And so he knew of no way so to do but by barat & simulation/ wherefore he feigned that te loved them well/ & diverse letters he sent 'em of humble recommendation concerning the great & tender love that he had to them/ And he sent 'em word at last that he desired sore for to see the city of rome & the noble ordinance that was there/ & when he was come to rome he was greatly received as he that was for a friend reputed & taken But the more that he there saw the felicity & the worship greater the more increased the sorrow the secret envy that was hid within his stomach/ whereof died grow such an effet that he died so much by his malice or ever he departed that the barons there he set to a dyscordaunce and debate so that a great sedition arrose anon emongys' hem/ ¶ And thus as he thought in himself he might not hurt the city by no better manner of way/ ¶ Item another that in like case hated rome/ when he had made strife and debate to be thrawen among the rommains that had need of socours and took strange soldiers for to help 'em/ But when time came that the battles should meet together for to fight the said soldiers departed out of the host of the rommayns and went upon the hanging of a mountain for to behold which of both parties should have the better that they might hold with them when they should perceive that one party to be overcome/ But to this died purvey full wisely the captain of the rommayns that saw his folk afeard therefore/ For he went all along every row where they were renged/ saying that such departing from his host was done by his commandment of to run upon the enemies when they should assemble togider/ And thus he assured his folk and had the victory/   

¶ Of the cawteles of the rommayns that were besieged in an host/ of Quintus metellus king of Sezyle and of Hannibal/ ¶ Capitulo/ xiijo·  
AT that time when rome was taken of the frenchmen and that they had besieged the capitol which is a fortress that can not be taken but if it be famished wherefore they kept the ways that no manner of victuals should be brought thither and so would make them within to yield themself or else to day there for hunger/ But the romans that sometime were full subtle in all deeds of were for to have away from their enemies the hope that they had of the famysshing of 'em/ they took of such few victuals as they had and left thereof a great releff about the bones which with diverse reversyons & small gobettis of breed they mingled with the filths and swepynges of the hons and casted altogider out of a window whereby when they of gallia saw this they marveled greatly weening that they had be well garnished of victuals/ wherefore they fell in a treatee of peace/ Item when hanybal and hadrusball princes of Cartage were with a great host in italy/ the rommayns sent against them two dukes that led great ostes which dukes kept & maintained them so wisely that the two ostes of the Cartagiens could not come together/ For if they had done so they should by their great number of folk have wasted all the country/ but the romans died so much upon a night that both their own ostes were assembled together by fore the day that they should give a battle to one of the said ostes of Cartage which was soon overcome and discomfited/ ¶ Item Quintus metellus being in hyspayne with an host might not enter by strength in to a town which he had besieged/ And therefore he departed fro the siege and took him to purvey his host here and there and a long space of time he died go from one place till another in so much that his own folk marveled thereof/ and also his enemies died mock him therefore and took his doing but a folly/ But so much he went doing all ways thus/ that at last he saw his point when that his enemies were weary and sore pained with continual watch/ And so he took them umbeware/ ¶ Item a king of Secille was be fought of the Cartagiens'/ but when he saw that they had occupied all his land and that no Remedy he conde put thereto/ he departed with as many of his folk as he might have and went in to Affrycke/ and in like wise there he died burn and destroy the country all about/ And for this cause the Affrycayns of Cartage that so had wasted and occupied his country were fain to make peace with him and to make him amend and restitution of the dommages that they had done to him/ Item when hannibal should once have fought against the romans at the battle of Cans that sore do mageable was for them/ he used with three manners of gruel/ the first was that he took a place for to fight where as he should have the son & the wind at the back of him With this he ordained that after the battle were begun one part of his folk should make as they fled away by fore a covert where abusshement was for the nonce committed and set for to run upon the romans that should follow the chasse after them that so fled And thirdly he ordained that four men of arms should in like wise flee towards the romans/ as they should fear the battle and should yield themself to them/ This ordinance thus brought to effect/ and that the battle was begun/ the romans were sore troubled and let by the son and by the dust that took the sight and also by the said bushment that over renned them where many of them were slain and thirdly by them that had yield 'em self to them the which after the manner that was then were disarmed and put out behind the battle/ But they had covertly under their little doublets razors where with all they died cut the sinews of the legs of the Rommayns while they fought/ And thus as Valeryus saith by the malice of Africa more than by battle was overcome the strength of the romans/   

¶ Here beginneth to speak of the manner of be fighting and sawting of castles and towns/ And first of the manner of building of them/ ¶ Capitulo/ xiiijo·  
Sin that we have devised after the books of arms and of other more new custom/ the ways that be good to be kept in fayttes of battle that be renged and set in array/ We folowyngly shall say after vegece and as other auctors techen/ of the manners and ways that be profitable and good to be kept aswell in fayttes of befyghtyngiss and sawtynges of cities/ towns and castles as of the deffensing in like wise of the same/ And also ensuing this matter we shall speak of the battles that be made upon the see or upon floods and other fresh waters/ ¶ So devised and showeth first the said Author the manner how for the most suretee the ancient died build their fortresses so that they were closed round a bout with strong walls and with dyches/ And by the form following he teacheth it thus saying/ Who that will build a good and a durable place ought first to take heed to five things/ first he shall see that the place be of a high ground if it may be/ that is to wit upon some right well set and in a good country/ But if the disposition of such a place as he hath be not sitting/ he shall advise for to close his edyffice about or at lest one side of it with the see or with some river that may bear ships/ ¶ And if it so hap that the place be so convenable that the see may enter of both parts/ the river that shall run through the towns is much profitable and of great socours if it can bear ships/ ¶ The second that the air be there good and wholesome and far from plashes of waters and of mare's ground/ The third that the country be fruitful and giving abondantly all manner things that be needful to the life of man/ The fourth that no hill be so nigh that any shot can grieve it/ And the fifth is that the situation of the place be free and not in boundage/ And the same author yet saith that the wise ancient made not the circuit of the walls of their city or fortress all right up even with a live as men do now/ For they said that the walls so made were more ready and better disposed to receive the strokes of all manner engines and to dress up ladders thereunto/ and therefore they made 'em crooked wise with certain issues and steps well massonned and the stones strongly bounden with lime and zande/ and compassed them squarre to th'end that they might make deffense in many places where as many strong towers and defensible were thikkly set all round about/ And with this teacheth the said author how walls may be doubly fortified against all engines/ that is to wit that two walls of strong stuff must be made with an interval or space within forth of tuenty foot broad fro that one wall to that other/ And the earth that shall be digged and taken out for to set the fondementes which ought to be made as deep in to the earth dic●●s about Shall be had bettwyx both the foresaid walls till that the said space of tuenty foot be filled there with all and shall be trodden and stamped upon as hard as can be/ And the wall must be first made up above/ and so thykke and so broad that aleyes may be there made with holes and splytes that Archers be set for to shut and cast there through all manner of gone stones and all other shot/ And a proper place must be ordained and made at every face of the walls for to set gonnes and other engines for to shoot without/ if need be to make defence/ And mayntelles and barbakanes of timber shall be made fast to the batelmentes of the walls without forth in manner of targets and pavoyses against the shot/ And the ancient also made great hyrdelles and broad to be tied fast with chains and with ropis to the walls without forth that waved & broke the strokis of the stones that were cast against the walls with divers manners of engines/ so that they could not hurt nor appear the walls/ Or else they made hour deys or obstacles full thykke of thorns and ready luted them with dung and stones against the walls which by this were kept fro bruising of the great stones/ And seding water/ brenning ashes/ and all such other things they had priest and ready for their defence/ ¶ The yates that were made of strong timber they made to be covered in time of were with Lamynes of iron or with raw leader by cause they should not be set on fire/ and thereupon they had a barbackane/ And yet was there a hole made through the wall where was set a portecolies that hanged with rings and chains of iron/ so that if the enemies came there they should be surprised and enclosed unbewarre by the said protecollysse that men should late go down upon them/ and other holes were also there wherthrughe great stones and other things might be lached and cast upon them/ ¶ Item the dyches ought to be made of a great breed and so deep/ if cas be that no river be running there/ that the fortress may not be undremyned/ but if namely it were set upon a roche/ But the ancient kept well their fortresses from this inconvenient/ ¶ For with good betun/ lime and cement they bond their building so fast and namely the fondementes of their fortresses that they might not be pierced/ Also ought the dyches to be so deep and so large that they be not of light filled by the enemies/ and some ancient made hem in old time past to be massonned as a wall up right at the without forth side so that one might not descend himself a down therein/ and yet with this they strak full thikke all downwardly the wall with sharp hokes and pins of iron that men call caltrappes that let right sore them that go down the which things are commonly known as I trow/ and semblably diverse other closes and garnisons of defence/ wherefore it is no great need as me seemeth that I recite no more thereof sin that the master of such works been thereof well learned and taught in the time present/   

¶ Here devised of the garnisons that behoven to castles and towns in time of war/ ¶ Capytulo/ xvo·/  
little is worth the strength of the walls of a castle how well that it be garnished of all defensible things/ when lack and fault of vytaille is there/ if it be besieged/ as it appeared by the strong place of pnemon that closed was round about with seven panes of strong walls all made of marble stone/ and was set upon a roche and fortified with great towers all about/ that were well garnished with good men of were/ the which fortress was famished by long setting of the siege that was laid afore/ And by cause that enemies commonly at a siege force 'em self to take away the water fro the fortress And it is good to make there ready against the engines Cement/ beton/ oil/ pitch/ & foison of tawe to burn the said engines with all/ steel and iron to make and forge all manner of harnoys for the men of arms/ and masters that can good skill in making of the same/ And foison of timber to make speries/ demylaunces and other staffs with all And a great plenty of flyntstones or other hard stones must be had upon the batelementes of the walls and towers for to make defence with all/ And also aught to be purveyed for pipes and other vessels full of quick lime that shall be thrawen and shoven a down upon the enemies that will climb up to the wall to th'end that the mouths and the eyen of them that be most hardy may be stopped and filled with all when the vessels shall break in falling on the ground/ ¶ Item behoveth to such a garnison a great quantity of boards and herdelles/ and foison nails and pin both of iron and of wood for to make entablementes against walls without forth/ ¶ And for to say in general they must be well purveyed and garnished of lime/ of Zande/ of Stone/ and of Plastre for to make cloysons and contrewalles/ and of carpenters and massons for to make it if need were/ ¶ Item a great store must there be of cords and strengys' for balestres and long bows and sinews and other stuff to make 'em with all/ And if it happened that sinews might not be recoured/ the horse's manes and the tails and namely the hairs of women are at a need full good to make crossbows cords and strings with all/ For with this as vegece saith the romans helped himself right well when Hanybal demeined 'em so sore & so long that all manner of cords and senewis were failed among hem/ And thenne the worthy ladies of rome that had right fair and long here traylling to the ground and that had at that time in their hairs their most curious and most playsante appareyll/ had levere to be defiled and naked from their right fair and yellow tresses or lokkes for to succour the ire city with all/ than to be arrayed full fair with their long and yellow hairs/ and soon to be brought in to captivity and thraldom under the hands of their enemies and therefore they proffered their hairs to the archers and shooters/ whereby rome was warauntyzed and kept/ Item also they ought to be well garnished with horns of beasts for to amend again their crossbows/ and in like wise of raw leader for to cover again their engines and their other edyffyces to th'end that they may not be set in a fire and to see a good garnison of men able and expert in all points of arms and good archers well learned and taught in all that bilongeth to assault/ and having the ways of making deffense against their enemies and to be of a number covenable as the place requireth/ For as a proverb saith/ The walls maken not the strong castles/ but the deffense of good folk maketh it imprenable/ and it ought not to be forgotten that where as the place is most feeble there must be applied more great a defence ● For at that side are the enemies wont for to assault most sore▪   

¶ Of habyllementes of were/ ¶ Capitulo xuj  
AFter that we have devised in general of many things that be all enough covenable/ aswell for victuals/ as for deffense that to a garnison of a fortress apparteynen against the enemies/ ¶ It seemeth to us expedient to show now by just estimation particular what victuals should be sufficient to a certain fellowship of men after the equypolent of every great or small garnison/ For two hundred men of arms then and their Archers/ that is to wite two archers to a man of arms/ needeth for the space of six months/ lx/ tons of wheat after the measure of paris/ the third part whereof shall be made and baken in to byscuytte/ and the remanant shall be grounden in to meele/ ¶ Item four tons of beans and two tons of pesen/ six score pipes of wine/ two pipes of vinegar/ and a pipe of verius/ a pipe of oil/ and a ton of salt/ L/ pound of spices as ginger/ comyne/ and other such small spicery/ two pound of saffron/ two quarters of mostardseede and the querne to grind it with all/ ¶ Item salt flesh and fresh/ that is to wite/ C/ oxen what salted What a live that may/ have feeding enough/ an hundred or six score fletches of bacon/ eight score sheep and a park and pasture for to keep them that may/ and poulleylle as much as men will/ ¶ Item salt fish if it be in lent or in such days that men eaten no flesh a thousand eyes five and tuenty barrels of hearing and great foison of ling fish and haburden a pipe of buttyr salted/ xv/ pound of almaundes/ x/ or/ xii/ pound of ryz and as much of oat melle/ rose water and other things that be thought good for the sick with other covenable medicines aswell for their eating as for to anoint them with all/ ¶ Item x/ doseyne of cruses to drink out/ x/ boketties of ledyr for to draw water with all and two thousand boketties made of wood/ and two hundred fathom of ropies/ ¶ Item for the kychyne if it be in winter two houndred load of great logs/ lx/ load of charcolies three wousand of small fagotties & six/ m/ of byllet/ xx/ doseine of earthen pots for pottage & for to sede flesh in 'em/ six great cauldrons/ two doseyne pans great middle and small/ five or six thousand treen sponies/ two thousand treen dishes and as many of trenchers gobletties and cups great & small/ xx/ or/ thirty/ belowiss lanterns and other small necessaries that men may be advised of/ and that is said now afore/ Now cometh to speak of the provision upon the faytte of the deffense of the said place/ First at aldre lest/ xii/ guns casting stones whereof two of them must be greater than any of tother for to break engines mauntelles and other habyllementes if it be need/ ¶ Item six brycolles and two coyllars either of them garnished with three slings and of cords & stones plenty/ ¶ Item two or three spryngalles garnished with such shot as belongeth thereunto/ And but if men think that the gonnes must be cast to often/ a thousand pound of gone powder shall suffice/ or else/ v/ C/ pound more/ and six thousand pound of lead to make pelettes for gonnes/ seven/ dousayne of speries with their hedes of good tempered iron four & tuenti crossbows well garnished and big four & tuenti bawdrers/ four and tuenti long bows/ and four and thirty dosayne of strenges for the same long bows with a hundred sheffes of arrows/ xxiv thousand small quarrels for crossbows and/ xi●/ thousand of other great quarrels for bigger shot/ CC/ gone stones ready made with plenty of other stone for to make if need be more gone stones with all/ iiij/ C/ tampons and timber enough to make 'em with/ a carpenter for to make them & such things that shall mister to be had of his craft four massons for to make stones for guns & all other work that must be had of their craft/ It two horse mills two ovens a forge garnished with all such instrumentis as needeth thereto with iiij/ m/ half a/ m/ of steel iij/ C/ chaldres of see coolys/ iiij/ bassens with feet & a tail for to kendell the fire with/ thirty/ horslode of charcooles and/ viii/ bellows/ ¶ Iten for the contremyning/ xxiv/ pycosys/ xii/ levers of iron/ two dosayne of spades and two dosayne of baskettis/ xii/ dosayne treen shovellies/ viii/ great tub & divers bukkettes   

¶ How a fortress ought to be stoored and purveyed of fresh water ¶ Capitulo/ xvijo·/  
Where it is so as vegece saith/ that a great profit & great ease it is to a cite or a fortress when quick springs of fresh water may be there in conduyttes or wells/ Nevertheless if it be so that in some parties the kind of the ground be not disposed to no fresh water/ a remedy must hereto be had to the best/ that is to wit if the fountains & the spyrynges be without the walls of the place all most nigh the city or fortress/ it behoveth to them of withynne for to keep & defend their water with good shot & by strong hand/ if cas where that the enemies would keep it from them/ And if the spring be somewhat far fro the place/ then must there upon be builded & made a little tour defensible by which shall the water mow be kept and deffended with the strength of men of arms and by shot/ And with this in all such cities and fortress ought to be made divers cisterns in such places where men may receive june the rain waters that fallen down a long the thackes of thappentyzes and houses/ and to keep them ever more full of such water and namely of conduitte or river water/ for the water is well kept in such cisterns by mean of the gravel & zande & is full wholesome to be used/ sēblaly saith Aristotle that salt water of the see or that cometh out of bitter conduyttes and springs becometh good & sweet if it be passed & straygned through pipes made of wax/ And morovere is a great quantity of vynaig●e much profitable to be had and nameli ● Some time/ For it reffrescheth well the body to 〈…〉 it with water/ which thing is right well known in italy/ And if the fortress is set upon the see and that salt hap there for to sail/ men shall take of the water of the see and shall be put in vessels that shall be of little deepness & broad/ which vessels shall be set to the son or upon a fire till the water be consumed away/ and by this manner of way shall the salt be fond in the bottom/   

¶ How it is of necessity that to a garnison of a fortress be put good men and true And hereto giveth an ensample ¶ Capitulo/ xviijo·/  
FOr all things or the most part to show and devise that be needful and covenable to the deffense of cities and fortresses/ it is to be known that the sovereign garnison that longeth thereto is of good & trusty men and that love the place well/ For where as all things were acomplyss●hed & well ordered & that this only thing should be fawted all should be nought there/ & to take this for a truth/ and that a great evil may come thereby/ where then following this propos/ where as ensamples be commonly more penetratyffe in the eeres of the hearers than proofs that be made by arguments or reasons/ shall bring forth many one for a wittenes of the same And first in rehearsing that which the other authors testyfyen and say/ that is/ that the greatest good that can be/ is peace love and unite to be had in a commonalty without division/ and that an over hard thing it were/ that such people might be of what somevere puissance or power discomfited and destroyed/ & this approveth the answer that the wise magician tinsealx madeunto Scypyon when he axed him how it might be that they of the city of Munyence had kept 'em self so long against the puissance of the rommayns/ he said that it was by the right great concordance that was among hem/ and with peace & unite is also right good to be had in a fortress or city such princes or sovereigns that own great favour & a love to the place/ as the noble Canullus well showed that sovereign was of the romans host/ when that Brenyus of Swave had destroyed the city of rome by were and went away with proyes and great richesses But the said noble men not withstanding that the romans had exilled him wrongfully out of their city/ when he knew the great mishap he was full sorry/ And gathered soon of folk all that he might do for he was of a great authority/ and went against Brenyus that no keep took of him/ and slew a great part of his people and himself put to flight and a great havoir he died conquer there of the which he builded room again and brought in again with him them that were banished/ And for this cause he was called the second Romulus/ And even thus as a right great good joy and good hap is or cometh to a city when she is in peace and unity within herself/ right so/ all evil/ desolation and apparel is there in time of discord and ofdiscention the which thing is her total and very destruction/ as namely saith the holy scripture/ For by discord and altercation cometh and ariseth commonly a great different and contention among the comynaltee of a town/ that is to wit through cause of pride and of arrogance one against another by envy and by covetise whereof may no good come/ as it happened in rome of their battle civil that to the rommayns was so greatly preiudycyable that all most they had uttirly undone & destroyed 'em self thereby for the great pride that was in their princes that is to wit Scylla & Maryus to whom were come to aid of two parties pompee/ Pertorius and Marius that other high men were of great proesse and authority In which were were slain in divers battles or ever it ceased/ as Recounteth the history/ xxiv/ of their princes that were head captains/ six of their sovereigns and/ xl/ high barons/ & of the roman people/ C/ l/ thousand without other ● strangers that were to their aid/ So aught well to be eschewed such an evil & accursed contention and debate  

¶ Of the same/  
YEt to this harness of putting trusty folk in to castles & cities/ and that good keep aught to be taken that they be not over much covetous/ as by this manner of way many cities and towns have been betrayed sold & rob/ It apyereth by th'ensample of the city of Sinopen that was great strong rich and full of people/ which Mytryda●●es the king had taken to two knights that he reputed good and true to him/ but full evil they kept it ● For themself with their folk despoiled it/ and after that they had set it a fire they fled and went away whereof a marvelous adventure happened For then as the duke of the host of the romans died arrive there for to set his siege before the town/ he had great marvel what that might be And when the cas was told him he made to call at the yates/ and when the gate was open he giving to them of the town good assewrance/ made his own folk to put out the fire/ And thus was warred the said Sonopen by them that should have kept it sauffe/ And succoured and helped by them that trowed to have dystroied it a noon/ ¶ Item that covetous folk may be of great hindrance unto a city or castles/ It appyereth by the words of jugurta the king of Munydye that a great envy and covered hate bare to the rommayns hid under colour of feynted love/ but for to deceive 'em better he give great gifts unto the principals of them/ and in this doing he sewed sedition and discord among the citizens/ And thus warred them their enemy that they reputed for a friend without that they perceived it nor were aware thereof till that at his departing fro rome where as by fyctyon of great love he was come/ he could not keep his heart that was swollen with envy/ but he must cast out such aworde/ This strong city were lightly to be taken who that had enough for to give/ ¶ With these things is to wite that many a time is happened a great inconvenient in cities and lands/ and namely in an ooste by cause of great quantity of strangers/ as it happened in Rome in the time of their conquests where they had an use to take in service with them the prisoners that they took for to do such occupation and business as they would set 'em for to do/ ¶ Whereof it befell that ones so many they had/ that more than tuenty thousand arrose together as rebel against the rommayns and bore them much great dommayge or ever they could come at an end for to destroy hem/ But after these things thus said which may serve for ensample we shall return to the first propos    

¶ Of leyenge of a siege/ and of sawtyngys' of fortresses ¶ Capytulo/ xixo·/  
WHen the time is come that an host cometh to lay a siege before some city or fortress/ which time ought commonly to be if the head captain be wise in the season of harvest or soon after/ by cause that then it is to him profitable for two reasons/ One is/ that he shall find more of victuals upon the fields/ and that other by cause that he shall grieve dobly his enemies/ that is to wite by siege & assault and by taking away fro them their corn/ and their wine and their other victuals when they should gather them for to fournysshe their town/ And he shall see that his oft be lodged the most near that he may/ and shall well advise afore the ground and the situation of the place if be he not by some other sufficiently thereof informed/ to th'end that the siege be laid best to his advantage for to dress his engines upon a convenient ground/ and to advise what part he shall best give assault/ And if it seemeth him best he shall do make about the ooste good dyches and shall fortify the ground about with palaces as it were a fortress/ to th'end they may withstand to them that might come for to raise the siege/ or namely to them of the castle if they issued out against them/ And if it be so that of all sides the place may be besieged/ the better it is/ but if there be any hill or some other thing that letteth/ Nevertheless to all the parties that be plain shall be made trenches or pallies fro one siege to that other/ so that they of wythynne may not issue out without danger/ And from all sides he shall ordain semblably sewer deffense and good watch atte every hour/ And so shall advise by what manyere the place is most prenable/ And if it be to be scaled he shall first late make double ladders as many as shall need/ and shall make to be had away with the shot of engines all that that letteth of the walls/ and then shall the ledders be set up that shall be armed at the upper end with great hokes of iron that shall a gripe the batellementes or fensing of the wall/ and the nether end shall be harnessed with sharp heads of iron which shall be set deep in to the earth to th'end they be not over thrawen down by them that defend the town/ And forthwith of all sides shall begin the assault/ ¶ And if undremyning seemeth him good/ good wherkmen that can skill shall be set to work for to delve up the earth/ and they shall begin so far that they of wythyn shall not by no way see the men that bear out the earth/ ¶ And so deep shall the mine be made that it shall pass under the dyches which shall be under shored with good timber till that they come to the fondementes of the walls or lower/ And by this manyere of way they shalt find the mean to enter in if gaynsayde be not done to it/ ¶ And wile this undremyning is a doing the wise capitain ought not to be still lest they of wythynne feel or understand by their scowtwatche the said undremyners/ But shall trouble and vex them with divers and continual assawtes/ so that the noise the doing and the bruit shall stop their hearing/ For strokes of crossbows thykker than flies/ Bombards/ and gonnes with the horrible sown of their stones cast against the wall/ the noise of the assawters/ the 'sounds of Trumpets and the fear that they have of them that cleme up the laders shall give 'em ynouge to do/ and so they shall not be little occupied/ ¶ Item and if it hap that the said miners may pierce the walls without they be perceived/ they shall soon set on a fire all the timber and shores that they have set under the walls which shall then break and fall down all atones/ and thus shall enter the town the men of arms/ And if this thing can not help by cause of the great strength of the place and of the great garnyson/ the wise capitain that desired to have it shall seek by another manyere of way for a remedy thereunto/   

¶ Here beginneth an ordinance of leyenge of a siege & showeth that which behoveth thereto for to assault a right strong place after the time present/ ¶ Capitulo/ xx/  
WHat that vegece upon whose book of knighthood we have founded the most party of this present work hath spoken in general terms after the manner and usage of the prew ancient conquerors past enough sufficiently to good undrestanders of the things of arms/ Aswell in this that toucheth or may touch fayttes or deeds of battle and of that that dependeth thereof/ as of that which belongeth to assaylle Castles and Towns by see and by land/ As it shall be said hereafter/ ¶ Nevertheless for to give a more particular undrestanding/ not to them that know it/ but to them that in time coming shall mow read and here it desiring the knowledge thereof/ ¶ Where the scripture in books is a thing perpetual as to the world/ it seemeth me good to add in this our said work more particularly thoo things that be good and propyce to assaylle cities Castles and Towns after the manner and way of the time present for to give thereof a more Intellygyble example/ And right so and semblably that in the things said and to be said we have helped us of the sayings of the book of vegece and other authors/ We shall in this help us of the counsel of the wise knights that be expert in the said things of arms/ And what that thereof a great laud should appertain to them where as they be well dign of honour and reverence/ asswell for this cause/ as for other bountez Wisdom's worthynesses of knygthode and noble/ virtues that been in them/ It pleaseth not to their humility to be alleged nor named/ Wherefore they that shall read or here this fair ordinance that followeth shall not therefore despise it/ but shall be content of the same/ thinking the damage it were that the feebleness of a little paper that Rotyth in a little time should have brought to nought the mind and remembrance of so notable ordinance which is well worthy to be enregistered to th'end that it may be socourable namely in this royalme if the cas in time to come befell/ So shall we suppose then a right strong place set of one part upon the see or upon abygge Ryvere great strong and right difficile to be taken as such there be/ to which men will lay a siege by great appareylles how long that it lasteth/ ¶ And upon such appareylles and ordinance as longeth thereto we shall first speak of the gonnes and engines/ That is to wite two great engines and two other mydelbare flyghing garnished and ready of all things for to caste/ ¶ Item four Coyllardes all new garnished and abled of all things having each of them two cables & three slyngiss for to change when need shall be/ ¶ Item four great gonnes that one called Garyte/ that other rose/ that other Senecque/ and that other May the first casting about five hundred pound weight/ The second casting about four hundred/ And the other two abeute two hundred or more/ ¶ Item another gone call Mountfort casting three/ C pound weight/ And after the master the same is the best of all/ ¶ Item a brasyn gone called Artycke casting hundred pound weight/ ¶ Item/ xx/ other small gonnes casting pillettes of stone It divers other small gonnes casting pyllettes of lead and common stones of hundred or/ uj score pound weight/ Item two other great bombards & six lesser/ Item two other great gonnes each of 'em casting about/ iiij/ C/ pound weight/ and four small/ Three other gonnes whereof one great and two lesser/ Item xxv/ other gone stones casting some two some three and some four C/ pound weight and/ lx/ other small/ And they all ought to be stuffed with feet of strong timber and of all that that longeth thereto/ the which foresaid gonnes been in Some 〈◊〉 xlviij/ which distynctly be named by cause they be diversly set and aught to be so/ after the situation of the fortress   

¶ Here deviseth of the gone powder that longeth to the said gonnes and of other stuff ¶ Capytulo xx●o·  
FIrst: thirty: M: pound of gone powder whereof the half must be in stuff: Item three thousand sacks of charcolies made of wilowe tree: two: M: sacks of charcolies made of oak tree: thirty/ bassenettes each of 'em with three feet & with a long tail to kindle the fire for the said gonnes &/ thirty/ belowos/ It for the said guns tocarye fro one place to another to each of 'em along cart for to carry the said pouldres & other habyllementes/ xxv short carts each of 'em with three horses/ & garnished of that that longeth thereto/ Item four or five hundred tampons of tree for the said gonnes/   

¶ Of the guns mantles/ ¶ Capytulo/ xxijo·  
FIrst six great mantles for the said six great gonnes eythre of hem of/ xii/ feet broad and of/ thirty/ feet of height And of two feet thikke: Item two great flat mantles eithre of them of/ xxiv/ feet of length and of/ xxvi/ feet of height/ & they shall be made all of timber of half a foot square & of white board five inches thikke & five wheels of elm tree to eneriche of hem with ditches atte every side/ Item another great mantle with a point like to the two other mantles & men shall make when they will have one alone of these three/ It x other small mantles eithre of them of/ xii/ foot of length & of/ ix/ or/ x/ feet of height which shall be of the fashion of the six great mantles above said/ & each of them shall have a little wiket open for to shoot a gone when need shall be/ & shall the board largely be thikke four inches & every one shallbe upon thikke sled wheels/ It two other matelles that shallbe all upon wheels in manner of carriage made light board of an inch thikke or there about which shall serve to keep fro the shot whilis the other shallbe asettinge/ & two other mantelles with points eithre of hem set upon/ iiij/ sled wheels/ It more ever viii great mantles for the said great engines & coillardes which shallbe made of timber half a foot square every mantel containing/ xxxvi/ feet of length & xviij foot of height/ Item two great Instruments with arms for to lift and dressee up the foresaid engines   

¶ Of the habillementes for to convey & arrive the things that been needful to an assault ¶ Capitulo/ twenty-three  
We have all ready supposed before that the fortress to that which this ordinance should be made for to lay siege to it/ should be set of one part upon the see or upon abigge river/ & therefore we may yet suppose that the said habillement of wood should be made in some forest most next/ & that in ships & other vessels the water might be conveyed & arrived in to the field where the oft is or in some other place nigh by So shall we say of the other engines covenable to draw out of the ships the timber the stones the pipes & other things first an engine for to draw the stones out of the ship●● & to charge them upon carts for to carry them there as the guns be & there as need should be/ It little carts called marty met for to carry the mantles & the timber that serveth for the engines from the ships unto the place where as they shall be dressed/ It two great long carts with ferrementes for to carry the rods of the engines fro the ships to the pl●ce   

¶ Devised of other habillementes that behoven C/ xxiv  
In the said forest most next as it is said shall be ordained to be made/ v/ C/ &/ xl/ paleb●rdes called penelles eithre of them of/ xiv/ feet of length & of/ xii/ feet of breed/ & a mounten thee/ v/ c/ &/ xl/ penelles to a/ m/ iiij/ c/ fathom & to every penell bilongen two trestelles whereof the one end must be morteised within the penell or palleborde/ & at the other end been two feet/ & they must be garnissed with hirdelliss for to make the aleies & weighs to go over/ It/ v/ c/ luj penelles for little pales of/ x/ feet of height & of/ xii/ in breed which v/ C/ lvi/ penelles maken/ xj/ C/ fathom/ And by thaduys of them that best can skyle these foresaid palebordes shall be set and dressed to what part that they will for to make ba●tylles and bolwerkes afther the counsel of the mais●●●s of the works/ And to the said bastylles must be made four yates/ and upon every gate diverse deffences and fortifications made after the manner of towers and other batellementes defensible round about for to with stand aswell the gone shot/ as the shot of crossbows and other shot/ Item with this shall yet be made five/ C/ trestelles' of x foot of length and eight of height which shall serve to make alcyes under covert for the said mantles and for the bewfray that men shall make if need be/ It/ xj/ M hirtellis for to cover the said trestellis and mantles/ and to make bolwerkes with all if it be need or other things that been necessary/ Item of pings of wood to join the said palaces with eight ton full or there about/ Item morevere with these things shall be made a great baerne with in the said forest that shall have/ xxiv/ fathoms of length & eight of breed for to put in the mills & other necessaries for to serve them of the oft & that shall be ordained for the said bastille/   

¶ Capitulo/ xxvo·/  
FIrst/ CC/ crossbows/ thirty/ other crossbows with a turn or pelye/ &/ C/ other with a hook/ It/ CC/ M quarrels/ l/ thousand other quarrels called dondaynes or great shot/ xii/ turns all new for to bend crosbewes with all/ It/ ccc/ handbowes eithre of them garnished with three strenges/ l/ other tylloles for to bend crossbows &/ l/ bawdrers/ It/ cccc: l: of thread made of senewis for to make strenges for bows. It yet beside this for a stowre: viii: C strenges for the said bows: Item: xii: M: arrows   

¶ Other habyllementes of were ¶ Capytulo/ xxvio·/  
FIrst: xii: c: paveyses: cc: fire pans &: thirty: other fire pans of xuj foot of height strongly yroned with great bends of iron for to be pight in to the earth: It xxvij C touteauls or pitched ropes for to burn within the said fire panis: It iiij. C axes of were fashioned asswel after fawken wise as other: It for the mine four: C picoses a M shovels of wood iiij: c: scowpes for to void water with all xii great hokes of iron with two bokels to eithre of them It m v c bakpaners all garnished CC lanterns It m of great iron pings of a foot & a half of length & xii c of other lesser pings of iron It iiij barrels full of nails whereof the nails of one shallbe of half a foot length the other of iiij inchiss that other of three Inchiss and that other of two Inches/ Two ropers/ two bowrelers/ two wheel wryghtes/ two tourners for to make tampons/ two or/ iij/ thousand of iron two long carts laden with Elm wooed for to make the said tampons with/ lx/ bondelles of style/ lx/ chaldernes of seecolies two hundred sakkes of charecolies/ two thosuand pound of rop thread for the ropies of the engines/ ¶ Item for the bourelers/ xl/ cows skins tawed and dressed for to make the slings of the engines/ xxv/ skins of white ledder for to make girdles to the said slings/ ¶ Item for thewhele wryghtes shall be taken wood asmuch as they shall mystere out of the foresaid long carts/ ¶ Item for to keep the ropis the thread/ the ledder the iron pins and other things necessary to the engines shall be made ready/ xii/ tons with lockis and keys to eithre of them/   

¶ Here follow the gone stones ¶ Capitulo/ xxvijo·/  
FIrst/ C/ and/ l/ stones ready dressed for the gone called mount●ort/ Item six score stones rounded and ready dressed for the great gone/ Item/ iij/ C/ other stones for the small gonnes/ Item/ vi/ C/ other stones for the said gonnes that shall not be made round/ Item for the engines/ iiij/ C/ stones all ready dressed for to cast/ and five or six/ C/ that shall be but squarred/ And all a mounten to the some of two thousand/ ij/ C/ stones or there about/ Item six thousand of lead for to make pelletes   

¶ The small habillementes for to assault by way of undremyning ¶ Capytulo/ xxviij/  
FIrst a/ C/ foot and thirty levers of iron/ xuj: joukes for brygges to make with all four & tuenty great strong ladders of double steps for to sustain four men of arms upon all of a front of/ xxxuj/ or: xl: foot of length and to every of these ladders most be ordained three pouleyes atte the upper end ¶ Item/ uj/ or/ seven/ other ladders of xxiv/ or/ xxuj/ feet of height and other smaller   

¶ The squarre timber to make that that follow/ ¶ Capitulo/ xxixo·/  
FOr to make a werrely hold that men call a barbed cat/ and a bewfray that shall have/ ix/ fathom of length and two fathom of breed/ and the said cat six fathom of length and two of breed/ shall be ordained all squarre wood for the same about four hundred fathom a thousand of board/ xxiv/ rolls and a great quantity of small wood/ The naylles that serven to the same as here above is written Iten six masts every of three score or four score feet of length that shall serve to the said bewfray and cat after the way that ought to be ordained/ ¶ Item four horse mills which shall have but two wheels and every wheel shall do turn two mills/ and they shall be set within the barn above said/ ¶ Item four barrels of tallow for to anoint the engines/ carts/ mantles/ mills/ and that that shall need/ Item three dosaynes of poleys of wood/ and/ xii/ other poleys of copere   

¶ The workmen necessary for the said habyllementes/ ¶ Capytulo/ xxxo·/  
FIrst for the engines to every engine four persons one among other beside the master/ and the massons that must be had there/ that his to wit two/ ¶ Item six hundred carpenters that shall be ordained for to lift and arreyse up the bastylle/ the mantles/ bewfrays and cats and other habyllementes/ which carpenters shall be ordained ten and ten/ and constables and vynteners' shall there be upon 'em that by order shall depart them to the knights for to dress up the palysses there as they mister to be set by the manner declared hereafter/ ¶ Item six/ C/ other men that shall give aid to the said carpenters which shall be semblably set by order of number ¶ Item two thousand labourers for to make trenches and the dyches about the palysses and other necessary things the which shall be set & ordered as above is said/ ¶ Item shall be ordained a hundred knights and esquires such as men will choose thereto whereof eythre of them shall be charged and commanded for to make five penellies of palysses to be set up and to make dyches round about/ And everich of hem shall have under him a dyzener of carpenters and a dyzener of helpers and also three diseners of labourers for to make the same/ And six carts with the carters for to carry the said palysses fro the ships where as they shall be unladen out as it is said unto the place/ And either of the foresaid knights and esquires shall have by writing the names of their dyseners which in like wise shall give by writing the names of all their fellows/ And shall every dysener have for his felaweship only a cressette or fire pan set up every night garnished with/ L/ tourtellis to bren and hold light with all/ And there shall be certain folk committed of whom they shall have the names for to delyue●● hem shovels pycosis and spades/ ¶ Item for the gonners shall be appointed/ L/ Carpenter's and tuenty labores forto set their mantles/ for to move and set their gonnes/ and for to make trenches & dyches of which carpenters and labores they shall have the names and rulers shall ● be there committed for to rule them/ And they shall have their own carts by themself for to carry their gonnes & their habillementes fro the ships unto the place/ Item they that shall have the rule over the coyllardes shall have with them/ xx/ labourers for to pight these engines and their mantles in to the earth and for to make trenches and dyches a bout/ and they shall in like wise have their carts & folk by themself/ And by semblably manner shall be ordained him that shall have the charge and the rule of the great engines/ which shall have only for himself/ xuj/ long carts/ ¶ Item to them that shall be admitted and ordained for to rule/ keep and dystrybue the gone powder/ artyllerye and other habyllementes shallbe delivered for to carry them/ viii/ long carts And the other number of carts shall follow for to bring & arrive the victuals fro the schippes unto the host/ and other necessary things/ ¶ Item to him that shall have the charge of the mantles shall be delivered xxv/ carts for to carry the said mantles and the timber that needeth thereto from the said ships unto the place/ and L/ workmen after the ordinance a foresaid   

¶ Here deviseth of the victuals and habyllementes and of keepers of passages/ ¶ Capitulo/ xxxj  
With these things shall there be ordained certain knights or esquires notable folk alswell for to keep the ports and the passages/ as for to convey the said things to one of which shallbe commanded for to keep the passage of the river with a hundred archers and/ CC/ pyknares/ and shallbe delivered unto him/ C/ paveyses/ x/ guns and the powder that behoveth thereto/ ¶ Item another knight or squire shallbe charged for to lead & convey six score vessels or there about laden with victuals and of artyllerye/ guns paveyses and other habillementes/ and shall have with him two hundred men of arms a hundred balesters and/ c● carpenters all archers if it may be/ Item another knight or esquire sage and expert shall convey the great ships wherynne been the great guns/ the coyllardes and engines victuals and all habyllementes/ and shall have with him a hundred men of arms & a hundred men of shot/ ¶ Item for to convey the victuals that shall come by land and other needful habyllementes shall there be ordained another notable knight or squire that shall keep the merchants vytayllers that they be not rob nor espoylled and shall have with him two hundred men of arms/ a C crossbows and a hundred archers/ And of another part upon land shall there be another that shall convey semblably the foresaid necessary things that he shall have with him men of arms and of shot after that it shall seem good to be done/   

¶ deviseth of other habyllementes ¶ Capitulo xxxij  
OTher knights and esquires/ uj/ or/ viii/ wise and expert in arms shall be chosen and stablished for to choose and advise the place where the siege shall be laid and the bastille set up/ and also of engines/ guns and other habyllementes/ Item there shall be ordained maresshalles for to depart and deal the lodgyses to the best that may be do and to see that the vytaillers and merchants may be lodged at large and well & also folk of craft to th'end the oft may be the better served/ ¶ Item there shall be a cry made in all the towns there about that men bring victual from all parties in to the host and the good men shall be well paid and kept from all damage/ ¶ Item another cry shall in like wise be made upon pain of death that none misdo nor hurt by no manner of wise in no thing the said vytayllers/ crafty men and merchants and no thing be take fro them without money/ And also that noon be so hardy to set his ware at a higher price than Reason and time requireth nor to sell them for to be borne out of the host   

¶ devised the manner for to let and keep the haven fro the enemies ¶ Capitulo/ xxxiiij/  
By cause we have said here by fore that for to assaylle a fortress great and strong of which the one side is upon the see or upon a great rynere/ were expedient the foresaid appareylle to be had/ It behooveth also to advise how thaid and socours that by the see might come to the said fortress might be letted/ It is to be known then/ that there must be had/ x/ or/ xii/ great old vessels of the see that shall be charged with stones asmuch as they can bear which vessels thus laden shall be brought in to the haven of the said fortress or town and there they shall be drowned so that they shall comprise and fill all the said havene that noon other manner of ship shall mow come therein for to approach the said fortress neither by flood nor by high spring of water/ ¶ And for such vessels to convey by cause no letting could be put thereto there shall be a good captain ordained that shall have with him four thousand men of arms and five hundred men of shot or more/ which shall be in other ships and shall draw after hem the said ships so laden with stones And if any gytee wharf or any bridge were there or some other great river whereby the dyches were filled/ this fellowship might break it therwhiles and give an issue to the water for to have her course to another part/ And upon the said ships so drowned as it is said may be made two bastilles that should be made in manner as bolwerkes/ that is to wit an edyfyce made with great timber as high as men will/ which may soon be done that hath help enough and this bastylle must be advironned with hirdels about and daubed thykke with earth and clay thereupon/ and it may be set upon wheels/ And this edyfyce feereth neither fire nor stroke of gone by cause the pellettes and stones that are shot fowndrens deep in to the earth that soft is/ nor ●yre may not take thereto/ And the bastille of which is spoken before made with palysses ought to begin at this castle made of earth/ And thus to go round about the fortress or town who that may from that one bastylle made with palisses to that other bastylle made of earth/ And all thus by taking away of the river and to do after this manner if the place be so disposed the dyches shall be made dreye/ And with this men shall mow make a gytee about the town in manner as bolwerkes as it is said/ by cause no gone nor no manner of shot shall hurt the oft/ And by all thus men shall mow mine the castle or town sin the water is taken from him/ and when the cat and the bewfrais shallbe left up and dressed/ and that the gonnes shall have broken the walls/ then shall men surely assaylle   

¶ devised the engines that be covenable to the fayttes of assawtes/ ¶ Capitulo/ xxxv/  
ANd it is to be known that for to assault all strong places there been five principal engines as vegece saith by the which men may take 'em/ that one is that same of which by force of a powder made of charcolies Salt petre/ brimstone and such mix●ions that behoven thereto are cast by great strength so great stones that they bruise and shoven a down all walls/ houses/ towers/ and all that they recontre and of them be some of marvelous force that one more than that other/ Item men maken another engine which after is called as vegece saith mosselle or motelle/ & is made as a flat hons and large/ and covered with horsdonge because that no stones nor no fire may hurt nor grieve it/ and it is made upon wheels and may be carried where men will/ within this engine are folk hid that draw after them branches of trees and all things that be good to fill dyches with all/ & by the same way men may use thereof in such a cas that will whereby away shall be given to other engines to be brought unto the walls/ Item the third engine is called Mowton/ and is made of timber in manner of a house covered above/ upon which covering and all round about are nailed rowhe hides and all weet and fresh by cause fire shall not mow take thereto/ In the forefront of this house is a great mast that hath the end covered with iron great and massy Men draw this mast with chains/ and it is made by such manner that men may shove it forth and withdraw it again so that they/ that be within the engines may smite great strokes with this mast against the walls and so shaken that they be all astonied with all/ which engine giveth his strokes even so as a ramme doth when he reculeth a back for to hurt which his horns/ and therefore is this engine called a Mouton/ ¶ Item the fourth is called vine of which men use but selden but if it be to a great effort/ It is made of great timber/ and it hath/ viii/ foot of breed and/ xuj/ of length/ and is covered with hyrdell is & horsdonge/ to th'end that stones may not hurt him/ and enuyromed all about with hides rowh for the fire/ under the same engine been the men of arms that percen the wall and upon pow●t leveiz that be made fast thereto which are called flyghing brygges and may reach unto the walls/ they set and dress up their ladders to divers stallages/ ¶ Item the/ v/ engine is yet of more great strength and lass in usage by cause that it behooveth not but to the sawtes of great and notables cities or fortress and strong places sore desired where as a siege be kept by long leisure/ This engine is called Tower It is an edyfyce made of great timber and of tablementes with many lofts and stallages/ And therefore saith vegece that so great an edyfyce ought to be well kept/ It behoveth him to be covered that may with lamynes of iron lest fire should be cast or set therein/ or at the lest with hides rowh all fressle/ To the which engines men given light after as they be high or low For some be of/ thirty/ foot/ some of/ L/ And namely some there been so high that not only they surmonten the walls/ but also the highest towers/ This engine is set upon movable wheels that by force of men and of horses are led as nigh the walls as men can/ And flighing brygges there be that as they be let down men may thereupon reach over the walls/ And if it hap that this Tower may be approached 〈◊〉 the walls/ overe hard a thing it were/ but that the town shall be taken soon at an hour/ For therein been great foison of men of arms in all the lofts and stallages/ of which they of above with good should and hand to hand fighten with them that been upon the walls and of light may overcome 'em/ They of the low lofts or stallages percen the wall/ And thus is the city or fortress enuaysshed of such effort that they of withynne wot not what part to resist nor defend/ so been they abashed and lightly taken/ And it is that which vegece meant when he saith/ the more parts and by more engines and more strength that thou shall assaylle the fortress all at once/ the more are abashed they that make defence and the sooner they shall yield 'em up/ And by cause that for to do this/ serven the ladders and much proffyten hereto/ and in like wise all engines that can be made for to climb high/ It is need for to make better this manner of clymers/ that men know first the height of the walls/ And therefore for to know this vegece teacheth it by two ways/ and saith that an arrow shall be thrawen unto the height of the wall/ to the which arrow shall a long thread be made fast that shall be hold undrenethe/ and by this shall mow be known the height of the walls/ ¶ Item that other way is when the son is so turned that he casted the shadow of the walls and of the towers to the ground/ then men may measure the space of the walls with two staves pight at either end of the shadow/ And by th'advise of a good & wise consyderer may be esteemed what height the ladders and other engines most have   

¶ beginneth to speak of deffensing of castles and victuals/ ¶ Capytulo/ xxxvo·/  
IT is certain that lightly enough might all manner of a strong place be overcome and taken/ without folk were there that should defend it and therefore even so as vegece died put in his book for the doctrine & teaching of 〈◊〉/ the manyere for to assaylle cities & towns/ and semblably for to defend and keep hem/ here he saith that against the engines above named and other diverse paryllis whereof might be used in faytte of assawlte/ if there be witty deffensours that have in them the virtue of knyhthode/ mar●y a remedy may be had/ For there is no sickness/ but that some socours is given thereunto/ And in arms is subtlety mickle more worth than is strength/ as it happeth oft/ namely in taking of castles and cities/ As it beffelle some time of the rommayns that by a subtle policy & wit/ took the city of capsa that longed unto Tygram the king of armeny that warred them/ For as the ambaxatours of the said city went and came for to treatte of ●eas/ the rommayns maliciously made on a night abusshement of themself within the gardyns that nigh were to the wall/ and when the said ambaxatoures trowed to have entered again within the yates of the city/ the rommayns wept upon the bridge so hastily that they took the gate/ And so long kept it till the host entered all in/ And thus by craft and subtle wit was the city taken that was so strong and so well garnished that by no sawting it might not be taken/ And morevere saith vegece that they that keep and defend a place have more advantage than they that do assaylle it for divers reasons and namely in befyghting/ For that which men cast from high be it speries stones darts or other shot/ the more high that it cometh fro/ the much more it hurteth/ To the which things if great virtue and might be put thereto/ no manner of warantyse can not keep them that so assaylle if they be hit with all/ but that they shall be beaten down as the thunder fell upon 'em First of all they of within may be succoured by their lord if he be not there himself/ that with a power of men shall mow come to raise the siege and to give 'em socours/ or by some other of their friends whom they shall ahue sent word and prayed for help & succour/ as it be fell when the duke Lentulus' head captain of the oft roman went against the king Mytrydates/ that sent word to his folk that were within the city of Mycenae that so strong was that the see smote there at the one side of her & was advironned with double walls/ that they should not abash 'em self for the great puissance of the king Mytridates & that soon succour they should have/ And a great thing it was to the messenger for to pass through so many folk & go there/ but it was by night and swyming/ where he died put two great boteylles under his okselles & swymed/ viii thousand passes in the see/ and by this manner of way he came and entered in to the city/ And soon after was Mytrydates contresieged where his host was brought to a great mischief for deffawte of victuals that from no part might not come there/ which thing is facyble to be do against them that hold a siege/ ¶ Item they hem self or part of 'em if they feel 'em self strong enough/ may issue out with right fair ordyinaunce that hour when the enemies be not aware of if they see their point/ and likwyse to assault them as they be sawted/ For by such away hath been an oft keeping a siege oft-times overcome and discomfited and it is necessary to all folk that go to battle for the deffense of their country or city that they have great hope in god to have the victory for the good right that they have/ or other wise they should not mow fight hardly/ And that they should have this hope/ it hath be seen oft-times by the effect that thereof happened to such fyghters'/ thus namely as it seemed that it happened to them of the city of rome when one's among other times/ hannibal with a right great oft came by fore the city for to have it destroyed/ but where as the rommayns issued against him by great boldness though they were less by the third part/ than their enemies/ our lord that would not that the town where as in time to come he would edify his church/ should be destroyed/ sent such a great shower of rain that hour that they should assemble togider/ that their harness was so sore charged with water that they could not help 'em self/ & forced they were to withdraw themself/ And after that three times this had happened thus to them as it were a very miracle Hanyball said/ that he would not enterprise no were against the gods/ for well he saw that they were favourable unto rome/ Item how be it that pacts and convenaunces that been and may be often times done been some time namely more vailable to honour and profit to them of within than to them of without natheless when they be thus as●sailled as it is said it behoveth 'em to defend themself therein by virtue and strength of their bodies without other remedy/ & a good courage mystereth them much which may be seen by ensample of them of the city of Cartage which or ever they would deliver up their city to the romans that would have destroyed it/ they loved better to die/ And kept the romans still with fair words till that they had forged their harness whereof they had default of gold of syluere/ of Coper and other metals by cause that both iron and steel were failed them/ and with the same armewres they deffended and kept their city unto their death/ ¶ So it behoveth to such folk to help himself with engines/ fire/ iron/ & stone's/ strongly by great might and vigour/ that is to wite with good shot of crossbows/ and great stones that shall be casten by the might of the engines/ and they must have counseled ready pitch/ oil/ brimstone and tow to make with all great stopselles that shall be shoten thykke to the engines of their enemies so long till that they be set a fire And men may make staves of dry wood all hollow within and full of fire/ of cement of oil and of tow and shoot them to the said engines/ And semblably men may destroy 'em with an engine casting a sling of iron with rings/ and beside this engine must be made a forge in which shall be a great bar of iron fire glowing hoot which shall be cast to the engine without in what place that it be/ and against this brenning iron may have no defence row leader nor also lamynes of iron/  

¶ Item of the same  
ITem men may let down fro the walls certain persons in great maundes by night that shall bear fire with hem and in divers places they shall set the said engines on fire/ ¶ Item it hath be seen oft-times that they of within have issued out suddenly and have destroyed both by fire and iron the engines of their enemies/ With this he saith morovere that they of within ought to advise that of that part of the wall where the said great engine called Tower is set/ if such be there/ the said wall be made higher so that it may over retche always in height the said engine/ For certain it is as he saith/ that if the wall be more high/ than is the said engyn of little value but the besegers have commonly one manner of a policy that first they do build the said Tower in such wise that it seemeth lower than the walls/ but after ward weigh make another small tour with boards and tablementes which is all ways couched down unto time that they will join this great engine to the walls/ and then suddenly they dress it up with cords and with great hokes And by this way the men of arms assaylle suddenly all atones the wall/ and without great deffense be made then of them of wythinne they shall enter & take the town by force/ But against this policy must be purveyed certain great masts armed above with sharp ferrementes and with the same they shove the said engine aback fro the wall/ Item he saith that some time when the cite of the roads was besieged with such manner of a Tower movable of a merueillable height and much more higher than the walls were/ they of within seeing the same great edyfyce coming against 'em advised themself the night afore of a great cawtele/ they pierced the ground under the foundementes of the walls/ & there as they thought that the said great engine called tour should be brought/ they dalff the earth and made a great pit as a cave under the ground there/ through which policy when the day was come that the said tour was brought thereupon his wheels and was of marvelous boys and heavy/ it foundered and sank down in to the ground that hollow was undrenethe so that it might not be had up again/ And by this way was the city warauntyssed/ And it is to be known that some time every movable jointure of such engines had a name appropryed/ as it shall be exposed hereafter/ And so when the said Towers were joined to the walls/ the archers the sling casters and all men of shot/ and in like wise the men of arms everich of 'em in their room forced themselves to take the walls upon & fro them of withinne which after their power challenged & kept them from the enemies/ So were the walls pourprysed/ ¶ And set round a bout with ladders ¶ Where as they of without put 'em self In great jeopardy of their lives for to clemme up to the walls the which manner of cleminge up with ladders was first found by them of the city of Capne/ upon whom they of within casted vessels full of stones & them & their ladders with them bore down all a tones/ there were also engines that called were sambuce/ exester thelemon/ sambuce is an engine which is made in manner of a harp able to pierce awalle & it is made fast with cords to the said tower/ Exester was called the bridge that was let suddenly down for to go upon it fro the tower upon the walls/ thelemon was an engine that was pight in the ground in manner of a high mast/ & at the top of it was made fast croswyse another more long that went up & down like a balance doth/ & at the one end of it that was towardis the wall a little castle made with hirdelliss & boards well joined & when this little castle was filled with men of arms/ the other end of this thelemon was lad adoune with chains & ropis till that other end was a little higher than the wall & thus fought there the said men of arms that were within the said little castle age ynste them of the town/ The defence aienst the said engines were good mangonnelles & great bombards & great stones that with engines were cast/ and great & big crossbows well bended with sinews and strong ropies    

¶ The remedies aienst the foresaid engines of asawte/ ¶ Capitulo/ xxxuj  
Against the engine which is called mouton vegece teacheth many a remedy that is to wit/ that coyltes or matrases or sacques full of dung large & wide as coyltes/ shall be hanged down against the wall where as the mast shall smite/ and by the softness of these things so hanged a long the wall the stroke of the said engine shall be corremped & vain/ Item men make another engine which is called wolf that hath an iron bowed with great and sharp teeth which engine is in such manner set to the wall that it cometh & gropith the mast of the mowton/ and holdeth it so fast that it can not be draw neither forward nor bakward/ and some time they draw him with ropes up wards so that it can not hurt them no more/ Item & if it happeth that the wall be by force pierced or taken then shall they of the fortress make with all haste another wall against the broken wall/ and shall close their enemies if they can between both walls & there they shall slay hem   

¶ Remedy against the mine/ Capio· xxxvij  
Against that other manner of sawting of a fortress that is to wit by way of undremyning that made is under the earth/ may be such remedies had/ first they of within must always set a good watch upon the hyhest parties of their towers/ to take good keep whether they can see from any where men bearing earth or some sign whereby any suspicion may be had/ and with this they ought often to hearken both day & night down of the wall if they can here any noise or smiting of hamers/ & if it happeth them to perceive any thing/ they aught soon to make a contremyne till that they come to the undremyninge of their enemies/ & there with good speries & demi lances shall keep that they shall delve no ferther/ but first they shall have ready at the entry of their contremine great tub & other vessels full of water & of piss/ & thenne they shall make as they died flee & at their gooinge out they shall lightly spill the water casting the tub & other vessels downward/ & if by the help of the women the water might be sedinge boat it were yet the better for/ and by such manner of way divers miners have be caught & slain/ Item we put cas that they of the oft should have do so much that they had won the walls/ the towers & the yates of the city/ shall they of withinne let 'em self be slain therefore as beasts/ & by bushment & fere to be taken as men take the quail under the sperhawke/ Nay/ but as valiant vasselles deffending always to the death & having still a good hope/ they aught to mount up to the windows of the houses & upon the thakkes/ & with great stones & tiles/ seding water/ hot asshis & quick lime/ they shall kill & slay their enemies as they go here & there by great heaps for to spoylle the town/ & as they shall trow to set the houses on a fire then shall they of the town brain hem with stones which they shall cast down/ and so dear they ought to sell their flesh that it be not for their enemies avaylle/ For in such a cas a bold courage doubteth no thing/ and by this manner of way many cities & towns that were surprised of their enemies have be delivered free fro them to their triumphal victory & to the shamefill rebuke of the enemies/ for it is an over great a thing for men of arms to enter in another's town so that it be well garnished & the dwellers of the same being of a good courage for to defend & naturally all man is bold in fensinge of that/ that is his own/ O what great & a merueillable bronde of courage had they of the city of mayence against their enemies when they saw that they might no more hold against the romans that had kept siege so long before their cite/ for as they the would rather deie & destroy the ire cite & their gods/ than that their enemies should thereof be masters nor enjoy their great tresors/ for sore rich they were/ they died set all their cite on a fire/ that great horror was for to see all that there was in a flame where as perished both women and children/ And a noon after issued out and full dear they sold their great ire & their death unto the rommayns their enemies/ of which were many slain or ever they could bring them at an end/ & nothing they got there/ One thing learneth vegece/ It is that if thenhabytantes are come to this/ late hem well keep 'em self that they shut not the yates of their town/ For he saith/ that in such a case men ought to give room to his enemy for to go a way if it seemeth him good by cause that if he were kept close/ than might his strength be doubled within himself said that no power he should have to slay if need were/ ¶ Item it happeth oftentimes that they of the host do feign by cawtelle that they depart away & with this go some what far as some time died they of Grece/ before the great Troy after the feigned peace But soon after when they thought that they of within were as assured and that they made no great force of no watch nor kept not 'em self upon their ward/ then the greeks all still by night time returned and dressed their ladders to the walls/ and went up where they fond the watchmen sore weary of long watch done in time past/ that trowed then to be sewer/ a sleep and cowpled one to other and so lightly they slew them all/ And by this manner of wile many cities & towns have be taken/ Thus was the great city of troy destroyed & semblably should the cite of rome have be destroyed that time that hannibal of cartage was at siege before had not be the cry of the ghosts that by adventure awaked the watch/ & because that such things are commonly at all ours/ And little houses ought to be made upon the walls for to keep the watchmen from cold in winter/ and fro the Son in the summer/ And in old time was an usage to norrysshe great mastyvys & sore biting dogs in the said little houses and within the towers/ to th'end that by them should be known by their smelling the coming of their enemies/ With these manners and ways of deffences/ teacheth vegece to them that be besieged and closed to be curious and diligent for to wit & know by spies and other means the covin of their enemies/ Nor nothing is more helping For by this they may the better appoint their doings/ Whereby if they be of a good courage and that they may know that their adversaries be not upon their ward/ or that they be at their refection taking/ or sporting here and there/ nor have no suspicion that they of within come out to be fight hem/ then shall they suddenly atones run without the town upon 'em/ Ane namely if they can issue out of some fause door or postern at the back side it is the better/ and they must keep well that their covin and enterprise be not accused nor known/ whereby some bushment might be set for them by their adversaries that should slay 'em as they should come out/ But if they can/ surprise them by the foresaid manner of way and that a hardy courage lead 'em/ they shall mow make 'em self quit at that time of them/ & to this purpose of a hardy courage of citizens making defence for their city/ it was seen full merueyllice within the hearts of them of the city of munyence in hyspayne that time that the romans by divers battles/ had brought 'em so low that they durst make no more noon issue out of their strong city/ Nevertheless they delybered among 'em that they should rather d●ie all than to live as bondmen/ but first they would sell 'em self fall dear fighting with their enemies/ ¶ And therefore of such a quantity of corn as they had died brew a drink mixed withsuche manner of gear the astre they had taken it they were all drunken So issued they out thenne and so great fayttes of arms they made/ that or ever they could be all destroyed/ they had slain almost all their enemies/ And if that any party had be equal in quantity to that other party/ not one roman should have be left there alive But to the first purpose saith vegece And if it hap to fall so/ that this enterprise be not fortunable for them/ and that they be Robustly rechassed/ they must before have ordained that the gate be readily open for them And if the enemies be so hardy that they come till upon the bridge or namely within the gate following the chasse/ they must be soon shut and closed within/ and that upon the wallees be stones enough/ and good shot for to convey them th●ns ● all manner of engines so that they all nor no great ●ee●e return not a live/ so shall not the getting be all together fo● them/ But yet it is a great apparel for to fight upon a bridge/ example by a king of Gallya called Brenyus which with his great host that he led against the rommayns/ he onercharged so sore the bridge that he had do make of timber upon the river of the rosne that it brake and therefore were his men peryssed there/ ¶ Item and if it hap that by a manner of patysse or by some accord or treatee should be bespoken for to have or deliver afortresse men must sovereignly be advised and wily that the untruth and trychery of some evil and malicious folk may not deceive the innocency of the simple/ For it hath be seen many times that evil covenances and peace by fyctyon made under colour of good concordance have letted moche more than hath done strength of arms   

¶ Of battles that be made upon the see/ Capio· xxxviij  
Following the things before said he toucheth shortly enough atte the end of his book/ of some covenable ways longing to battles that be made upon the see or upon floods and rivers/ And first he speaketh of the fashion and making of the ships and galeyes/ saying that neither in march nor in aperyll the trees that then have abundance of humour ought not to be field a down for to make any ships with all/ but must be cut & thrawen down in jully and in the month of August when the humidytee of the trees beginneth for to dry up/ and that namely the boards that thereof be sawen & made thereof ought not to be occupied till that the weet be clean gone fro them and that they may shrink no more/ With this he saith that for to naylle the boards of ships/ the naylles made of brass are best/ how well that nails of iron be stronger/ but by cause that the brass hath more of moistness within himself it keepeth better & more long in water without rotynge ¶ Item he saith that they that by the see will go be it in armee or to some other ado/ aught singularly to purvey of good mariners expert and good masters that be able to that office/ and that can well skill of the winds/ and which thing may let 'em and which not from the parels of the see/ and that know the ways and the straits/ and all so the manner of coming out and of all manner havenies & passages/ and that can good skill of the light marynall that is to say the signs and stars of heaven whereunto the good mariners taken their regard and dresseth them to their right way/ And also in all other tokens wyhche shown fortune of the see to come shortly which tokens appyerens aswell by the son as by the move/ by the winds and by the birds and namely by the fish of the see/ And that they be all masters of rewling of their sails/ of drawing of ropies and kables when time is/ and aswell of casting as taking up of their anchors when need requireth as when they find 'em self in battle upon the see/ and in other adventures ¶ Item the purueaunces duly made as it appertaineth/ for to array a carvel right well for the were or such veselles as men have/ they must be well furnished with good men of arms and of shot/ and he saith/ that those that go for to fight upon the see/ appertaineth to be better & more strongly armed/ than those that fight upon the land/ by cause they move not so much/ So ought they to have among 'em some small vessels made at advantage that may row and sail before all other every where for to aspye and know the cowyne of their enemies/ and when they come nigh to seek them/ men ought thenne to great hem right well with good bombards and stones cast with divers engines and with strong balesters/ and when the ships been proched till each other/ the valiant men of arms that trusten in their strength put down the brygges and passen over in to the ships of their adversaries and there with good swords axies and daggers they fight together hand to hand/ And in the greatest vessels of were men make some time towris and barbacanes to th'end that like as men do from the high walls they might cast done dartis and wound and slay/ It is a cruel thing of such a battle where as men not only by arms but also by fire and by water do perysse and having no power to glanche a side nor to flee/ are livered oftentimes there all quick & hole to the flood and unto the fishes brenning arrows and darts been there thrawen that be leapt in tawe in brimstone in pitch and in oil/ against the boards of the ships that be made of dry wood and anointed with pitch which lightly be taken with the fire/ And thus some perysshen there by iron/ some be there brent and the other be constrained to leap in to the water without any mercy/ and by these ways perysshen diversly many one that fight upon the see   

¶ deviseth of the garnisons that behoven to men of were that been upon the see/ ¶ Capytulo/ xxxix  
SO ought fighters upon the see to be garnished of vessels full of pitch and of rosin/ of brimstone & of oil which things ought to be meddled altogider & leapt all in tawe/ & these vessels kindled & glowing hoot men ought to cast in to the ships & gallees of the enemies/ & to assail 'em strongly forthwith/ to th'end that they have no leiser to quench the fire/ & it is to be known that there is a manner for to make & compose certain fire which some folk call grekys fire/ and it may be so called well/ by cause that it was first found by the greeks being at the siege before troy/ as some sayen/ This fire brenneth namely in water/ and stones & iron and all other things it wasteth Nor it can not be quenched/ but by certain myxtyons that men make for this cause/ Also there be made certain poisons so strong & so mortal/ that if any iron were touched with the same/ and after ward shot or thrawen to the body of any man so that the blood little or great came out/ the wound should be deadly/ But such things ought not to be do nor taught for cause of the evylles that might follow For they that so do are deffended and accursed It is not good to write them in books/ nor more plamly to recite them/ be cause that it is not lycyte to no christian man to use of no such inhumanitees that namely been aienst all right of were/ It they that fight ought always to await of all their power to drive and set their enemies a ground & to keep themself in the deepness of the see/ Item to the mast of the ship ought to be made fast a big tree which shall be armed with iron of that one part/ and there set by such a craft that men may have him up & down for to give great strokes with all against the ship of the enemies & so may be bruised to pieces/ which engine may serve as doth the mowton a foresaid/ It they must have great foison of arrows with broad heads that shall be shot against the sail till that it be so peced & so rented that it can not hold wind no longer so shall they not con go no ferthere Item a crooked iron mistereth them made after the fashion of a zebell well sharp and triumphant with a long haft where with all they shall cut asunder the ropis & cords that serven to the ship of the adversaries & with hokes of iron that they shall cast withinne they shall gripe her/ & so shall bring her and theirs together so that they shall not mow escape It it is good to have great quantity of pots filled with soft zande/ which after they be once cast in to the ship of the enemies they can unuthe stand upon their feet so slydrye it is so fall they then in to the water that be nigh the borders of the ship/ And semblably been good to be cast therein pots full of quick lime made in to powder which at the breaking of hem shall fill all their eyen and their mouths so that with pain they can see afore them/ It with this they ought to be garnished of certain men that be learned & taught to swim and plunge in to the water/ and with a long breath to keep themself therein/ which men shall go under the schip of adversaries while that the battle lasteth and with great wymelliss and awgours shall pierce the ship underneath in divers places so that the water shall enter on all sides/ Item great foison of stones/ and sharp irons ought to be there launched and thrawen and all other things whereby they may sooner break the ship/ After the foresaid things I may now well use of vegece his own words atte the end of his book thus saying/ I believe that from hens forth I may well hold my peace of the discipline of arms/ For in these things the custom and usage find often more of the art and of new things than thauncyent doctrine doth show/   

¶ Here finisheth the second party of this book/ & sequently followeth the third party that speaketh of the rights of arms after the laws/  

THe first chapiter deviseth by what mean xprystyne added to this book that which is said in the law of the fayttes of arms/  
¶ Item demandeth Cristyne/ & the master answereth/ if the emperor may of right moeve were aienst the pope/ c/ ij  
¶ Item whether the pope may move were against the Emperor chapiter/ iij/  
¶ Item deviseth of the puissance and authority of the head captain after the law/ and for what causes the men of arms may run to the pain capital/ C/ iiij/  
¶ Item whether a vassal be holden by right of the law to serve his lord in were at his own proper expenses/ C/ v  
¶ Item demandeth whether the feed men be more holden to help the prince sovereign in his were/ than namely to their naturel lord/ & if a gentle man holdeth two tenements of two lords that make were that one against that other/ Which of them he ought to help/  
¶ Item whether all manner of soldiers after the right of the law may go in all manner of werres/ & deviseth of the apparel where the man of arms putteth himself when he goeth to the were that injust is and of making in the were other wise than were requireth C/ seven  
¶ Item speaketh of the pope's right and the payment of the soldiers wages/ C/ viii/  
¶ Item wether a taptayne of a certain number of men of arms may transmute them at his will sin that they be retained in wages/ C/ ix  
¶ It if a lord send a man of arms in garnison to some fortress of his own without that any wages be promised him/ & that it happeth him to be rob and despoiled by the way to which of both may he demand his interesses and the recover of his loss or to the lord that so sent him thither/ or to him that so hath rob him/ And if a man of arms be come to serve a lord in his were without covenant of wages/ Whether the lord be holden forto pay him or not C/ x/  
¶ Item if a king had sent socours to another king without he had required him so to do whether he were hold for to pay them or not C xj  
¶ Item if a king hath were with another king & is willing to run upon him with a great host Is now to wit whether the lords through whose lordships he and his oft must pass may by right challenge the passage/ how well that so were that no harm were by him nor his done there/ & that no victual they took but that they paid well for/ C/ xii  
¶ Item and if a man of arms borrow both horse and harness and loseth it now is to wit whethre he should pay for it or not/ C xiii  
¶ It if a man that had be sore wounded of another the which after the stroke were fled away/ and that the other so hurt recovered health/ & came and hurted that other man/ Whether justice should punish him therefore/ C xiiijo·  
¶ Item whether cawtelles and subtylytees of were are just and of reason to be do/ C/ xvo·/  
¶ Item if a man of arms which is aaged were distressed and rob by the way somewhere/ whether he might of right ask of the lord that had sent him forth his loss & damages C/ xuj  
¶ It & if a lord do send socours of men of were to some other lord without he be so required of him so to do whether he to whom they been thus sent is bound for to pay them or not/ C xvij  
¶ Item whether it is licyte to men of were for to take any victuals of the power or rich man upon the land when they be well paid of their wages C/ xviij  
¶ Item demandeth what men ought to do with such dispoylles and proyes that been gotten by way of were/ C/ nineteen  
¶ Item/ beginneth to speak of prisoners of were/ and adviseth how a mighty man taken in were aught to be presented to the prince/ and how not/ C/ xx  
¶ Item whether men ought to do die the chief captain of an host/ or some other great man of arms which is taken in the were/ or else to be delivered to the prince/ C/ xxj  
¶ Item whether it is right that men shall take upon the enemies ground the simple labourers and plough men that meddle not of the were C/ xxij/  
¶ Item if a studyaunt englyssheman were fond at scoles in paris/ or else another like of another nation/ whether he might be taken and put to raenson C/ twenty-three/  
¶ It if some great lord of England or of some other country where were is/ which as mad and out of wit were fled in to the forest/ whether men might after right taken him & put him to raenson he so being out of his wit/ c/ xxiv  
¶ Item and if it happened that upon the frounters be taken some old man burgeys of london/ or of some other city of england that never died meddle of the were/ Whether such a man ought for to pay raenson or not by right of the law and semblably of a young child/ and also of a blind man  
¶ Item if it happened so that some ambaxadours came to wards the king of France/ and that they coming through Bordeewx/ had hired there of englishmen horses or carts whether such things might be in France arrested or not/ And whether an english priest/ being in in France might be put to raenson or not C xxuj  
¶ Item whether a prisoner of were which is all ways kept clos/ if he can go out breaking up his prison/ shall run in any default so to do C/ xxvij  
¶ Item whether a gentle man prisoner of were ought rather to they than to break his oath & his promise/ c/ xxviij    
¶ Here after beginneth the third part of this book which speaketh of the ryghties of arms after the law written/  

¶ The first chapter deviseth by what mean Crystyne added to this book that which is said in the law of the fayttes of arms  
As I died await for to enter in to the third party of this present book/ & that my wit/ as almost weary of the peasant weight of the labour concerning the two other parties precedent/ & as surprised with sleep dying upon my bed appeared before me the semblance of a creature having the form of a stately man of habit of cheer & of maintain/ & like to awyse & right authorised judge which said unto me thus/ dear love crystine of which in deed or elliss in thought the labour of the exercise of studienge never more doth cease/ at the contemplation of the great love that thou haste to thoo things that the letters can show/ specially in exhortation of all noble works and virtuous conditions am hither now come for to be as to thy help in the performing of this present look of knighthood & of fayttes of arms where as thou by great diligence moved with agood will dost occupy thyself/ And therefore comfoting the good desire that thou haste to give a cause unto all knights and noble men that shall mow read or here it/ for to employ and more embellysshe hem self to thoos deeds that nobleness requireth/ that is to wit to the said exercise of arms/ aswell by labour of the body as by the right that after the law wryton behoveth them/ ¶ It is good that thou take and gather of the tree of battles that is in my garden some fruits of which thou shalt use/ So shall vygoure and strength the better grow within thyself therefore for to make an end of thy pesaunte work/ and for to build an edyfyce pertynaunt & covenable to the sayings of vegece & of the other auctors of which thou hast taken help/ thou must cut yet asunder some of the branches of this said tree/ & take of the best/ and upon the same timber thou shalt set fundament of one of thy said edyfyce/ For the which to perform/ I as master/ and thyself as dysciple/ shall be there with the as thy helper/ These things heard me seemed then that I said to him/ O dign master I know that thou art that same study which I love and have loved so moche that of nothing more I remenbre me by whose haunting & virtue I have all ready thanked be god brought at an end many a fair enterprise/ Certes of thy company I am right glad/ But where it ought not to displease the master if a disciple desirous of learning moveth questions/ I pray the to tell me if any rebuke shall mow be cast to the regard of my work for this that thou hast counseled me for to use of the said fruit/ S●re love to this I answer thee/ that the more that a work is witnessed and approved of more folk/ the more it is authorized and more auctentyke/ and therefore if any d●o murmur after the guise of evil speke●s sayieng that thou beggest in other places I answer them that it is a common use among my disciples to give and depart one to other of the flowers that they take diversely out of my gardyns/ And all thoo that help 'em self with all they were not the first that have gathered them/ Died not master john de Mown help himself with in his book of the rose of the sayings of Lorrys/ and semblably of other/ It is then no rebuke/ but it is laud & praising when well & properly they be applycked and set by order/ and there lieth the mastery thereof/ and it is a token to have seen and vifyted many books/ But there as were evil to propos men should do serve things which were taken elliss where/ there were the vice/ do so thenne hardly & doubt the not/ for thy work is good/ and I certify thee/ that of many a wise man it shall be yet right well commended and praised   

¶ Crystyne demandeth if by right the emperor may move were against the pope Capitulo/ ij/  
then me seemed that I said so sithen that it is so/ right solemn judge that I shall add in my book of arms & of knighthood yet of the fruits gathered out of thy garden by thy commandment/ using of them I shall ask of the some questions/ which apparteine to the said matter of arms/ that is to wit of the rights that behoven thereto after the law & right wryton/ And first of all entering in the said matyere I demand of the Sith that it is truth that as in the beginning of this book I said/ and thyself well I wots shalt not deny it/ that wars and battles after right behoven not to be maintained nor judged but by the earthly princes that of no thing hold their lands and countries/ but only of god/ as Emperors/ kings dukes and other namely that be lords/ Whether the Emperor of rome that as to temporal jurisdicyon/ is the principal of the world/ may make after right wryton were against the pope/ and if it so be that he thus entrepryseth it/ whether his men and sugettes/ be bounden for this cause to come to his calling/ For it seemeth that they should do so/ by cause that jurysdyctyon & lordship is due to him more than to any lord of the world/ and another more strong a reason there is/ that is to wit that it appertaineth his subgettes to be to him obeissant/ or else forfeit & forswear 'em self of that which they have promised him what so ever he be good or wicked all were he stismatyke & accursed/ dear love to this question I answer thee/ that to move him were after right/ he may not/ & see here the reasons that the law written thereunto doth assign first for because that he is procuratoure of the church/ So it were a great outrage that the procuroure should be against the master the which he ought to defend there as he should offend It the emperor is subgecte to the pope/ this can he not deny/ For it appyereth clearly by this that his election appertaineth & so moche lieth in the pope that it bilongeth to him to inquire if he be a man ydone and able to the see Imperial/ and whether the election be duly made or not And for to crown him/ Thus then sith that he is subject unto the pope It were great wrong that subject should do against the sovereign/ And yet I say to the more/ that if the Emperor ruleth not himself and his Empire after the laws of a good Emperor/ the pope/ may take from him the dignity Imperyalle/ And shall stablish another in his place/ So ought not thenne nor may not the subgettes obey after right to the calling of such a were but if they will disobey god in persecuting of his church   

¶ Whether the pope may move were against the Emperor or not ¶ Capitulo iijo·  
Sigh that it is so sweet master/ that the Emperor may not nor ought not to move were against the pope/ I ask the wether the pope may move it against him/ for it should seem nay/ saying that he is lieutenant to Ihu christ in earth so he oweth to ensue his steps which were all peaceable nor never helped him with were and with this he said to his apostles/ that they should not use of lordships as do princes and lords/ ¶ Item with this said saint pol/ that they of the church ought not to Revenge hem/ but aught to overcome by sufferance/ I answer the putting these reasons apart/ & all other such/ that the pope without fail may move were against the emperor in some cas/ that is to wit/ if he by adventure be heretic or scysmatike/ It if he would usurp the right of the church & take from her her patrimony and her inheritance & jurisdycyons/ and well I say to thee/ that in these cases/ he only may not make him were/ but should be holden all christian princes and other namely of the empire/ to help the pope as some time it happened to the pope alexander the third of this name/ the which persecuted of the emperor went for his refute to the king of France that put him again in to his place/ and nothing it were that some should say/ that god said to saint peter/ that he should put his knife again in to the shed/ which was for to say that with no glevys the church should not smite/ For he said not that he should cast it away from him/ but that he should put it up in to the sheathe again/ which was to be signified/ that he should keep it for the time to come/ For at that hour he would not use of it in deed/   

¶ Of the puissance and authority of the captain of the princes knighthood after the law/ and for what things men of arms may run in to capital pain/ ¶ Capytulo/ iiijo·  
Master it sufficeth me enough as to this cas/ But please the to tell me if I have here before all enough sufficiently spoken of th'office of the head captain of the host of the prince how be it that other times I have be informed of many things pertinent to his office/ yet I desire to here more thereof of thee/ fair love to this I answer the that fair/ and well thou haste said thereof ¶ Yet mayst thou add thereunto other authorities that the laws give him with the charges that appertain to him/ that is to wit to give licence to his men of arms for to go where it is need/ aswell for their own business in time covenable/ as for the faith of y● were with out which licence they own not to undretake no thing/ So it appertaineth to him to comytte them here and there to the profit of the were after his good advise and the counsel that he hath/ and to him appertained to give good keep that fro the country no man of were depart for to go some else where without the lords leave/ And aught to keep the keys of the castles and of the towns there as be going to the were hath lodged himself Item to him belongeth to comytte and ordain them that shall keep watch in the host/ and to take diligently keep upon all the his what measure of corn and of wine/ & that the weight & all such things be there just/ and to punish them that falsely use of the same Item to him appertaineth to here & understand the debates & questions of them of the oft/ & to judge thereof doing right to every one/ be it gentle man merchant or other that to him doth complain upon any of his/ such and many other been that long were for to sa●e which behoven to a head captain But with this for to learn the bett●● I will say the cases after our laws whereby the men of were may run in to pain capital/ the law saith that ●e that smiteth the captain by evil will aught to lose the head/ & like wise he ought to lose his head which is rebel & gainsainge in ordinance of a battle/ It semblably he that first runneth away fro the battle if the other abide still there It he that is sent as for ambaxatoure to the adversaries or for to aspye them if he openeth or by any way declareth the secrets of his party/ It he that excuseth himself by a made & untrue excusation by cause he will not be at the battle with his lord/ Item he that deffendeth not to his power his captain if he see other that assail him/ It who that departeth fro the oft without leave for to make other armees runneth also after the law in to pain capital what somevere other good or fair act that he make other where/ It that letteth that peace be not made/ It that procureth that in the host be dissension and mortal riot made/ Item that stealeth or robbeth the provisions of the host/   

¶ Whether the vasselle is holden after right for to go in his lords were at his own costs/ ¶ Capitulo/ v  
By cause that it is of costume that every king or prince or lord do summon or call his vassal for to be his aid in faitte of were I ask if the said vassal is holden for to go after the laws to the calling of his lord/ and if it be thus that he is bound for to do so/ whether it ought to be at his own expenses and costs or at the costs of the prince or lord/ dear love for to answer the better to thy demand it behoveth to advise & see what thing containeth the oath of fidelity that he maketh that entereth in faith of some land or possession movable in fee from some lords lordship/ so been there thenne six principal covenances after the decret & law civil/ The first is that by his oath he shall never purchase that day that he liveth the damage of his lord Nor in no place he shall be to his knowledge where it is machyned nor purchased The/ ij/ is that he shall never discover nor tell his secret of that thing that to him might be preiudiciable/ the/ iij/ that he shall be for him in all manner of cas just good and reasonable against all men exposing both his body and his power atte his need in fayttes of were well and truly atte all times that he shall be required/ The fourth that he shall never be consenting to the damage of his goods/ possessions nor heritages nor against his we'll ¶ The fifth that if it hap that his lord have to do of him of any thing that he goodly can do he shall not excuse him/ saying that over strong and to dyficyle it is to him for to do/ The/ uj/ that he shall not seek no way for to excuse himself for to let that he shall not go to his lord atte his commandment and calling/ such been or aught to be after the decretal and civil right the promesses by faith and other made of the vassal to his lord/ By the which promises it appyereth enough that the vassals be holden for to be with their lord and for him in his wars/ and to serve him well and truly with all their puissance under thobligation of losing of all their lands that they hold of him as forfeit to the sovereign And as god saith in the gospel/ who that is not with me is against me/ so aught to be reputed to be against their lord those that travail him in this behalf/ And therefore they ought to be dispointed of the lands that they so hold but nevertheless no law bindeth them not that they at their own costs should serve/ but to the lords own proper wages/ without it were that the land were bound so to do of ancient/ As it is of certain towns that at their own costs and expenses be holden to serve their prince during certain space of time of some quantity of folk in his wars/ And good is there the reason why they ought not so/ For why nor for what occasion should the lord take the lences of his lands upon the men and many other charges/ but it were for to maintain his estate and put in treasure for to sustain with all his wars if need be to him/ but not therefore without fail/ if it were so that the lord had no more where with to maintain them/ and that his demayne sufficed not/ and had necessity specially for to keep and defend his land/ his subgettes of right are holden to set a subsidy upon themself/ or else to gather themself together till a certain number all counseled in arms for to help him at their own expenses/ And in cas that they were not willing so to do/ they may be of right constraygned therefore/ specially if the enemies were come upon his land to run upon him/ For after the law defensible were is privileged moche more than is the were offensable/ But truth it is that if a prince or lord had need to take such aid/ he aught to keep well that it be not to the undoing of his people/ nor he ought not to employ it to noon other use/ lest it should be to his great charge/ and the counseiller that other wise should conseylle him/ it were to his damnation Nor no good king or prince ought not to take heed nor hearken after the feigned words of such a counseyller/ but aught to hate him as enemy both to his soul and to his body/ For he should counsell him his damnation/ and should put him in the way to lose the love and good will of his subgettes/   

¶ Whether the feed men or vassals been more holden to help their sovereign lord/ than namely their naturel lord And if a gentle man holdeth two feodable tenements of two lords which make were one against that other/ which of both shall the gentle man help/ ¶ Capitulo/ uj/  
Sweet master soylle me this question/ I say sith that it is so that a vassal is holden for to help his lord of whom he holdeth his land against every man It seemeth thenne that if a king or prince had were aienst some of his barons/ that the subgettes of the baron of whom they hold should be bound to help their lord against the king or prince/ For to the king they have not promised no fealtee but only to their lord of whom moveth their life load without exception Dear love to this question I shall shortly answer without fail/ how well that by reasons ynouhe thou mayst argue with saying that aswell may the little man help himself of his after the law/ as death the great/ and thus then/ why shall not the baron help himself with his men that fealtee have promised him/ and not to the king etc/ And many other things that thou mightest adledge to this purpose/ nevertheless I tell the that all reasons to the contrary/ after our laws been admilled and of no value/ For in good faith no subject is not holden to help him of whom he holdeth his land against his sovereign lord/ but mysdoeth and putteth himself if he so do under pain capital/ as he that offendeth the rial majesty/ For what thowhe the baron be lord natural to the subgett/ Nevertheless the king or prince under whom they be is sovereign/ And if thou say to me/ then do they forsuere himself/ I answer thee/ Nay/ For noon oath can not bind noon to do evil/ which they should do for to hold in wykkednes with their lord that would be against their sovereign lord/ dear master a more hard question and that all enough dependeth here of I will to the make I suppose that two barons of the ream of France or of some other country have were one against the other for the which cause they send and call their men/ and soon it happeth that the king for his wars and defence of his land hath need of men and he maketh his mandment in which are comprised the subgettes of the said two barons/ so ask I now of the if they be bound for to come to the king at his mandment and calling/ or else to go to their lord/ To this question conforming the precedent/ I answer the that after right and law they are holden to come to the king and leave their lord/ And three reasons assigneth thereunto/ the first is/ that the kings were or of the prince sovereign beholdeth the common weal and utility of all the realm or land/ the which were aught to be more previleged than the singular utility of a barony/ The second is/ that they are holden to the king of a general iurisdictyon which is of most authority/ and hath a hghe power over the low jurysdycyon of a barony/ The third reason is/ that it appertaineth not/ that the low office have authority nor puissance to be obeyed before the lord/ and loseth his power/ assoon as the authority of the sovereign prince cometh forth/ as the light of a candelle is little and is lost/ assoon as that the beams of the some cometh on/ Yet another question I put unto thee/ I suppose that an Earl or a baron of the realm of Fraunde/ holdeth certain lands of the king of Arragon or of some other king/ and that it happeth so that all upon one time the said two kings of France and Arragon/ send for the said Earl or baron for to help them in their wars/ to which of these two kings shall he thenne obey/ For Imposyble it is to be in two places atones/ and it should seem that he might be excused fro going to neither of both/ I answer the shortly that he can not excuse himself neither of the one nor for the other without he will lose the right of fealtee/ That is to wit/ that he must go to that one of which he holdeth most/ and to that other he shall send a certain of his men/ A more hard question I the demand/ if it hap that the said two kings a 'bove said make were one against the other/ I can not feel nor understand to which of both he ought to go/ but that he shall lose one of his Lands/ I say to thee/ that the precedente ansuere may yet serve to this question after some opinions/ that is to wit to go to the one/ and send to the other/ but this thing could not be well supported in right/ For if he should do so/ then must his own men be against him/ And therefore no better remedy nor way I can hereto/ but to cheese the one that him shall best please/ and to leave and for sake that other of all points/ or else to have grace of either of them that he shall not arm himself nor noon of his for to give aid to neither of both/ And knowest thou what to such a vassal appertaineth/ On my faith/ to endeavour himself of all his puissance that peace may be found between 'em both   

¶ Whether all soldiers may go after the law to all manner of were and deviseth the apparel wherynne the man of were putteth himself for to go to the were other wy●se than the right of were requireth/ ¶ Capitulo/ seven/  
Master as by the I understand me seemeth that the subgettes be bound for to go to the were with their lord if they be called and sommed for to do so/ not at their expenses/ but taking wages of their lord etc/ So soil me then if it please the another question/ I ask thee/ though it be so that the coustume is enough general amongs men of were/ that who will take wages of all lords/ towns or countries for to serve in all manner of werres/ they all being of one country borne or of what strange lands that they be of/ If this men of were that be not all of one Country nor subject/ may licytely do so ¶ For it should seem nay/ saying that fayttes of were must be excecuted by occysion and other divers evils/ which things be deffended among christian folk by the laws of god/ To this question dear love I answer the And thyself hast touched of it all enough in the beginning of this book/ that to all just were may go every man that will and take wages for to serve to the same/ for a just were for to keep or recover right/ whereof the right ways thereof be not trespassed/ that is to wite that spoyllynges nor robbery be not made upon the country where friends be/ nor other diverse grievances and dommages of which men of were commonly usen wikkedly in which doing they misdo greatly/ is not unjust nor deffended by the law/ but it is permitted to be/ For it is a very excecusyon of justice that god suffered and consenteth/ to then the that wrong may be brought again to right/ thonghe that god suffereth wars to be made some time diversly against right and reason/ the which is as the scourge of god/ and punishing for the sin of the folk/ but for to come again to the first propos/ I say to the that every man that right wisely will expose himself to were/ he ought first to be right informed of the quarrel/ and know whether the challenge be just or not & if thou ask me how he shall mow know the same For of all parties that folk do make were everichone saith that the caule of his quarrel is just/ Late him inquire if such were hath be judged first of good jurystes or layers/ or whether it be for cause of deffense making/ For in cas of defence all were is good that is to wite/ to defend his country if it be assailed/ And that hereof ought the man of were to be well informed or ever he put himself thereto/ I will thou know that if the quarrel be injust/ he that thus exposeth himself damneth his soul/ and if he dieth in such estate he goeth in to the way of perdition without great repentance at the last/ but little force they make thereof/ For enough there be that care not what the quarrel be/ so that they have good wages and that they may rob/ ¶ Helas the dolent and sorrowful death co●myng oft-times suddenly may send them in to hell anon with one stroke only/   

¶ Here speaketh of the wages of soldiers/ Capio· viii  
TO th'end that the noble men that this present book shall mow read or here/ aswell for the time present as that is to come/ may know of which things the law giveth licence to be done in the were/ and of which not And by cause dear love that here before thou hast remembered me of wages that soldiers ought to have/ I shall tell the one party of that wherynne the man of were bindeth himself taking wages/ and also in what manner the lord is holden to pay the said wages/ and in what manner not/ For such things be contained in the law first it is to wit that every lord/ or certain town or common lordship/ that taken folk in to wages/ is holden to pay them for all the time that they be so taken be they put to work or not/ and namely supposed that they were sojourning & died nothing/ so that the fault were not in them and that they were always ready for to employ themselves/ & if fault of payment be there made after the promise I say that by right and reason/ they may ask it by fair justice/ Now master sith that in this matter we be entered and that ye say that the lord is holden to pay the men of wars wages supposed that they were all ways abiding in one place nought doing/ I will to this propos make unto the some demands/ First I suppose that a capitain with a company of folk be retained in to the kings wages & by his commandment is sent in to Guyenne or somewhere else against his enemies & in going thither it happeth so that they lodge 'em self in a certain place where the folk of the town have maliciously poisoned both the breed and the wine there/ whereby some of them day and the other tarry ther●e sick by the space that they should have served wherefore it is not in their power to serve the king as they had promised/ So demand I of the if they ought to have lost the wages of that time to this question I answer that nay without avail/ seeing yet that their malady is caused of the service/ For sickness by the law excuseth the man nor for this case he ought not to lese any distribution/ sith that the malady is come to him after his retenne in to wages/ ¶ Another question I will make unto the If a soldier be retained in to wages for a hole year and that in this mean time he have a do in his house/ wherefore he cometh to the capitain and taketh leave of him for to go see his wife and his household for the space of a month/ I ask the if by right he ought to have his wages for the time that he is so absent/ To the same I answer thee/ that the nature of the right of arms is such/ that so great a might hath the leave and licence taken of the captain and it is of so great a previlage/ that sith that the captain hath with good will granted the said leave/ the said man of arms ought to be reputed as for resident and present/ For always he is abiding servant to the lord sith that he was retained for a hole year/ But it is well truth that if he were bound by division of time/ that is to wit that without more he were retained at a certain for every month/ there should I speak otherwise/ Another question I make/ A knight for a hole year is taken in to wages for to serve the king in his wars/ & after that he hath served one quarter of the year he will depart and ask his wages for the time that he hath served/ and the capitain then gaynsaith it saying that for one hole year he had taken him/ and if he had not be he should have taken another/ and that whosoevere performeth not his service he loseth his hire/ Wherefore if cas be that he go his way so he mortifieth his hire/ To this I answer the that good right hath the captain/ For if the man of arms fail first of his promise/ It is not reason also that covenant of wages be kept unto him/ Yet namely more strong I tell the that if by his own deffawte he had lost his ●orses or his harness/ and that he might not recover noon other/ whereby he were not able to serve/ he in this cas aught to lose all the time that he hath served for service ought not to have no hire till that it be complissled/ in cas all ways that noon other covenant were made/ For covenant and bargain made passeth all law/ And by all thus thou mayst see that the evil thing that meddled is with the good/ returneth the good wyththe evil/ Master now answer me to this demand/ A valiant man of arms is taken for to serve all a hole year soon after it happeth that he hath much to do at his house wherefore he will go/ and taking his leave he saith to the captain that he shall put another for him in his room for to serve as he should himself/ and to this gaynsaith the capitain saying that he had taken him for cause of his worthiness good manhood and wisdom/ and that with pain he should find one that should sufficiently keep his room/ the soldier replycketh saying that certain a do and business is come upon him whereby he should lose his land and his heritage if he in his own person were not there/ and that by reason he is more holden to help himself with his own strength and wisdom/ than any other/ wherefore he may not nor can not compel him to abide/ The capitain answereth that he is bound unto him by oath upon the h●ly evangilles and that a man is not at his own liberty that bindeth himself to another/ Now master determine thou this question/ For seeing the reasons of the said man & that in his place he will leave for him a suffisant man/ it should seem that quite he might go/ I answer the that for to determine his question great considerations must be had/ For it is no doubt but that of a common man of arms should suffice man for man/ but to say that if he were so solemn and so greatly able that with pain might another keep his room/ and that he should leave another for him much less than himself and not able/ it were not reason/ but if it happened that he died put one as good as he/ then will not I gaynsey his departing/ For as I have told the before/ a man of arms is not master of himself/ sith that he is bound to another by oath/ Therefore I tell the that such a man should not be thereof quite what soevere a do that he had/ but that the prince or head captain should hold him for quit by grace especial/ and a good reason is there/ For if he had bound himself to pay ten else of Scarlete and that he should pay in stead of that ten else of course kendal he ought not to be hold quite therefore/ thaughe it be so that all be cloth/   

¶ Whether a captain of men of were may change and take other at his will after that they be once retained/ ¶ Capytulo/ ix/  
Master another question I make depending enough of that other aforesaid I suppose that a capitain of whence somevere he be is retained in to wages for a hole year with an hundred men that he hath brought with him which 〈◊〉 made all their mustres and are written/ It happeth 〈◊〉 month after/ he will change his folk all or a part thereof & put other in their places/ I ask of the if after right he may thus do & it should seem ye For it ought to suffice if he have a/ C/ men of arms covenable as he hath promised/ and with this/ if he might not do so and that he had noon authority thereof it were to his great prejudice/ For if among his number he saw some evil men and of perverse conditions as thieves or keeping evil rule to the great hurt of the other that be good/ whereby he might be blamed/ were it not then better that they were changed/ than left still in their room/ to this I answer thee/ that right is so just a thing & so reasonable that it will be understand of every one without wrong to be done and therefore I tell the that the petty captain which is under the captain principal/ may not godely do this without the licence of his greater/ for if it were so/ it should lie in him to make many extortions to the small fellows if it should please him/ that is to wit/ to take other for some favour or for covetise to take fro them a part of their wages/ or by what soever wile/ and to put out thoo the better were/ so ought he to be advised afore hand to take such fellows with him that it be no need to change them/ And if they must be changed by some adversity that is in them/ it is his disworship when such he hath chosen/ & if it happeth all ends that there must be change made and put another he without fail ought not to do so with out the love of the sovereign of the host/ and that it be yet by a great consideration/ And if it happeth that by himself and of his own authority he death it/ It is no doubt/ but that he that so is put out of wages may complain him to the head captain specially if be a man good and able/ and aught to have right thereof/ And to return to the propos of the captains that be covetous that many deceptions and barates may do to the small fellows there been enough the which receive the hole payment that they keep in their own hands and it sufficeth them to content and pease their men with a little thing/ And peradventure such fellows dare not complain by cause their covenant/ and bargain was so made with them for to be taken in to wages whereunto by such means they be retained anon which is a great sin to all capitains that so do For they be constrained therefore to do many evils more than they should do if they were well paid/ So should the head captain take good heed to such things/ For at lest may not the pour soldiers being a foot or on horseback men of shot or other but to have that power payment and salary that they win putting hem self in apparel of their lives and to so great a travail of their bodies ● So doth he great sin that taketh fro them or minushe●h their wages of any thing/ & also the ancyent would never have suffered this/ but they were more contentthat the getting should turn rather to the soldiers/ than to their own profit/ For the avail they would that they had/ but the honour died suffice them to be reserved for themself/ ¶ Here showeth/ if a lord sent a man of arms for the garnison of some fortress of his own without that any wages be promised him/ and it happeth that he is distressed and rob by the way/ to which of both he may ask his interesses and damages/ or of the lord that sent him or of him that so hath despoiled him   

¶ Capitulo x/  
ANother demand I make unto the I suppose that a lord hath were with another lord/ so sendeth he a knight to some fortress of his own for to keep it without that any covenant of wages he make to him It happeth to this knight by the way that his goods/ his horses and his harness be by force taken from him/ to which of both may by right ask the said knight his loss or of him that sendeth him/ or of him that hath rob him I answer the that he may ask it of either of both/ that is to wite of him that hath sent him by action of mandment/ and of the other by action of violence done in deed/ And if by the first is restitution made unto him/ than is he holden to leave in his hands thaction and the right of the demand that he might have made to that other/ by strength and virtue of which/ the lord that so hath made restitution to this knight may recover it upon that other/ ¶ Now tell me morovere/ a baron hath certain were unto whom a knight of his curteysie cometh to his aid & in his felishyp whout that he be required thereof ● I demand of thee/ if the same knight after his service done may ask if it please him any wages/ ¶ For it should seem nay ¶ For why/ he was not called thereto/ and it seemed that his intent was to serve him for a curtoysye/ I answer the to this/ but if that he be of his kin or lineage/ or that he be greatly holden to him/ or that he were thither come by way of charity and love/ he may courteously make asking without fail some what for to sustain his estate and living if it so pleaseth him for to do/ For the law saith that noon is holden to arm himself for another at his own costs So ought to suffice the lord that he hath had the socours of that other/ And in asmuch that more freely he is come the more beholden is the board unto him/ And aught to satisfy him/ other by wages or by other gifts or benefayttes/ ¶ Master I suppose that the king of Arragon should send to morrow a great host of his folk to succour the king of France in his were for a certain space of time of his own pure curtoysye without that he had be required by no manner of wise/ but should do this only for to yield again a such and semblable curtoysye as he died receive some time/ I ask of the whether this folk after their service done may ask wages/ For it should seem nay/ sith that they have been sent as a thing that was due/ For how might they ask payment of that wherefore they be come for to make satsfactyon there as they be bounden/ I answer the my love/ that if the king of France hath served some time the king of Arragon or other in his were of acerteyn number of men of were paid for space of time/ as it is enough of custom among princes being good friends/ to do so that one to that other/ Semblably is bound by right of gentleness the king of Arragon to do for the king of France at his need/ ¶ Not so/ that by Right the king of France might ask it of him/ but if other condition of covenaunt were there/ ¶ For he that freely giveth may not constrain to be rewarded/ But in what som●uere manner that the coming be/ the king of France is holden by right to reward 'em with yefts/ Yet I demand of thee/ I suppose/ that a lady the which is a widow holding a lordship/ be oppressed by were wrongfully of a great lord or knight/ to the which widows help goeth a gentle man moved with pity and for to keep the ladies right and to increase his renomee in worthiness of knighthood/ and to say all/ he doth there so great fayttes of arms that through his prowess/ bringeth the said lady atte a good end of her were/ and doth a plain restitution to be made unto her/ might then this knight after uchees things by him thus done ask any salary or wages for his benefayttes/ as he that well hath deserved it I answer to the that Nay/ For without her mandement or calling he might not constrain her to give him wages/ & if thou will say to me that greatly he hath done the profit of the lady/ I answer the that more great honour he hath made his own/ in asmuch that he is enhanced thereby in renomee of honour and worship So is he paid all ready of the salary and reward that he sought/ But well it is truth/ that if the lady be of power and that she have whereof she ought to deal so with him/ that she give him example and namely to all other in such a wise that if she had to do another time she might be gladly succoured yet again/   

¶ If a king hath were with another and is willing to run him upon/ Whether the lords by whose lands he and his host must pass/ may challenge him the passage or not ¶ Capytulo/ xii/  
OF the things of arms I will make unto the other manner of questions I suppose that the king of France for cause of some challenge or quarrel will make were against the king of hungry wherefore he doth call his host together for to go upon him/ for the which cause the king of France writeth to the duke of austeryche that through his land he may pass away/ and he assureth him that neither evil/ hurt nor no damage shall not receive his country neither by him nor by his men/ but rather good & profit in asmuch that for his money he shall take victuals there/ The duke of austryche that maketh doubt of this promise/ answereth to the king/ that thereof he will be made sure by good hostages/ that restitution shall be to him made if any greeff or damage is done unto him at this cause/ So demand I now of thee/ what of right is to be done in this byhalffe/ For the duke saith that he is prince within his land/ so shall no man pass there through that beareth arms without it please him/ And of that other part/ we put cas that he consenteth the same/ yet it should be hard that such an host should pass nor might pass without great outrages should be done and therefore he will have of restitution a good surety/ Love I answer the that by the right written/ he that for his good right and just quarrel goeth to were may and aught to have his way and passages and common ways by all realms and lands so that no greeff nor hurt be there made by him nor his men/ And thus thenne sith that right giveth it him he needeth not to give noon hostages for that which of right aught to be do and this is wytenessed by the decretal where as it reciteth th'history how that when the people of Israel went against their enemies they must needs pass through the country of the Amorres the which folk would gainsay the passage/ but when they saw that they could not chevyshe with them by love/ they wan by force the passage as god ordained for them/ So say I that semblably it should be right and reason thus for to do in every cas like/ I demand of the master/ I put cas that a baron of France/ have moved wrongfully & by his outrage were against a knight in which he hath borne him great damages and griefs/ But for the time he can not find no way to have right of him by justice/ Nevertheless he calleth together with him his friends with a great rout of men of were for to run upon the said baron/ the which of his part deffendeth himself so well that he can not enter his land nor damage him And by cause he hurteth and domageth in deed the countries that be next neighbours to the land of the baron for because that they he favourable to thaid of his said enemy so taketh he there proyes out of all sides and waxeth rich thereof in so much that he can well show asmuch or more than he had afore of damage It happeth then that in paris they meet both together afterward/ where as the said knyghtdoeth somone the said baron in the court of parliament/ and there he asketh him restitution of the damages that he hath done to him wrongfully and without a cause in the said were/ To the which thing that other answereth/ that it ought well to suffice him of that which he hath gotten by means of the same were/ For where as before he was a power knight/ he was become rich by the proyes that he had gotten and taken/ ¶ The knight replycketh and saith/ that he hath no thing a do of that that he hath won in pursuing of his own and that it is nothing of his/ and if he had pugnysshed his neighbours of the sin that they died in forbearing him wrongfully against him/ it was not reason that their goods taken and that were not his/ should turn to him to the abolition of that that he owed him/ So ask I of the what of this is to be do/ To this I answer thee/ that if it were so that the knight had done so much that he had had of the goods of the baron so moche that he had be restored/ then it should suffice by right without avail/ But if in making this were he had won and taken aught upon his neighbours by the means aforesaid/ the which thing is right of were/ the said baron is not thereof discharged nor excused in no thing/ but he is holden as he was before to such damages and Interesses that he hath done unto him by wrong hand/ and well argueth the knight of that that he saith/ For if that other would say that it appertaineth not no duty to be paid two times therefore sin that he was once paid it should suffice/ all this is no thing/ by cause that it is not to the regard of him/ if he hath won it by way of were/ that is for the pugnition of them that gaafe aid and counsel to the said baron against him  
¶ Here showeth if a man had be wounded and sore hurt of another/ the which is run away after the stroke was given/ and he that is so hurt follow him and at last should hurt him/ Whether justice should pugnysshe him therefore/   

¶ Item and if a man of arms borroweth horses and harnoys and loseth them/ Whether he ought to yield them again ¶ Capytulo/ xii/  
Master I remember me that thou hast said here afore/ that to a man in deffense is permitted to hurt another/ And by cause that all hurts and betings that be done by evil will one upon other/ been and may be called the members depending of were/ I make unto the such a question/ If a man have hurt another and assoon that he hath light his stroke upon he runneth away as fast as he can/ but he that is hurt followeth after till that he overtake him/ and semblabli striketh and hurteth him/ So demand I of the whether he that followeth aught to be punished/ For it should seem by thine own sayings Nay/ seeing that he hath not gone beyond the ways of justice/ sith that he was first hurt/ though he after wards hurteth/ and namely if he had slain him by that that I understand of right in deffensing of his body/ yet should he be excused/ & also he hath done it without tarrying/ For if he had tarried to the morn after I would not say that it were vengeance I answer to this that the cas that thou speakest of is dyffered fro just deffense/ the which is privileged/ that is to wit after the laws/ For sith that the first fled away after his stroke/ the law granteth not/ that the other should pursyewe him nor hurt him/ and therefore he deserveth punition/ But truth it is that more great punishment hath deserved he that first stroke & hurted/ And if the second hath deserved great or little punition/ among the masters be thereof divorce opinions/ Nevertheless it is no doubt that the first moving that is in him to feel himself hurt and the hasty heat that causeth and chaffeth him sore to follow/ excuseth him moche/ wherefore more moderately he ought to be punished for/ But and if he had slain that other suddenly when he first struck him/ justice should not have had aught to do/ with so that he can prove that he was assailed and stricken first/ by cause that the law suffereth to slay another for saving of his own life/ & if thou tell me that it may be so/ that he that assaileth first hath no will for to slay/ I answer thee/ that so doth not he that is assailed/ And also strokes be not stricken after no patron/ For such weeneth only to strike that sleeth/ And therefore he that hath the first stroke might well tarry so long are he struck again that he should find himself the first slain/ But these things not withstanding for conscience and for all aught aman to keep himself as nigh as he can that he slay not another/ For nothing what soevere it be is more dyspleasaunte unto god than for to destroy his like/ and he is the judge that all the things after right punisheth/ nor nothing can not be hid nor kept from him ¶ Another petition/ A knight of almain or of some other country cometh to paris where he findeth the king ready for to go to battle/ the said knight that thereof was not aware/ had not at that hour no manner of harness propyce for himself/ but as desirous to serve the king & to increase his honour/ he doth so moche that some gentleman that knoweth him well leaneth him both horses and harness such as pleaseth him well/ It happeth then that this almain loseth in the battle both horses and harness and all that he hath and with pain as a naked man he scapeth/ After which thing the said gentle man that had lent him all this/ asketh and will have it again of him now is to wit after the right of arms/ whether he is bound to make restitution thereof or not/ I answer the that this question is in the laws all clear enough/ And this to show I seek not to show it by noon other reason/ For I tell you of a truth/ that sith the knight is to the battle for which he had borrowed the said horses and harness/ and that he hath not beguiled that other that is to wit/ he hath not made him to understand one thing for another Certainly he is not bound to yield them again/ But and if he were gone some where else there with all/ or that he had borrowed them for to deceive him thereof/ and that he showed feyntly that he had lost them/ and that it might be proved other wise I should say other wise/ Master and if it were so that he had hired all these things of certain merchants/ that is to wite the harness of an armurere/ and the horses of one or of two merchants/ and had lost them as it is said/ should not he be bound to yield them again and to pay the hire thereof/ I tell the semblably that nay as a 'bove/ in cas that noon other express covenant were made betwixt him and the merchants/ that what so ever it happeth he should yield the said horses and harness unto them again/   

¶ Whether subtleties and policies of arms are good and just to be done/ ¶ Capytulo/ xiii/  
ANother question different fro the foresaid purpose/ I will ask of thee/ Tell me I pray the Is it of a good reason and after right/ that a king or a prince shall do so moche by cawtele and subtle policy/ that he shall subdue and come to his above over his enemy thereby/ be it in battle or else where/ For it should be advised that nay considering that rightfulness and reason ought to be kept/ & it can not be no right there as one deceiveth another/ and also every man that hath a just quarrel/ aught to have a good hope in god that well it shall fortune with him thereof if by pain and diligence he pursueth/ Therefore he that hath a good & a ryghtewis quarrel ought to go as me seemeth the right way of were without to use of any wiles/ Daughter and my dear love thou sayest full well/ but natheless I certify the that after the right of arms/ and that more is after god and holy scripture/ men ought to vanquish his enemy or may overcome him by barat/ cawtelle and engine without wrong of arms sith that the were is judged and notyfyed betwixt both parties/ And that truth it is that it may be do/ our lord Ihesu christ gaffe example thereof when he ordained and taught to/ joshua how by cawtele he should surprise and overcome his enemies/ And of such things men are woned to use and commonly enough they help themselves in time of were/ but I confess and tell the well/ that there been certain manners of barates which been reproved and foreboden/ aswell in fayttes of arms/ as in other case/ As if it were/ that I should assure some body for to come to me in a place where as I should be for to speak with him/ and so much I should do that under mine assurance he cometh there where as I should do him to be taken and slain/ such a thing were a right evil treason/ Or elliss if by feigned truce or peace I should a spy my time for to hurt some other body that keepeth not himself there fro and weeneth to be sauffe/ and all such other manners of ways/ whereof I should do evil and great dishonour and repreef should come to me thereby/ and great sin should one do to do so/ And therefore the law saith/ that sith the faith is given to his enemy/ men ought to keep it to him/ But another thing there is if a valiant man of arms or a wise capitain/ can well ordain busshementes there as his ennuye must pass and nought is beware thereof/ or all such other manners of cawteles/ so that they be not against faith promise nor against th'assurance that men had made/ And nought is to be said the reason that thou sayest sith that men have a good quarrel/ whereto I accord me/ But how well that the king of France have good right against some other king/ yet must he give help to sustain and bear out his good right/ And then when by wit and diligence men do their devoir/ they aught to have hope in god that he shall help that the thing shallbe conducted and brought to a good ending and perfection   

¶ Whether a man of arms that were distressed and rob by the way might ask by right his damages unto his lord/ ¶ Item if a lord sendeth some socours of men of were to some other lord in his were without that he be so required for to do/ whether the lord to whom the said men of were be thus sent/ is holden to pay them of their wages or not/ ¶ Item whether men of were may lawfully take vytalles upon the country or not/ ¶ Capytulo/ xiv  
Master as to our before said purpose me seemeth by this that ye have concluded afore/ that is to wite/ if a knight or some other man of arms is sent fro some lord for a garnison of some fortress without that any covenant of wage be made nor no promise unto him/ and that it happeth this knight or man of arms to be rob by the way/ may he ask by right restitution of his loss of the lord that so sendeth him etc/ I will make another question unto thee/ I suppose that a capitain of lombardy or of some other country/ as men some time have do come in to France had brought with him a hundred or two hundred good soldiers/ and that he and his fellowship were retained in to wages at a hundred shilling by the month/ and were sent unto a certain place/ and in his going thither he were assailed by the way by the enemies where as he had lost his penoncell his plates and his harness his pipe and his tabret/ and his fellows their cuirasses/ their pau●●ses and all their baggage I ask of the if they might demand of the king their loss and damage/ Without fail I answer thee/ that nay/ in case that noon other covenant were there but only of their bare wages For the same without any more/ was granted to them/ and the same they may ask and no more/ And if thou wilt demand of me/ for what reason this capitain hath not also great an action for to demand of the master that sendeth him/ as it is said here before & cetera/ I tell the that that which the law beareth/ hath a greater favour to him that is not bound by no bargain made and is put to work/ than it doth to him that is bound/ And this thou mayst see by an example of a man that shall have dwelled with a merchant or with some other man a year and a day without this that he be not bound by no bargain made/ he may make a moche more greater demand of the gods and merchandises of the house/ without that there be some certain excuse made by the master/ than he that hath hired himself by bargain made/ ¶ And therefore I tell the that a man is not well advised that in his house taketh any servant to continue with him/ but if he make covenant with him/ For the law presupposeth and taketh a man so dueling with another as fellow to his master/ aswell of the getting/ as of the loss/ Another question I make unto thee/ I put case that some lord had sent for some soldiers out of a strange country/ and had retained them in his wages for a hole year for to come and succour him in his were which he thought should last long/ And that it should hap then that or ever this folk with their capitain might arryve in to the said lords land/ How well that of all their power they had hasted themself/ he had lost all his said land/ in so much that no socours atte all/ might help 〈◊〉 no more/ Whereby he had no more need of no folk/ I ask whether the said soldiers so retained might ask their wages for the hole year/ or only fro that day that the covenant was made/ For it should seem ye/ for this that an advocate ●f the King or of some Lord taking a pension or Fee of his master by the year and that hath begun to do his office/ his wages of the hole year are due unto him For if he died within the first month of the year after the Interynacyon of his office his heir might have an action for to demand the hole payment of his wages/ ¶ Why then might not these folk enjoy this right aswell as they/ And also it may well be that they have lost by mean of the same as good wages of which they should have be sure for a hole year in some other place/ ¶ And many other reasons might be yet all plainly said which I leave for shorting of the matyere ¶ Fair love I aunsuere the shorthy that these reasons and all other that thou could say thereto are of no value ¶ For I make the sure that for content they ought to bold hem self to be only paid for the which that they have served/ ¶ And here is the reason/ They were retained for soldiers for to keep the land or ever that it was lost/ But sith that it is lost they can no more serve therefore/ and thus they ought not to deserve the wages of a service which they can not do/ that is to wite to keep a land which is all ready lost/ And the law bindeth no man to a thing that is impossible/ For if by compulsion they would be paid men might say unto them/ and ye shallbe all so compelled to keep that which is all ready lost/ how can that be do/ And by this concludeth that that is said/ Now good master here me a little if thou be so pleased/ I ask of thee/ if when men of were are taken in to wages/ and that of their payment be no fault made/ Whethere it behoveth them with their wages truly paid to take vytailles upon the country/ and to dyspoylle and take diverse other things as they commonly do this day in the realm of France/ I answer the certainly that nay/ and that such a thing is no point of the right of were/ But it is an evil extortion and a great violence made wrongfully and with great sin upon the people/ For thus as thyself haste said here to fore/ that a prince that will make were aught before hand to advise and see where & how his finance shall be made and taken/ and above all things he ought to ordain so that his folk be well paid whereby they may truly pay that which they take/ be it victual or other things/ And than it were a just thing to punish well them that without money should take any thing what somevere it were/ But by argumentation thou mightest again say to me/ and if case were that the enemies came in to the land suddenly/ wherefore it were need to make a sudden deffense or ever that the prince might have purveyed for so great a finance as must be had for to pay monthly a great quantity of men of were/ But if a treasure be had/ I answer thee/ that in all thing that is of need men must help 'em self as they can best after their power/ For when that this case were/ the prince should be enough excused/ if he suffered them to take/ that is to wite all only victuals necessarily as they passed forth for sustenance of their bodies only to the lest hurt upon the pour labourers that might be do/ and not that they should do as the wolves to whom sufficeth 〈◊〉 one sheep when they enter in to the fold but stranglen and kill all the hole flok/ Semblably many of our men of were do the same/ For there as a hen or a Lamb might suffice them/ they take and kill/ x/ or/ xii/ of them/ And suc●e waste of goods they make even as they were very wolves ravishing without conscience as though there were no god or that they never should die/ Alas well be thoo uttyrly blinded that thus do/ For more in apparel of death they go/ than other folk/ and less than any other men they take heed thereto   

¶ What men ought to do with the proyes that be gotten in were/ ¶ Capitulo/ xv  
Another manner of question I will to the make/ I ask of the what men ought for to do with the things that be wonnen upon the enemies in battle/ dear love to this question behooveth to be answered by dystynctyon of cases/ For first after the civil law/ is to be understand of what estate and condition the person is that hath conquested a thing by faytte of were/ And there is a manner to understand in what cases & in what wars these laws have place/ For if a were be made by mandment or calling of the king or prince/ that hath power to ordain and set up a just were/ some laws be reserved to such a lord/ and not to other folk/ that is to wite that all the getting aught to go at the will of the prince or of the lieutenant or head capitain/ For sith that the men of 〈◊〉 are at the wages of the king or prince what somevere they take be it prisoners or other proye ought be to the lord after the laws/ And anciently it was woned to be thus done/ What that of grace in time present by long custom in France and in other lands is left to the men of arms that which they conquer and get/ if the thing that they conquer be not of so great a boys that it passeth the price and Somme of ten thousaunde frankies/ the which thing be it a prisoner or other good movable is yoleden unto the king or prince/ by all thus/ that he is holden to give to the said man of arms that hath gotten it what so ever he be/ the said price of/ x/ thousaund Francs/ And such a thing is a good custom in a land/ But the foresaid law affirmeth the decree that saith plainly that all the proye aught to be after the princes will/ And aught to depart it justly among them that have helped to get it every man after his merit/ And that this thing be of a truth/ no man might not sustain the contrary/ For the same is approved by the right uriton that namely assigneth thereto such a reason that is to wit/ that if it were so that the prisoners or proyes should be to the man of were/ all thus and by the same reason should be theirs the castles and towns that they take/ the which thing were neither good nor just that they with the money of the king or prince and had at his expenses should get for their own behove any ground/ For that which they do is done/ as of the kings own work men that be set awerke for him and in his name/ therefore ought not the proye to be theirs with their wages/ but only this that the prince/ will 〈◊〉 ●hem of a special grace the which grace to say truth well and largely it behoveth them/ as to them that setten in adventure so dear a cattles/ as is the blood the limbs and the life And the more that a prince is higher in the degree of noblesse so much more he ought to reward them that well have deserved it/ ¶ And of the proyes wonnen in earth the noble and worthy ancient kept nothing thereof for their own self/ but only it sufficed them to have the name and the worship of the deed done by their men which had the profit thereof/ And by such away they gate the hearts and love of their men of were/ that they brought at a good end their great and marvelous enterprise/   

¶ beginneth to speak of prisoners of were/ and how a mighty man taken in were aught to be yoleden unto the prince/ and how not/ ¶ Capytulo/ xv  
ANd by cause I have told the here before/ That after the foresaid law/ is to be known of what condition is the person that hath conquested some what in arms/ whereof I have declared to the one part Now suppose we other wise/ that is to wite that a baron made were against another baron/ were his quarrel just or not/ or that would defend his land fro some other/ For why aswell to defend himself and to keep his land what that the case be/ It behoveth him to judge a just were/ as when he enuahyssheth/ And if it hap then that this baron that so deffendeth himself/ taketh that other that enuahysheth him/ shouldest thou say that he were his own prisoner/ I certify the that nay/ nor noon other right he should have upon him by the law/ but only to hold and keep his person sure unto the time that he should present him to the lord sovereign of whom he should hold the baronnye which should give upon him his judgement/ but another inspect may be hereupon/ that is to wite/ that if he that taketh him be such a man that he have sovereign justice in his own hand/ or elliss that he have the power to do justice upon the mysdooers/ and hath custom to do thereof as the very lord/ as been many lordships that have such authority/ I tell the that sith that he findeth him running over the land robbing and fleeynge his men/ that he by his justice may punish him yet supposed that he were a greater lord in degree than himself/ ¶ Not withstanding that men might make an arguement upon this case/ that a man may not nor ought not to be judge in his own proper cause/ I say that he may do so/ and by two reasons/ that one by virtue of his jurisdycyon which is to punish and do justice of the mysdooers/ and that other that he punisheth the delict of him that maketh it upon the proper place/ whereof he hath authority of the law to do so/ For if a man assaileth another and thinketh to hurt him/ he that is so assailled may do to that other that that he would had done to him/ and I tell the that it is attemperance of a reasonable defence/ but I confess well that if he that so is assailled and that had no jurysdycyon nor authority to do so/ should punish of his own head/ his adversary under the title of justice/ or that should keep him in prison/ he should do wrong to his sovereign lord/ and should put himself in apparel to lose that that he holdeth of him/ therefore he ought to yield him soon to the s●id sovereign lord/ Fpr namely it were lawful to a man of the church in such a case for to recover his things again/   

¶ Whether men ought to do die a chief capitain of an host taken in fayttes of were/ or elliss if he ought to be for the prince/ And whether it is a thing lawful and that concerneth the right wryton for to make a man to pay any ransom for his deliverance/ ¶ Capitulo/ xvij  
Master sith that we been entered in to purpose of prisoners taken by by faytte of were/ I ask the if it hap the head captain to be taken or some high man that hath sore letted & done great hurt and yet might do to that party that hath taken him if he escaped/ If by the law and right men might put him to death/ For by the law of nature it should apere that ye where as it is truth/ that all thing awaiteth to destroy his contrary/ Certes dear love I answer the that what especially the law civil saith/ that he that is taken in battle is in thraldom as a selave or servant that taketh him/ he ought not to be slain/ For why the decree affirmeth it saying/ that sith at a man is in prison mercy is due to him/ then thus if myldehede is due to him/ how might he be put to death with out that Injury were done to him/ ¶ And yet more hard I shall tell thee/ Another decree there is that saith/ that sith that a man hath overcome another/ he is holden to pardon him/ specially his life/ so say I to the well that it is against all right and gentleness to slay him that yieldeth him/ And I tell the that the parents and friends might pursue therefore as for wrong done/ but if it were so that the prince should keep him towards him and take him fro the hands of him that had taken him/ and by a good and just cause if he had well deserved it/ and that he by his counsel knew that a great evil and hurt might come to him and to his land if he let him go free/ should make him to die/ For in other manner of wise it were a thing inhuman and to great a cruelness/ And if thou say to me that anciently they had a law that they might make their prisoners to die if it pleased them/ or sell them to whom they would/ or make 'em to labour in their service/ etc/ I answer the that among christian folk where the the law is altogyder grounded upon myldefulnes and pity is not lycyte nor according to use of such terannye which be accursed and reproved/ Now I make the other questions to know where a prisoner ought to be or to whom or to the lord/ or to him that hath taken him/ For me seemeth that ye have said here before/ that one law there is that witnesseth/ that a prisoner is in the will of him that taketh him/ and sith that he is at his will/ it seemeth then that he should be his own/ ¶ Fair love it seemeth that thou hast forgotten that that I have told the afore/ So say I yet unto the again/ that verily there been many opinions of diverse masters/ ¶ Pro and contra in this case here/ ¶ Nevertheless it is concluded that all pryses and proyes/ as already I have told the aught to be at will of the prince whom appertaineth to distribute them after discretion/ Well I wndrestande the master/ now tell me/ that sith that we christian men at this day have left the ancient laws to put in thraldom or to slay the prisoners/ I ask of the if justly men may demand of a prisoner a finance of gold or of silver or of some other movable goods after this that men usen commonly in faytte of were/ For if I remember me well/ thou hast said here before/ that to a prisoner is myldefulnes due of right unto him/ and me seemeth that sith it is due to him after right/ men do him wrong then to make him pay reanson where as men do to him no misericorde/ I tell the yet and answer upon a new that verily is myldefulnes due unto him in two manners/ that is to wite/ that the law ought to be respited to him/ and the life saved/ and more hard I tell the that the master is holden of right and bound to help his prisoner aienst another that would offence him/ ¶ Item with this is myldefulnes due to him in such a manner that if it were possible that a man of arms had all that he is worth upon him atte that hour that he is taken altogider may be to the master that taketh him without that he show him favour and do to him robe/ But of right uryton he ought to be myldefull unto him so that in taking of his prisoner reanson which is permitted in right of arms/ by especial of one nation against another when they do were together as english men and Frenshe men and other in like wise ought to be taken heed that the reanson be not so cruel that the man be not undo thereby & his wife & children destroyed and brought to poverty/ Other wise it is tyranny/ against conscience & aienst all right of arms/ For it appertaineth not that a gentleman should beg his breed after the payment made for his reanson but aught to be left him whereof he may live/ keeping his estate/ And well aught to be praised the usage of italy/ in which wars when a man of arms is taken/ he commonly loseth but only his horses & harness/ So needeth him not to sell his lyflode nor to desheryte himself for to pay his reanson/ Thus mayst thou see in what manner is reanson covenable just and good after the right o●●rmes which is permitted/ But for to put a man in an evil prison and constrain by tormentynges to pay more than his power may bear it is an homynable horreur and the deed of a cruel christian tyrant were than a jew/ And wot thou for certain that that which he hath by such ways of his prisoner it is right evil gotten/ and he is bound to yield it again or else it is his damnation/ So keep himself there fro every man   

¶ Whether it is of right that men may take upon the enemies land/ the pour labourers/ ¶ Capitulo/ xviij/  
I ask the when a king or a prince hath were against another though that it be just/ whether he may by right over run the country of his enemy taking all manner of folk prisoners/ that is to wit them of the common pour people as been labourers/ shepherds and such folk/ & it should seem that nay/ For what reason ought they to bear the penance of that that they meddle not hem self/ where as they can not the craft of arms/ nor it is not their office/ nor they be not called for to judge of werres/ & also wars comen not by such pour folk/ but they be full sorry for it/ as they that full fain would always live in good peace nor they ask no more/ So ought they thenne as me seemeth to be free thereof/ lykethat of right been priests religious & all folk of the church/ by cause that their a state is not to entremette 'em self of war/ And with this what worship may this be nor what price of arms for to slay & run upon them that never bore harness nor could not help himself with all/ and that have noon other office/ but pour Innocentes to go to plough and labour the land and to keep the beasts/ To this I answer the supposing in this manner/ We put case that the people of England would make no manner of help to their kyn●● for to grieve the king of France/ and that the Frenzy men went upon them/ without fail by right and reason and aft●r the law they ought not to hurt nor misdo neither in body nor in goods of the people nor of them that they should know that had not meddled themself in nothing to help neither by their goods nor by their counsel their king/ But and if it be so that the subjects of the same king or of some other in semblable a case be it rich or pour labourers or other give aid comfort and favour for to may●●ten the were/ the Frenshmen after the right of arms may over run their land and take all that they find/ that is to wite prisoners of all astates/ and all things and be not bound for to yield them again For I tell thee/ that such right is determined right of were/ judged by both kings or princes counsel their men of were may get the one upon the other/ And if some time the power and simple though they arm not hem self do a bid the bargeyne and be s●re hurt thereby/ it can not be other wise/ For the evil herbs can not be had out from among the good by cause they be so nigh each other without that the good herbs have a feeling thereof/ But to beh●lde right well it is true that the valiant and gentlemen of arms ought to keep 'em self as much as they can that they destroy not the good simple folk nor to suffer that their folk shall Inhumaynly hurt them/ For they been christian/ and not sarrasyns/ And if I have said that misericord is due unto the one/ Know thou that not less it is due to the other/ So ought they to hurt them that leadeth the were/ and spare the simple and peaceable of all their puissance/   

¶ Whether a english scholar or of some other enemies land were found studying at the scoles in paris might be taken prisoner or not/ ¶ Capitulo/ nineteen/  
But sith that we been entered in matter of prisoners of were I will that thou judge they self after thine advise of such a debat which by an example I shall propose unto thee/ Now knowest thou all enough how the king of France and the king of England have commonly were one against an other/ I put the case that a scholar licencyat at cambridge in England is come to the university of paris for to be there graduate or enhanced in the degree of doctor of divinity or in other faculty/ where it happeth that a man of arms of France knoweth by other that this scholar is an englisheman borne/ and taketh him as his prisoner/ to the which prise the said scholar saith against & thereto opposeth himself/ so farforth is the thing brought that before the justice cometh the question/ to the which debat/ the englishman that in right founded his reason saith that he hath a case expert of the law that doth for himself/ for cause of the great privileges that the scholars have there/ and it deffendeth that no grief nor dyspleasyre be done to them/ but honour and reverens/ And here is the reason he saith that the law assigneth/ Who should be he saith the law that should not have scholars for recomaunded which for to know and acquire cunning have left and laid aside ryhesses'/ delicates & all eases of body/ their carnal friends and their country/ and have taken the estate of pourete/ and as banished from all other goods/ have forsaken the world and all other pleasirs for love of science So should he be well full of all unkindness that should do any evil to them/ To these reasons the man 〈◊〉 arms replycqueth thus saying/ Brother I tell the that among us we frenshmen make no force of the emperors laws to whom we be not subgect/ so own not we to obey them/ The scholar answereth/ laws been noon other things but very reasons that were ordained after wisdom/ and if thereof ye do make no force/ it is not said therefore that the king & lords of France shall not use of reason & of things that been reasonable and of that that they h●m self have ordained For Charlemagne removed the general school of rome by the Pope's will to paris/ they gaffe great & notable privileges to the same school/ And therefore sent the king to fetch masters out of all parties and scholars of all manner of lang●ges and all them he comprised in the said privilege/ And wherefore then shall not they mow come from all parties when they have licence of the king/ where as all things at their first coming do swear that they shall keep the said privileges/ In the name of god said the man of arms supposed that that ye say/ ye aught to wit that sethen that a general were was cried & proclaimed betwixt our king and yours/ noon englishmen ought to come within the royalme of France for such a cause nor for noon other what somevere it be/ without a good safeconduct/ & the reason is good/ For why ye might under colour of the school write & do understand in your country how it is here and the estate of this land/ and other divers secret evils ye might do here if ye would/ wherefore it is not reason that no manner of privilege should turn in to prejudice of the king nor of his royalme These reasons hard/ say thou my love now what thou thereupon thinkest/ without fail master sith that it pleaseth thee/ that my little and sober advise shall serve in this behalf/ I tell thee/ that if it be so and without fraud/ that he of whom thou speakest be a true scholar/ that is to say/ that he were not come under fyction to learn cunning/ for to aspye or to do some other evil/ I hold his cause for good and that he ought not to be take prisoner/ provided all ways/ but if the king had made to be cried by his mandment especial that noon englishmen what somevere he were should not come to study in his royalme/ Thou hast ryghtwelt judged and wisely dystynged/ For namely if the bishopric of paris were without a bishop of elliss tharchbishopric of roen or of sense or of other of the said royalme/ and that an englysheman were thereunto elected & chosen/ the king by reason may gainsay to the same/ For why the reason is such/ that it is not expedient nor behoful to the king nor to the royalme for to have there his enemies resident/ But yet answer me to this/ supposed that the scholar ought not to be taken there prisoner/ what shall thou say to me of his servants if he bring one or two or more with him out of england/ For the privilege that scholars have in paris was not given for their servants In good faith master under thy correction not wistanding this reason/ me seemeth that under the privilege of the master which is a true scholar as it is said aught to be comprised his servants/ right so as in the safeguard that the king giveth to his offyciers be comprised their servants and all their famylle or main/ But of the master I will ask one thing/ I put cas that the said scholar were taken with a sickness/ might of right his father come to visit & see him without apparel/ To this I answer thee/ that after right wryton/ but if he came there for falsehood as it is said/ he might and ought to come sauffe there/ For why the reason is such/ that more great is the right of nature than is the right of were/ So is the love of the father and of the mother to their sone so much privileged/ that no right of arms may not surmount the same/ And yet more hard I tell thee/ that if the father went for to see and visit his child being in good health studying at the scoles within paris or where so ever it were/ for to bear him other victuals or syluere/ he ought not to be arrested nor taken for the same of what so ever country friend or foo that he were of And this sentence is determined in the law like as I say and semblably ought not to be apeched nor letted the brother the kinsman nor the servant that silver or books should bring him/ but I presuppose all ways reserved the clauses above said/ For it is all by virtue of the privileges that scholars have in general scoles as is paris and other   

¶ Whether a great lord of england that fortunably were found in a forest all one as mad & out of his wit/ might of right be taken and put to ransom ¶ Capitulo/ xx/  
Another question I make to the sweet master/ I suppose that a duke or an earl departeth out of england and cometh in to France with his folk for to were against the king there/ which duke or earl happeth by adventure to wax mad/ so that all alone as a fool he goeth running by woods and hedges where as he is found by Frenshmen of arms/ he by a just qurelle may be well put to ransom   

¶ If it happened that some ambassadors came towards the king of France/ and as they passed by Bordeawx should take and hire there of englyshmen horses and carts for to carry their baggage/ Whether these things so hired might be arrested within France or not/ ¶ Item whether an english priest might be emprysonned in France or not Capytulo/ xxij/  
Master I will put to the another question/ I suppose the king of Scotland sendeth his ambassadors into France/ the which comen and take land at Bordewx or at bayonne in which place they hire horses mules carts and other things that they need/ & go to paris with all and happeth by adventure that they be met by the way of a capitain frenshmen/ the which as he is well informed that the said horses mules & carts be longing to english men and not to the said ambassadors/ arrested and taketh them/ and saith that where these things be of the kings enemies they shall abide as his own/ and that by the right of arms he may withhold them as that he hath truly conquested and gotten/ Now tell me master if of right they ought to abide his or not/ I tell the that of right wryton the ambassadors or legates have a privilege all about where they go that they and their things shall be sure and sauffe/ & sith that they go to the king it appertaineth not to noon of his men to let nor trouble them/ & who is he that more greatly is privileged than abassatoure/ for if he were bound to a merchant of France in a great some of money/ He can not compelle him to pay him his money for the time during of his legation/ ¶ For right suffereth not to constrain the Legate of a prince or if I held thenne a foo mortal of mine within my power in what manner that ever it were/ which hapli after he were gone fro me should kill me/ or at the lest should hurt me right sore if he might & well I wot that with all his power he should force himself so to do/ should then be wisdom or wit within me to let him go thus freely from me Fair love to this I answer unto thee/ that this man of whom I speak unto the supposed that he be thine enemy in the foresaid cas thou shouldest not await for to keep him but only for to have silver of him by way of ransom/ and when the money were paid which without reason thou hast received how moche more shouldest thou be then assured of him/ than thou were before certes of nothing/ & this seeketh nor will not the right of arms that men shall do wrong one party to an other/ but all noble men ought to keep in this bihalue the right of other that durst ask & require to have it/ So tell I to the yet that the worst that to this man might be done/ it is that men should make him to swear that he nevermore should arm himself aienst the king of France/ & in cas that men might not bring him to this & that the man of arms/ or the town/ or the country that keepeth him/ should dread lest they should be reproved if they yet suffered him go free/ by cause he were so great a man that he might yet grieve or hurt full sore the royalme/ the surest way for them were so to discharge themselves withal/ that they should yield him to the prince which should do of him that which were best to be done by th'advise of his good counsel & all ways to th'end that thou well shall understand/ that I tell the of the frrenshman to the englishmen I mean semblably of the englishmen to the Frenshman/   

¶ If it hap that upon the fronteres of Caleys be taken some old man english bourgeys or other of the said town that never meddled with were wether by right of the law of arms/ aught such a man to pay ransom or not/ and in likewise a little child or of a blind man C/ xxj/  
I put cas that some frenshe knight O thou master be pointed in arms towardis thee fronteres of caleis or of Bordewx/ & it happened that a bourgeys sore old/ a man of the said bordewx or caleis be by adventure come out for to here his mess or for some other ado upon the frenshe ground where soon the said knight taketh him & saith that he shall be his prisoner but that other answereth that it is not right/ For in the king of englandes wars he never armed himself nor never went against the king of France nor never girded sword nor gaff no counsel/ but hath always be sorry for the were which all ways of all his power hath discounseylled/ & that shall be proved for a truth & with this saith he I tell you that an old man as I am that is not shapen to were nor bear arms nor harness ought not of right to be kept in prison/ so ye may not nor ought not to take neither the goods nor the prisoners of them that entremete not with the were/ but if it were that they gaffe help & favour to maintain the were aienst the king of france of their free & good will/ for if by force it were yet should they be excused after right/ but of all this neither by force nor for love I have done nothing & all this I will prove true/ so demand I of the master if a man may in such a cas be kept in prison after the right of arms/ I tell the as above that verily nay in cas that the said excuse might be suffisauntly proved/ but & it were so that he had given or gave pertinent counsel to the were in what soever manner that it were as many an old man doth that by his counsel doth much more thereto/ than other young men do by their arms Now well master another manner away I will speak tell me thenne/ & a frenshmen had taken a little child of an englishmen/ might he ask by right any ransom for him for it should seem ye/ seen that he that may well make the more great a thing/ may well make the smallest/ as what to say he might well take prisoner the father if the cas befell why not the child aswell/ for he might well take the faders goods and the child as himself saith is comprised for the faders goodis/ I tell the certainly that after right the little child may nor ought not to be kept prisoner/ for reason will not accord/ that innocency be a grieved for it is very truth that a child in such a cas is innocent & not coulpable of all were in all manner of things/ wherefore he ought not to bear the pain of that whereof he is not in fault nor of counsel nor of goods he hath nought helped thereto for he hath as yet noon Ye master/ but supposed that the said child were rich of himself as of his father & moders gods that be deed/ most he pay/ For it might be so that his tutoures or they that have the rule over his goods should pay a subsidy of his goods to the king of England for to maintain his were in France/ Yet I tell the that nay/ for what that his tutoures paid thereof it were not of the child's will which is not yet in age of discretion/ without fail master thenne is not this day this law well kept/ thou sayst to me truth fair love/ nor yet be no more kept neither the noble rights of old time that held and truly died keep the noble conquerors/ Thus abusen with the right of arms they that now do exercise them by the great covetise that overcometh them/ so aught to turn them to a great shame for to emprisone women or children & impotent & old/ & this custom that they have brought up aught to be reproved to their great deshonour & blame/ like as otherwhile have done during the war in the royalme of France which as long as fortune was for them they spared neither ladies nor dameselles great small nor little when they took the fortresses but they were all put to ransom asmany as were found there/ which is a great shame to them for to take that which can not revenge himself/ & aught well to have sufficed them for to have take the saisine of the fortress and that the ladies had gone quit/ But that that to them is happened at the last may all enough & aught to be ensample to all other warryours for to deal other wise/ for be ye in certain that no good evil gotten can not be long possessed nor kept of him that getteth it nor of his heirs Now let us see of another debat/ if a blind man hap to be taken of a man of arms/ aught he to keep prison/ I tell the that if a blind man should put himself to be a man of arms through his folly/ & happeth to be taken/ he is worthy to have worse than another & this I may prove by the holy scripture where it is spoken how Cain slew Abel his brother and how a blind man that was called Lameth took a bow/ & went shooting by woods & hedges hunting the wild beasts/ and by adventure his arrow light upon Cain and slew him/ whereof god said that the sin of Cain should be punished seven times/ But the sin of Lameth should be punished/ lxxuj/ times/ Whereby it appeareth that for to put himself to an office in which he be not suffysant/ it is a sovereign folly But if a simple blind man were taken pity were due unto him/ and if he were such that he before time had seen/ And was a man of arms in the were/ and so gaffe counsel to the enemies to do battle or to steel a place or that advised them of some other cawtele that well know him/ I ask whether he ought to be kept in prison/ For it should seem/ ye/ seeing that th'intente●tent of his coming was for to were against the king there and for to hurt the royalme/ To this I answer the that we find in the right written that a mad man during his fourour may not be reputed nor taken for enemy/ for he hath non arbiter of free will where reason cannot work wherefore thenne if he slew a/ c/ men he should not be punished therefore by justice nor taken for homicide/ & such a man can neither yield nor give faith to pay any ransom/ who shall he thenne be prisoner/ And to put in prison a man that namely is vexed with such a malady what a valyauntnes were it certes it were great sin/ & rather every noble man should pain himself after his power to administer unto him health of wit & advise/ So tell I to the that he can not nor ought not by right to be kept in prison nor pay no ransom/ but aught to be yoleden again to his friends/ & more yet I tell thee/ We put case that he being in prison should gwarysshe there of his sickness/ yet ought he not to be kept nor pay no manner of ransom/ the cause why is because that when he was taken he had neither wit nor power for to defend him/ of the which for to judge rightewisly of arms no man ought to be taken prisoner/ but that he first yieldeth himself by word of his own mouth or elliss by some sign but how should he do this/ for as the law saith such a man can not make no testament nor marry himself nor enter in to religion/ the which things requiren free will/ nor namely he may not receive scum if he were not baptized which is never given unto man/ but if he requireth it with his free will & therefore there is no cause why he should be kept prisoner/ how thenne master thou tellest me marvel some place notable/ but of such things as he had taken by the way/ And namely saying that they needed to take horses and carriage for to bear themself and their fadellage as that sickness or other letting might come by the way/ or as it may well be/ for to bring certain presents to the king/ they aught to go both themself and their things sauffe But it might well be that some colour of debate may be hereof in case that without very need they had brought with them some englishmen for to give 'em sport and that horses or other things were in the company longing to them/ For of such authority they might bring in to france the enemies of the royalme/ so were it not thenne dyscuted without cause/ For to know yet more I beseech the master that thou will tell me if Frenshemen might by right take a pressed of england prisoner/ & aswell english men a priest of France/ be it other bishop/ or abbot or man of religion/ Fair love by that that diverse times I have all enough concluded may thy demand be soiled/ that is to wite that we say after right wryton/ that th'office of men of the church separed from all were/ for the service of god in which they be occupied or ought to be maketh them unable to were arms nor what somever harness of temporal battle/ & belongen to them in nothing/ for noon office appertaineth to them but for to absolve the sins & to bring again in to the right way they that walk here wrong & to administer the sacrementes nor namely for to defend themself behoveth 'em not after the decree but sweet words & benignity/ So were it thenne well a hard thing that they should bear penance of that that they ought to be Innocent of/ & if thou would say to me/ Ye but they help the king of england of their revenues & rents for to maintain the were or namely of their counsel/ I answer the that they ought not to do so/ nor they be not holden thereunto/ For it appertaineth not to no man of the church to give no counsel that concerneth the were/ but it is their office for to set always peace among christian people/ And if it happened that their king took of their goods by force for to go to his wars/ I say that they can not do thereto/ And that they ought not therefore to pay no ransom neither to be taken nor kept as enemies of neither party But other wise it is/ if it hap that some chapellayn or other of the church go to were or that ingereth or putteth himself forth by any manner of way thereto/ if he were taken such a man without fault ought not to be spared but that all rigour of rudeness be done to him/ were he a prelate or other as to the faith of the payment of ransom And should say that such a man were had to the pope that well should punish him/ but other wise to put in prison men of the church/ it is to dyscovenable a thing and out of all right   

¶ Whether a prisoner of were may depart hens after he is shut up and not misdo anempst his master/ Capytulo/ twenty-three/  
NOw will I make the another demand that of the precedent as of a prisoner of were alynoughe dependeth I put case that a knight hath taken in were his enemy/ and hath put him in a castle or in to some other prison/ I ask the if the prisoner seeth time and place for to escape away by cawtelle or subtlety/ Whether he may do this lawfully after the right of were/ for I make doubt that he may for many raisins/ first/ because he hath taken him his faith/ so may not he go away without he must be forsworn which is a thing that the law can not grant that a man shall forswear himself/ the other is/ that right will not that men shall not do to other/ otherwise than they would be done unto/ and this man would not that his prisoner if he had any should pay him so/ and thus doing he doth trespass against this Law/ that other is that he is like his servant and in his mercy unto time that he have acquytted himself of his ransom/ then thus he mysdoeth as me seemeth in as much that he taketh himself from him as his own pure and proper good/ which can not be do with out mespryse/ Now fair love to this I shall answer the for that other party/ and moche is here to see to/ For hereof behoveth to be determined after the cyrcomstances/ I tell the that men may say for that other that he had in this no thing trespassed/ For he hath done after the law of nature which giveth to all manner of person a right to be in lybe●tee/ ¶ Item when he gave his faith it was by force and by compulsion done/ And the law compelled not to keep a promise made of force/ and other reasons might be said/ But as to the right of arms which is permitted by all law/ all that maketh but little/ For to the right for to go I tell the that when a man is taken and giveth his faith to keep prison without fail he can not depart away but he will trespass both against god and the world with out he take leave of his master/ ye some case reserved that must be well understand/ That is to wite that the said master do not to him noon other evil nor hurt than to put him in a covenable prison/ as right hath limited & will ¶ But I accord with the well/ if he were kept so straightly and so evil dealt with all that his life or health were put in jeopardy thereby/ and that inhuman or cruel a thing it were/ I affirm unto the that if he can find means for to escape away that a right great wit it were/ nor for no trespass it ought not to be taken/ or else also if the master were untreatable and that would not take no reasonable ransom after the power of his prisoner/ and had proffered it unto him diverse times/ ¶ Item also and if the master were so cruel that he were wont to do die or torment or make his prisoners to langwysshe in prison/ or such other cruelties that done against the law of gentleness/ he that such a man holdeth is not bound to keep him promise nor faith if by any way he may escape/ For such a faith to give is to be understand that like as the master is lord of the prisoner by right of arms/ he in like wise ought to entreat and keep him goodly and humaynly as the said right requireth/ And not to keep him as a beast or worse than a jew or sarrasin/ the which namely behoven not to be dealt with all so sharply that men give them cause for to despair hem self/ And therefore I tell the that he that furst breaketh to other and do trespass the right/ deserveth also that in like wise be do to him/ Ye master/ but if it happened that some gentleman took another in good were ● And notwystanding that the prisoner have swarm to the master for to keep prison/ the said master keep him in a strong tour fast shut up/ I ask the if such a prisoner may go his way if he can/ and not be in no fault therefore/ ¶ For some might think ye/ saying that the master trusteth him not of his oath that he hath taken of him/ And sith that he trusteth not in his prisoners faith/ then can the prysonner break no faith/ for he contenteth him not with the first bond/ But taketh him another more strong to which he trusteth most/ Therefore breaketh not as it seemeth the prisoner his faith/ sith his master reputeth and taketh it as for noon/ I tell the yet again that after this that the right hath dystyncted of that that concernen the things of arms/ if the gentleman that his prisoner/ is sworn to hold and keep his faith to his master/ which in like wise after his promise/ giveth him meet & drink sufficiently and lodgyse not over straight/ and is willing to treatte with him for a reysonable ransom/ and that would not/ he might be appaired of his health for cause of the prison that his masters giveth him/ if such a prisoner escape out and go his way/ though his master keep him in a sure hold/ that he breaketh his oath and doth against the right of were and his dishonour/ For if he be a gentleman he ought to do as it appertaineth/ that is to wite to hold his oath to his master which should have killed him when he took him if he had would/ And supposed that he kept him fast shut up/ he doth to him no wrong/ For he died promise his master to keep prison well and truly and not break it/ so can not excuse himself such a fugytyf but that he hath done evil/ For sith he died put himself in pareyll of battle/ that is to wite to be other dead or taken/ he aught to have bethought in himself/ that prison was not a place of disport nor of feast/ So ought he thenne sith that he is fallen in to apparel/ to bear sweetly and patiently the penance in hope to come out at last to the best   

¶ Whether a gentleman prisoner of good were ought rather die than to be false of his oath Capytulo/ xxiv/  
I suppose master that a knight or a man of arms be within the lords prison or of some other of the town/ but so great a rigour is made to him/ that men tell & affirm to him for certain/ that if he within certain espace of time have not done his ransom/ he shall be slain/ wherefore he requireth for God's love and for pity that men will let him go in to his country for to get his ransom & that without any fault he will come again within a certain day/ And shortly to say men give him leave to go upon his oath made and taken of him upon the holy gospel of our lord/ by which he sweareth that for to die he shall not leave but that he shall come again within the day that he hath promised/ and so it happeth that it is impossible to him for to get his ransom/ now is to be known whether he ought to turn again for to present himself to the death which is promised to him/ for namely it is written in the roman histories that the noble romans conquerors died some time so that rather would expose 'em self to the death than to break the oath of prison/ & if they that were paynemies & of evil believe that sweared would liefer deie than for to forswear them/ It is thenne to believe that better ought the christian men to keep their oaths made upon the holy gospel of almighty god than they/ fair love thou sayst well/ & yet many more raisins to thy propos thou might say/ but to the truth of the deed been over many that might excuse man in such a cas what that some doctors will hold that a man should rather be willing for to die/ than for to forswear the name of god the which thus is true in some cas/ but as to the same which is parforced & violently made for to save his own life ● it is not determined that it were the best/ & what he is holden thereto I shall say the reasons/ I tell the that after the right written an oath that against weal and utility and namely against good conditions made/ is not to be kept/ And what that it is evil to forsuere himself/ It is yet worse to keep such an oath/ ¶ So ought to be chosen of these two evil the best/ like as a man shallbe sworn upon the gospel or upon the holy body of our lord that he shall slay a man or elliss shall do some other great evil/ it is no doubt but that moche more worse he should do for to slay a man or to set a house on a fyire or some other great evil/ than he should do in such a cas for to forswear himself/ what though he deed deadly sin at the first when he deed swear/ for things that be unraisonable he ought not to be sworn/ now it is so that noon ought to think the contrary/ that no man after the law is not master of his body for to put it to be slain or his limbs to be cut asunder no more/ than of an another body for if he slew himself/ the justice will punish the body & at a gibet shall hang it shamefully/ also if he deed cut his limbs he should also be punished by the justice as another had done it/ wherefore I tell that yet again that it is not in him for to bind himself by such manner of wise/ nor the oath bindeth him not for it is of no value/ & more I tell thee/ It is of right written that if a man may keep another from death/ & he doth it not/ we say that he hath killed him/ he thenne trespasseth not/ if he do keep for himself that right which he ought to keep for another/ that is to wit to eschew his death & this is as for to excuse the extremytee of the thing/ & to supply that which he could not amend touching the payment of his ransom/ But for all this I tell the not/ but that he is holden to make his ransom assoon as he may/ and to put himself in pain and devoir for to acquytte himself/   

¶ Here finisheth the iij party of this book/ & consequently followeth the table of the rubrices of the iiij & last party of the same  

IN the first chapiter asketh Cristyne to the master if a lord sendeth a safeconduct to another his enemy be it a baron or a knight/ or what somever he be/ and that the safeconduct containeth only/ of safe coming/ Whether after right he may arrest him by such a cawtele at his going hom again/ ¶ Capio·/ j/  
¶ Item demandeth if a knight or some other gentleman had a safeconduct for himself &/ ix/ more with him/ whether he might under shadow of the said number bring with him some great lord for one of thee/ ix/ in to the country of his enemies/ ¶ Capio· ●●  
¶ Item said crystyne to the master that she giveth herself great marvel seeing the little faith that runneth in the world/ how men dare trust upon these saufconduyttee 〈◊〉 then asketh/ if it hap that some king or prince 〈◊〉 giveth a safeconduct to a sarrasyn/ Whether the other 〈◊〉 ten men where he must pass by aught to keep unto 〈◊〉 strength of his safeconduct/ ¶ 〈…〉  
¶ Item where as truce be taken between two 〈◊〉 demandeth crystine if that one party by some manner 〈◊〉 may take any town fortress or place against that 〈◊〉 and if that one party breaketh the truce whether 〈…〉 party is holden to keep 'em or not/ ¶ 〈…〉  
¶ Item beginneth to speak of a manner of were 〈◊〉 cleped mark/ & asketh if such a manner be just or 〈◊〉  
¶ It of the manner that a king ought to keep or that 〈◊〉 any mark/ & whether every lord may give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
¶ It beginneth to speak of champ de battle & 〈◊〉 it is a ryghtwis thing & of right that a man shall prove 〈◊〉 body aienst another that thing that is secret & not known ● vi●  
¶ Item showeth for what manner of cas ordained 〈…〉 imperial/ champ de battle/ ¶ Capio· v●●●  
¶ Item for what manner of cas lombardys' law ordained/ champ de battle ¶ Capio· ix  
¶ Item how champ de battle showeth & representeth some what the deed of a question pleetable/ And whether it is right that at th'entering of the field the champions give their oaths/ ¶ Capio·/ x/  
¶ Item if it hap that one of the champions/ loseth any of his arms while that he fighteth wether men ought to yield 'em again or not/ And if the king would pardon him that is vanquished whether the victorious may ask his costs or not/ And if there be found that a man is accused wrongfully what men ought to do of him that hath accused that other/ ¶ Capio·/ xj/  
¶ Item asketh if a man is punished of a misdeed proved by champ de battle/ whether the justice may punish him upon a new therefore/ and if one calleth another to a champ whether he that calleth that other may repent himself of his calling atte his own will ¶ Capio·/ xii  
¶ It deviseth to which thing a king or a prince ought to see to before that he judgeth any champ de battle/ & what counsel men ought to give to them that shall befight each other/ ¶ Capio·/ xiii  
¶ It whether battles may be done after right upon a holy day or not/ & whether the law holdeth that men may save himself in excercyting th'office of arms/ And whether clerks may or aught after the law go to a battle C/ xiv  
¶ Item beginneth to speak of the fayte of blasonning of arms/ whether every man may take of his own authority such arms as he will ¶ Capio·/ xv/  
¶ Item in what manner a gentleman may challenge another man's arms/ and in what manner not/ C/ xuj  
¶ It of the arms & penoncelles and of the colours most noble that appertain to the fayte of blasonning/ C/ xvij    
¶ Here beginneth the foureth and last part of this book/  

¶ In the first chapter demanded Crystyne/ if a lord sendeth a safeconduct to another his enemy/ and that the safeconduct speaketh but of safe coming/ whether after right he may arrest him at his going hom again/ Capio·/ j/  
AT the beginning of this fourth part of this book right dear master I will enter in to another dyfferent purpose of were depending of that which is afore said that is to wit in to a manner of assuring which is given to them that go and come from a country to another that have were to each other which assuring men call letters of safeconduct/ whereof I will first make unto the such a demand/ I put cas that a baron have were with a knight/ of the which were/ the friends of both parties rain 'em self for to make a good peace/ wherefore the said baron sendeth his letters of safeconduct to the said knight under which he may come towardis him/ & sendeth to h●m word with all that he may come surely/ the knight trusting upon the assuring of the same letters cometh to the said baron/ but when they have spoken both together/ and that the knight will depart/ the baron doth arrest him/ and saith and proposeth that he is his prisoner/ For he saith ye be at were with me as every man knoweth well wherefore I may take you atte mine advantage where somevere I can find you/ that other answereth that he may not do so For the strength of his own safeconduct deffendeth the same the baron saith that this helpeth him not for because that the safeconduct speaketh only of the coming thither & not of there turning again wherefore he do him no wrong if he keep him So demand I of the whether the baron hath a good cause For it should seem ye/ seeing that it sufficeth among enemies to take heed to the tenor of the letter upon that which is written/ & sith that the knight hath be so foolish that he understood not well that which the said barons writing contained/ it is not without reason if he bear a penance therefore/ For it behoveth in fayttes of were/ as thyself hast said here before/ to use of cawteles for to deceive each other/ late keep himself that may/ I tell the fair love that thou myssest in thy saying in this behalf For if it were as thou sayst over many inconvenients should follow thereof/ and therefore the law hath purveyed thereto/ that deffendeth expressly that noon shall deceive by words of fallace nor cawtelouse/ For shouldest thou trow thenne that a man should be herd at a judgement for to say I have sold to another an hundred pound worth of land/ and fair and well I have delivered it unto his hands whereof he is holden unto me in such a some of money that he most pay me for/ & semblably of other such things of the which as well I tell thee/ should not be reputed nor taken in judgement but for a trifle or a mock/ and the man begiler that would use thereof should be punished therefore/ And therefore to our propos what that for to take away all scrupulenes a man ought never to trust in such letters/ without that it be well expressed of sauff going and sauffe coming again and also of safe abiding & of all the other circomstances that belongen thereunto/ how be it that the law will not that the malice of the frawdylouse deceiver take so straightly the simpleness of him that gooth thus upon and under the terms of good faiths/ ¶ So ought to be understand the safeconduct th'intent of him unto whom it is yeven/ By the which safeconduct he holdeth himself sure aswell for to abide safe as for to go & return again safe/ otherwise it were no safeconduct/ but it should be treason that over greatly were to be blamed/ & such is the certeintee thereof/ notwithstanding it may be/ the some in deed without right nor reason have used or would gladly use thereof/ which ought to turn them in to great vituperye and blame/ but every man hath not the power for to do all the evil that he gladly would do/   

¶ If a knight or some other gentleman had a safeconduct for his person & for/ ix/ men with him/ whether he might under colour of the same take with him in to the country of enemies some great lord in stead of one of the ix/ men/ Cij  
Sith that we be entered in matter of saufconduytes an sure me now of another question/ A knight of england hath a safeconduct of the king of France for him & for/ ix/ other with him on horseback for to c●m●n to France for some ado he hath there/ & it happeth that a great lord or baron of england desireth him that he may be one of thee/ ix/ his fellows/ by cause that he would fain go see France to sport him there/ the which thing the knight granteth to him/ & thus he goeth forth with him whereof it happened when they be lodged nigh paris that the said lord or baron is known there of a knight of the kings of France/ which well acompanyed cometh scone towards him there as he is lodged/ and telleth him that he yield him & that he is his prisoner/ To the which thing thenglis●e knight that brought the baron with him answereth/ that he may not do so/ For by virtue of his safeconduct he may go he being the tenth through the royalme of France of which/ x/ this baron is one/ For such as him pleased he might take with him/ ¶ answereth the frenshe knight and saith/ Ye be but a simple knight/ so may ye not bring with you no greater man of condition than ye be of under your saufconduyt/ For if it were so than might ye in likewise have brought your king with you or some of his children/ the which thing is not reasonable/ and namely him that ye bring with you is better in value to bring you with him/ than ye him/ for he is moche more great than ye be/ That other saith/ I bring him not with me under my/ safeconduct/ But under the king of France's safeconduct/ so ask I and beseek that it may be enter●ned and kept to me after the tenor thereof/ This question comen to judgement I ask the which of both hath the right I say the frenshman For after the right written/ in such a generality ought not to be understand a greater man than he is himself/ For if a man giveth a procuration to another for to do & execute certain things of his own/ it is not therefore to be understand that he giveth him a general procuration/ or that he ought to abuse thereof/ & in especial in faith of arms/ never such a thing should right suffer to pass/ For it might turn to prejudice to the person that giveth the saveconduyt/ Now I ask the another thing/ I suppose that a chief captain of an host of France which is sent by the king upon the fronteres/ saith and affirmeth that he hath the power for to give safeconduct through all Guyenne/ Wherefore he do send word to the Seneschal of Bordewx that he will come unto a certain place upon the frenshe ground/ by cause that gladly he would speak with him/ & for to do so he sendeth him a safeconduct whereupon the said seneshal departeth upon the surety of the same safeconduct for to come to the place that is said between hem/ but it happeth him to be taken of some frenshe men by the way that put him in to prison/ I ask the wether the said chief captain is holden to get him out of prison atte his expenses/ For it seemeth ye/ seeing that by his assewraunce he is fallen in to that Incovenyence and damage/ Fair love the contrary is truth/ & know thou why For it is said commonly that without a cause should a man be called a fool without that his folly should be causer of his damage And it is clearly certain that the seneshal ought not to have believed the captain/ but if he wist for certain that the frenshmen would keep his safeconduct wherefore then if he hath been simple and foolish/ the hurt and damage must a light and abide upon him/ for with all this he ought well to wit/ that a captain hath no power to keep him sure but fro his own folk/ And sith thenne that other frenshmen that be not of his retinue have done unto him the same/ what can the said captain do thereof/ And also it is no right that one shall give a privilege to one that is greater than himself for to come in to the royalme of his sovereign lord/ nor namely if he were bound to keep him sauffe/ all should not avail/ For an obligation made against power is of no value/ and all other the which be in the right of arms ought not to be unknown to the seneschal/ otherwise he were unworthy and not all to that effice So then I conclude for that the captain had given the safeconduct for true and good which hath been of no value/ he is not therefore holden to pay the said ransom Nevertheless if he be a gentleman he is holden to purchase towardis the king his deliverance with all his power because that through his fault he is fallen in to such an inconvenience/   

¶ Here saith xprystyne to the master that she hath herself great marvel seeing the little faith that reigneth how any body dare trust in saufconduyttes/ And sin demandeth that if it hap that some prince or christian king give a saufconduytte to some sar●asyn/ whether it is so that other kings ought suffer him to pass by them under virtue of the same/ Capytulo/ iij/  
Master without fail this seemeth me great marvel seeing the little truth and fidelity that this day runneth through all the world/ how a prince or a lord or some other gentleman/ & namely what soevere man that it be dare trust himself under a safeconduct for to go in a place where his enemies be more mighty and more strong than he/ ¶ Crystyne if thou thereof have marvel/ it is not without a cause/ how well that a safeconduct after/ th'ancient constitution of the right of arms & also of all law ought for to be after his nature a sure thing betwixt parties and mortal enemies which we call capital enemies in our laws/ the which letters of surety the good and valiant conquerors that were in time past/ should not have broken ne enfrayned for to they/ But now in time present for the barates/ subtylnes/ and deceits that be found by which men have no shame for to make a lie breaking their faith and their oath among christian folk much more than any jewes·s nor paynemies would do/ wherefore it is counseled by some of our masters that men shall not trust of light in saufconduytes where as the time is now come that where the laws do call fraud and barat it is now called subtlety and cawtele/ whereof followeth oft-times great apparel/ For in deed if a man of what estate or condition that he be of will do some treason to some other body when that he hath the person in a place where he findeth himself the more strong/ he shall find a noon all enough whereof to colour a cause to strive with him wherefore he shall slay him/ or poison him he will/ or perhaps shall burn his house or shall rob him/ or otherwise shall hurt him under colourable deceit/ And when this is so done there nies no right that can come time enough for to recompense him thereof by cause it is done under false colour/ & for these doubts saith the law with good right that for surety of a person that putteth himself under the power of his enemy can not give himself to great a privilege/ For after the deed done the restitution were nothing/ With out fail master/ it is truth/ but yet to this propos tell thou me a question after right/ I put cas that a crys●en king had given a safeconduct to some saracen/ I ask the what folk christian aught to keep him his safeconduct/ for to the purpose of that that thou haste said tofore may s●me to me all first that the Pope's nor the emperors' folk have nothing a do thereof where as they be belonging to a greater lord/ than is the king/ I know what thou wilt say/ For sooth they be not holden thereto nor namely noon other king christian after the witness of the laws the which say that a king can not give no mandment nor ordinance without his jurisdicyon/ And thereof I shall tell the the truth/ For some of his own subgettes might also doubt that they be not holden thereunto/ the cause why is by cause that the sarrasyns been general enemies of all crys●i●nyte/ And it is a thing of truth and also written that no christian man ought not to receive any manner enemy of the law of god/ So is a man moche more bound to obey god/ than his temporal lord/ as the law witnesseth that saith/ that to every person is permitted for to gainsay his lord/ if he be such a man that he will keep/ bear/ sustain/ give favour to the enemies of the law of god/ By what right then should be holden the subgett of the said king for to keep that same saufconduyt/ And also the sarrasyns have not were only with one king christian but against all/ and with this the law saith that that thing which toucheth all aught to be approved of all/ it is other wise nought/ but now another thing is there to be understand/ that is to wit/ that if it be so/ that for a raisonable cause it is given unto him as for to purchase the ransom of some lord or knight or some other that is in the saracens hands as a prisoner/ or for some other cause just & reasonable/ doubt not thereof/ that not only the subjects of the said king that give the said saufconduyt/ but generally all christian men where as he must pass by/ ought to suffer him go surely for two principal raisins/ that one is/ by cause that they shall not say by us among themselves that little faith and love we should have together among us that are christian people/ when we would not suffer that they should purchas the deliverance of thoos christian that be prisoners in their hands for the faith of our god/ that other/ if rudeness were done to them of the christian when they come among us/ supposed that it were for utterance of their merchandises or as ambassadors or for some other just enc●hoson/ they might sell it right dear to our christian people that for semblable causes go among them full often/ So ought we to keep them such right/ as we will that they shall do to us But if it happened so that a king or a town had were against another/ and for to avenge himself or for some other unreasonable cause should do come to his aid or other wise some mighty sarrasyn under saufconduyt/ In such a cas no christian folk subject or other ought not to suffer him/ nor the vasselles nor capitains should not be reputed for forsworn nor untrue to their lord for the same/ For the law namely saith that if any body be found bearing any letters against the common utility men may take 'em from him and break 'em with out leave of the judge/ and another like it saith that all man ought to put from a bout him all heretics and folk that do against the faith/   

¶ beginneth to speak of truce/ and asketh if that while they last between two werreyers/ Any town castle or other thing may be taken one upon other/ And whether that one party shall keep the truce which that other party hath broken or not/ Capytulo/ iiij/  
Master me seemeth that there is another assewring of were betwixt enemies that men call truce/ which is as one manyere of a peace made for a certain season/ So will I therefore some what wite of the of such questions as I shall make to the concerning the same/ by cause that other while I have hard say in some countries where namely it hath be some time used/ that it is no great evil in time of truce if men see their advantage for to take or steel by some cawtele some town or castle or some good prisoner if they may/ So demand I of the if it is truth that men may do so without wrong to do Whereby to this I answer unto the that who somever do so he enfrayneth the pure right of this that truce conteynen/ And to th'end thou shall know it best so that thou mayst in this party testify it the better/ I shall tell the what our masters say thereof/ first of all they say that truce is a royal assewring that by no right ought never to be broken upon pain capital like as the ryghtwis law of a king or prince ought never to be broken/ ¶ Item that truce ●onteynen three principal things/ that is to wite suretee given for goods movable and other goodis/ ¶ Item semblably to men/ and thirdly it draweth to a treattee and to hope to have peace/ And then sith that truce conteynen in 'em self such things both in general and in especial by what right might the one party take other town or castle or other thing upon that other party/ dear love with out fail they that done so or that contryven that it may be done without wrong/ they set nothing by the right/ so find they diverse manners of beguiling/ And sith that they will cover their falsehood with right and with the law which uttyrly is against hem/ there as she saith that all thing taken and usurped under trust of trues ought to be yoleden again and restored and all the costs paid/ the name of truce ought not to be called among such men/ But their doing aught rather to be cleped extortion & deceit/ And wite thou what a king or a prince ought to do of his own folk that such a villainy should do to him/ as to make him lie and not saying truth of his promise and affiance made/ On my faith to make their hedes to be smitten of/ So should other take ensample/ and this is the sentence of the law and thereof he should get such a good name that he should be reputed a ryghtewis king/ and more doubted he should be therefore/ And by the same he should give to his enemies cause for to yield them the sooner and gladlier unto him/ the which if they be broken of them/ and that he can have some of them to his a 'bove/ no ransom ought not to spare them/ but that they be pugnyshed as it appertaineth/ And I ask the master/ if the king of France and the king of england had sworn a truce together for a certain time/ and that the said king of england should break 'em in deed/ should the king of France be holden to keep for it might seem ye/ seeing that supposed that if one do some evil/ another is not holden to do it semblably/ but aught every man to keep his truth within himself/ I tell that sith that one of the two kings which that he be and of all other in like cas/ hath broken his promise and hath for sworn himself/ that other is not helden to keep his oath that he had made unto him/ and for the same he for sweareth him not/ for after right sith that men have broke first covenant with him he is not bound to keep the same/ but he is assoiled by the right wryton of the judgement thereof/ And that worse is he should sin deadly if he should suffer his own folk to be slain for fault of his own deffense   

¶ Here speaketh of one manner of were called mark to wit if it is just/ Capytulo v  
Master where yet I am not satisfied with thy wise and just conclusions I will make unto the certain questions and demands upon another manner of dyffe●rence that nigh draweth to were which I wots not whether it is of right or not/ For the ancient gests make no mention thereof/ but the princes and the lords sin the ancient lordships have taken to use thereof which is called Mark that is when a man of a royalme as it were of France or of some other land/ can not have no right of certain wrong done to him of some mighty man stranger wherefore the king giveth him a manner of a licence to take/ thirst or to put in to prison through strength and virtue of certain letters obtained of him merchants and all other and in likewise their goods that cometh out of the land and country of him that hath done the wrong unto time that right and restitution were made unto the party plaintiff of his action and demand/ So would I gladly wit if such a thing cometh of right/ For a great marvel it is to me that a man of the country of him that hath done the misdeed that haply never see him nor is not coulpable/ and yet for this cause he shall be arrested or put in to prison and his goods taken if he be found where as he that was wronged hath power/ and shall must need pay and restore that whereof he oweth nought nor hath no guilt thereunto/ Daughter dear to say truth thou must know after the writing of th'ancient right/ that this manner of were that is called mark/ through which one taketh and beareth damage for another without his desserte is not just nor the right wryton granteth it not/ the which right hath ordained that if a merchant of paris or of whence he be of is bound to a merchant of Florins which asketh justice before his judge/ but he can not have of him his asking/ the merchant florentyn may pursue his debytour to fore the king till that right be administered unto him/ But for to say that by cause that a merchant of paris is bound unto him/ he might put in prison another merchant or bourgeys of paris or of some other place of the royalme/ or his goods to take under arrest/ verily for to say this manner of form is neither of right not of reason grounded/ But see here what of right may be do thereto/ which lords have brought up for this cause/ I suppose that an ytalyen were holden to a Frenshe man of a great some of syluere/ of the which bond he will defrawde and beguile him that is his credytoure/ wherefore he forsaketh his own country and goeth dwell in england by cause that he know well that the frensheman shall not go for to pursue nor plete with him there/ Or else this 〈◊〉 fall another manner of cas/ A genewey is bound 〈◊〉 a go to a frencheman which shall know well that by cause of the evil will that now is between the king of France and the duke of jennes/ the frenshmen shall not go to jennes for to pursue his dutee/ wherefore he shall be of so evil countenance/ that he shall do no force for to make restitution/ what shall thenne the frenshman do he shall draw himself towardis the king/ as a subgcet aught to his lord/ for to have his help that he may recover his own goodis/ The king then well informed that this man said truth/ shall give him mark/ And in likewise the king shall give the same if it hap that a knight or some gentleman complaineth that he hath be distressed & rob Injuried or brought to ashame some where as the king hath no deffyaunce of were unto the time that restitution and amend be to him made/ This cawte●e found the counselors of the princes for to withstand such barates and deceits/ This mark containeth that every person that should be found in the land of the prince that giveth hi● that is of the country/ town or place of him that should have do or should do the outrage or wrong/ should be take ● & his goodis in to the courtis hand/ till that the merchant were paid & restored/ or that to the injury were made a suffisant amend/ & then when the merchants see themselves so evil handled in strange countries where as mark is given anent them/ they find such ways with the justice of their place or town that he or they that be causers of the wrong that was done/ shall be constrained to content & restore that other & for this cause it was found & brought up/ and to this propos serveth well a common proverb that saith/ that by an in convenient is chastised another inconvenient also by the same hurt is another hurt repaired/ for by noon other way can men have no right of many and diverse wrongys' that be done/ or that might be do to strangers going by the way/ But not withstanding that this thing might have any colour of right I tell the so moche thereof that every king or prince of whom this mark is required/ aught not therefore to grant it lightly/ For it is a thing overe grievous and poysaunt/ Wherefore it ought to be delibered with pain for two principal raisins/ that one by cause it is a thing that full sore may hurt a man's conscience/ that other is/ that it may be a beginning of awerre/ And therefore what ought a king for to do when he is required for to give it against some country/ city or town/ he ought first inquire by his precedent or chancellor/ or by some other wise legyste or man of law for what reason he requireth the same & what cause he hath thereto/ And if the man saith that when he came fro mylaen were taken from him in the town of Ast ten thousand franks orthe value thereof or more or less/ & that of them he could have no right but they of the town bore out this thing though that he died his devoir to complain before their justice/ then ought the king to write unto them/ praying that amiably they will receive his letters & make restitution to be made unto his subject of the outrage hurt & damage that by on● or diverse of hem hath be done/ and if it so hap thenne that for his sending & desire they will do nought & make no force of the kings letters/ & that it be seen & delibered by direction of good counsel thenne such a mark longeth thereto/ the king then after the costume of the lords temporal may give it of his authority especial/   

¶ Yet of the same/ and whether all lords may give mark whether the king ought to give it for a stranger that will be made his cytezeyne/ & whether scholars might be troubled by virtue of the same or not/ ¶ Capitulo/ uj/  
then master if it happened that the people of florence or of elliss where had taken in like case the goods of a merchant of paris/ how should mark be given against that same city/ for if men go to the right there most justice be asked thereof to the sovereign judge of the same place that is the emperor/ but how be it that they been of right his subgetis it is not to be doubted but that they will do little or nought for him/ & to say that the merchant should go to plea bifore their potestate of that year that haply shall be a cordewane● or a tailler & yet shall he bear his guilt girdle as a knight shaping & sowing his ●ho●e after their custom/ So believe I that little right he should find there/ I say not only more of florence than of another cite where as the people governeth/ what thenne shall hereof be made/ Aa fair love tha● that I told the before shallbe do/ the king shall send thy●ther his letters & if they make of them no force/ he shall thenne mow give his mark aienst them lawfulli/ sith that they say himself that they have no sovereign/ but call himself lords of florence/ master I ask the if all lords may give mark/ My love I answer the nay/ For as thyself hast said & repliked bifore/ no lord may judge were/ but if 〈◊〉 be sovereign of jurisdiction/ And where thenne this deed of mark after his own kind & condition is like unto were noon may give the same/ but if he be a lord without me one/ as the king of france & other been of their royalmes/ Now tell me yet/ I suppose that a merchant borne of the cite of milan hath been dwelling of long time in paris/ & hath there housing heritages & lands Wherefore he shallbe reputed & taken after the custom as a burgeys of the city there I ask the if for this man the king shall give mark if the cas as a love is said happeth to fall/ seeing that he is not of the nation of france/ but is borne under the iurysdiction imperial/ I answer the that after the rule of right he that is partner of the hurt & charge/ he aught in likewise to be partner of the weal & comfort/ wherefore if it be so that this merchant have of long time paid the subsidies & impositions of his merchandise & goods unto the king & is a burgeys/ without fail the king is holden to bear & support him in all things as his subgett & citezeyne/ & semblably I tell the of a knight or some other gentleman stranger dwelling of long time in France & serving the king in his wars/ so that he have livelihood there of his own/ yet I ask the if for cause of this mark thus given/ might a clerk studying at the sooles within paris be letted or troubled or his godis arrested/ I ansuere/ as above/ that nay nor namely his father that were come for to see him there/ Nor namely the king may not give mark though the cas so befell against what somevere folk of the church/ where as he hath nought to know over them/ but this longeth to the pope if they been prelates/ & of other it lieth in their prelate that ought to compel them for to do right & reason/ nor the king by right can give thereto no remedy/ but if it be at thinstance of his prayer/ & yet I tell the that all pelgrimes of what land or nation so ever they be/ be it in time of were/ of truce or of mark/ been in the safeguard of god & of the saint where as they propose to go to/ & therefore the country taketh 'em in her especial safeguard whereby they be privileged above all other folk that be reputed as folk of holy church/ & he is accursed of our holy father the pope that hurteth or troubleth them by any manner of wise/   

¶ Here beginneth to speak of champ of battle/ and asketh if it is inste & good that a man shall prove by his own body fighting against another that thing which is secret and unknown/ Capitulo/ seven/  
After these things where as I am right content of the solutions above said/ right dear master continuing the matter of were I will make to the other questions/ by cause that in my time I have sometime seen used infraunce of this whereof I will now speak/ & namely before my time it hath be used all enough in other places as for faites of arms/ that is to wit were that is only made between two champions or otherwhile many of one quarrel in a closed field/ the which were is called champ of battle which one gentleman undretaketh for to do against another for to prove by might of his own body some crime or treason that is occulted or hid/ so demand I of the if such a battle is just & permitted by right/ daughter & dear love of this matter among all other/ because that the noble men that be not clerks that this book shall mow here or read/ know best what in this is to be done it pleaseth me right well to despair y● thereof/ wherefore to th'end that they that love the deeds of knighthood shall understand 'em self in this matere/ & that thyself that after me shall writ it mayst show the truth thereof I tell thee/ that among the other things of arms after divine right & also after right human both canon & civil/ to give a gage of champ of battle/ or to receive it for to fight/ is thing reproved & condemned/ & among the other decrees that forbiddeth the same/ is accursed by the right canon aswell he that giveth it/ as he that receiveth it/ & much more they that suffren & byholden them/ now mayst thou see whether it is a thing that ought to be done or not/ & that this be true well died show pope urbain the/ v/ of that name/ when that a champ of battle should have be made at villenove by avynon of two knights that had arrested themselves for to fight one against that other before king johan of france the which champ or clos field our said holy father the pope as thing prohibit & deffended/ commanded expressly upon pain of cursing/ the noon should go there for to see the same/ & if thou or other would tell me/ that to do such a thing/ it is usance of arms/ I answer thee/ that much more great is the right of god/ & more ought men to obey thereunto/ than to the usage of arms and that it is true/ that folk ought not to suffer nor do the same there is many good raisins that divine right assigneth thereto the which right divine is the right of holy church/ whereunto we ought to obey upon pain of deadly sin/ which right divine condemneth all thing by which folk will tempt god/ For men will know if god shall help the right/ & also as by their tempting that god should do miracle/ the which thing is undue as for to experiment the will of god & it apiereth/ for we say that for to ask a thing against nature or above nature is presumption & it displeaseth god/ & for to trow that the feeble shall overcome the strong/ & the old the young or the sick the hole/ by strength of good right/ to have/ as have had & have confidence they that thereto put himself/ such a thing is but attempting of god & I say for certain that if it hap them to win/ it is but an adventure/ & not for the good right that they thereto have/ & that this be true/ I shall by reason show it to thee/ hath not our lord suffered many a good man to be put to death wrongfully & without a cause of whom the souls been blysfully in paradise & not this miracle he deed for them/ should thenne trow a power sinner/ that god should do more for him/ than he died for them/ Truth it is also that oft-times it hath be seen that he that had good right lost/ wherefore a decretal remembreth such an history/ how upon a time in the city of poulent were two brethren accused of theft/ wherefore after the usage of the same city behoved to defend himself in champ of battle where as they were overcome/ whereof soon after it happened that within the said city was found the thief that had done the deed whereby manifestly was known that the two brethren that all ready were destroyed were nothing guilty thereof/ And thus by cause that semblably it hath be known to hap so diverse times in diverse lands & also that it is a thing unraysonable to be done/ the rights canonall have reproved this manner of fighting/ & as the law saith if by such a manner men would prove & make good their ryghtwis quarrel/ the judges that be established & ordained for to do justice were as vain/ & it is an evil ra●son for to say/ if I can not prone nor make good that that I say/ I shall fight therefore and shall prove it by my body for noon but god & I and he that I rebel thereof knoweth it not/ & if some man would say to me troth but the euyll●s that secretly be done can not be punished by justice sith that they can not be proved/ I tell the that verily they can not be pu●nyshed/ but he that awaiteth that the sin which is hid & secretly kept be punished by him/ such a man will usurp the divine puissance & the sapience of almighty god which only appertaineth to the punition thereof/ & affirmeth a decree that saith/ that if all sins were punished in this world the judges of god should have no place/ & another reason there is that this thing condemneth/ that is that the law civil hath ordained judges & judgement for to do as raisin requireth in place & that noon be taken for a witness in his own cause/ but a man that thus will make a prove by his body forceth himself for to break this law/ It by right canon it is yet more reproved/ for it commanteth expressly that men shall obey the pope & his comaundementꝭ/ & he by a good reason hath commanded expressly that men shall never fight by such a manner of wise/ Fair love thus mayst thou see that such a battle is proved/ to the which thing god gra mercy the king of france and his good counsel/ hath well advised wherefore it should be no more in ewer within his royalme/ the blessed god give joy peace & honour & paradise to them that through virtue of good wit have entremytted & peined 'em self that such a thing were put a done out of that right christian royalme of france/ And that all such other foolish deeds of arms that through youth without cause/ but only for a manner of pride of one for to overcome that other without any quarrel which is dysplaysaunt to god/ be left/ & where this said royalme which is the supper latyf above all other christian royalmes hath begun thesa me all other if it please god shall take ensample so to do that their noble men disobey not the church putting the body in apparel of death to their great dysworship without a cause & their souls dampened & lost for evermore/ O lord god what foolish enterprise/   

¶ For what causes the law imperial died ordain champ of battle ¶ Capitulo/ viii/  
But by cause that the deffenses above said of the right written have not be alweies observed nor kept nor yet be not obeyed in all royalmes as touching for to fight in champ of battle as it is said I shall tell the causes for the which they that deed set it up have judged it to be do that is to wit th'emperor federik that so much contraried holy church that he chassed the pope out of his place the time when he came to his refuige & secoure toward the king of france/ & also another scripture that men call the lombardishe law/ deviseth thereof in diverse cases/ the which hereafter shallbe declared by me unto thee/ first the said emperors law saith/ if a man be accused of treason that he have machined purchased procured or conspired against his prince or aienst his cite or else to the prejudice of the common weal what soever the cas be of which the truth can not be by no proves known/ & that this man so accused offereth to defend & purge himself by champ of battle against all men that will say aienst him/ shallbe received to do the said champ of battle/ It that if a prisoner of were be kept in prison by the party adverse/ & that it happeth during the said prisonement/ that peace be made betwry the two parties under condition that all manner of prisoners shallbe delivered safe again without pa●eng of any ransom wherefore it may hapli fall that the master sleeth his prisoner for which misdeed by right he may lose his head/ & he be reproved & atteinted thereof/ whereupon he saith that he slew him in his deffense/ & that first of all the prisoner had other trait●usly or by some otherwise assailed when they were but them two together & this he will make good by good prove of his own body in a champ of battle if any man were that would say contrary aienst him/ he aught to be received/ Item also it saith as by such a fall/ we put cas that the king of france & the king of England had truce togider/ & that it should hap a Frensheman during this time to wound & hurt full sore an Englyssheman or an englisman a frensshe●● of the which thing the law saith/ that in such a cas behoveth of right and justice a greater punition to him that hath hurted that other than if he had done the same to one of his own country/ if he that this wrong hath done would bear hy● out by the prove of his own body that this was done of him in his defence against that other that first had assailled him/ his words by the said law imperial ought to be herd/ It if a man accuseth another that he would have had slain the king or the prince by poisons or otherwise/ & that other saith that he lieth falsely & for the same called him to champ of battle/ he is holden by the said law imperial to answer him & keep him the day that he shall set for to fight with him   

¶ For what causes died ordain the lombardyshe law champ of battle/ ¶ Capitulo/ ix/  
So is there another law that is called the law of lombardye where in be comprised many divers things/ & in the same by especial the masters that stablished it have thereupon written many causes to which men may give gage for to fight in champ of battle/ & out of the same laws are come almost all the iugementis of giving of gage that is to say a token of deffyaunce for to befight his enemy within a close field which men call champ of battle/ so shall I tell the some of thoo causes/ that is to wit if a man accuseth his wife that she hath traytted or bespoken for to make him day other by poison or by some other secret death whereof by some colour he hath her in suspetyon/ but she can not be to the truth truly attainted/ or else when thehusband is ded/ & his kinsmen putteth upon his wife that she hath made him to be brought to death if this woman can find a kinsman of hers orsom other friend that will fight for her bearing out y● that which is laid upon her/ is falsely said/ the lombardishe law will that he shall be received for to fight for her against who somever will blame her/ It if a man were accused that he had slain another And that this could not be proved against him/ If he casteth his gage against him that accuseth him the law will that he be received/ It semblab●● that if he had beat a man under assewrans/ Item also if a man have slain another man both all alone & that he will make a proof by gage of his body that it was in his deffensing & that the other assailed him first/ the said law will that he shallbe heard/ It if a man after the decease of some kinsman of his of whom he ought to have the goods by succession as next heir/ were accused to have slain him forto have his lifbode & his goods/ he may defend himself thereof by his body after the form aforesaid/ It if a man were put upon and accused to have lain with a man's wyffe the which cas after this law if her husband or kinsman complain to the justice is capital death that is to say/ worthy thy to lose his head for the same the said law will that this man shall mow defend himself by gage of battle It in likewise it is of a man's daughter being yet under 〈◊〉 rule of her parents if they do complain of some man that hath had feleship with her/ though it was with her good will this law will that he die but if he defend himself thereof by champ of battle in cas that the thing were so secretly kept that it might not be proved against him for if manifest or openly known it were/ if the kinsmen will there were no remedy/ and therefore this law should seem well strange in France & in other place that a man should deie for such a cas seeing that it was by the goodwill of the woman wedded or not wedded & this law is upon such a raisin founded where it is truth that a man taketh death by sentence of the law or of justice for to have committed a small theefte of gold or of silver a jewel or other thing/ of which cas what soevere necessity hath brought him thereto shall not mow excuse him but that justice shall keep upon him her ●ygoure/ if grace for respect of some piteous cas/ be not to him imparted & made/ why then shall be spared he that hath despoiled & taken away the honour & worship not only of a woman alone but of her husband & of both their lineages/ & because that where this folk that first made & stablished these laws praise & set moche more by worship than they deed of gold nor of silver/ they concluded that yet much more aught to have deserved death he that rob another of the foresaid honour wherbi all a whole kindred is reproved/ than if he had taken from them what somevere other thing/ and therefore some deed say that the law was yet well gracious & piteous to them/ when such folk were not more cruelly punished/ then other that were worthy of death/ that is to wit/ that it made 'em not to die of a more cruel death/ than for another cas/ Another cas putteth the said law that should seem all enough against reason/ that is to wit that if a man had holden and possessed certain lyflode house or land or namely movable goods the space of thirty year or more/ & that another should accuse him that through evil & deceivable means he had it & falsely had possessed it/ that if this accuser offered to prove the same only by his body in champ of battle/ he shall be received thereunto/ But without fail not withstanding this law/ I tell the well/ that foolish is he that such law accepteth or such gage/ and he that is thereunto called/ and that all ready hath the possession in hand/ might answer thus to that other/ Fair friend/ I have nought a do with thy gage/ fight thyself all alone if thou seem it good/ for I shall never fight for this cause/ so is there no law that may gainsay him in this cas/ for prescription is approved of all right/ It saith the said law that if it happened two men tofall a debate together & that their question were brought to judgement where both of hem should produce or bring forth their proves/ to this intention that if the one party would gaynsaie the other & that they could not accord/ if he will make it good by proof of his body/ he shall be received/ It if a man taketh an action upon another for certain some of silver or some jewel or of some other movable good which as he said he lent to his father or mother/ & that other denieth him the same he shall also be received against the other to do champ of battle/ if he proffreth to make it good by the same mean It if a man hath be brought to loss & damage by fortune of fire in his house or in his grange or other thing/ if he will prove against another in manner a foresaid that he hath put the fire therein/ he shallbe heard/ It if a man complaineth over his wife that she is no good woman/ though he do this for a wile for to close her within awalle or for to be quit of her or that she should be banished from her dowarye/ she may defend hereof herself/ if she can find a champion that will fight against her husband for her/ & if the husband refuseth him he shall not be believed/ Item if a man haunteth in the house of awedded man/ if the husband will say that this man hath haunted & haunteth for to have a do with his wife for to shame her and him/ this other man that so haunteth there may defend him against the husband by gage of battle/ whereof I do laugh considering such a folly/ that if the fellow that so is accused were great and strong it were well bestowed if he feel himself Innocent that he should beat well & thryftly in the champ that jealous & foolish husband/ It if a man accuseth another that he hath perjured himself in judgement he that is so accused may gainsay it as it is said/ many other things containeth the said law that concernen champ of battle which I leave for shortness of the matter/ as a thing not needful mor● for to say/ but so much it is to be understand that these battles are some time done by the principal persons when a reasonable cas of some letting falleth there/ As it were if a man to young were accused/ or a man that were to old/ or a man that had some sickness or that were impotent & could not help himself & some time a woman and all such other persons/ the which things are all enough expressed & named in the said laws/ And namely if a bondman said that his lord had made him free of his bond & servitude & this he will make good by his body/ the lord is not holden to receive battle therefore/ but aught to deliver him a champion/ & more it saith that two clerks of like degree may have leave to be fight each other in champ of battle of the which thing sauffe her grace I say that she hath wrong to entremette herself in such a cas of any man of the church for the canon that ought more to be obeyed deffendeth them expressly all manner of battle & violent hurt/ & I ask the if a man impotent as it is said may set for himself sache a champion as shall please him/ I answer thee/ that the champions that be committed for another are in this deed of battle figured or in figure of procurers & advocates of plea/ which office every man may do for another if he will/ if right expressly gainsayeth it not/ right even so it is of the champions/ for who soevere will he may be one so that right gaynsaie him not for some cause/ For a theeff or some other that tofore had committed some great evil or crime should not be received thereto nor no man that is known of evil fame/ And the reason is good/ That is to wit that if such a man entered a champ of battle for another and were vainquished there/ men should ween that it had been for his own sins/ and that therefore he had lost the battle/   

¶ How champ of battle representeth somewhat process of pleeting/ And whether it is of right that the champions shall swear before they enter the field/ Capitulo x/  
But how be it that gage of battle as I have said before be of our doctors reproved Nevertheless because it is a thing which is in usage in the deeds of noble men & in thexercise of arms & of knighthood that such battle have been & are by the kings/ princes & lords judged after the right that it can have whereof the custom shall not yet fail in all places it is good for to speak yet thereof to the learning of thoos that shall most judge thereof/ & semblably of them that shall undretake hem/ For I hold that the most part of the noble men/ what that many one speaketh of know not very well that which is or aught to be contained in such a battle touching thenterprise/ the doing ● th● judgement upon the same/ so shall I tell the thereof first thou ought to know/ & it is very certain that these particular battles shown by figure nature of judgement for right so as to a judgement is the judge & he that claimeth action also the defendant present/ also is there the forespeker & the proves & after the same followeth the sentence/ semblabli so is the judge & lord in a clos field tofore whom the battle is made the party plaintiff & the deffendaunt be the two champions that fight there together/ the witness & proves been their armours & the strokes that they give to each other by the which strokes & armours either of them forceth himself for to prove best their intention/ & thereafter followeth the victory which falleth to one of them that representeth the definitive sentence/ master I beseech the that thou take not now in anger if I put interruption in thy words/ for a question that I will ask of thee/ by cause that I have heard the say that the champions do swear when they enter the field etc/ whether it is a thing rightwise that they make any oath there/ For it should seem nay and it needeth not by cause that in a general batayille where two kings were and their folk should noon oath be made/ and why then shall two persons swear/ dear love I answer thee/ that for to make there their oath/ it is but the right of such a battle/ and it is no good that that thou sayest that in great battles is noon oath made/ Knowest thou the cause/ it is by cause that such great battles are enterprised by delyberation of a great counseyl and judged of the lords/ so behoveth there noon o'th'/ But to such a particular were/ the prince can not know so well the certainty of the quarrel/ and therefore he will take of them their oath upon that which they undretake to prove by their bodies/ So calleth it the lombardyshe law/ the head o'th'/ & this oath that thou know/ is of the nature of the oath of calenging which ought to be taken at the beginning of all manner of plea/ where as the party plaintiff sweareth that his action is rightwise & good/ and after that sweareth the party deffendaunt that his deffenses be true/ and even thus it ought to be done in a champ of battle/ But to th'end that thou shalt understand/ there is a craft for to take such an oath/ For if he that called that other/ sweareth absolutely against the other of that thing whereof he is not well certain/ as though I sure upon the holy gospel that thou hast murdered or made to be murdered my father or my brother and all ways he is not thereof well certain/ For he hath not it well seen/ but it may be that he shall have herd say the same/ or for some colour he shall have a suspection thereof such an oath is foolishly made/ For noon ought to swear absolutely for a thing/ but that by his own eyen he be sure and certain that it is so/ and for this cause may be his quarrel nought/ For he forsuereth himself if it be not as he saith/ But it is otherwise of the party deffendaunt ● for he can not be ignorant of the quarrel/ for well he doth know if he be coulpable of the deed or not/ and therefore his quarrel is better/ in cas that he feel himself pure & cleave thereof/ but if he wilfully do for swear himself/ much more is worse his cause than of him that weeneth to say truth/ wherefore for to be more certain and in surety to have a good quarrel the party plaintiff/ that is to say he that calleth that other which is party deffendaunt/ aught to swear only without more that he holdeth steadfastly & believeth that that other hath killed his father/ or hath done to him thinjury wherefore he calleth him to battle/ & by the same shall his quarrel be the better/ So ought he for to say before the prince the cause why he his so moved and the manner of the cas & the prince thereupon aught to be wise for to see and advise by the 〈◊〉 constances/ if this that he saith may be true or not for if the crime or misdeed had be done the day afore nigh the park of vycenes/ and that he that of the same is accused could bring true proves that all that day he was far thence he ought not to give no faith to such calling upon that which were impossible/ so ought the prince therefore well to adu●se that the quarrel be just or ever that he judgeth it acceptable and not to here all them that call other through foolish movings and doting opinions/ For many there be so little wise that they would foolishly expose 'em self to the same for no cause atte all/ or for little occasion/ and they should ween that it were a fair deed done of 'em because of their little consideration/ And it is no pity when it falleth evil to them/ but of that other party is compassion for they must defend 'em self/ and if they do it not after the use of arms men should give 'em blame and disworship therefore/ ye after thopinion of the young folk not wise in this case/ And I ask of thee/ if it happened that both the parties would be fight each other in a plain field/ or else without the presence of the prince/ should he suffer it I tell thee/ nay/ For it is a thing whereof the knowledge longeth unto him for to give his judgement upon the same/ and against the prince in this case/ may not their own will make no providence/ but that the said lord or he that is committed and ordained and also they that must keep hem/ must be there present by cause they shall be there sure of all other persons nor no man in the world ought not to say there nothing upon pain to be greatly shent without it be by the king or princes mandment that ought to judge at latter end which of both is overcome or victorious/   

¶ Asketh xprystyne/ if it hap that one of the two champions lose some of his arms be it sword or other thing/ whether men ought of right to see it restored again to him ¶ Item which of both/ aught to enuahyshe first/ Item if the king pardon him that is overcome/ Whether the victorious may ask him the costs that he hath done etc ¶ Capitulo/ xj/  
Master I ask/ if it fall so between two champions that befyght each other within a close field/ that the one of hem breaketh the sword or the axe of that other/ or casteth it over the pale/ For I hold well with all that they do the worst that they can one till other/ supposed that this man had none neither axe/ dagger nor mail nor no weepen to defend him with all/ Whether by reason men should deliver to him other harness defensible/ For sin it is in the manner that thou hast said/ that is to wite that the armours Inuasyble and also defensible are figured and taken for witness and proves where with all men may help himself in plea etc/ It should seem that men ought to deliver and yield 'em new harness again/ if they require to have it/ For if it were so that for to prove good mine intention I had produced and brought some witnesses which I suppose should fail me by death or otherwise I may yet bring forth many more/ why thenne/ if this champion hath not mow prove his intention by the same sword or other weepen of his/ may not he have another/ Fair love sooth for say/ after the reason of such right as he awaiteth there to/ a great consideration ought to be had here for to judge of the same/ For a great difference is there if the sword is by adventure fall from his hand/ or if that other hath taken it fro him or broken or cast out of the clos/ or if by foolishness he should lose it/ and like wise of his other harness But if the sword by adventure broke by the strokes that he himself should give with all/ and not by the effort or strength of his adversary and that he had no more weren for to defend himself/ and that by such manner he had lost it all/ Without fail some master say that men should do him wrong but that they should give him other harness but selden it happeth a man to enter in to a close field without that he be garnished with more weapons than one/ so may he help himself with that one when that other is lost or faileth: Now sire: and if it hap that the judge can not know the first day which of both is overcome are they holden to return the morrow after/ I tell the certainly that ye if it be in their power/ so that they have enterprised to be fight each other atte their uttermost hindrance in cas that noon other condition were not set afore/ So can they not be assoiled nor quite unto the time that the one of them be overcome though that it tarry never so long/ reserved all ways the commandment of the prince contrary to the same/ or that they should accord 'em self together by mandment of the king/ For other wise they may not do it after that they be once entered within the field/ But the prince ought to be piteous upon the same having mercy of these two men that be not only in apparel of bodily life and worship but also in jeopardy of their souls/ Tell me yet master & teach me which of both aught first to smite the first stroke when they both two be within the field/ For I have not forgotten that thou saidst here before/ that this manner of battle holdeth in party the nature of a plea/ whereby it seemeth that he that calleth that other aught to begin first to smite/ For so moche I wot well of the manner of a plea where as I have often assayed it and hath cost me/ that he that is actoure/ that is to wite/ party plaintiff giveth and showeth first his action and demand and after the party deffendaunt answereth thereupon/ and because that in this doing here if he that is accused should smite first/ then should he seem to be party plaintiff and not party deffendaunt/ For it is no deffense that cometh afore the stroke/ but it is offence/ dear love how well that thy raisins been consonant/ Nevertheless it behoveth to be done here in this case by another manner of way/ than as a plea is ruled where as it is there exploytted by words and here by way of deed/ And therefore/ where as a man is in apparel of death he ought not to abide after the first stroke For such a stroke might be so heavy and so great/ that to late he should come for to defend himself/ And also all enough hath begin first of all he that calleth the other when he first deed cast his gage for to be fight that other in a champ of battle/ And if at a judgement the plaintiff showeth first his action it is but by words whereof is good chep enough/ or by a little writing/ So is it not so parellouse a lybelle or a roll as is a stroke of an axe or of a 〈◊〉 And after that they be once closed in both together/ & that men have escryed them that either of them do his devoir and his best/ neither of them careth not how great hurt that he doth to his foo/ And therefore I tell the that in this cas after all reason be it by wiliness/ cawtele/ barate wit appertyse or strength or by any other manner of wise sin that they be so coupled together/ he that is appealed may be the first that striketh if he can have leisure so to do for his case and in all points to take his advantage if he can or may do so/ But truth it is that he must tarry till that other be marched against him fro his place one pace or two/ or elliss that he have made semblant for to come towards him It yet again another question I ask of thee/ I take that the king that thus beholdeth and seeth two champions fighting together/ have pity upon him which is to the point brought that he must be overcome and discomfited so commandeth the king to call and cry ● ho ho ● which asmuch is for to say/ no more/ no more/ by his connestable/ and that not withstanding the same/ he that hath the better of the field requireth the king for to do administration of justice & that he will judge the right for him/ the king answereth & saith/ I adiuge unto the honour & the victory of the battle/ and I pardon to that other/ for so is my pleasure for to be do/ this man asketh his costs & expenses/ aught he to have 'em or not/ for it might seem/ that nay/ because that the king hath not condemned that other in the same which also hath not confessed the deed as a man that is overcome/ I ansuere thee/ that if he were uttirly overcome/ though that the king should pardon him the debate the which thing lieth in his puissance/ he may not do therefore no wrong to the party that rightewisly required him for justice/ but if it be so that men call/ ho/ bifore that he be all atteynted & in all points overcome/ he is not holden thereunto/ for how be it he hath the worse of the battle/ yet hath he not confessed the thing wherynne lieth the very victory that longeth to the victorious/ that is to wit when he maketh that other for to confess himself gylti of the deed/ & also he might yet have a hope that some stroke might be yet given/ that should hapli slay him that troweth to have the better of the battle/ as it hath be seen diverse times/ that he that was under/ smote that other that so held him/ so strongly with a dagger or some knife that he slew him sterk ded/ for a faith of battle what that it seemeth yerof can not be godly judged unto time that it be brought at an end/ and fair sweet master/ if it happened that it were found once that some body in such a cas had accused another wrongfully of murder or of some other crime/ what should be done of the accuser/ Without fail our master's determynen/ that men shall do that punition upon him as the cas gaffe for to be do upon that other if he had be truly attainted thereof   

¶ She asketh if when a man is punished by champ of battle of some misdeed/ whether the justice hath nya more to do with him or not in this behalf/ ¶ Capitulo/ xii/  
YEt again I ask/ a man calleth another to champ of battle for to make good upon his body/ that he is falsely forsworn/ and so it happeth that he overcometh him And giveth to him the punition according the cas/ It happeth aftreward/ that for the same cas/ he his troubled & attached by the justice/ aught this man to be judged & punished more than ones of one self cas/ for it should not seem that it were right/ nor god will not of it nor holy scripture accordeth not to the same that a body should be twys condemned for one sin/ Fair love hereto I shall answer the what that the excusasions that thou makest be good & namely many other for the party that is accused/ that other party might answer/ We are now in court of right wryton/ by the which ought to be judged of the cases that requyren punition but where gage of battle is not approved by no right written it sufficeth not/ For supposed that by such away he hath been corrected/ it is therefore no punytyon/ For justice hath nought seen thereof and noon other thing it is as to consideration of right/ but as if it were so/ that the father had beat his child for cause of some trespass that he had done which correction should not suffice/ nor justice should not leave him therefore to punusshe him other wise/ So shall I tell the after these two altercations the truth thereof/ We●e thou for very certain/ that if it had be so that the day had be deferred so long betwixt thaccuser/ and he that was accused/ and that in this mean wile the cas had come to the knowledge of the justice/ I do the well to wite/ that not withstanding thenterpryse of the said battle justice may punish him/ if it be a thing that can be proved/ But if thou ask me whether after the punition he had be holden to keep the day of the field/ I should answer the nay/ For what right could he have for to defend himself of the deed whereof he is all ready convict and attainted/ But if it be so that the prince/ or he that keeper was of the field/ had punished him of this misdeed/ or that he had remitted it to him or pardoned what soevere it were/ without fail th'authority of the prince is so great that this custom approved to prove by champ of battle & to punish by such manner of way they that be attainted/ that it ought well to suffice/ that he be punished once & no more/ Nor the princes & lords should not suffer to revoque nor call again their sentences/ master if thou be not to weary that so much I do inquire of this matyere/ tell me yet aworde to this prop●s/ A knight accuseth another & calleth him to battle/ and sin repenteth him that he hath done so/ may this knight repent him or not at his own will if he will & that no more be spoken nor nothing made of that that he hath said/ for verily it should seem/ that he might well call again his word fro the same seeing that if a man accuseth another or saith evil by him by hastiness or wrath he may well repent him thereof if he will without more making a do as me seemeth/ nor he shall not be by the justice imposed nor set therefore to that pain that he should bear for the same if he proceeded forth/ furthermore/ and why then should it not be so in this cas/ To this I answer that if a gentleman calleth another by casting to him his gage For what somevere that it be in th'absence of his lord or of the constable or marshal or of some other judge all and competent/ and that after this he do repent himself therefore because/ as it may well be/ that he was evil informed/ or else chaffed for anger or malenco●e/ or haply for taking of overe moche wine/ this thing by good means may lightly enough be remitted in a manner that to that other aught to suffice & not to make sewte upon him for the said calling/ For noon ought to be over sharp nor to hot upon the same where it is a thing dangerous whereby great peril may fall whatsoever good right that a man hath/ seeing also that that other receiveth shame/ all enough for to repent himself of the casting of his gage and to be so koled of the battle/ by the which his foolish moving he hath showed well that he was not wise/ For an over great shame it is and a token of a little wit for to cast himself so far in words/ that he must needs afterward to gainsay his own word/ Nevertheless it is more better for to repent of a folly before that it be executed or made/ than for to enter with an evil quarrel in to a champ of battle/ nor it is no vice for to repent him se●f of the evil/ but it is a great sin and folly for to undretake and make it in deed/ But in case that the words were gone so far forth/ that before the prince or his connestabse or Maresschall or some other able for to receive him/ That had cast his gage of battle/ he should not mow repent himself thereof without the will of the prince and assenting of the party/ the which by reas●n might ask amend/ ¶ For to the purpose that I told the before that champ of battle followeth the ways of plea/ so doth represent this gage the battle that men give at the iuging of a cause/ after the which/ he that giveth it/ must pursue his quarrel if the parties accorden not together/ But well it is truth/ that the prince/ sin that he that calleth repenteth himself/ ought to be a large forgiver to thoos that repent themselves/ as god and holy scripture requireth/   

¶ Here deviseth of the things/ that a prince ought to see unto before that he shall judge a champ of battle/ And how men ought to give counsel to them that must befight each other/ ¶ Capitulo/ xiii/  
THe battles of a close field whereof thou haste devised that now been in usage in many lands/ and have be long time passed/ as for to say in all the world so that the custom hath suffered them/ notwithstanding the deffense of the decree and of the right canonall/ as thou sayest/ is turned as to a law/ me seemeth that a strong thing it is to the princes for to judge and determine well of the causes that such battles requiren/ For it is no doubt/ but that the lords desire and will/ that right be do to every man/ & therefore they suffer such a battle to be do/ to th'end that the causes that been obscure and hid may be thereby attainted and known Dear love thy words been of truth with out fail/ And therefore affirming that▪ that thou sayst/ that the judgement of such a battle is right paryllice & subtle: it pleaseth me. for the doctrine and teaching of the noble men to the which end thou dost labour in this book to put here & declare some rules that must be kept upon this matyere: the first rule is this: that no prince secular to th'end he do not amiss: all be he never so prudent nor so wise what soever good counsel of wise knights & other secular men that he have ought not judge no champ of battle/ without the regard & counseyl of the sage men of law/ by cause that of all causes that may hap to fall/ they can determine much better than other folk/ For their cunning showeth & teacheth them the same/ so appertaineth to them for to declare of the causes what thereof is to be do/ and whether it is ● thing reprovable/ forboden/ condemned or approved & commendable/ Or whether one cause be privileged before another/ & that this be true/ that such folk when they been expert/ can determine thereof better/ than other do/ the law civil do grant the same/ the which saith that the advocates are protectors & rulers of all human folk/ yet is there another raisin whereby it behoveth unto them for to determine of the same before all other men/ It is by cause that knights & other gentlemen are sooner moved for to swear a faith of army/ than clerks be/ & this cometh to them of a statute that they ●aue among 'em that they shall repute & take a man for deshonoured & ashamed/ without that he soon accepteth thegage of him that casteth it unto him/ which is an opinion that is moved as to this be half save their reverence without any regard of reason/ for less worship should be after right to him that should give or accept a gage of battle for a 〈◊〉 cause or ocasyon or for foolish and nice moving/ than to him that should refuse it/ For without fail it is no dyssworship/ but rather the contrary/ For to refuse & not consent to any foolish enterprise/ spe●yally where as so dear a cattles hangeth in apparel/ as is both the soul and the body And might say he that is assailed and called/ My friend If thou list for to fight/ So fight thou thenne by thyself all one/ For as for me I will not be partner of thy folly/ The second rule that the prince ought to keep in this behalf it is/ that though a gentle man should accept the gage of another/ that haply were moved against him for some malice or for favour or for some prideful will caused with envy/ trowing to overcome and put him under & he to be the better enhanced for the same/ or for what somevere other moving without reason/ the prince or his lieutenant ought to advise demewrely hereupon for to here & understand well the words & the manner of him that calleth that other/ For some there be that will colour right under a falasse by their great words & are so foolish that they trow for to beguile god/ but this all to gider falleth upon 'em self/ with the same the prince ought also to consider well what the cause is that moveth him thereunto/ & what manner of thing it is/ that he putteth upon the other/ And if it be so that he saith that it is for debt/ the prince or some other for him/ aught to ask for what a cause is the dewtee due unto him/ in what land & in what place it was made whether he hath writing or witness thereof or not/ & if it hap that it be perceived that aparence of some proof be there or some colour whereby rightwise judgement can be had/ he aught to comytte the cause in arbytrage/ for in such a cas a man might not by right sustain nor say that/ therefore should champ of battle be made/ It the/ iij/ rule is/ that the prince ought to make him that calleth that other/ for to propose by fore his person/ the cause of th'action that he hath against that other/ and also in like wise/ to see that the party deffendaunt be there examined in presence of his counsel where as shallbe as it is said the best men of law/ and there it ought to be seen & full well dyscuted and duly searched whether the party plaintyf hath just cause or not/ and there shall every man say hereupon his opinion/ After which thing if it be found so that the cause be moved by pride presumption or folly/ as who should say/ I will prove my body against his to the death in a champ of battle for to get worship/ or for the love of mine own lady/ or that she is fairer/ than his is/ & such other divers manners of folly/ Soon aught to be put aback this thing and not to be herd/ and to forbid that thereof be not spoken more/ And yet more I say/ that for whatsoever words of injury that it be/ if they been said in an anger/ or in heat by suspicion or melancholy and that he against whom such words have been/ will fight for it/ there ought not to be judged no battle/ without that he that hath said them would maintain still the same and would fight in this quarrel/ To the which thing/ if it so happened/ yet should men pain henself for to modere & pease each of 'em without battle/ which by no wise/ as it is said ought not to be enterprised nor suffered to be made nor judged without an over great fault/ cause the same to be do/ but aught to be forboden and letted asmuch as men can ● But if it be so that the matter be great and peysaunt/ as it were for treason/ for murder or for some great violence done/ and that the party plaintiff can not prove ne show the same but by prove of his own body/ and that the party deffending can not suffisauntly excuse himself/ but that he is guilty thereof/ then thus as it is said/ by thinspection & consenting of all the counseyl/ aught the prince to judge the battle after that the law in such a cas requireth the which is such/ that assoon as it is judged/ though that many one been so proud of himself/ that they trust in noon other thing/ but oneli in their bodily strength/ and care neither of god nor of his help yet aught to be there committed some wise men/ that shall show to them the great apparel both of the soul and of the body wherynne they do put 'em self/ And that they advise and see well and that they will call unto them some wise confessors for to be shriven and that they advise and see well to themself and that they of them/ that they may be in good estate/ and that they call unto god to help their part/ For great need they shall have thereof at last/ and thus ought the said wisemen to exhort and admonest them/ eythre of hem by himself/ showing unto them how this thing is full heavy and great in which they must day/ or else suffer great disworship & shame so advise he and see well to for himself/ that he come not to late for to repent thereof/ and all such things that been go ode both for the soul and for the body ought the confessor to see that he can well tell and show unto him that he shall shrive/ and to admonest him truly/ not leaving him at the end of the thing where he mystreth most to be well counseled/ specially in tournoys of arms that in such a cas been covenable/ aswell to assaylle/ as to defend/ and this for to do/ that is to wit for to give counseyl there to both the parties aswell to the one/ as to the other/ certain knights ought to be assigned unto them/ that shall be expert & wise in such art and cunning   

¶ Asketh Crystyne whether a battle may be done upon a holy day after right/ and whether it is taken in right that a man of arms may save his soul/ And if clerks may go to were or not/ ¶ Capitulo/ xiv  
Master now tell me if a battle be it general or special/ may be done after right written upon a holy day For to me should seem that nay/ seeing that the festyval days be ordained for to serve god only/ and it is no service applicked nor done to god for to fight in a field one against another/ without fail my love/ of this propos/ thou shalt find in the ancient testament. how it was permitted of god unto the children of israel that upon what soever day the men should come upon them/ that they should defend 'em self/ & that they should issue out for to give battle/ Therefore I tell the that for cause of necessity men may well some time make a field upon a holy day/ that is to wite in case that men were assailed/ But without fail for to undretake a day of battle upon a holy day/ it is not well d●on/ nor it appertaineth not/ though that at this day been the christian people of so feeble and so little faith/ and of so little reverence towardys' god and to his saints/ that men of of arms maken no force so that they see their advantage/ for to ride/ scarmysshe/ steel/ and to go forth to the pillage and robbery/ aswell upon an Estirday/ or the good Friday or upon some other great and solemn day/ as upon other days/ the which thing ought not by no manner to be done/ without that great need constraineth thereto/ or 〈◊〉 this be done for a great good to the common utility I demand of the master if we ought to keep & hold/ that a man of arms may save his soul in excercyting thoffy●e of arms/ For a great doubt might be cast hereto/ s●eyng the great evils that necessarily behoveth 'em for to do and also he that dieth in will and desire for to grieve or hurt 〈◊〉 neighbour/ gooth not a good away/ So seemeth to me that such is the desire of men of were that go in arms against their enemies/ Which would god that men shield leave/ How then might he be saved that dieth so 〈◊〉 Daughter I shall answer the shortly ● three conclusions The first/ that without doubt/ after that the decree decla●reth/ the knight or the man of arms/ that dieth in the were against them of evil believe/ for thenhaunsing of the faith of Ihu Christ/ so that he be repenting & sorry for his sins he goeth straight as a martyr unto heaven: The second▪ that if a man of were dieth in a battle ground upon a just and good quarrel/ for to help the right/ or that it be for the true deffense of the land/ or for the comonwele/ or for to keep the franchises and good customs of the place or country/ but if some other sin letteth him/ his soul is not a grieved but a right great merit he hath thereby/ & such may the cas and the quarrel be that he goeth right forth in to paradise by and by/ And it is determined that he that exposeth his life for to defend justice/ dieth well a good death as it is for to fight in a just quarrel for his king or prince/ for the country and for the people/ which his a meritorious deed/ But the third conclusion is contrary to the same that is to wit/ that if a man die in a battle which were against his conscience/ that is to wit/ that he should think/ that the quarrel were not good/ and that it were done but for to usurp and take the right from another/ & that should care for noon other/ but that he may rob and take and get his wages/ without fail if such a man hath no leisure to have repentance at his last ending we could not presume that he were in way of salvation/ Late therefore keep 'em well that thereto putten hem self/ For both the body & the soul they put in great pareyll/ if they do give 'em self for to sustain a false quarrel/ And to this aught strange soldiers to take good heed/ But many there be that make no force of the quarrel/ so that they be well paid of their wages/ and that they may well rob/ But such folk done moche worse/ & are less to be excused/ than be thoo whom it behoveth/ be it right or wrong/ upon pain of losing of their lands/ to be with their naturel and sovereign lord/ how be it/ that they ought with all their power/ if they died feel that their lord had wrong to put 'em self in pain and in her devoir for to let and dysmoeve the were thou hast spoken right well good master/ but I pray the tell me/ if clerks or men of holy church/ oughten or may go go to a battle without that they shall mysprise himself/ I tell the that our doctors maken hereof many questions/ & after the opinion of some/ they may go with defensible arms and not invasible/ that is to wit/ as to a cas of deffense/ and not for to enuayshe/ And other sayen/ that they ought not to come out of their place for no manner a cas/ but only is permitted to them the deffense of the city/ fortress or manoyre where they be in upon the walls or at some windows for to defend 'em self with good sto●nes & with such staves as they have without shot of iron and other say that they may use of all manner of arms aswell without forth/ as within and not tarry till they hem self be enuahished/ for a man must sometime offend another if he will save himself/ and not abide that he be offended for such might be the tarrying that men should come to late fo● to put remedy thereunto/ another opinion is holden that at the mandment of the pope which is sovereign above all clerks/ they may do both the one and the other And other sayen that the bishops & other clerks that iurydsyctyons of lands and of justice do keep and hold of the princes/ as of the king of France holden many prelate's the●r temporalties/ are holden for to go to the were with their lord/ if he will/ and by especial such prelate's as be of the peers of France/ the which may well say to the men of were/ that they take folk and put 'em in prison but not that they shall slay noon/ For then irregular they were/ And by no manner it appertaineth 'em not for to smite nor fight with any man: but if men would smite upon 'em For there nies bishop nor prelate/ but that he may defend a just and good quarrel/ for to help the right/ or that it be for the true deffense of the land/ or for the comonwele/ or for to keep the franchises and good customs of the place or country/ but if some other sin letteth him/ his soul is not a grieved but a right great merit he hath thereby/ & such may the cas and the quarrel be that he goeth right forth in to paradise by and by/ And it is determined that he that exposeth his life for to defend justice/ dieth well a good death as it is for to fight in a just quarrel for his king or prince/ for the country and for the people/ which his a meritorious deed/ But the third conclusion is contrary to the same that is to wit●/ that if a man die in a battle which were against his conscience/ that is to wit/ that he should think/ that the quarrel were not good/ and that it were done but for to usurps and take the right from another/ & that should ●are for noon other/ but that he may rob and take and get his wages/ without fail if such a man hath no leisure to have repentance at his last ending we could not presume that he were in way of salvation/ Late therefore keep 'em well that thereto putten hem self/ For both the body & the soul they put in great pareyll/ if they do give 'em self for to sustain a false quarrel/ And to this aught strange soldiers to take good heed/ But many there be that make no force of the quarrel/ so that they be well paid of their wages/ and that they may well rob/ But such folk done moche worse/ & are less to be excused/ than be thoo whom it behoveth/ be it right or wrong/ upon pain of losing of their lands/ to be with their naturel and sovereign lord/ how be it/ that they ought with all their power/ if they died feel that their lord had wrong to put 'em self in pain and in her devoir for to let and dysmoeve the were thou hast spoken right well good master/ but I pray the tell me/ if clerks or men of holy church/ oughten or may go go to a battle without that they shall mysprise himself/ I tell the that our doctors maken hereof many questions/ & after the opinion of some/ they may go with defensible arms and not invasible/ that is to wit/ as to a cas of deffense/ and not for to enuayshe/ And other sayen/ that they ought not to come out of their place for no manner a cas/ but only is permitted to them the deffense of the city/ fortress or manoyre where they be in upon the walls or at some windows for to defend 'em self with good stones & with such staves as they have without shot of iron and other say that they may use of all manner of arms aswell without forth/ as within and not tarry till they hem self be enuahished/ for a man must sometime offend another if he will save himself/ and not abide that he be offended for such might be the tarrying that men should come to late for to put remedy thereunto/ another opinion is holden that at the mandment of the pope which is sovereign above all clerks/ they may do both the one and the other And other sayen that the bishops & other clerks that iurydsyctyons of lands and of justice do keep and hold of the princes/ as of the king of France holden many prelate's the●● temporalties/ are holden for to go to the were with their lord/ if he will/ and by especial such prelate's as be of the peers of France/ the which may well say to the men of were/ that they take folk and put 'em in prison/ but not that they shall slay noon/ For then●e irregular they were/ And by no manner it appertaineth 'em not for to smite nor fight with any man: but if men would smite upon 'em For there nies bishop nor prelate/ but that he may defend himself justly/ in case that he were first enuahysshed without that he were irregular therefore/ namely if he slew some body/ but for to say that men of the church shallbe armed to fight/ nor specyalli they to be in a field/ this is not of right   

¶ beginneth to speak of the manner of armoury/ whether every man may take arms at his will/ ¶ Capio·/ xv/  
Master without fail I see and know that more great is thy wit in concluding & soylling properly to the truth all questions/ than might be the Importunytee of mine ignorance in reforming of diverse arguments/ & where all enough may suffice/ without I travail the any more/ that which thou hast declared to me of the right of arms/ yet a word if it please thee/ for to make me wise of some things that all enough do depend of the precedentes that is to wite of the rights of arms after the which demands/ because it shall not think to the over long I shall take an end in concluding my book upon the same/ It is that thou tell me of the faytte of the badges/ arms/ banners and penoncelles that lords and gentlemen have and be accustomed for to were and to do them to be painted & set upon their garementes whether every man may take and bear them at his own will/ dear love/ of these arms that by noblesse were first found by cause that the lord in a battle might be known by his arms and entresygnes/ I shall answer to thee/ thou oughtest thenne to know that in these arms as for to say in general been there three differences/ whether the some were made & ordained of old time for thestate of the dignities/ and not for the persons nor for their lineage/ as is the sign of the Eagle the which is deputed for the dignity imperial/ wherefore who somevere is emperor ought to bear the same/ Item another manner of arms there be of office/ like as we say Capytelers of Tholowse/ the which during their offices do bear arms the which been of old deputed and ordained for the same office/ Semblably the consuls of Mountpellyer/ where namely if any assemble were there made of arms/ noon other arms they might not bear but such as been deputed to their office of consulate/ without that they would be rebuked for/ and they should not be suffered/ Semblably in diverse places been appropered one manner of arms/ It the second difference of arms/ Is of such as come purely by sucessyon of lineage unto kings/ duke's/ marquyses/ earls anb other lords/ like as the Flourdelyse for the house of France/ the Lupardes for the house of england/ and of all other kings/ and in likewise of other lords lesser/ as is the ermine for the duke of bretayne/ the white cross of siluere for the Earl of Savoy/ & thus of other lords be it Dukes/ marqueses/ Earls/ or other of whence that they be & of thoos specially ought noon to take their arms/ & yet mayst thou see/ that men know all ways the head of the lordship by cause he beareth the plain arms of the same with out difference/ & those that are of his lineage they put theunto diverse differences/ And semblably it is of the other barons/ & of all gentlemen in likewise/ so tell I to y● well that of right & reason/ noon aught to presume himself for to take any thing of the arms of gentlemen neither forto bear any thing semblable/ nor namely one gentleman of an other gentylmans arms/ without that it be so/ that he can show that of old time they be or have been longing to his predecessors or that some lord had given some bend or quarter or some other part of his arms to him or to his predecessors for thus might he well bear 'em without that the kindred or other might challenge him for the same/ for to diverse barons knights & gentlemen have been given the arms that they bear or such differences as be there of old time passed by some princes or great lords/ wherefore they ought not to be taken by noon other/ as it is said/ But it is well truth/ that if it happened a stranger to come in place which bore the same arms & even like of some gentleman of france/ or of some other parties/ that semblably had borne of old time his predecessors/ he should not do wrong to no body in this behalf nor no thing might not be said unto him for the same/ It the/ iij/ difference is of the arms that daylis be found new at will/ as when it falleth hapli oftentimes/ that fortune enhanceth men at her own pleasure/ that they that be of right low degree comen to high estate which thing some time happeth: by the suffisance of the persons/ other in faith of arms/ or in science/ wisdom/ or counsel/ or by some other virtue that they have/ So it is not evil employed to them that be worthy thereof by noblesse of virtue/ the which when they see 'em self brought to high estate/ they take arms at their own will and such a devise as them plaiseth whereof some ground and founded the same upon their name/ as one that is called Peter hamer/ he shall take one/ two or three hamers for his arms/ And as another called john pie/ he shall in likewise set the figure of certain pies upon a shield for his arms/ & thus dyversli of other devices/ as it plaiseth himself best/ & the heirs that afterward shall descend & come of him/ shall bear evermore the same/ & by this manner of way been arms first found and taken/   

¶ In what manner may a gentleman challenge another for arms/ ¶ Capitulo/ xuj  
NOw tell me that I may understand I put cas that my father have take for his pleasure in his arms a bend of goules with three stars of gold above the same/ or some otherthinge/ and that another man which is of n●o sib to my father had take semblable arms/ might this man thenne bear 'em by right without gainsaing of any challenge I ansuere the that the maistrs of the laws maken upon the same such a question/ that if a man or a lineage had taken new arms sith that openly he had borne 'em/ and that it happened so that another man of the town or namely of the country of whence that other man or lineage were of w●ld take or had taken 'em/ it were no reason/ but they ought to abide still to him or them that first set 'em up nor the lord of the place/ if any complaint be made thereof unto him/ ought not to suffer the same/ For such arms been & were found for to know a difference among the folk & other wise there were no difference/ but rather a confusion 〈◊〉 appertaineth not to the prince nor to his justice for to suffer that his subgettes shall wrong nor do shame to each other And to do such a thing/ that is to wit to take the arms that another hath taken afore/ it should seem as a despising done for a despyt for a riot or noise to begin one upon another/ now master yet would I be answered of another manner of debate that might well come/ a gentleman of almayne cometh to paris for to visit the king & see the manner of his court/ where he do find another gentleman that beareth the same proper arms that he & they of his kindred bear/ the which thing the said almain will challenge but the frenshman answereth that he hath not founden them of late but that his antecessours of old time had & yet died bear them/ The almain saith that his lineage is more ancient than the frenshmannis kindred/ and therefore ought the said arms to be his own and not the Frenshmans/ And that more is by cause that the frenshman saith against the same & denieth it/ the almain answereth/ that he will upon this quarrel fight with him/ & casteth in deed his gage to him therefore in presence of the king/ so ask I of the if this almain hath a good quarrel/ & whether the king by the right of arms ought to judge hereupon the champ of battle/ In good faith my love if/ for this cause should a battle be judged/ no right accordeth not thereunto/ & enough evident is the reason wherefore/ for what damage nor dysworship can come to the almain/ if a frenshman that his not of the country borne that he is of and that are not both under one lord/ bear such arms as he doth/ sin that they be namely of old time his own wherefore then nor by what reason ought he to challenge the same/ Certes hereto bilongeth no battle to be judged nor no manner of right neither/ but that either of them two shall keep still that that he hath/ I say not that if it happened to a knight or man of arms of France or of some other land through fall dissimulation that that were a man living an evil life a great thief or man sleer/ to take the arms of a knight of almain/ with the which he should go in to bourgoyne or in lorraine for to take his proye & to set houses on a fire there/ and robbing folk by the way/ without fail the almain should have no evil cause for to challenge his arms from such a man/ but schold his quarrel be just & good/ But noon other battle were not for to be judged against this evil man/ but only the hanging of his body on a gibet/ For it were not right that a good man should put himself in parel/ against another that evidently were known crymynal and living an ill life/ and for this ba●at to take the arms of another as his own men might be punished by right in diverse wise/ For if a soldier of simple lineage of almain or of some other land/ should come in to france for to take the kings wages in his wars that should bear the arms of some ancient knight of his country/ of whose predecessors after the renomee/ were accustomed to come right good men of arms/ and forto be the more worshipped and more set by and for to have better estate/ had taken the said arms/ It is no doubt/ that if such a thing came to knowledge/ and that the kindred should reclaim of wrong done to them/ he were or ●ught to be by right punished therefore likewise as he that should cōtrefet the sign of a tabellyon or notary/ or as a merchant that should counterfeit the mark of another merchant/ & likewise of such other things/ for if such athing were suffered infinite barates and deceits might be do under colour of the same/   

¶ deviseth here of the arms and penoncelles and of the armoury ¶ Capitulo/ xvij/  
By cause that we be entered in this matyere/ & that thou hast remembered me of the banners and arms of the great lords I shall tell the of thoo colours that men reputen and taken for the most high most rich and most noble/ For among 'em is a difference of noblesse/ for cause of the representation that either of hem done after his nature/ so hold the masters of the law of arms/ that the colour of gold is the most rich/ And the reason is/ because that the gold of his nature is very clear & resplendishing virtuous and comforting/ so that the master of physic do give it for a sovereign recomfort to a man debylyted & nigh deed and with this the gold representeth the son which is a right noble lumynarye/ And the law saith that there is nothing more noble/ than is clarete & light/ & for this excellence saith the scripture that the just & holy person is like the gold & the son/ & by cause that the gold of his propriety is likened to the son/ the ancient laws died ordain that noman should bear gold/ but that he were a prince So is thenne the colour of gold most noble/ It the second colour is purpre that we call red which representeth the fire/ so is the fire most shining in his naturel course after the son & the most noble of all/ iiij/ elementis for the which nobleness semblably died ordain the laws that noon should were red that betokeneth highness/ but only the princes/ It the/ in/ noble colour is azure/ which by his figure representeth the air the which after the fire is the most noble of other elementis/ for it is in his course penetring subtle & able to receive the lumynose influences/ It the/ iiij/ coboure is white that men call in armoyrye silver/ the which colour of white is the most noble of all them that follow after for it is more next to the shining course/ & with this it signifieth innocency & cleanliness/ & the scripture saith that the vestementꝭ of Ihu Crist died seem to his apostles white as snow/ & this colour of white reprepresenteth the water which after the air is most noble/ It that other colour is black that men call in armoyrie sable/ that representeth the other & betokeneth sorrow for it is ferder from the light more than any of the other be/ & therefore was found/ that in token of sorrow black raymentꝭ should appertain to the sorrowful & heavy/ so is it the most low & most humble colour that is/ & therefore it was ordained the religious should reveste & cloth himself of the same/ It that other colour of armoyrie is green that men calse sinople or verte which betokeneth woods fields & meadows/ and because it is not represented to noon of the four elementis it should be taken for the lass noble/ & of these seven colours are dyfferenced all manner of arms penoncelles and banners by diverse devices taken by haultnesse fro the time right ancient/   
¶ Explicit  

¶ Thus endeth this book which xpyne of pyse made & drew out of the book named vegecius de re militari & out of tharbre of battles with many other things set in to the same requisite to were & battles which book ●eyng in f●ēshe was delivered to me willm Caxton by the most christian king & redoubted prince my natural & sovereign lord king henry the/ seven/ king of england & of france in his pala●s of westmestre the/ twenty-three/ day of january thee/ iiij/ year of his reign & desired & willed me to translate this said book & reduce it in to our english & natural tongue/ & to put it in enprynte to th'end that every gentleman born to arms & all manner men of were captains/ soldiers/ vytayllers' & all other should have knowledge how they ought to behave them in the fayttes of war & of battles/ and so delivered me the said book thenne my lord th'earl of Oxenford awaiting on his said grace/ which volume containing four books/ I received of his said grace & according to his desire which to me I repute a commandment/ & verili glad to obey/ & after the lityl cunning that god hath lente me I have endevoyrd me to the utterest of my power to fulfil & accomplish his desire & commandment/ as well to reduce it in to english/ as to put it in enprinte/ to th'end that it may come to the sight & knowledge of every gentleman & man of war/ & for certain in mine opinion it is as necessary a book & as requysite/ as any may be for every estate high & low that intend to the fayttes of were whether it be in battles sieges/ re●cowse/ & all other fayttes subtleties & remedies for meschieves/ Which translation was finished thee/ viii/ day of evil the said year & imprinted the/ xiv/ day of evil next following & full finished/ thenne sith I have obeyed his most dreadful commandment/ I humbly bysecle his most excellent & bountevous hyeves to pardon me of this simple & rude translation where in be no curious ne gay terms of rhetoric/ but I hope to almighti god that it shall be entendyble & understanden to every man/ & also that it shall not much vary in sentence fro the copy received of my said sovereign lord/ And where as I have erred or made default I beseech them that find such to correct it & so doing I shall pray for them/ & if there be any thing there in to his pleasure/ I am glad & think my labour well employed for to have the name to be one of the little servants to the highest & most christian king & prince of the world/ whom I by seche almighty god to preserve/ keep/ & continue in his noble & most redoubted enterprises as well in britain/ flanders & other placis that he may have victory honour/ & renomee to his perpetual glory/ For I have not herd ne red that any prince hath subdued his subjects with lass hurt & ● and also helped his neighbours & friends out of this land/ In which high enterprises I beseech almighty god that he may remain allway victorious/ And daily increase fro virtue to virtue & fro better to better to his laud & honour in this present life/ that after this short & transitory life/ he may attain to everlasting life in heaven/ Which god gaunt to him and to all his lyege people AMEN/  
Per Caxton